Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asian Territory

Page 1

directed by Alban Mannisi


Blaž Križnik Toshio Kuwako Alban Mannisi Yves Millet Riichi Miyake Rumi Okazaki Jina Park Young-Bum Reigh Kyung-Jin Zoh

Sponsored by Hanyang University

ISBN : 978-2-9535437-1-1

Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asian Territory is an International series of lectures held at the Mugyewon in Buam-dong (Seoul, October 2014 - February 2015) in which ten experts from South Korea, France, Japan and Slovenia attempted to establish the indigenous acknowledgment of environmental growing issues for the new expert generation of the built environment. The Lecture Series aims to analyse the reasons and issues of the model implementation of Social Engineering in Asian Territories and to clarify the foundations of social engineering and social ecology applied in Urban Landscape and Environmental Planning.


Collective Publication

Model Transferof

Social Ecology in

Asian Territory

아시아 지역내 사회생태학적 모델전이


Acknowledgement Kyung-Jin Zoh Young-Bum Reigh Blaž Križnik Riichi Miyake Rumi Okazaki Jin Baek Toshio Kuwako Benjamin Joinau Doyoung Song Yves Millet Jina Park Mugyewon, Jongno,-Gu, Seoul

Photography Credits

Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asian territory Lecture Series_ Mugyewon, Buam Dong, Seoul_Korea

Based on Lecture Series organised by Alban Mannisi

Published by ZzaC (International Group of Research) Coordination: Alban Mannisi Graphic Design: ZacCBooK Assisted by : Paul Mullins and Paul Allen

Sponsored by Hanyang University

First Published in Seoul the 02 July 2015 조은 커뮤니케이션 서울 마포구 성미산로 98번지 2층 Joeun Communication 2F, Seongmisan-ro 98, Mapo-gu, Seoul Phone +82-(0)2-717-0004

UrbanLight Alban Mannisi Young Bum Reigh Blaž Križnik Vanja Bućan Hongyi Choi Večer Archive Urban Furrows Archive Regional Archives Maribor Jaewon Lee Younsoo Kim Jiha Lee Hyeongchan Cho Verena Paravel

Limited Edition : 50 Hardcopies

ZzaCBooK © ZZAC 2015 ISBN : 978-2-9535437-1-1

Mugyewon _ Buam Dong, Seoul_Korea

© ZZAC 2015 ISBN : 978-2-9535437-1-1




Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asian Territory is an International series of lectures organised by Alban Mannisi, held at the Mugyewon in Buam-dong (Seoul, October 2014 - February 2015) in which ten experts from South Korea, France, Japan and Slovenia attempted to establish the indigenous acknowledgment of environmental growing issues for the new expert generation of the built environment. The Lecture Series aims to analyse the reasons and issues of the model implementation of Social Engineering in Asian Territories and to clarify the foundations of social engineering and social ecology applied in Urban Landscape and Environmental Planning.

The context is the recent growth of social ecology implemented in several planning projects in the world questioning the accuracy of overseas models in some new territories. The phenomenon of ‘citizen empowerment’ is an increasing demand from civil society, engineering experts and politics within the worldwide craving for an ecological democracy. Today in Asia, those new paradigms already modify the hierarchy between project stakeholders, project priority and process scheduling and have been placed on the agenda of scholars and practitioners to develop particular procedures. The current lack of understanding of indigenous and autochthonous practices in planning and design and also of the foundation of social and spatial justice explains Korean and Japanese settlement based on overseas models. To reverse this unfortunate procedure, it is crucial to raise the awareness of the local practice of social ecology through a better understanding of environmental ethics. These practices are currently in use by new generations of cross-cultural researchers and spatial planners. This Lecture Series provides accurate knowledge derived from Asian case studies for international audiences in constant demand for advanced research on social engineering and Asian practices, thereby expanding the knowledge of local practices for spatial experts. The research addresses several social ecology projects managed by researchers, planners, and so on. The proposed research suggests methodologies of vigilance regarding the model used to deal with former territorial struggles. The need for deeper and intangible landscape components grows in Asian countries. These lectures help to visualise projects conducted with sustainable commitment and reinforce crossover research between social science and engineering.



Social Ecology & Landscape Planning

8 November 2014 4–7 pm Zoh Kyung-Jin_Some Cases in Landscape Governance: Public Landscape Council and Seongsoo Flower Festival Reigh Young-Bum_Making Platforms for Sustainable Communities and Issues of Urban Community Design in Korea

Community, Settlement in Everyday Life 22 November 2014

4–7 pm Križnik Blaž_Community Gardens as Urban Commons: Comparing Slovenia and Korea Miyake Riichi _Community Design for the purpose of Regeneration and Reconstruction Hokkaido, Cebu and Venice

Architecture & Environmental Ethics

20 December 2014 4–7 pm Kuwako Toshio_A New Stage of Citizen Works for Regeneration of Environment and Landscape in Japan

Cultural Anthropology of Spaces

24 January 2015 4–7 pm Joinau Benjamin_Food, Man and Place. Intangible Heritage, Geographical Indications and Communities Song Doyoung_Cultural Distance: Condition of a Dense Multicultural Neighborhood

Environmental Aesthetics & Psychology

14 February 2015 4–7 pm Park Jina_Urban Design through Citizen Environmental Perception 4

Baek Jin_Fudo and Its Cultural Implications: East Asian Environmental Ethics Millet Yves_Atopia. Which Narratives for the Anthropocene?

Lecture Series

Mugyewon, Buam-dong Seoul Korea 무계원, 한국 서울 부암동

Lecture Series

Mugyewon, Buam-dong Seoul Korea 무계원, 한국 서울 부암동





Social Ecology: A Connected History


Kyung-Jin ZOH

Re-imagining Gyeongui Line Park


Young-Bum REIGH

Making Platforms for Sustainable Communities and Issues of Urban Community Design in Korea



Social Cohesion and Community Gardens: Comparing Slovenia and South Korea



Emergency Community Design for the purpose of Relief and Reconstruction after the Calamity



A New Stage of Citizen Works for Regeneration of Environment and Landscape in Japan



Urban Design Through Citizen Environment



Which Narratives for the Anthropocene?


Profiles of Contributors




The movement of Globalization from the Grass-roots symbolizes the worldwide phenomenon of empowerment and emancipation of individuals within the management of the territory, in the same way that sustainable development has highlighted major eco-social concerns and helped to bring about the new research focus of Environmental Humanities to decipher its complex crises. Yet, although it profoundly overturned the prisms and scientific locks of our lifestyle, the history leading to the resilience of social ecologies remains to be done. It is because if the stakeholders of this sustainable biosphere, that allows the deployment of the urban fabric, together with its inhabitants have always resisted in order to be heard, current social engineering today still hardly integrates them in the global environmental history. Despite recent methods assimilated by politics, market and expertise, social ecology suffers from this semantic vagueness which makes it too unmalleable. This is why it is important to allow this hermeneutic of nature / cultural imbrication to better reflect the new regimes of the historicity of citizen resistance movements at work nowadays.

Alban MANNISI Social Ecology: A Connected History 9

“From an anthropological perspective, the capitalist revolution requires men having no links with the past” Pier Paolo Pasolini (1976)

Neoliberal Backwash: the Autochthonous Resilience In 2015, somewhere between the backwash of the post-Lehman Brothers global economic recession, the breathless capitalist resilience of the Green-Washing version and the new disordered governance that crystallized the disarray of individuals disorientated by policy and planning experts, there is a resurgence today of the major figures of consciousness emancipating individuals in the development of their common interest: Murray Bookchin (USA), Ivan Illich (Austria), Andre Gorz (France), as are the thoughts of significant environmental ethics associated therewith : Arne Naess (Norway), J. Baird Callicot (USA), Tetsuro Watsuji (和辻哲郎) (Japan) or Ham Seok-Heon (함석헌) (Korea). It is in this spirit that Alberto Maghiani initiated the Territorialist movement Globalization from the Grassroots (2005) that the appeal of “A World of Local Action” recently relegated at the International Congress Local Government for Sustainability held in Seoul in April 2015. This thrilling phenomenon is particularly symptomatic of our time. It illustrates the need to break free from ancient guardianship in order to reconsider ourselves responsible for environmental construction. Its breadth in ever wider geographic areas ensures the vitality of the new sociability actively working at their transition: nation, society, community, citizenship, as well as free associations of resistance groups generating the social links. Destruction of Nokbeon Town due to new urban redevelopment, Seoul, 2015


Stimulating as it is, this social wave does not, however, escape the intriguing twist such as the new Seoul urban policy which advances, in 2015, the notions of Memory Scape, after half a century of Spatial Curriculum denial by a globalized society obsessed with capitalist city planning (Foglesong 2008). We should therefore be vigilant with regard to this movement lest it be subjected to the dictates of political manipulation as citizen participation has been (Arnstein 1969); and it is imperative to remain attentive to such statements issuing from the consensual positioning of the sustainable narrative when they reveal, under the guise of innovation, certain intentions which have, in fact, existed since the inhabitants first deployed on their territories.

Also beyond the policy arrangements from the green capitalism wanderings, we must question what reflects the ontological reversal of civil society in terms of territorial planning; How far the global phenomenon of individual accountability towards their environment disturbs the reading of environmental determinism allowed by human ecologies? Today, over 40 years after the initial Degrowth movement (Meadows 1972) and in the hope of ending definitively with the Superficial Ecology (Naess 1971), it is the understanding of the foundations and challenges that reveals these eco-societal mechanisms that may finally allow us to deeply resolve the environmental crises that we are experiencing.

Citizen reacting to City-Planning, Hyojadong, Seoul, 2015

Alban MANNISI Social Ecology: A Connected History 11

Within this movement, researchers, such as Giovanna Di Chiro, undertake a work of Embodied Ecologies attempting to reconnect Sustainability and Environmental Justice (De Chiro 2015). This embodiment of being in the process of reactivity to the crises - autochtony or localism like biopolitical resilience - must be scrutinized from the standpoint of various national strategies and particularly in Asia where the absorption of modernity is exceptionally fast (Koohlaas 2014). The prism replacement stated by Murray Bookchin, an anarchist philosopher, repositioning the ecological disturbances in the heart of modern society’s deployment has happened since the mission of social ecology. It is imperative today, via planning projects, to resolve issues at the heart of environmental crises allowing us to grasp the fundamentals, and, through these new challenges, enlighten the future solutions. Environmental alarmism, arguing that environmental problems have their roots in our societal conduct is revived by the ‘enlightened catastrophism’ of thinkers of the built environment engaged in the real world (Dupuy, Žižek). An ‘heuristic of fear’ as put forward in 1984 in the major work of awareness of contemporary environmental crises by the philosopher Hans Jonas. It is a work having produced an important legislative framework in Europe and still allows the understanding of societal movements occurring in Asia following the triple disaster of March 2011 in Japan or the Sewol sinking in South Korea whose disarray with regard to politicians and experts urges societies to undertake an epistemological update of Nature/Culture relations. Societies have slowly deconstructed this nature / culture interaction that shapes the environment; the milieu. With social ecology, science ecology has evolved into a hermeneutic of our relationship to nature, a way to understand the environmental construction of our societies. It is no longer sufficient only to study but to change in line with modification of our biosphere, an ecology of mind, in order to be mobile in the mobility. Mannisi Alban, Lecture in Mugyewon, Buam Dong, Seoul Nov.2014/ Insterstellar_Nolan, 2014 Shōzō Tanaka (田中正造), Pioneer of Japanese environmental resistance (end of 19th century) Urban Agriculture in Buam Dong, Seoul.


This reversal of environmental action leads to renaturalization of our society (whereas we have struggled to humanize our nature until now). From this ontological relearning are shaped the sociopolitical protocols of responsibility of society toward what they have shaped and what shaped them. The assimilation of conflicts and controversies is now being seen as the inevitable step towards the perforation of the Sustainable Biosphere. This allows the stabilization of emancipatory political self-management leading to participatory planning of ecological metabolisms that constitute our communities and places of life (Corner 2014).

Also, it is preferable not to rush into the bottom of caverns in the hope of perceiving the light of cognitive science through the sustainable narrative (Latour 2004, 30). Because through various post-modernities and their crises, it is with the help of new politics of nature that we should rethink this “living together”, this deontology which is the essence of society and community. Similarly we should restore the sense of Urban: “being polite, being civil”, a courtesy between a being and its habitat, from which the experts in management dutifully excluded the social capital and its intangible landscape, the social link, at the heart of toxic urban planning (Paquot 2015). Everything has to be reassessed in the prism of the uncertainty principle of the Kyoto Protocol (1992) and the use of recurring indigenity (Art 8J Rio Convention 1992, Art 12 Nagoya 2010). Now a part of the political management of the new sociability, where the social ecology has internationally and surreptitiously crept in, its current rise and visibility have been made possible only with the coupling of political ecology in planning.

Alban MANNISI Social Ecology: A Connected History 13

The Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Political Ecology The complex palimpsest that constitutes today’s sudden contemporary crises requires a renewed critical apparatus to be able to maneuver them. The semantics and epistemological interference of these crises must be revealed, ‘decrypted’. This is the role played by political ecology revealing the confused social resistance in an environmental monitoring accessible to all to engage the debate required for the establishment of the Ecological Democracy (Hester 2010). However, this work of deciphering developed for the COP21 (Paris, October 2015) which accredits the theses of Bookchin, which is now discredited somewhat absurdly by the Sustainable Development, nevertheless struggles to inform of the nature of crises that we are experiencing and which upset our intellectual bearings (Bartelmus: 1994).

Ecological crisis: did the Science of Ecology, studying the mutations of biosphere components, finally manage to designate the disturbing links in the natural panarchy of our living environments? (Gunderson 2002). Environmental crisis: would Society and Nature be out of phase to the extent that they can no longer presume any possible balance? What the Nobel Prize Paul Crutzen, an atmospheric chemist answers in terms of tipping point with the Anthropocene era: the age of man. Some scientists are battling to locate the fateful date (Lewis 2015) - the Industrial Revolution in England (end of 18th century), the first settlements on the New Continent (17th century) or the global economic boom at the end of World War II in 1945 - which transformed the market economies in a market society.

Arakawa River, Gunma Prefecture. Damaged to extract sand for the 1964 Olympic Game in Tokyo. Tongin Market, Seoul. Revitalized thanks to the citizen resistance.


The Anthropocene symbolizes the capacity of man to disrupt the Earth’s environment as a whole. The Philosopher of Science Bruno Latour stated in June 2015, in preparation for the Cop 21 convention relating to climate change, that the crises that we are living through have no longer anything to do with ecology. So what ills do we suffer from? What physical and ontological departures have our societies undergone so as not to be able to turn once again to science to solve its future? This relegation of the problems at the heart of human behavior - from climate change to societal change - at least explains the desire of international society to take responsibility for issues of which the human is no longer an ordinary fragile prey but a major geological force (Pettenger 2007). What enables this alarm is the commitment to an ecological transition: the transformation of these new paradigms into philosophy of action (Ricoeur 1950, Larrere 2015), and whether the crisis is finding new deontology between a being and its base. In order not to remain at a dating principle of Science Studies, as many echoes of quarrels between pragmatic and cognitive science researchers do.

Environmental Mediation between Civil Society, Mediator and Experts. Izumo, Japan_2012

Pragmatism that, for now, despite an international legislative framework allowed by the Hans Jonas (1983) precautionary principle, is yet missing to the thinkers of environmental ethics (Light 2006). From now on, in order to identify these ecosophical acts at the local level, the new regimes of historicity of environmental resistance movements facing neoliberal territorialization, allow one to comprehend the localized implementation of self-management mechanisms (Corcuff 2011) - even those that are now able to produce new sustainable communities policy (Mazmanian et al 2009). The repertorisation and localisation of multiple resistances transforms environmental injustice, a vector of academic research, into Applied Ethics as a new political, economic and societal moral (Agyeman 2005, Sarkars 2012).

Alban MANNISI Social Ecology: A Connected History 15

Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asia The cross-over of common reflections around the world has stimulated the recognition of resistance movements in Japan (Shun-Ichi 2007), in Korea (Lee 2011) or more generally in Asia (Hou 2010), an awareness of the movement’s biodiversity and therefore the varieties of Community Management offerings. The danger is one of standardization under the pretext of efficiency. Currently, despite having already suffered from the recovery of sustainable development via the neoliberal community management (O’Connor 1997), many socio-ecological thinkers reflect the cultural and political foundations that constitute our communities in this social transformation. This is what the lecture series initiated in Seoul: Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asian Territory attempts to demonstrate.

The rich Spatial Curriculum of Hyojadong, Seoul


Agyeman, Julian 2005. Sustainable Communities and the Challenge of Environmental Justice. New York University Press, New York Arnstein, Sherry R. 1969. “A Ladder of Citizen Participation,” JAIP, Vol. 35, No. 4, July 1969, pp. 216-224 Bartelmus, Peter, 2008. Environment, Growth and Development: The Concepts and Strategies of Sustainability. Routeldge, London, 1994Callon, Michel, Lascousmes, Pierre, Barthes, Yannick. 2001. Agir dans un monde incertain, essai sur la démocratie technique. Paris: Seuil. Catherine Larrère, Raphaël Larrère. 2015. Penser et agir avec la nature: une enquête philosophique. Paris, La Découverte. [Think and act with nature: a philosophical inquiry] Corner, James, 2014. The Landscape Imagination. New York, Princeton Architectural Press. Corcuff, Philippe. 2011. «Analyse politique, histoire et pluralisation des modèles d’historicité. Eléments d’épistémologie réflexive», in Revue française de Science politique, 61 : 1123 – 1143. [Political analysis, history and pluralisation of historicity models. Elements of Reflexive Epistemology, in French review of Political Science]. De Chiro, Giovana 2015. Embodied Ecologies: Science, Politics, and Environmental Justice, Forthcoming Foglesong, Richard 2008. “Planning the Capitalist City”, in Reading in Planning Theory, Campbell Scott

Dir. Ed. Blackwell Publishing, Hoboken Gunderson L. H, Holling C. S., 2002. Panarchy: Understanding transformations in human and natural systems. Island Press, Washington, D.C., USA. Hester , Randolph T. 2010. Design for Ecological Democracy. Massachusetts, The MIT Press. Hou, Jeffrey. 2010. Insurgent Public Space: Guerrilla Urbanism and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities, Routledge, London Jonas, Hans. 1984. The Imperative of Responsibility. In search of an ethics for the Technological age. University of Chicago Press Koolhaas, Rem. 2014.Fundamentals catalogue, Vence, Marsilio editori. Latour, Bruno. 2004. Politics of Nature: How to Bring the Sciences Into Democracy. Harvard University Press Lee, N. 2011. “From Minjung to simin : the discursive shift in Korean social movement”, in Shin, Gi-Wook, South Korean Social Movement: From Democracy to Civil Society. London New York, Routledge: 41-57. Lewis, S. L.; Maslin, M. A. 2015. “Defining the Anthropocene”. Nature 519: 171–180 Light Andrew, Katz E, 1996. Environnemental Pragmatism. London, Routedge. Mazmanian, Daniel A., Kraft, Michael E, 2009. Toward Sustainable Communities : Transition and transformations in Environmental Policy. Cambridge MIT Press. Cambridge. Meadow, Dennis, The Limits to Growth, Universe Books, 1972 O’Connor James, 1997. Natural Causes: Essays in Ecological Marxism. New York, The Guilford Press Paquot, Thierry. 2015. Désastres urbains, les villes meurent aussi. Paris, La Découverte [Urban disasters, cities also die]. Pasolini, Pier Paolo, 1983. Lutherian Letters [Lettere luterane], Manchester, Carcanet New Press, [1976]. Pettenger, Mary E (dir.). 2007. The Social Construction of Global change. Power, Knowledge, Norms, Discourses. Farnham, Ashgate Publishing Limited. Ricoeur, Paul. 1966 Freedom and Nature: The Voluntary and the Involuntary. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1966 (1950). Shun-Ichi, Watanabe 2007. Toshi Keikaku vs machizukuri. Emerging paradigm of civil society in Japan, 19501980; in, Sorensen, Andre and Funck Carol (eds) Living Cities in Japan. Citizen’s Movements, Machizukuri and Local Environments. Routledge, New York: pp. 39-55. Sarkars S. 2012. Environmental philosophy: from theory to practice. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.

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Gyeongui Line Park is a new public space in Seoul in which old railway was transformed into an urban park. The park is partially constructed now, but the existing master plan is being reexamined by the city government. The new mayor asked city officers to rework the park design to cope with new needs of the community and to accommodate the request for new public spaces. Imagining the planning process for Gyeongui Line Park in a new way reflects the current planning environment and context. Collaboration among diverse professionals, community involvement and the integrated urban management of parks and their adjacent areas are critical to reinventing planning strategies. Above all, the spirit of community design is embedded in the upgrading of the park planning process. The Gyeongui Line Park case show us the new direction for landscape architecture education. In the area of park planning, professionals need to take the lead and embrace good governance and a social agenda. Park design should be redefined beyond formal or spatial design. It should incorporate a wide spectrum of issues concerning social design. Creating communal value can become an ultimate goal in public spaces. It is time to reshape the present landscape education system for a world in transition.

Kyung-Jin ZOH

Re-imagining Gyeongui Line Park: How does community-based planning contribute to redesigning the old railway site into new form of public space? 19

1. Introduction Over two decades, there has been a significant increase in the number of urban parks in Seoul. The local government was empowered by adopting a self -governing rule in 1996. Since then, the quality of urban life came to be one of most critical issues in urban policy in Korea. Along with the rising concerns over the environment and sustainable issues, the value of green space has been spotlighted. Many urban parks were created within the city. In particular, former industrial sites were transformed into parks such as landfills, factories and water purification facilities. Seonyudo Park, Seoul Forest, World Cup Park are examples. Gyeongui Line Park is an ongoing public project in Seoul along with Gyeongchun Line Park. The The Gyeongchun Line Park project is now holding negotiation with the landowner, KORAIL(Korea Railway Company). On the other hand, Gyeongui Line Park is partially constructed. However, the design scheme is now being reexamined due to changes in the context of planning. The existing park design was done by an engineering firm selected after a biding process. In terms of design quality, the master plan was mediocre and banal. Recently, there has been an endeavor to reformulate the planning process and the plan itself. The new mayor, Won Soon Park, came to have much interest in this project. Responding to this, the Gyeongui Line Forum was organized in 2012. The forum members started to realign and upgrade the design scheme considering community involvement and participation. Although the new design scheme has yet to be realized, the planning process will provide several implications regarding landscape design practice and education. This essay discusses Gyeongui Line Park as the typical planning case facing a paradigm shift from a top down to a bottom up process. The current situation in Seoul will be discussed in an effort to grasp the background of the park planning process. The planning process of Gyeongui Line Park will be reviewed. New directions and issues will also be investigated. Finally, several lessons from the Gyeongui Park planning case will be discussed.


Fig 1. Context of Gyeongui Line Park

Fig 2. Forum with Citizen and Professionals

2. Turbulent Urban Politics and its Planning Context Over the last few decades, urban landscape projects have been closely related to urban politics. Mayors of Seoul placed strong emphasis on public space to upgrade the quality of living and to entice tourists. (Fig. 1) Transformations of urban landscape have been one of the most effective tools for urban innovation and city marketing. Myoung Bak Lee, now the president of Korea, promoted the Cheonggyecheon Restoration Project which is now regarded as a successful urban projects. By accomplishing the revolutionary urban project, he was credited as a visionary public leader. Following him, the next mayor, Se hoon Oh placed priority on public design. Many diverse projects such as the Dongdaemun Design Plaza and the Gwanghwamun Plaza were initiated. In the case of the DDP, the star architect, Zaha Hadid was selected through an international competition. The Han River Renaissance Project was another landmark project, utilizing water as a catalyst to enhance the quality of city life and to promote

Kyung-Jin ZOH

Fig 3. Community Meeting

urban regeneration. It was a comprehensive plan which incorporated social and economic aspect, including a development plan around the river, landscape improvements, and the remodeling of a riverside park. Mayor Oh stressed urban competitiveness and high-end designs. However, several urban projects during his term are often regarded as overemphasized urban spectacles. In addition the planning process did not attempt to involve and engage people affected by the project. In spite of promoting civic design, urban interventions in his terms seriously lacked an authentic planning philosophy and a communicative planning process. He stepped down during his second term when he did not to receive the citizens' support in a battle over welfare policy (Fig. 2 ). Won Soon Park was elected as mayor of the Seoul Metropolitan Government in October of 2011. He, as a former leader of a NGO, is very interested in creative city making process. Since his inauguration, the city’s development paradigm is shifting from governmental-driven to people-driven development. He stopped the new town project which involved the demolition of existing the urban fabric and livelihood. In addition, he maintains that the city is encouraging community planning/design based on the concept of settlement.

Re-imagining Gyeongui Line Park: How does community-based planning contribute to redesigning the old railway site into new form of public space? 21

3. Gyeongui Line Park Design Process Gyeongui Line Park is on the site of one of the oldest railway lines in Korea. When it opened in 1906, it linked Seoul to Pyongyang and Sinuiju, which are now part of North Korea. Imperial Japan sought to control of Gyeongui Line as part of the infrastructure for military ues. After liberation from Japanese rule, it operated from Yongsan to Kaesong. At the end of the Korean War in 1953, the southern part of railway ended near Munsan. The Gyeongui line has symbolic meaning given its history of proving a connection between South Korea to North Korea. Restoring the disconnected line is one of issues frequently raised in summit talks between the two countries. Due to the high number of commuters on the line between Seoul and Munsan, the line was upgraded to an electrified double track railway. The line between Yongsan and Gajwa station will be transformed into a park by moving the railway underground.A decision to create the park entails much political negotiation. Upgrading Gyeongui Line Park started in 2005. In 2007, there was a call for a response to a plan transform the area of the surface of the Gyeongui Line into a park during discussions in Congress. Gyeongui Line Park was officially announced by the mayor in 2009. The master plan for Gyeongui Line Park was prepared in 2010 (Fig. 4).

Fig 5. Field Trip with Mayor of Seoul


A mutual agreement between KORAIL and the city of Seoul was confirmed. It was designated as a park by law in 2011. The first stage(760m) along the whole length of 6.3 km was constructed in February of 2012.

Fig 4. Masterplan

Although there were two public hearings during the planning stage, community involvement was not actively sought. Furthermore, the master plan was not selected by a competition but was determined by PQ(pre-qualification) and low-price bidding. The quality of the design scheme was not satisfactory. The final design was formulaic and ordinary. City officers started to reexamine the existing master plan. Gyeongui Forum was initiated in April of 2012. The forum members were diverse professionals with backgrounds as landscape architects, architects, urban planners, cultural planners, designers, artists, NGO leaders and regular residents. Through a series which included a site tour with the mayor, the forum suggested

new planning directions. There are several planning points which needed to be addressed. The plan should be linked to adjacent efforts related to development control. Community involvement was critical in the planning process. Residents needed to manage the park by collaborating with the city government. A park partnership for sustainable management was strongly recommended. It was better to take the time to realize the entire area as a whole. A phasing plan was considered to be potentially very effective. Understanding the project from perspective of urban regeneration was needed. According to these suggestions, the city government is devising a strategic plan to control adjacent area. There have been several community meetings to collect citizens’ suggestions and comments. There were questionnaires and interviews to provide feedback. Some of the suggestions were useful. They recommended diverse programs in the park to facilitate community engagement. The creation of contrived places needed to be minimized. Authentic place-making will take time and will involve people’s participation. A new plan is now the revision process.

Kyung-Jin ZOH

Re-imagining Gyeongui Line Park: How does community-based planning contribute to redesigning the old railway site into new form of public space?

4 Alternative Community Design for Gyeongui Line Park


Although the park design has been finalized, I chose Gyeongui Line Park as a studio subject for Community Planning and Design during the spring semester of 2011. We concluded that the current park design does not address the issues of community the surrounding area. The park will be a community gathering place as well as a destination place in Seoul. Therefore, we proposed an alternative design proposal based on a community perspective. A congressman worked with us to discover local residents’ needs. We gave the final presentation in the National Assembly. Four teams dealt with partial areas of Gyeongui Line Park. All of the teams shared the common premise of community design. Therefore, they explored the place history and met many residents and key persons in each community. However, each team found the unique resources and unique concepts. Team A took their inspiration from the rich local history as a logistic hub. They proposed Fig 6. View of Gyeongui Line Park


the park as the locus of storytelling and story selling. Diverse local residents can be the story-tellers and communicators. Team B discovered a storage site from the local history. They presented the concept of a talent storage hub in the park. Each resident can share their talent with residents where it is needed. Team C proposed mutual learning as the key concept for the park. The idea came from the place name and the sense of place around Hongik University. Team D suggested an open campus for the park.

They called as Pyeongsang(an open platform for communication) school. This represent a unique facility in Korea for social gatherings. They conceptualized these ideas based on their neighborhoods. The physical facilities gave the inspiration for the concept of the park. Key ideas covering each team are a mutual learning storytelling place for local residents. Residents can be active partners in curating and managing the park and creating communal value. They revised the existing design scheme based on their concepts and ideas. We produced a studio result in the form of a book entitled Old railway meets community (Fig. 5). This book was quite influential to many people later. When city officers prepared the master plan again, they read the book and used it. As a result, a community-oriented design was adopted in the revision of the master plan. This is one case which demonstrates how an academic studio project have influence in the practical field.

Kyung-Jin ZOH

5. Lessons from Gyeongui Line Park Planning Gyeongui Line Park is now in the middle of planning and construction. While it is partially constructed, the plan will be modified and the process will be changed. However, the park planning process is a stepping stone to reform current design practices. There have been several endeavors to restructure the park planning process. First, there has been significant progress in collaborations among professionals and citizens. The Seoul Metropolitan Government organized the Gyeongui Line Forum to reframe the plan with diverse professionals. The group Friends of Gyeongui Line was suggested to mobilize the residents’ engagement. Through these processes, the plan will evolve in a positive direction. I feel that the new plan will a more community-oriented design. Secondly, the design quality will be enhanced by upgrading the master plan. One of the reasons mainly stems from discontents with the existing plan. The plan did not seem to address aesthetic issues and it neglected urban context issues. Selecting the design scheme was the result of a routine process. Through such as a rigid process, we cannot expect a high quality and creative design. Therefore, a place-oriented design has been emphasized. Collaborative planning and a customized design are important in this case. Third, the new plan will be executed over a long period (Fig. 6). This is strikingly different from the existing practices. A phasing plan is needed due to the uncertainty and financial difficulty. The loosely organized plan accommodates future changes. Therefore, working over time is an asset for the new plan. Lastly, the Seoul Metropolitan Government is now undertaking a planning strategy to control the surrounding area along the park. Integrated planning management is quite relevant in term of preserving a meaningful area in Korea.

Re-imagining Gyeongui Line Park: How does community-based planning contribute to redesigning the old railway site into new form of public space? 25

6. Conclusion Looking back the ongoing planning story of Gyeongui Line Park, the planning paradigm is now shifting from a plan dominated by professionals to communityoriented project. Revising the master plan required a completely new way of thinking and new attitudes and processes. Working with people over time is the prerequisite. Now, all planning projects need to adopt these premises and methods of community planning and design. Community design has emerged as a foundational concept reflecting the Zeitgeist of planning. . The planning environment is changing. Park designers are no longer designing spaces and facilities but are curating community resources and engaging in management issues. Therefore the traditional designer’s role needs to be redefined. The significance of formal design and spatial organization has weakened. Effective communication skills and effective strategic thinking are emphasized. In December of 2012, the Seoul Metropolitan Government created the position of public landscape architect for park innovation. Twenty professional with diverse backgrounds as NPO leaders, historians, architects, community activists, writers and cultural planners are involved. The profession of landscape architect has broadened the convention boundary in this case. Coping with society’s needs, we need to reconsider education for landscape architects. Traditional design education may not be suitable for future generations of landscape architects. Strategic planners, cultural planners and community facilitators are the new roles for park planners and designers. It is time to restructure the new agenda and issues for landscape education and practices. A version of this article was presented at the Symposium Landscape & Imagination, Paris, 2013.


References: Gyeongui Line. Wikipedia. Inclusive Cities: A Challenge to Housing the Low Income People in Seoul and Asia “People-driven, Co-operative and Community Building” held Seoul on 9-11 August 2012, Citynet, 31 Aug, 2012. Kyung-Jin Zoh, 2012. “Opening Address,” Green Community Design, Conference Proceeding of the Pacific Rim Community Design Network. Seoul: Seoul National University. Kyung-Jin Zoh, 2008. “Urban Parks Movement and Park Culture in Contemporary Korean Cities,” Body and Soul, Parks and the Health of Great Cities, International Urban Park Conference. Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh Park Conservancy. Kyung-Jin Zoh, 2008. “Toward a Spectacle City: Critical Synopsis of the Han River Renaissance Project in Seoul,” Transforming with Water, Proceedings of the 45th World Congress of the International Federation of Landscape Architects. Wagenigen: Blauwdruk/ Techne Press. pp 276-285. Seoul National University, GSES, 2011. Old Railway Meets Community. Seoul: Region Promotion Center.

Kyung-Jin ZOH

Re-imagining Gyeongui Line Park: How does community-based planning contribute to redesigning the old railway site into new form of public space? 27


Seoul is encompassed by “transient history.” Having redevelopment and reconstruction as its main means of city-development, Seoul is dominated by depthless and transient history, which significantly contributes to the disappearance of space of life. Seoul’s city-development always saw two different sides. On one side, we have space-creation and, on the other, space-killing. These two contrasting sides are like a body and its mirrored reflection. They may seem different; however, because in order to create new space, we must kill existing space, these two sides aren’t too dissimilar after all. Seoul’s dream of spacecreation through space-killing has created manipulation of space and violence. With the downfall of property market, the era of development has come to an end. What values sustain a city? Now, we must open a new era of community-making that adds value to seemingly trivial daily living space and enriches the city space as a whole.

Young-Bum REIGH

Making Platforms for Sustainable Communities and Issues of Urban Community Design in Korea 29

1. Urban concentration and dominance of high-rise apartment housing in Seoul It was apartments that have been ruling the modern urban landscape in Seoul over the last 30 years. Apartments have been the symbol of real estate investment and the super hero that dominated the life of Korean people over the years. The trend was also supported by the dominant view that apartments were the only answer to the problem of “too many people living in such a small portion of land.” Consequently, apartments became more than just the modern space that provided conveniences in life. They became the symbol of capitalism that maximized the city’s property values. Now that over 50% of the urban population in Korea live in apartments, it is certain that apartments are the city’s super hero. However, the emergence of the super hero is not without problems. And the victims are the fringe communities being destroyed by the reckless construction of apartment buildings across the city.

Table 1. Population density of Seoul and Korea


Most of the areas that were demolished and replaced by apartments were substandard housing areas in Seoul. Many residents of the areas were from rural areas or those who resettled after they had been forced to move by apartment constructions. These fringe communities, too, turned into apartment villages by the late 1980s and the city that had fiercely pursued modernization realized its dream of a complete transformation. Meanwhile, 70% of the urban poor were former farmers who moved to the city. The history of the farmers who lost their life in their rural hometown and moved to the city is the testament to the Korean society’s seismic changes and the resulting problems in the 30 years after the economic development and modernization policies in the 1960s. In the period during which Seoul has been rushing its modernization exists the spaces of various tranche de vies (slices of life). However, in the city where the one word “apartment” is being repeated endlessly, such diversity and sense of community in the spaces with long history disappeared.

2. Massive redevelopment urban fabrics


As I traveled around cities, I often saw spaces that were right there before that had suddenly disappeared. There, of course, could have been long discussions on redevelopment within the community. But since there was no way that I could have known that, it seemed like the places that I had passed by one day just turned into a construction site. From the photos I took, I could easily compare the spaces before and after the demolition. As I went around redevelopment sites to take photos, it occurred to me that life and death overlapped for spaces, too. At the sight of a half-demolished house with household goods still inside, I came to wonder “How can I record the moments of a dying city?� Though I doubt if the one who sentenced the city to death could properly remember the death, I believed that if someone could remember the last moments of a space, it could make a small contribution to creating historical record.

Young-Bum REIGH

Table 2. Economic growth of Korea and urban concentration of Seoul

Making Platforms for Sustainable Communities and Issues of Urban Community Design in Korea 31

Chungjeongno 3-ga Hanok village was an urban Hanok (Korean traditional house) community consisting of about 45 Hanok units behind the Donga Daily building in Chungjeongno, Seoul. Though I cannot pinpoint the village’s origin because I am yet to scrutinize historical data, I suppose the Hanok buildings were urban Hanoks built in early 1970s. I began to take photos of the Hanok village when the demolition started. Since 2002, the photographing work continued until 2002 when the construction of an apartment building was completed and residents started moving in. The 45 Hanok units that had once nested on the hilly land with their curvy roofs waving suddenly turned into a 18-story apartment building looking like a dull wall. It was like the Hanok houses lying on the ground and, out of nowhere, they all stood up and transformed into a single tall apartment. Once a village where houses faced each other across the alleys, the village became a closed space trapped in a huge concrete box. Over the last five decades, Seoul witnessed such numerous disappearances as in Chungjeongno. Fig 1. Demolition of old traditional detached houses in Chungjeongno of Seoul for the redevelopment of a single block apartment housing (Copyright: Young B. Reigh)


Seoul is encompassed by “transient history.” Having redevelopment and reconstruction as its main means of city-development, Seoul is dominated by depthless and transient history, which significantly contributes to the disappearance of space of life. Seoul’s city-development always saw two different sides. On one side, we have spacecreation and, on the other, space-killing. These two contrasting sides are like a body and its mirrored reflection. They may seem different; however, because in order to create new space, we must kill existing space, these two sides aren’t too dissimilar after all. Seoul’s dream of spacecreation through space-killing has created manipulation of space and violence. With the downfall of property market, the era of development has come to an end. What values sustain a city? Now, we must open a new era of community-making that adds value to seemingly trivial daily living space and enriches the city space as a whole.

3. History of Urban Community-Making in Korea Throughout the history of urban community in Korea, the community building movement has been continuing amid the changes and development of Korean society. The 1970s when people were not as mobile as now saw “Community building as a natural part of life,” where residents formed communities naturally and created and followed the norms of the community. At the beginning of the 1990s, civic groups introduced community participation, which later transitioned to the full-fledged “Community building as a movement” in 1999. As the values of the community building movement spread throughout the society, administration and experts have been driving “Community building as a means of urban planning tool” since late 2000s. Fig 2. Erasure of urban fabrics and communities in the area of Donui New Town project (Copyright: Young B. Reigh)

Young-Bum REIGH

Making Platforms for Sustainable Communities and Issues of Urban Community Design in Korea 33

A. Resistance of Detached Housing Communities against Forced Eviction When it comes to “Community building as a natural part of life,” Hanyang Village in Eunpyeong-gu, Seoul is the case in point. Since 1972, as inter-Korean exchange increased, the South Korean government demolished the shanty town by the road that the North Korean visitors drove on, and created the Hanyang Village there in 1978 for propaganda. Residents of the village that was composed of 200 50-pyeong (about 165 square meters) units repaired and remodeled their homes and planted flowers and trees in the alley. The efforts of the residents earned them the selection of “Beautiful Village” by the Seoul government in 1996. However, villagers and the whole community had to join the rally in 2005 as the Eunpyeong New Town project was to demolish the village. Though the opposition to the demolition, supported by civic groups, launched a movement to seek the possibilities of conservation and renewal over demolition, the town ended up being demolished in 2007. B. New Community-Making in Apartment Housing Estates As a growing number of people came to live in apartments, a new community culture emerged among apartment residents. As mentioned earlier, housing culture dramatically changed in Korea since the late 1980s. Detached houses and low-lying buildings were replaced by high-rise apartments. This change led to the destruction of the traditional neighborhood relationship and community activities. And yet, residents of apartments shared an economic interest, which was increase in the apartment price, used the common facilities, and ran community bodies such as Women’s Society or Resident Council, all of which added up to a new form of community activities. For instance, Olympic Village Apartment in Songpagu, Seoul, Geumsaem Village in Busan and Hyundai Apartment in Gwanak-


gu, Seoul were famous for community classes, events and festivals put together by Women’s Society. Other apartment communities also launched various community building activities such as creation of community spaces like a library or a study room as well as environment improvement and recycle activities. C. Community Participation Community Renewal


Into the 1990s, civic groups led various community building activities that were based on community participation. For example, Urban Action Network carried out community building projects such as the School Zone Improvement Project, road improvement project, history village community projects in Insa-dong and Bukchon in Seoul and the Bupyeong Culture Street. The projects were aimed to facilitate community participation. Other cases of such projects include the wall removal project by Daegu YMCA, community building based on cooperative child care system by Seongmisan Community and Bansong-dong community building by Busan’s Hope World.

As the values of community building spread through the society, administration and experts started to adopt community building as policies and systems since the 2000s. Moving away from the top-down administrative procedure, community building movement was used to introduce various support systems and community participation-oriented planning methods based on support and cooperation. The examples are Insa-dong District Planning Unit, Master Plan of Bukchon CommunityMaking, District Planning Unit based on Community-Making, the Agreement for Community Landscape, and Project of Seoul Happy Town in early 2000s.

experience in community participation, collaboration with community building movement, creation of experts group in community building movement, increased interest in community design, members in charge of construction and sustained budget support for environment improvement. Community design in the project designs “public values.� Community design is less about the community as physical space but about designing relationships. Life can change dramatically when community design connects person and person, and person and space. When residents open their hearts, they become the leader. That is when change starts. When the residents become leaders, the whole community begins to change. The changed mindset leads to participation, which develops into communication and cooperation that help build a community where everyone is happy. Change of individuals causes change of the community. And the change of the community can make sharing and co-existence possible. Therefore, it is fair to conclude that community design designs the public values.

D. Community participation and the 1-pyong pocket park projects by Urban Action Network In 2002, Urban Action Network launched the 1-Pyeong Pocket Park project, which was praised to have changed the perception that outdoor space was no longer for administration only but also belonged to civic society. Urban Action Network could maintain the momentum for the project because of its accumulated Fig 3. Community participation and 1-pyong park projects


4. New Attempts for the making platforms of sustainable communities


A. Movement for ‘Live with Community Renewal

B. Introduction of New Policy Means

As city administration once driven by redevelopment and reconstruction could no longer function properly due to the collapse of the housing market, community projects emerged as a new alternative. The election of Park, Won Sun as Seoul mayor in 2011 also gave a boost to the trend. As the New Town project that focused on redevelopment and reconstruction increasingly lost its profitability, the “Live with Community Renewal” movement entered the scene. The movement claimed that urban planning must be about renewing the old parts of the city first before destroying them. As part of the project, in 2001, Urban Action Network cooperated with residents of detached houses in Imun-dong, Dongdaemun-gu, Seoul to find ways to live with community renewal. The project aimed to overcome the time and physical limits of administration-led projects and to open the era of sustainable homes and city renewal on the back of community participation. The project was also a new attempt at the creation of social awareness and interest in low-rise community renewal, shift in society’s mindset through community movement, sustained solidarity and cooperation among administration, residents and experts, and practical action plan for residents for low-rise community renewal. Moreover, the project focuses on sustainable community management through citizen autonomy, and on finding sustainability of detached and multifamily housing area as answers to how to translate the changes in alleys, to changes in individuals’ homes, and further to changes in neighbors’ relationships.

In order for the Live with Community Renewal project to accomplish community renewal through community building, improvement of welfare services for the residents and local autonomy-based community renewal, experimental concepts and systems need to be adopted such as the definition of the scope of community, public private sector, social ownership and social development. First, in order to achieve community renewal through social enterprises, the scope of community must be defined and the concept of public private sector must be introduced first. By adopting the concept of the scope of community, the limits of the public and private spheres can be overcome. When community is considered a single common space can the community renewal projects for community building be successful.

Second, social development can be achieved by introducing the social ownership system as a way to diversify the land ownership types in the process of renewal. Law and institutions must help promote the creation of the social ownership system through Community Land Trust, community friendly society, and cooperatives-type community companies.

Third, asset-based community development must be used to create social values. The process of community renewal through social enterprises’ social development must, first and foremost, be focused on the identifying the community’s resources such as idle space and buildings and human network. Then, the resources must be made owned by social enterprises, which makes the resources socially owned. The resources are utilized to yield profits, considering the conditions of the community and market economy. The profits are invested in other social welfare service areas within the community and create social values in a sustained manner. A version of this article was presented at the Symposium Design community in Seoul National University, 2012.

Young-Bum REIGH

Making Platforms for Sustainable Communities and Issues of Urban Community Design in Korea 37


Community gardens have gained a lot of attention over past years as an instrument of community-driven urban design, which can help cities address their social, economic and environmental problems. Although South Korea and Slovenia have not much in common at first sight, the Community Eco Urban Garden in Maribor, Slovenia’s second largest city, may provide a valuable example of not only how urban gardening improves the well-being of individuals, but also of how to integrate urban gardens into community-driven urban design in order to address larger social problems, such as lacking social cohesion and civic participation. Community gardens might be small in size, but they can play an important role in addressing negative social consequences of neoliberal policy, strengthening of social cohesion, and contributing to sustainable urban development.


Social Cohesion and Community Gardens: Comparing Slovenia and South Korea 39

Social consequences of neoliberal policy in South Korea Cities compete to attract new investments, corporations, events and tourists, which are expected to boost their economic growth and urban development and improve the quality of everyday life. There is little evidence, however, that this competitive urban policy inevitably results in long-term economic growth and urban development that is equally beneficial to all citizens. In contrast, a growing body of evidence suggests that the actual benefits of this competition are unevenly distributed among different social groups in cities (Mayer 2007). Social polarisation and economic inequalities, declining communal life, and decreasing civic and political rights are believed to be largely the consequences of neoliberal policy, which prioritises competition, profit, efficiency, market-driven urban development, welfare cuts and individual responsibility over collaboration, commons, balanced and sustainable urban development, even distribution of resources and shared responsibility in cities. Harvey (1989) warned a long time ago that the rise of neoliberal urban entrepreneurialism leads towards corporatisation of urban policy, while the mechanisms of intra-urban competition are becoming the driving force behind unrestricted economic growth and speculative urban development.

Table 1. South Korea’s well-being indicators compared to Slovenia and OECD, 2012 Source: OECD (2013b, 34)


South Korea used to be no exception in promoting neoliberal policy in order to boost unrestricted economic growth and speculative urban development rather than improving the quality of the environment and everyday life. Little if any attention was given to environmental and social consequences of such policies. Over the past decade, growing social polarisation and economic inequalities in South Korean society have largely been seen as an outcome of the 1997 IMF crisis and subsequent neoliberal responses, which were promoting the liberalisation of the financial sector and the flexibility of the labour market (Chang 2006). In this sense it comes as no surprise that in comparison to other countries South Korea ranks rather low in several key areas, which directly affect social cohesion and quality of everyday life. Income and wealth, jobs and earnings, work and life balance, health status, social connections, environmental quality and subjective well-being in South Korea are all noticeably below the OECD average (Table 1).

Income and wealth

Jobs and earnings

Work and life balance

Health status

Social connections

Environmental quality

Subjective wellbeing









South Korea
















In particular, social connections, which refer to perceived social network support, are one of the lowest among OECD countries. In 2012 77% of respondents in South Korea reported that they “have relatives or friends they can count on�, which was rather below the OECD average of 90% (OECD 2013b, 57). Social connections positively affect the quality of everyday life of individuals and society in general. While individuals with extensive social connections are expected to have better health, live longer, and are more likely to get a job, social connections can also strengthen trust. In Korean society, family used to play the key role in providing social support in the past. Yet this has recently been greatly undermined and the family’s role is gradually diminishing. South Koreans seem to increasingly perceive themselves as being isolated in what has become an individualised and competitive society. This perception may be even stronger among disadvantaged social groups, such as the youth or the elderly,

Fig 1. Community Eco Urban Garden in Maribor

who experience higher than average poverty rates, unemployment and social exclusion. Besides, when compared to other OECD countries, South Koreans express a low level of interpersonal trust, low community tolerance to minority groups, and little confidence to the national government, which in consequence also negatively affects social cohesion (Table 2). Interpersonal trust seems to have been slowly yet continuously in decline for almost two decades, which makes the strengthening of social cohesion in South Korean society even a more urgent task. Table 2. Trust in South Korea compared to Slovenia and OECD, 2008, 2010 Source: OECD (2011, 91-99)

People with high level of trust in others (2008)

People with confidence in national institutions (2010)

People with high tolerance of minority groups (2010)





South Korea









A recent OECD (2013a, 3) study therefore unsurprisingly warns that in order to preserve South Korea’s successful economic and social achievements of the past, new policies must be “put in place to strengthen social cohesion in pursuit of stronger, more inclusive growth in the years to come.” Strengthening of social cohesion is at the same time important not only for the social equity and economic growth, as the study suggests, but is also of utmost importance for long term sustainable urban development in a country, where more than 80% of the population is concentrated in urban areas and almost every second South Korean lives in the Seoul metropolitan region.

Social cohesion and community-driven urban design The limitations of neoliberal policy have become evident during the recent economic crisis, which was to large extent generated by speculative urban development (Harvey 2012). The economic crisis and its aftermath also made it obvious that competitive urban policy can neither sustain long-term economic growth nor significantly improve the quality of everyday life in cities for all, when its benefits are unevenly distributed across different social groups. By building partnerships between public, private and civic stakeholders various efforts have been recently made in cities around the world to find alternative urban policy approaches that could overcome dominant economic, social and political arrangements and lead towards a more just and sustainable urban development on the long run. Social sustainability has been in this way recognised as an integral part of sustainable urban development. Urban policy, which aims to strengthen social sustainability, should in this case provide a decent quality of everyday life to every citizen; promote equal access to housing, jobs and education for social groups with different economic, social and cultural backgrounds; foster their integration by addressing economic, social and political exclusion; sustain existing social and Fig 2. Community Eco Urban Garden in Maribor


cultural structures in cities; and encourage civic participation in decision-making (Manzi et al. 2010). While urban policy alone cannot address each and every aspect of social sustainability – since the later depends on successful implementation of a broad array of policies, including urban, economic, social welfare, education and environmental policy – it can however, create inclusive cities, based on shared values and civic culture, sense of social equity and solidarity, place attachment and collective identities among citizens. Community is recognised as the key of an urban policy which tries to revive local economies and labour markets, strengthen social cohesion, trust and solidarity among citizens, promote comprehensive urban regeneration of deprived urban areas, improve natural environment, support civic participation in planning and decision making, and establish new forms of urban governance and self-management of localities (Križnik 2013). These new urban policy approaches are in many cases based on communitydriven urban design, where active civic

participation in planning and in decisionmaking processes not only improves its quality but also mediates and strengthens trust between public, private and civic stakeholders. Sharing responsibilities between different stakeholders builds partnerships that decrease the dependence of cities on outside resources, while the communities perceive, use and manage places that are built with their involvement better than when these are made without them (Kim et al. 2012). Community-driven urban design in this way not only improves the rational use of resources, but also strengthens the broader political legitimacy of urban policy (Sanoff 1999).

provision of attractive environment for leisure, recreation and education, or creation of new jobs. At the same time community gardens also provide shared communal space in cities, which are otherwise increasingly characterised by market-driven urban development and commodification of localities. Community gardens as shared communal space can encourage interaction between social groups with different economic, social and cultural backgrounds and can result in stronger interpersonal trust, place attachment, and sense of community (Hou, Johnson and Lawson 2009). In this way they contribute to stronger social cohesion in localities as well as entire cities.

It comes as no surprise that community gardens have gained a lot of attention over the past years as an important instrument of community-driven urban design. Community gardens not only contribute to better environmental and economic sustainability, but also positively affect social sustainability in cities in various ways. Positive impact of community gardens on sustainable urban development can be expected in terms of better access to safe and healthy food, better health and psychological well-being of citizens, Fig 3,5. Community Eco Urban Garden in Maribor Fig 4. Urban gardens on the site of the present-day Magdalenski Park in Maribor, 1957

Social Cohesion and Community Gardens: Comparing Slovenia and South Korea 43

Community gardens in Slovenia South Korea and Slovenia do not have much in common at first sight. Yet both countries experienced an unprecedented economic growth and rapid urbanisation during the post-war reconstruction, with similar social, economic and cultural consequences on the everyday life in cities. Although social polarisation and economic inequalities in Slovenia are lower than in South Korea, Slovenes also express a low level of interpersonal trust, low community tolerance to minority groups, and little confidence in the national government, which in consequence negatively affects social cohesion (Table 2). Similarly, Slovenia also falls short of OECD average regarding income and wealth, health status, environmental quality and subjective well-being (Table 1). Yet in a sharp contrast to South Korea, the social connections in Slovenia seem to be stronger, with 92% of respondents reporting that they know someone to count on if they need help (OECD 2013b, 57). For these similarities positive experiences with community gardens in Slovenia can be a valuable example for South Korea of how urban gardening can address larger social problems. The Community Eco Urban Garden in Slovenia’s second largest city of Maribor is a good case in point which illustrates various positive impacts of community gardens on the quality of everyday life as well as in terms of addressing the social sustainability in the city. The garden is located on the periphery of Maribor, near a popular recreational area and close the somewhat deprived Borova vas neighbourhood, which is one of the most densely inhabited areas in the city. It provides about eighty individual gardens with eight gardening sheds, which are used as a storage, but also as a social place for about ten gardeners, who

usually share them. Special gardens for the disabled and children, and a smaller children’s playground are also provided on the site of the community garden. A larger community building, located next to one of the two entrances, offers space for communal activities, such as the educational and cultural programmes, and for the regular meetings of the Eco Urban Garden Association. The association, which brings together more than two hundred gardeners, is formally managing the community garden. All facilities were designed and constructed by following the principles of sustainable construction and urban design. The Community Eco Urban Garden initiative has started as a part of the Maribor European Capital of Culture festival in 2012. A small collective of Urban Furrows activists aimed to create a pilot case of sustainable urban gardening in order to establish a “good practice in terms of alternative and autonomous production, specifically in those aspects of life which are a prerequisite for a tolerant, mutually cooperative, and creative society” (Gregorčič 2011, 2). The municipality of Maribor provided the land and funding,

Fig 6. Community Eco Urban Garden in Maribor


while the activists build the community garden in a close collaboration with the nearby residents, traditional farmers, local schools, and civic associations from the city. They have drawn on a long history of urban gardens in Maribor, which dates back to the mid 19th century, when a housing colony for railway workers was built on the outskirts of the city. Each family in the colony was provided with a small garden and shared orchard at that time. Successful integration of collective housing and urban gardens was common in Maribor until few decades ago. During the 1980s the new urban plan reserved several areas for urban gardening, responding to a growing demand among citizens. Yet, after the 1990s Maribor has experienced a long and painful transformation from a once important socialist industrial centre into a declining peripheral postindustrial city, which is still struggling with economic problems and social conflicts (Kirn 2014). With the emergence of market economy and privatisation of once public goods urban gardening has become to a large extent socially and economically marginalised and was literary expelled from the city to the outskirts.

The new Community Eco Urban Garden brings urban gardening back to the city and re-establishes it as a viable approach of community-driven urban design, which aims to improve the quality of everyday life and address sustainable urban development in Maribor. In this sense it has to be seen as a part of longer tradition of urban gardening and self-management of local communities in Slovene cities rather than a result of recent global trends. Yet, in trying to relate to these already established cultural practices the approach does not romanticise the bygone communal life on the Slovene countryside nor does it try to idealise the collectivity of the socialist past. The Community Eco Urban Garden in Maribor effectively provides the local residents with access to certified ecological food production and creates a new communal space in a rather deprived neighbourhood; while at the same time it empowers them to act collectively in pursuing their shared interests beyond the realm of urban gardening. In this way the community garden has improved social connections among the local residents, while some of them have become actively involved in other grassroots initiatives in the city. Fig 7. Layout of the Community Eco Urban Garden in Maribor, 2012 Fig 8. Urban gardens in the Railway workers colony in Maribor, 1971



From individual towards community gardens Urban gardening seems to be thriving in South Korea at the moment. The report of the Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs (2015, 2) shows that the urban gardens in South Korea cover a six times larger area than they used to cover just few years ago. The total size of urban gardens has increased from 104 ha in 2010 to 564 ha in 2013 and the number of urban gardens has increased from 4.093 to 54.805 nationwide during the same period. It is estimated that about 153.000 citizens were involved in urban gardening in 2010, while the number of citizens involved in urban gardening reached about 885.000 in 2013 and is expected to reach one million by this year. Urban gardening has become an important part of the national environmental agenda, while local governments are trying to increase the number and size of areas dedicated to urban gardening, offer financial support, and organise related education programmes for citizens. An increasing number of private enterprises and civic organisations are becoming involved in urban gardening too. Yet, according to the same report individual gardens account for more than 80% of all urban gardens in South Korea. While individual gardens can have a positive impact in terms of access to safe and healthy food, better health or psychological well-being of individuals, their communal value and impact on social sustainability are somewhat limited. The Community Eco Urban Garden in Maribor in this sense provides a valuable example of how urban gardening can not only improve well-being of individuals, but also of how to integrate urban gardens into community-driven urban design in order to address larger social problems, such as lacking social cohesion and civic participation. In this case community gardens have positive impact not only on individual income, wealth, health and subjective well-being, but can also create local jobs, help in balancing work and everyday life, and improve interpersonal trust and social connections. These are the very areas where South Korea falls behind other OECD countries. Community gardens might be small in size, Fig 9. Railway workers colony in Maribor, 1956


but they can play an important role in addressing negative social consequences of neoliberal policy, strengthening of social cohesion and contributing to sustainable urban development on long term. Yet in this case the important task for urban policy is to move from individual urban gardens towards various collective forms of urban gardening.

Chang, Ha-Joon. 2006. The East Asian Development Experience: The Miracle, the Crisis and the Future. London: Zen Books. Gregorčič, Marta (ed.). 2011. Urban Furrows. Maribor: Urban Furrows, European Capital of Culture Maribor 2012. Harvey, David. 1989. “From Managerialism to Entrepreneurialism: The Transformation in Urban Governance in Late Capitalism.” Geografiska Annaler, 71(1): 3–17. Harvey, David. 2012. Rebel Cities. London: Verso. Kim Kiho, Donyun Kim, Seiyong Kim, Eunhee Kim, Sohyun Park, Jaegil Park, Hyunchan Ahn, Youngbum Reigh, Yunsuk Lee, Okyeon Jang, Yoonju Heo and Heeyung Hwang. 2012. Our Community Design. Seoul: Namudosi. Kirn, Gal. 2014. “Slovenia’s social uprising in the European crisis: Maribor as periphery from 1988 to 2012.” Stasis, 2(1): 106–129. Križnik, Blaž. 2013. “Changing Approaches to Urban Development in South Korea: From ‘Clean and Attractive Global Cities’ towards ‘Hopeful Communities’.” International Development Planning Review, 35(4): 395–418. Manzi, Tony, Karen Lucas, Tony Lloyd Jones and Judith Allen. 2010. Social sustainability in urban areas: communities, connectivity, and the urban fabric. London: Earthscan. Mayer, Margit. 2007. “Contesting the Neoliberalization of Urban Governance.” In Contesting Neoliberalism: Urban Frontiers, edited by Helga Leitner, Jamie Peck, and Eric S. Sheppard, 90–115. New York: Image Credits:

Guildford Press.

Fig 1,5,6. Vanja Bućan, Urban Furrows Archive

Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs. 2015. 2015 Urban Agriculture Promotion Plan. Seoul:

Fig 2,3. Hongyi Choi

Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs.

Fig 4. Večer Archive

OECD. 2011. Society at Glance 2011: OECD Social Indicators. Paris: OECD Publishing.

Fig 7. Urban Furrows Archive

OECD. 2013a. Strengthening Social Cohesion in Korea. Paris: OECD Publishing.

Fig 8,9. Regional Archives Maribor, Maribor Urban

OECD. 2013b. How’s Life? 2013 Measuring Well-being. Paris: OECD Publishing.

Planning Bureau fund, signature SI_PAM/1889

Sanoff, Henry. 1999. Community Participation Methods in Design and Planning. Oxford: Wiley.


Social Cohesion and Community Gardens: Comparing Slovenia and South Korea 47


The deadly disasters which occurred in central Visayas in the Philippines in late 2013 caused considerable casualties and devastated the living spaces of the residents. The interventions for relief and reconstruction of the affected areas by way of the construction of emergency shelters are based on the idea of community design, but with maximum speed and sufficient input of manpower. High performance for cost and logistics management is needed while final design should assure the high level of living standard. In this paper, the authors show case studies of paper tube shelters and wooden frame shelters which were conceived by Japanese experts and implemented by the joint operation of volunteer and local initiatives. The evaluation of these shelters after their set up on the affected sites will suggest the feedback and future amelioration.


Emergency Community Design for the purpose of Relief and Reconstruction after the Calamity 49

1. Background In the autumn of 2013, the central regions of the Philippines were seriously devastated by an earthquake and a super-typhoon which occurred successively. On October 15, an earthquake recorded at Mw 7.2 with its epicentre in Bohol Island hit the whole island and the southern part of neighbouring Cebu Island. 12,000 buildings were totally and partially damaged, while more than 200 lost their lives and 340,000 were evacuated. In addition, many old churches, including candidates for the UNESCO World Heritage, collapsed. On November 8, a super-typhoon Haiyan (locally called Yolanda) hit the central areas of Visayas and caused unexpectedly big number of casualties and damages. 550,000 buildings were totally or partially damaged while 7,000 lost their lives or missing and 3.5 million were evacuated [Fig.1]. Facing this situation, the authors’ team in Fuji Women’s University (FWU) has been engaged in a series of campaigns for the relief and the reconstruction just after these calamities happened in the Philippines as FWU has kept strong ties with the research and educational institutions in the central Philippines. Following the emergency intervention at the initial stage, the author’s group established a relief team in collaboration with the Japanese experts and local institutions so that a series of actions were taken in order to provide shelters and facilities to the affected both in Bohol and in northern Cebu. This paper consists of case studies on these relief activities from the view-point of emergency community design. Community design has become, in Japan, one of the crucial measures for integrating social and spatial structure for the sake of community goals. The fact that Japan is facing various kinds of calamities such as earthquakes, typhoons, tsunamis, eruptions of volcanos and so on has brought about a new genre of community design, called emergency community design. As a matter of fact, a series of calamities since 1990’s have accelerated the


necessity of community ties so as to form various types of emergency community design. The Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake of 1995 was said to be the starting point of wide-range volunteer activities. The Great Tohoku Earthquake of 2011 marked the peak of various initiatives by different types of community leaders. The campaigns organized by the authors’ team in the Philippines were thus based on such previous activities in Japan, but the cooperation with Filipino local communities has changed its nature as community design beyond the border

2. Purpose and Method 2-1. Purpose In relation with the post-disaster relief campaign in the Philippines since 2013, the authors’ team has launched several types of activities, starting from the fundraising process, then planning the implementation and finally reaching the construction of shelters in cooperation in collaboration with Japanese and Filipino institutions and

The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to discuss how these shelters were implemented and to appraise them from the view-point of emergency community design. The authors have shown the process of conception for, both cases, but the appraisal is completed yet. The implementation process requires efficiency, speed and cost performance when they are being erected as well as the comfort and durability as dwelling once they are set up. The participation of the local community is key to making the project commonly shared. The authors try to examine the convenience and the appropriateness of these physical settings in relation with each parameter so as to make an evaluation of the project. The activities took place between late 2013 to mid-2014 both in Japan as well as in the Philippines. 2-2. Methodology groups as well as local authorities. In this paper, the main point will be the question of shelter for the affected in terms of its planning/design process and the reception among the local community. The authors’ team has been, in fact, engaged in the conception of emergency construction systems and their implementation on the affected sites. Two different types of shelters were provided in the post-disaster period. The first one was a paper tube system, originally conceived by Shigeru Ban and the Voluntary Architect Network (VAN), then, the second one was a timber structure system called Frame & Elements (F&E), initially conceived by a group of three architects: Tomoyuki Utsumi, Takanori Ihara and Tatsuya Nagasaki.

The above-mentioned building systems exploited in Japan had been tested and used several times before they were implemented in the Philippines. Improvement was necessary to make them fit to the local conditions. The author focuses the interface between the local community and the building systems as the beneficiary is local. Following the description of the building system and the execution process, the projects are to be appraised by using several parameters in two stages. The first group consists of availability of materials, construction speed, durability, and cost performance, while the second one consists of comfort and community participation. The result of this appraisal is to be reflected on the next phase as well as the future approach toward emergency community design.

Fig 1. Loboc (Bohol Earthquake) and Daanbantayan (Super-Typhoon Haiyan)


Emergency Community Design for the purpose of Relief and Reconstruction after the Calamity 51

3. Planning of Paper Tube Shelter

3-2. Design Process

3-1. Target Area: Daanbantayan

The principal idea of the paper tube design was how to provide an emergency house, but equipped with comfortable space.

The prototype of the paper tube emergency shelter has been exploited by Shigeru Ban and the Voluntary Architects Network (VAN) since 1995 on the occasion of calamities in the world. The authors’ team participated in VAN since the Great Tohoku Earthquake of 2011 so as to implement quantity of emergency units within Tohoku region under the supervision of Shigeru Ban. After the super-typhoon of November 8, 2013, this system was decided to be implemented in the city of Daanbantayan, northern edge of Cebu Island. There, the super-typhoon damaged totally 19,850 houses, which corresponds to 90.2% of the total households, although the human loss is limited. After the discussion with the mayor, the site was selected in the outskirt of the city, Malocbalok Ajoho District, where fishermen used to spend their lives in a traditional way. The investigation of local fishermen’s houses allowed to improve the paper tube system for the local use and to reach the final design. The prototype was elaborated in Kyoto for the first time, then, exhibited in Sapporo, where FWU started fundraising [Fig.2]. The local newspaper, Hokkaido Shimbun, made a big campaign in cooperation with FWU among the citizens of Sapporo and its surroundings. The raised fund was remitted to the University of San Carlos (USC) in Cebu, which managed the administrative process for provision of materials and transportation as well as the recruiting of volunteers. FWU and USC pursued the joint work for the implementation by dispatching volunteers while the local authority arranged the accommodation for them and other commodities.

Fig 2. Demonstration of Paper Tube Prototype for the Philippines at Sapporo


The design goals are thus fixed in the following way: (1) The houses should stand for a few years until the affected can afford their own houses. (2) The living space should be comfortable without using air-conditioning system vis-à-vis the tropical climate of this region. (3) Anyone can erect the house within a few days without using machinery. (4) Low cost should be assured by way of selection of materials and well-managed logistics. The construction system is, therefore, a point at issue. Paper tubes were introduced as a basic structure, but should be integrated with other covering materials. Local woven bamboo sheets, called amakan, were very useful and efficient as wall covering material. Amakan is popular among the locals and used frequently for building as bamboo is

available everywhere. Weaving technique is inherited by generation by anyone in villages. Its cost is cheap. On the contrary, paper tubes were not available in Cebu. The authors’ team finally found a factory in Manila, from where they were shipped to Cebu by boat. This caused uncertainty for the period of delivery. It was specially treated waterproof by polyurethane paint as soon as it was delivered to USC in Cebu [Fig.3], [Fig.4]. 3-3. Implementation Daanbantayan is located 200 km northward from Cebu. Logistics is thus crucial for the erection of the emergency houses by volunteer groups. The waterproof treatment was done at the campus of USC as soon as the paper tubes arrived from Manila, then all the treated materials were transported to the building site. The construction took place in March and in August, 2014. For the first time, 27 volunteer students, both Filipino and Japanese, participated, and then, for the second time, 25 volunteers accomplished their mission.

The building site, a sloped land of Malocbalok Ajoho District, was designated by the local municipality and supported by the strong initiative of the local inhabitants. All the residents were fishermen. The super-typhoon had totally damaged their existing houses, so that new emergency “houses” were crucial for their daily life albeit the quality. So far they were obliged to live in a self-built barracks. The average household number was 5.4, and the average monthly income was extremely low, that is 1,023 PHP (23.0 USD), as they had been deprived of all the fishery materials [Fig.5]. Collaboration between volunteers and locals was initiated as soon as the former took the action. Fishermen’s participation as well as their knowledge about amakan and other materials accelerated the speed of construction, in fact, thanks to their aptitude for manual labour. Crates filled with sand were laid as the foundation instead of beer cases which VAN used to apply for most cases. Coco lumber was used as flooring while polyethylene tarpaulin was in use as roofing material. Execution for one shelter took 3 days and a half. It seems slow, but the problem of logistics, especially the delay of transportation of paper tubes from Manila and the equalization of local materials such as coco lumber, did not allow smooth and continuous works. Local people, even small children, assisted the installation so as to make the collaboration very friendly. The interior space was well appreciated because of the use of amakan which allows the penetration of breeze inside the house [Fig.6].

Fig 3. First Sketch by Shigeru Ban for the Shelter in Daanbantayan Fig.4 Joint System Fig 5. Paper Tube Shelters in Malocbalok Ajoho, Daanbantayan (photomontage)

Emergency Community Design for the purpose of Relief and Reconstruction after the Calamity 53

4. Planning of Frame & Elements

4-2. Target Area: Loboc

4-1. Planning Goals

The target site was Loboc in Bohol Island in the central Philippines. Loboc has been famous as a historical place for its magnificent church of a late 18th century church, but the earthquake of October 15, 2013, seriously damaged this church structure. Many local and international organizations have entered this place for the relief and reconstruction. Such was the case for Fuji Women’s University (FWU), as Catholic institution. The volunteers from FWU has investigated the location and set up a workshop for the local community. F&E was decided to be used as community tool for the participation as well as educational tool for local children. A series of interventions could raise public attention for the solidarity of the local community. The building site of F&E was fixed on the ground of Loboc Elementary School, which is located next to the damaged church. This was intended to be used as multi-purpose warehouse to promote the reconstruction of the church.

Frame & Elements (F&E) is a multi-purpose and low-cost construction system for different types of goals. This system was first conceived as a “structure which could be erected by anyone within a short time in order to provide shelter for whatever purpose” It has evolved to be a gridded structure defined by least number of structural member type, which is flexible to be enlarged or reduced according to the situation [Fig.7]. All these timbers are machined to specific size. Another aspect of this F&E is copyright free, that is, anyone can use this system wherever they prefer. The system should be categorized as the property of the public domain so that anyone who needs this can copy or multiply according to their necessity. The authors’ team has tried to apply this system for emergency community design. Once it is used as an emergency structure just after the calamity, it has to show high performance of convenience and resistance. To prove this effect, a series of experiments were programmed on the occasion of the postcalamity reconstruction in the Philippines in the course of 2014. The planning goals were as follows: (1) To avoid the transportation cost, the structure F&E could be fabricated in situ and multiplied according to the local needs by using local materials. (2) Anyone, including children, can participate in the erection process. (3) The size of the built F&E is flexible according to the situation of the location, necessity, fund and so on.

(4) The structure should be easily dismantlable and moved to anywhere needed after the emergency purpose is over. (5) The participation of local community should be assured so that F&E may become public property.


4-3. Implementation Prior to the installation of this structure in the Philippines, it was tested several times

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in Hokkaido, Japan, in May 2014 in order to measure the execution efficiency and workmanship. Female students of FWU participated in this experiment by setting up this structure. It was proved that it takes less than 2 hours for completing all the structure [Fig.8]. Following this experiment in Hokkaido, a similar type of F&E was fabricated in Loboc, by using local material and workmanship. A local architect team coordinated the fabrication of F&E by local carpenters. Here, wooden members were cut by machinery but mortising depended on manual labour, so that the position and the size of mortises were slightly different piece by piece. The installation of F&E took place on July 11 by the participation of volunteer female students from Bohol Island University [Fig.9], but due to the nature of the timber (hardwood) and the irregularity of mortises forced them to work in the next week too.

the execution of artworks by the instruction of local architects. Their idea came from recycle and ecological issues, which are regarded as most up-to-date subjects in the actual school education [Fig.10].

5. Evaluation of Two Emergency Structures 5-1. Six Parameters A. Availability of Materials Logistics is one of the most crucial factors in the case of emergency planning and design. So long as the main goal is to provide shelter for those affected, one has to react with the highest speed and efficiency. For both of Paper Tube and F&E, as the prototypes were already designed, another process for adaption is needed. The shelter should be modified or improved according to the local condition of the affected sites. Paper tube structures are internationally accepted and thought very feasible because of the presence of paper factories in any country. In the Philippines, the factory was proved to be in Manila, not in Cebu, so that the authors’ team has to program the transportation from Manila to Cebu by ship. Bamboo, which is commonly found in the Philippines, was recommended as structural members, but the dispersion of the size and the shape did not allow standardization. Instead, the application of local amakan, woven bamboo, as covering material brought about good result such as permeability of light and air.

At the initial stage this F&E structure was used as an art frame which is connected with Venice by internet on the occasion of Venice Biennale 2014. School children in Loboc Elementary School participated in Fig 6. Installation of Paper Tube Shelter and its interior Fig 7. F&E, Plan and Elevation (Hokkaido Version)


Emergency Community Design for the purpose of Relief and Reconstruction after the Calamity 55

F&E, on the contrary, could be fabricated anywhere by carpenters. However, what was unexpected was the difference of wood species. In the Philippines, timbers are mostly hardwood, which requires much more difficult process of cutting and mortising. Manual labour is still inexpensive contrary to Japan, where low-cost pre-cut system by machinery is commonly used. This caused the difficulty of installation as the size and the position of mortises are inexact. B. Construction Period The installation of both structures depended on the volunteer labour by the students and locals. Still, both needed appropriate construction management because the volunteers’ stay is limited to a certain period as they came to the site making use of their holidays. The installation of a paper tube shelter took 3.5 days with the participation of 10-12 volunteers. That of F&E varies according the place. In Japan, it took less than 2 hours, but in the Philippines, it was a week because of the dispersion of timber processing. Introduction of machinery would ameliorate the condition, but from the view-point of cost performance it is not easy to come to this solution. Transportation was another factor. The uncertainty of the time schedule for the delivery of paper tubes from Manila caused delay and obliged rescheduling several times. C. Durability The Philippines is one of the most doomed countries which always suffer any kind of calamities. Destructive factors differ according to the type of disaster. Light structure is recommended in the case of earthquakes, but heavy and solid structure is appropriate for typhoons. It is very difficult to consider all such factors when one plans and designs an emergency shelter.

Fig.8 Installation of F&E at Hokkaido


Paper tube shelters are of light materials which allow easy execution, but in the case of torrential rains and typhoons, they exposed certain weak points. As a temporary structure, its durability is limited to a few years, but one has to prepare for unexpected disaster. In fact another super typhoon Hagupit (Ruby), which arrived at Visayas on December 6, 2014, has damaged heavily these paper tube shelters at Daanbantayan. Although repair is not so time consuming, elaborate consolidation system is needed in order to react against such calamities. F&E, contrary to this, is a solid structure in terms of its resistance against earthquakes and typhoons. A number of densely intersecting members assure the solid nature as well as its durability. Those made of Filipino hardwood are much stronger despite the difficulty of execution. Besides, its jungle gym like structure allows the children to climb up and down like playground equipment, which gives completely another feature of the building apart from the nature of an emergency shelter.

D. Cost Performance In terms of cost performance, both structures show very positive aspects. Several categories relating the type of expenditure should be considered. Planning & designing, material, transportation, and personnel (manpower) are major factors. Especially, travel and accommodation of volunteers occupy a big portion of total expenditure. As the building condition of two structures is very different, it is better to compare only their material aspect. The cost of a paper tube shelter (4.0m×4.0m) is 14,307 PHP (321.5 USD) so long as its material is concerned. Paper tube itself is comparatively costly although the total cost is very low. Amakan is available anywhere in local markets while paper tubes have to be specially fabricated in Manila and to be treated water-proof in Cebu. All the materials are provided through separate order and gathered at USC, then transported to the site by a truck. Concerning F&E, the materials were gathered by blanket order to a certain

contractor, who was selected by bidding. As a result, one unit of F&E (3.6m×3.6m) costs 86,000 JPY (845.8 USD) when it was fabricated in Japan. In Bohol Island, it costs 31,960 PHP (718.2 USD). As the rate between JPY and PHP varies frequently, it could be said that the material cost is nearly the same in both countries. Taking into consideration the quality of the processed timbers and the low cost manual labour, the Filipino timber has an impression to be comparatively very expensive. Anyway, the comparison of two structures suggests that the paper tube shelter is much less expensive than F&E. It is only one third of the latter. E. Comfort Comfort is fundamental as a definite goal for the emergency shelter. The paper tube shelter is based on the research of local housing conditions prior to the final design. Local fishermen’s houses gave the hints such as outside terraces, amakan permeable walls, rotating windows and so on. These findings were well reflected into the final prototype and realized in such a way. Permeability of breeze was proved to be a very important factor in such a tropical climate as in the Philippines. Due to the water flood which occurs from time to time, floors have to be raised from the ground. The void space between the ground and the floor functions as ventilator and keeps the interior space always dry. On the contrary, F&E is a fixed structure. Still, it is flexible in terms of the enlargement or the reduction of the space. The experiment at Loboc did not test the performance of the covering materials, but provided that F&E is used for emergency cases, this would provide safe and stable space both physically and psychologically even in the case of a fierce typhoon or an earthquake. F. Community Participation Interrelation between the relief group and the local people is crucial for the Fig.9 Installation of F&E at Loboc Fig.10 Participation of school children for F&E, Loboc


Emergency Community Design for the purpose of Relief and Reconstruction after the Calamity 57

activation of the local community. In this sense, both shelters have very positive feed-back during and after the erection of the structure. The affected people are longing for the provision of emergency houses, of course, but the local municipality cannot afford such a huge amount of shelters at once due to the inability for the massive operation. The relief activities of NGOs and NPOs are thus welcomed, but what is important is the collaboration with the local community because the beneficiary is the locals. Preliminary studies are necessary before finalizing the shelter design. Interviews and talks with the local residents as well as the research of their lifestyle are absolutely necessary. Both cases, as a matter of fact, have reflected this process of preliminary stage. Then, during the construction process, the locals have participated quite positively. Their assistance as well as the interchange makes the mood very friendly. Especially, in the case of the paper tube structure, the local technique of amakan and other materials helped the operation so much. What was unexpected is that the locals appreciated too much the donated shelters and used these as special guest houses, not for their daily living? The difference between their makeshift barracks and these new shelters seems to be so considerable that they dared not make use of these donations without special permission from the donating side. 5-2. Evaluation Following the above-mentioned observation, both structures were to be evaluated by rating the six parameters by random sampling [Fig.11]. Paper tube shelters show the tendency low-cost, comfortable, and participating while F&E seems to be durability oriented. As the interview with local residents has not yet done, further investigation relating to the total evaluation of the emergency shelter is highly expected.


6. Conclusion The set-up of emergency shelters in central Visayas after the deadly calamities in the autumns of 2013 marked the intimate cooperation between Japanese and Filipino communities by way of joint volunteer operation. The accumulation of knowhow in Japan induced by a series of calamities such as Great Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami assisted to conceive locally-oriented support systems. Two case studies here represent only a limited aspect of total commitment of international society, but it is certain that a new type of community design is emerging from such activities. Paper tube shelters, invented and propagated by Shigeru Ban and VAN, are now well appreciated in the world. The main point is not only its physical and constructive feature, but also the fact that it induces the commitment of local community and the interchange between the volunteers and the locals. The provision of shelters at Daanbantayan started as emergency operation after the super-typhoon, and suggests a number of findings and lessons. The integration

of local materials and spatial characters has brought about the conception of comfortable architectural space, still assuring low-cost performance. However, the frequent typhoons and other deadly disaster require further amelioration of its structural system.

Endnotes 1. The Bohol Earthquake occurred on October 15, 2013. 222 lost their lives, 8 were missing, and 976 were injured. 2. Super-Typhoon Haiyan (locally called Yolanda) was one of the worst typhoon ever recorded in modern history. It devastated many regions of South East Asia, including the Philippines, Vietnam and China in early November 2013. In the Philippines, the islands of Leyte, Samar and Cebu were fiercely damaged, causing 6,300 fatalities, 1,000 missing, and 28,700 injured. 3. See the following papers: Rumi Okazaki, Yasunori Harano, Troy Elizaga, Takuro Izumi, Risa Fukui,

On the contrary, F&E system is much more solid structure in terms of the resistance against disaster. People can get both physical and psychological reliability. However, the nature of Filipino hardwood does not allow easy processing for cutting and mortising, contrary to the Japanese machine-processed wooden materials, and, as a result, makes the process more expensive and time consuming. Amelioration of the processing system would assure the high performance of construction method and lower cost.

Hajime Yagasaki, Riichi Miyake “A Study on Living Conditions of the Affected in Daanbantayan in Cebu after the Super -Typhoon Hayan” Proceedings of 19th Inter-university Seminar on Asian Megacities, August 2014, B1-02, and Riichi Miyake, Rumi Okazaki, Yuka Tonozaki, Tomoyuki Utsumi, Takanori Ihara, Tatsuya Nagasaki, Nino Guidaben, Jeus Wuerth, Hajime Yagasaki “A Study on Remote Communication Model for Education by way of Participating Art ― Planning and Implementation of Frame & Elements System (1) “ Proceedings of 19th Inter-university Seminar on Asian Megacities, August 2014, B5-02 4. Voluntary Architects Network (VAN) has been founded as a non-profit organization just after the Great Hanshin Earthquake of 1995 with the participation of Shigeru Ban, Ko Kitayama and other young architects. 5. Daanbantayan is a first class city in Cebu Province. Its population was 74,897 (2010 Census). 6. According the municipality, the number of the dead is 9 and the injured 60. 7. The first meeting with the mayor, Augustio D. Correo, and the local authority took place on November 26, 2013, assisted by Shigeru Ban, Yasunori Harano, representative of VAN, Josef Yumi Espina, dean of CAFA-USC and the authors.

Emergency community design is a new genre of participation design, which requires speed and appropriate reaction against the critical situation. Daily stock and readiness are essential for this kind of community design. Further studies are necessary in terms of the elaboration of this type of commitment.

8. The full scale model of Paper tube shelter was exhibited on the occasion of Ethical Design Exposition at Sapporo on February 8-9,2013 9. The system was first conceived by the team of tree architects (Tomoyuki Utsumi, Takanori Ihara and Tatsuya Nagasaki) in 2013 as self-built structure for anyone. 10. Loboc is a fourth class municipality in Bohol Province. Its population was 16,312 (2010 Census) 11. Typhoon Hagupit (locally called Ruby) which arrived at the Philippines on December 6, 2004, affected Visayas and southern Luzon, but its victim was significantly smaller than Super-typhoon Haiyan of the last year. Although 3.85 million people were evacuated, 18 were reported dead while 916 were injured. 240,000 buildings were totally or partially damaged.


Emergency Community Design for the purpose of Relief and Reconstruction after the Calamity 59


In this lecture, I will explore a conceptual diagram which I call “triangle of values”. The triangle of values consists of philosophy or ethic, system and decision-making. The philosophy I use here as an example is that employed in the Ohashi River project. The philosophy includes “active town development” and “environmental consideration” as well as the ideal of “Aquapolis”. Such a philosophy should be realized based on systems, such as laws/ordinances or administrative systems. However, not all systems have been necessarily developed in a way that is the most convenient to embody the ideals. In other words, some systems may become constraints for the realization of philosophy. Like in the case of formulation of the “Basic Planning for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River”, when relevant actors in a project make decisions by way of discussion, along with philosophies and systems, options that relevant actors have for a decision-making will be an issue. If philosophies are diverse, systems will also be diverse and the diversity of options for those participating in the decision-making as well as the diversity of decision-making will be issues. The aim of this essay is delineate the triangle of values in the consensus building process I employed in some cases including the Ohashi River project.


A New Stage of Citizen Works for Regeneration of Environment and Landscape in Japan 61

1. Social Infrastructure Development in Diversity I have been engaged in a project for the formulation of the “Basic Planning for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River”, concerning a trilateral joint project of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, Shimane Prefecture and Matsue City. This project has been positioned as a part of the socalled “three-piece set”, which include a project covering the whole area along the Hii River, one concerning two dams (“Obara Dam” and “Shizumi Dam”) making up the Hii River flood control system, one involving a huge diversion called “Diversion of the Hii River” and a project for the improvement Ohashi River (a part of the Hii River) which runs through a famous provincial city of Matsue. Although the Ohashi River is a part of the Hii River, the project for the improvement of the Ohashi River was extremely important both for the country and the region because the Ohashi River is located in the most important part of the Hii River and we needed to consider the entire Hii River to complete this project. Originally, the project for the improvement of the Ohashi River had been placed within a flood control project. However, we knew, from the beginning, that this improvement project would have a substantial impact on the Matsue City area. It is because the improvement project included a widening of the Ohashi River and an excavation of the riverbed, construction of banks, replacement of two bridges as well as town development in bridge guard areas (such as the relocation of houses in the areas affected by the widening work, replacement of roads, related redevelopment of the urban areas, etc.). It is thus considered a project involving extremely complex values. People differed in opinion as each prioritized different values. There was the potential that conflicts become apparent among people with opposing views as we tried to move forward with the project. Flood control works usually commence in the down-stream area and should proceed upstream. However, the flood control project in the Hii River was Calm scene of Lake Shinji


interrupted due to the land reclamation issue in Nakaumi in the down-stream area and since then, it had been suspended for 37 years. In the meantime, two dams in the upper-stream area as well as the Diversion of the Hii River were constructed and the improvement of the Ohashi River was left as the only remaining issue. In 2005, I received a request from the Izumo River Office of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism to cooperate in this large-scale national project. While the improvement of the Ohashi River essentially aims for improved flood control, we decided to call the project “Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River” as it involved various issues such as the preservation of the environment, improvement of landscape and revitalization of town and we aimed to address not only the issue of flood control but also other issues. In this project, I worked as a member of the Review Committee for Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River, in which citizens participate. I also served as a facilitator in the meetings. In addition, I also played a central role in the project not only

as the head of the working group drafting the “Basic Principle for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River” and the “Basic Planning for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River” that were later adopted by the review committee, but also as an advisor who designed the process of the whole project as well as a facilitator of “Meeting with Citizens”, which was held to consult with citizens.

municipalities) and community development projects led by local residents. It is the Ohashi River project that has provided me with the framework for my advice in such projects.

In the process of three and a half years of planning, I could have repeated discussions for the promotion of the project with various project members. This process also served as a great opportunity for my own research regarding the path that the social infrastructure development in Japan should take. The ideas I have acquired in this process have largely contributed in my later activities, as my important intellectual resources. I am currently providing advice in various settings including large-scale national projects (such as the project on preventing the erosion of the Miyazaki Shore by the Miyazaki Office of River and National Highway of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism), road or river improvement projects by local governments (prefectures and

No social infrastructure development project should proceed without considering the relationship with local communities. If we do not understand various values or ways of thinking which exist in the community, we will face much opposition and probably, many conflicts. However, I do not think that what I have learned in the Hii River is merely an issue of diversity within a local community. Rather, I believe that I could learn the fundamental meaning of the term “diversity”.

2. The Project for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River The Ohashi River project should be considered a project for “social infrastructure development in diversity”. Here, the term “diversity” literally has various meanings.

If we visit Obara Dam in the upper-stream area of the Hii River, the Diversion of the Hii River which connects the Hii River and the Kando River as well as the Ohashi River, we will see that the landscape of an area reflects various histories. There, a history, that is, a flow of time from the past to the future, is hidden. The history reflected in a landscape represents mutual interactions between the nature and human beings and in some cases, human beings’ appreciation for the blessings of nature or human-beings’ defenses against natural threats. It also shows a trace of conflicts between human beings related to the blessings and threats of nature. The blessings and threats of nature are values created through mutual interactions between human beings and the nature. People will differ in ways of thinking depending on how they perceive such values. That causes a diversity of values. A field work at a town meeting of Ohashi River


A New Stage of Citizen Works for Regeneration of Environment and Landscape in Japan 63

We will see the landscape of an area that creates and preserves such various values. I believe you are visiting dams, a diversion and other specific projects in the Ohashi River. In addition to such projects, I would like you to see the whole landscape of the area. This area is called “Izumo” and Izumo means “springing clouds”. For three and a half years, I have made repeated visits to Izumo from Tokyo and I always liked seeing the shape of clouds in the sky of Izumo. Izumo has a unique climate and such a climate shapes clouds. If we observe carefully the shapes of clouds, we find the condition of the land which shapes such clouds as well as the forms of mountains, rivers, lakes and oceans. And we also find the various shades life of people there. The best way to understand how the project for the improvement of the Ohashi River involves various values may be referring to the “Basic Principles” adopted by the Review Committee for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River in December 2006. The Basic Principles includes a text titled the “Basic Concept for the Town Development”.

the day and night. We will preserve and pass down, in an appropriate manner for the community, the environment made of rivers, channels, farmlands and marshes (wetlands), the scenery including various waterfronts and traditional streetscapes as well as the history, culture and living of people there. We will restore what has been lost and also create new values. With regards to the scenery, we will continue to consider it, taking into account the systems related to the town development. Here, the terms of “scenery” and “view” include not only visual experiences, but also landscapes that we can experience with our five senses.

The town development of Matsue City, the Aquapolis of the Izumo, the country of “Rising Eight Clouds,” will be promoted in the belief that the town, people and water are inextricably linked. The town development will cover the whole area along the Hii River, which has shaped the Izumo culture, including the myth of Izumo and the Tatara iron making method. We will give sufficient consideration to all elements of the scenery which creates the originality of Matsue such as Daisen overviewed from Matsue, the surrounding mountain range and the evening view of Lake Shinji. Building upon the nature and climate where ancient gods are believed to live as well as the history and the culture from the Matsue Domain Era, we aim to achieve town development where residents and visitors can appreciate and share the beauty of the changing seasons and beautiful changes during every hour of

As the Ohashi River project started in November 2005, we spent 1 year and 1 month to reach this “Basic Concept”. This text set out the basic philosophy of the Project for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River and attracts the attention of those who have interest in and concern for the improvement of the Ohashi River. This text lays out the goal for the improvement of the Ohashi River, showing what the project is aiming at. This “Concept”


is given a role of specifying the goal that should be shared by those interested in the improvement project. Likewise, it also includes the message that the project aims to harmonize various elements included in the “Concept”, even opposing elements which are in the relationship of trade-off. Clarifying the philosophy of the project is the first step for the promotion of the project. If local residents and those involved in the project do not agree on this philosophy, it will cause many doubts and mistrusts as the project progresses. In contrast, if we specify a clear goal, we can always come back to this basic goal and review the situation when the discussion gets snarled. It is thus important to set a clear basic philosophy as the first step toward the promotion of the project. Furthermore, this “Concept” is not something that the project operator imposed in a top-down fashion. We have designed the process so that citizens can participate in the project from the concept formulation phase. It is the most important point in the Ohashi River project. In order to draw up the Basic Principles, we have assembled the committee many

times and summarized opinions given by the committee in the working group. We discussed such summaries again in the committee and discussed the revised summaries in a totally open meeting called “Meeting with Citizens”. Of course, not all participants agreed with the project operator. In some public projects, there is always a possibility that project operators will use various tactics to discourage dissent. In the Ohashi River project, however, we have never used such tactics and have been committed to a fully open, democratic process. As a result, we have always had harsh, critical opinions against the project. The main reason for such opposition was a sense of mistrust among citizens on the process employed in previous projects. Therefore, we needed to be prepared to devote a lot of energy to relieve this sense of mistrust among citizens. It takes a lot of work to consolidate the citizens’ trust. In contrast, an indiscreet remark by a person in charge of the project is enough to lose the trust of citizens. Therefore, communication management will be important in a project. One of the important elements in the communication management is sharing a project goal. Now, let’s take a look at the features of this “Concept”. As we can see, it begins with a sentence recognizing the regional characteristics of Izumo, based on an appreciation of the climate and the history of the region. What do we mean by the opening sentence which states: “The town development of Matsue City, the Aquapolis of Izumo, the country of “Rising Eight Clouds,” will be promoted in the belief that the town, people and water are inextricably linked”? A social infrastructure development in a community is a project which changes the traditional spatial structure of the community. Redesigning river spaces, including constructions or improvements of dams or diversions, drastically changes the life of residents living along the river. Road construction and land readjustment also have substantial impact on people’s lives as such projects change spatial Scenes of food in Matsue City_September 17, 2006


A New Stage of Citizen Works for Regeneration of Environment and Landscape in Japan 65

structures. However, project operators do not always accurately perceive the possible impact that their project would cause. If they only believe that their flood control project will make the community safer, they will be criticized by citizens and wonder why people do not understand although their work will benefit local residents. Such cases often occur when project operators do not understand what local residents really need. For example, even if it is a project which improves safety in the area, residents will doubt the project and feel that it would be only beneficial for those in the down-stream area or it would only serve to the safety in down-stream cities or it might be a project which would destroy the environment or scenery, or even their culture. It is thus indispensable that the project has a high ideal, which will help to dispel such doubts.

3. Various Meanings of “Diversity”

Matsue is rich in water and the fact that the project fully considers such a regional characteristic is represented in the wording of “the town, people and water are inextricably linked”. The subject of the verb “promote” is not explicitly written but it has “We” for the subject. While the national, prefectural and municipal governments are engaged in this project as the main actors, the actors also include citizens as we are promoting projects with citizen involvement.

When thinking about values, I largely focus on three factors. As all factors are mutually related, I indicated them in a triangle and called it a “triangle of values”. The triangle of values consists of philosophy, system and decision-making. The philosophy in the Ohashi River project includes “active town development” and “environmental consideration” as well as the ideal of “Aquapolis”. Such a philosophy should be realized based on systems, such as laws/ ordinances or administrative systems. However, not all systems have been necessarily developed in a way that is the most convenient to embody the ideals. In other words, some systems may become constraints for the realization of philosophy. Like in the case of formulation of the “Basic

What do we mean by “the town, people and water are inextricably linked”? It means that we aim to harmonize, not to contrast, the town development and the living of people, and the blessings of water and the threats of water. The city of Matsue is called “Aquapolis” and is located on the waterfront of Lake Shinji and the Ohashi River. It has been enjoying the rich scenery and the blessings of water as a resource. In the meantime, it has a history of flood disasters and needs to be prepared for the threats of water. The text states the ideal that we should harmonize, not contrast, such elements.

Discussion for building consensus at town meeting in Matsue City


The project for the “Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River” is an unprecedented project which aimed to harmonize diverse values, which include, as I have stated earlier, the flood control, scenery, environment and revitalization of towns. The term “diversity of values” may be somewhat abstract but we need to discuss each of its elements more in detail.

Planning for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River”, when relevant actors in a project make decisions by way of discussion, along with philosophies and systems, options that relevant actors have for a decision-making will be an issue. If philosophies are diverse, systems will also be diverse and the diversity of options for those participating in the decision-making as well as the diversity of decision-making will be issues. Troubles in the decision-making related to a social infrastructure development are often considered an issue of diversity of opinions among interested parties and in that sense, as an issue of diversity of actual value judgments. However, such value judgments depend on what kinds of philosophies an actor has on particular values, and on what kinds of institutional constraints or knowledge/information on institutional constraints he/she has.

of how local people perceive their town, what is dear to them and how they wish to create a future vision. Project operators need to figure out how their project’s philosophy is perceived by various interested parties, what kinds of institutional supports they would have to realize such philosophy and what intentions/senses the interested parties have in participating in relevant decision-makings. Changing the spatial structure of a community itself is a historical and cultural project. Some may think that creating a road will not change the culture. However, that is not correct. Creating a road does change people’s living. It will change people’s behavioral patterns. Changes in a space structure change the history and culture of the community concerned. Those involved in road improvement projects should be fully aware of this fact. Many simply believe that the living in the community will be convenient with a road improvement. However, a road construction would divide a community. It would also lead to an increase in crimes as it would provide easier access from outside. It would also cause a decline of a shopping area as it would change the flow of people. When people oppose a project, we should remember that such objections would imply various diversities. An opposition can be made due to a diversity of philosophies. For example, one would prioritize the preservation of the natural environment over the convenience and economy. Likewise, some institutional constraints would also cause oppositions when people make an unacceptable claim. In some cases, a problem can be solved by changing institutional constraints.

Diversities of philosophies and systems related to certain values as well as diversities of individual consciousness have regional features. In problems related to dam constructions or road improvements, there will be regional differences in terms



In terms of the history and the culture, we also need to pay attention to temporal elements that a regional space has. In the project in Matsue, not only the history from ancient times, but also changes of the seasons and changes within a day are considered important elements. What is important here is that “changes of the times� is also an element that makes up the diversity. As the project prolongs, the society and people will change. In other words, there will also be generational changes in philosophies and systems of community development that make up the triangle of values of people. The Ohashi River project had been suspended for 37 years. During that period of suspension, the country of Japan as well as the region of Izumo has changed dramatically. The natural environment has also changed drastically. We will be engaged in time-consuming works in a project. However, in the Japanese administrative system, there is a personnel reshuffle every two or three years and everyone is transferred to a new work place. Therefore, it will be extremely difficult to accurately understand temporal changes of a project. We need to consider the fact that gaps in time consciousness between project operators and residents/citizens would cause a conflict of opinions. 4. Understanding Structures of Oppositions and Visions for Solutions within the Landscape We see the landscape and climate of Izumo and listen to people’s opinions based on our own experiences and knowledge. What is important there is that we should not keep only our experience in our mind. We should share and discuss our experience with others when we walk around the site. The differences of our experiences in the regional space of Izumo will be shared as the differences of perceptions among members participating in the experience. What is important is that we understand that each person may experience the same space differently. Real size model of the bank of Ohashi River


An experience concerning a landscape is personal or subjective. Not like general or universal knowledge or technologies explained in the textbooks on civilengineering techniques, the perception of each person and his/her interpretation of a space based on such perception can be different. However, different experiences or impressions are often kept individually and that would cause a loss of understanding that there would be a different interpretation regarding a regional space. A structure of conflict of interpretations of a landscape causes a conflict of opinions concerning social infrastructure development. Therefore, it is sometimes possible to understand the structure of conflict which exists in a certain area by understanding its space structure, without even listening to interested parties. Especially in riverside areas, the interests of the upper-stream area and the down-stream area as well as those of the right bank and the left bank often conflict. We can predict possible conflicts that would come up during the process of a river improvement project by simply understanding the condition of the river and the surrounding areas.

For instance, in the Hii River, the flood control project has been promoted to protect Matsue, a city in the down-stream area. Many people were forced to relocate their homes for the construction of the dams in the upper-stream area and of the Diversion of the Hii River. Long-established communities suffered substantial impacts, in order to protect Matsue City in the down-stream area from flood disasters. We can easily imagine that people in the upper-stream area think that they are being sacrificed for the sake of people in the down-stream area. Similarly, flood disasters in Matsue are not caused by muddy streams bursting from the banks, but rather caused by an elevation of the water surface of Lake Shinji, a lake which is equivalent to a huge dam. Therefore, houses will not be washed away by dike breaks but will just suffer inundation below floor level, or, at worst, inundation above floor level. In such circumstances, if we visit the site, we can imagine that residents would strongly request a development of banks, especially in the low area along the Ohashi River. In the down-stream area of the Ohashi River, there is a stretch of rice paddies


designated as an urbanization control area and a rich ecosystem is preserved in the area along the Ohashi River. Therefore, we can also imagine that local environmentalists or ecosystem researchers would be concerned that the project would damage the natural riches. As discussed above, we can see and analyze diverse opinions and reasons for such opinions within a landscape. If we get an overview of such diverse opinions as a whole, we understand the rivalries among such opinions. That is, we can make an assessment of conflicts. However, such schematic assessments should be fully backed up by concrete discussions and investigations. In order to have further insights into possible opposing opinions and their grounds, it is necessary to understand the history and the culture of the community concerned. In the process of engagement in the project, walking around the Izumo region with rich ancient culture, I kept thinking about how the climate and the history/culture of this region have influenced the way of thinking of people in this region. By doing so, I can predict possible opinions when I serve as a facilitator of a concrete discussion. If I can predict possible opinions, I will not be surprised with any opinions. Furthermore, I will be prepared to address such opinions and I can image the direction which will lead the discussion toward an agreement, not a conflict. Once you have arrived in Obara, you will be able to observe not only dams, but also the condition of mountains, rivers and communities in Izumo. The Diversion of the Hii River is located at a point where the Hii River comes out to the Izumo Plain. Please observe the condition of the Hii River around that area. You will see many white sandbars on the riverside. The headstream area of the Hii River is an

A New Stage of Citizen Works for Regeneration of Environment and Landscape in Japan 69

old granite terrain and decayed rocks crumble into sands. Quartz and feldspar of granite are making white sandbars. If you look at the Hii River as a dragon, each of these sandbars looks like a scale. Ancient people portrayed the Hii River as a dragon and understood a flood as a violent dragon. Struggles to wipe out the dragon meant efforts for flood control and it was a god called Susanoo who undertook that role. Susanoo wiped out the dragon and got married to a goddess named Kushinadahime and created the country of Izumo. Susanoo is a god who has a power over natural disasters and Kushinada is a goddess who gives the blessing by creating productive rice paddies using the water from the Hii River. The myth of Izumo is a story harmonizing opposite attitudes regarding the nature, i.e., enjoying the blessings of the water and controlling the threats of the water. Based on such ideas, I have been engaged in the Ohashi River project. The “Basic Concept” is a summary of opinions of various people who participated in the discussions but its direction largely coincided with what I have visualized in the place of Izumo. People in the region had deep affection for, and felt proud of, the scenery of Izumo. The working group worked hard to express such pride and affection in the Concept. The very sentence of “give sufficient consideration to all elements of the scenery which creates the originality of Matsue such as Oyama overviewed from Matsue, the surrounding mountain range and the evening view of Lake Shinji” reflects such feelings of people of the community. Whether in the design of a whole project or in the facilitation of a discussion, the most important thing for me is to pay honor and respect to the culture of the community concerned, such as the mythology I have just mentioned. As long as a project team or facilitator has this kind of respectful sprit, local people will trust them. Especially after the modern age, local communities have experienced drastic changes and many people are indifferent to or unaware of important values accumulated in their community. Otherwise, people may think that it is not necessary to discuss the values within a familiar landscape or doubt their values. By expressing his/her Facilitation at a town meeting A view of Ohashi River


understanding on such values, a facilitator will be trusted by citizens, as someone who fully understands important values that citizens had forgotten and who accept their opinions and smoothly facilitate the project. Building relationships of trust is the most important, albeit the most difficult work in a consensus building. It is the most challenging but rewarding work. Actual construction works or completions of structures are easily appreciated as they are visible. In contrast, the creation of a process for consensus building will only be documented and cannot be observed in a spatial structure. Although the work of consensus building is not fully recognized in Japan, it is indispensable in order to promote project smoothly and peacefully.

5. Toward Building




The basic concept of the Project for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River is expressed in the following sentences: We will preserve and pass down, in a manner appropriate for the community, the environment made of rivers, channels, farmlands and marshes (wetlands), the scenery including various waterfronts and traditional streetscapes as well as the history, culture and living of people there. We will restore what has been lost and also create new values. With regards to the scenery, we will continue to consider it, taking into account the systems related to the town development. Here, the terms of “scenery” and “view” include not only visual experiences, but also landscapes that we can experience with our five senses. The basics of town development including river improvement are the preservation and inheritance, and the creation and generation. A social infrastructure development is an act to change spatial structures and qualities of a community

but such an act should not be one that can be perceived as a destruction of the community. Even when project operators believe that it is a productive project, it is clear, from examples of oppositions and conflicts related to social infrastructure developments, that people in a different position may fear that the project would have a completely opposite effect. If project operators have a sprit that important values should be preserved and passed down and that the project should be developed as a creative one to solve issues, they will win the sympathy of local people and will be able to build a relationship of mutual trust with people. Let’s discuss the creation of new values in relation to the triangle of values I mentioned earlier. The triangle is a relationship consisting of three factors, which are philosophy, system and decision-making. In the Ohashi River project, it is related to the project’s goals, including the safety of flood control, preservation of the environment, maintenance of the scenery and revitalization of urban areas. These values would conflict each other. In the example of the Ohashi River, if we mine the riverbed deep in order to improve the safety of flood control, it would lead to a higher concentration of the salt at high tide due to the brackish-water region and would affect the farming of fresh water clams. If we give up the excavation and make high banks, it would destroy the waterfront scenery. The flood control, environment, scenery and revitalization of towns are all important values, but in a concrete project, they would conflict. Such conflicts are related to the personal priorities each individual has on particular values. Those who place ultimate priority on the safety from floods, those who give primary consideration to the environment and the tourist agents who care about the scenery will have different opinions. Those who wish to promote the project and those who have a cautious attitude toward the project will make different remarks in a discussion and they may face a conflict of opinions. In a consensus building, we aim to create a new philosophy while recognizing these different opinions. In the Ohashi River project, we suggested the “Basic Concepts” which integrate four values, which are the flood control, environment, scenery and revitalization of towns. The above “Basic A scene of press interview and workshop


A New Stage of Citizen Works for Regeneration of Environment and Landscape in Japan 71

Concepts” played an important role of articulating a value which integrates various values which have a potential of conflict. Whether existing systems (rivers, roads, town development systems and etc.) suit a new philosophy may not be apparent from the beginning. If we are to create a new value, we may need to develop a new social system to realize such a value. Considering this point, we stated, in the “Basic Concepts”, “With regards to the scenery, we will continue to consider it, taking into account the systems related to the town development”. It means that we will take into account not only the consensus building for the actual project for the social system development, but also the consensus building in another sense, that is, for the development of systems related to the creation of new values. We pursued the Ohashi River project in a way that takes the philosophy and the systems into consideration and promotes open and democratic discussions. Likewise, the way of citizens’ participation was fully discussed within the project team. We designed the place of discussions so that people with any opinions can attend and explain their own opinions. Designing a place of discussions is not limited to scheduling the discussion and preparing the program. It also includes arranging tables and chairs in the venue, preparing materials posted on the walls and other tools, securing adequate human resources to fully document the discussion and determining a proper documentation method. These actual works are meant to design an actual place of decision-making, which is as important as philosophies and systems. As decision-making is done through consensus, such works can be also understood as a design of communication space for the consensus building. Unlike Western people, the Japanese do not feel comfortable to debate with others straightforwardly. Therefore, we need a little ingenuity to make communications smooth. I have acquired techniques to communicate indirectly, using various tools. Techniques for indirect communications aim to keep participants from directly conflicting with others and from personally attacking


those who have an opposing opinion on an issue, by focusing on the issue itself. Opposing opinions often become attacks on the person expressing different opinions. If opposing opinions take the form of attacks on the personality of another, the environment for a discussion will be lost. Therefore, a person expressing his/her viewpoint should be considered a person suggesting a different possibility for problem-solving. It is important to reach to an opinion which is convincing for all or as many people as possible, with an accumulation of creative works integrating as many opinions as possible. In this sense, a consensus building should be a creative one. The actors promoting a project should have definite ideas on each one of the values of philosophy, system and decision-making. As I explained earlier, this basic structure encompasses a diversity of values in itself but at the same time, all of philosophy, system and decision-making are limited by diverse elements. Existing systems are supported by old philosophies. However, in the course of historical changes, there are systems which need to be changed. Likewise, individuals also need to change

themselves toward their aims, amidst a process of philosophical and systematic changes. I believe that a consensus building is a wonderful opportunity for a personal transformation. Even among those who used to oppose to the philosophy supporting the promotion of a project, as a new philosophy emerges, there will be people who wish to change their own ideas to support the new philosophy. Within a group of persons with the same opinion, it is hard to change opinions and in some cases, those who change their opinions are treated as traitors. We need a reason or a “good cause” to change opinions. We thus need to enable people to explain that they have changed their opinions to support an important aim, which can be a good cause. A process of consensus building enables opposing people to explain the reasons when they have changed their opinions and reached an agreement. It is important that people are able to say that they have changed their opinions not for personal interests but for the society. Of course, it is important that it is not a hard compromise, which sacrifices their personal interests.


The flexibility of project operators for opinion changes will be also important. As I mentioned earlier, the “Basic Concepts” of the Ohashi River project include a reference to the system development. A social infrastructure development project will be welcomed by the community concerned and can move forward to the development of a new community, when a new philosophy, systems supporting the new philosophy, and actors making decisions based on the new philosophy and systems, fit well and move forward in harmony. The Hii River project consists of two dams, one diversion and the Ohashi River project. The project for the improvement of the Ohashi River, which had been suspended for 37 years, started to run again with the formulation of the “Basic Principles for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River” and the “Basic Planning for the Revitalization of Towns along the Ohashi River”. Works for the improvement of the midstream area with a high flood-risk are already in progress. Just visiting the site will not tell you how these works become possible. So, please visit the site after you understand the background.

A New Stage of Citizen Works for Regeneration of Environment and Landscape in Japan 73


Currently, environmental issues are severe and climate change caused by it are an important problem we need to solve. In order to confront climate change issues, we need to plan and manage public transportation oriented and walkable streets as an urban planning strategy that reduces the carbon emission. In particular, we need to seek ways to efficiently build pedestrian friendly streets in the city center, which the urban fabric are hard to newly change. In the city center, where planning a new street is impossible, it is important to grasp the primary factor of street structures that naturally encourages walking. In this regard, this research focuses on the possibility of the walking inflow especially in the diagonal street (collectivist road passing through the block) by its spatial structure and by the psychology in path-choice. Therefore, the aim of this research is to inform the importance in the priority of selecting the target area when building a pedestrian friendly street and to prove that there is a street structure that encourages walking by focusing on street selection based on pedestrian psychology.


Urban Design Through Citizen Environment


Currently, environmental issues are severe and climate change caused by it are an important problem we need to solve. In order to confront theses climate changes, we need to plan and manage public transportation oriented and walkable streets as an urban planning strategy that reduces the carbon emission. Especially, we need to seek ways to efficiently build pedestrian friendly streets in the city center, which the urban fabric are hard to newly change. In other words, by an infusing approach of areas of urban planning, urban design, architecture, transportation, and environmental phycology, a tactic that can confront the changing environment is needed. Until now, physical environment improvements in specific street areas were the only debates when discussing pedestrian improvement solutions. When planning walkable street spaces in the city center, the choice and concentration of the streets are a matter that need to be proceeded. In the city center, where planning a new street is impossible, it is important to grasp the primary factor of street structures that naturally encourages walking. There is a need to maximize the efficiency as a pedestrian friendly street by finding the street that naturally encourages walking in urban center and then combining land use planning, building usage plan, traffic and circulation planning, architectural planning of the specific street. Therefore, the aim of this research is to inform the importance in the priority of selecting the target area when building a pedestrian friendly street and to prove that there is a street structure that encourages walking by focusing on street selection based on pedestrian psychology. In this regard, this research focuses on the possibility of the walking inflow especially in the diagonal street (collectivist road passing through the block) by its spatial structure and by the psychology in path-choice. The diagonal street in intersections typically passes through the block in the shortest distance and when the pedestrian has a destination, it is used as a passageway. On the other hand, when there is no destination in grid or standardized environments, new structure inflows pedestrians by causing curiosity and grasping their attention. This can be inferred that it is because the pedestrian’s visibility is ensured due to the acute lot that is made in the beginning of the diagonal street unlike the


orthogonal street. In particular, if the diagonal street structure and commercial use is combined, the encouragement of walking will expand. Commonly, most walking has a particular purpose with a specific destination but there can be an exception in commercial areas. That is to say, in commercial areas, when there is no purpose but to just shop or window shop without any particular destination, the majority choses the street naturally while walking. In this manner, the research wants to notice the possibility of diagonal streets being a cause in encouraging walking according to the pedestrian’s view in terms of street structure. This research aims to maximize the efficiency of building walking-friendly streets in the city by improving the environment or establishing a managing system targeting structures of streets that bring an inflow of walking.

Garosoo-gil _Gangnam-Gu, Before (Up), Now (Down)

First Research Step: Diagonal Street of Seoul City

Therefore, research was carried out by the two steps below.

Structure of Cross-Road

First, we analyzed simulations that could be manufactured in order to study the fin effect of street spatial structure excluding physical surroundings. In other words, we built a virtual 3D space for experimenting circumstances that reflected an actual intersection structure of Seoul(crossing angle 20°, 35°, 60°; acute lot’s form and use, traffic island and pocket parks, building). Then, we analyzed whether or not street structure’s characteristic had an effect when selecting preferred street in the intersection if the test subject became a pedestrian in the virtual space presuming that there is no destination. We confirmed that the diagonal street was preferred than the straight road in the simulation environment with only structure conditions. We also found out characteristics of street structures that actually have an effect when choosing streets. The survey was taken by a total of 300 people, 150 people of this major and 150 that aren’t. Secondly, in order to confirm whether the pedestrian was influenced by the street’s structural environment in an actual intersection where both physical and structural environments of the street can be sensed or not, the second research chose a real intersection in Seoul City and studied the influencing relationship between the pedestrians’ preferred street selection and the component of street structure. The selection of the actual intersection was made by the following three stages.

Different Cross-Road Angle


Urban Design Through Citizen Environment


3D simulation

- Conditions of intersection: within a 500m radius of a train station, three (or more) way intersection containing a diagonal street with the angle of 10°~ 89° - Condition of volume of pedestrian: where the entire flow of people per day exceeds 10,000 people according to Seoul’s total dynamic population Data - Condition of types of intersections: type classification according to the form and usage of acute lot according to the crossing angle in the beginning. When the crossing angle is 20°, it is used as a traffic island, it is used as a park or shelter when it is 35°, and architectural buildings when it is 60°. A total of 440 surveys were taken in four final sites (Namdaemun-ro, Myungdong, Saemunan-ro, Insadong-gil), and 400 among the total surveys were analyzed through the STATA 12.



3D simulation image by street structure type

The results of the study show the following.

usage according to the crossing angle is what affects the votes.

The 3D simulation results can summarized by the following 3 parts.

Secondly, the diagonal street was chosen the most in the investigation of street selection according to structural environment except for the acute high building lot, obtuse low building lot 60°. This proves that the diagonal street has the possibility of natural inflow of pedestrians. Also, when the crossing angle was 35°, when acute lot was a shelter or park, and when the acute lot was a lower building, the diagonal street was chosen more. This shows that there is a correlationship between the inflow of pedestrians in diagonal streets and shelter-park functions of the beginning of the intersection according to the crossing angle.


First, the preference for streets’ structural environment analysis results show that when the crossing angle is 35° and it is an acute low-rise building lot, the diagonal street was preferred. We can interpret that when we notice the intersection’s surroundings while walking, we consider the height of the acute building lot more than the obtuse building lot. Also, the fact that the 35° with the shelter is preferred and the 60° with buildings received little votes shows us that the openness difference in the city caused by acute lot’s form and


Third, the results that analyzed the importance of structural factors in selecting streets show that in all intersections, when selecting diagonal streets, the form and usage of the acute lot, degree of visibility, the crossing angle is the order of importance. We can deduct an implication that according to the degree of visibility due to the crossing angle and the usage of the acute lot, the diagonal street can be chosen a lot.

Urban Design Through Citizen Environment


The actual survey analysis results of the center of Seoul city are like the following. Namdaemun-ro 10gil

Among all the 4 places, when there were no destinations, 74.75% chose the diagonal street and 25.25% chose the straight street which shows the preference of the diagonal street. The characteristic of the street that affected the selection can be shown in the order of psychology, visibility, structure, architecture, facility. The result is that when selecting a street, the psychological factors such as convenience and safety have the biggest influence. Besides psychological aspects, structural environments have a bigger influence than physical environments caused by street architectures and features of the facilities. Visibility which was voted highest after psychology, is the intersection’s visual openness in the direction of the street. Therefore, we can regard as a street structural influence because it is connected with street structure. Another notable fact is that the street structure affected the selection of the street. Especially, when the folded angle of the street and the form and usage of the beginning of intersection’s influence was bigger, the diagonal street was preferred more. In conclusion, pedestrians who walk toward the diagonal street think that the structural factors are the most important. This means that in the process of street activation, the pedestrian consciously or unconsciously choses the street structure that appeals to them and therefore establishes an environment. Eventually, efficient planning can be achieved. The 1st and 2nd research result concludes the following: when a pedestrian choses a street, the majority will chose the diagonal street against the straight street; street structural features have a bigger influence than physical factors such as roadside buildings and facilities. Hence, if we build a street that combines a diagonal feature that structurally leads pedestrians to select streets naturally and usage planning such as commercial factors, the effectiveness of the enterprise will be elevated. Especially, the most preferred environment when selecting streets was when the crossing angle was about 35° and the acute lot had an open shelter and green. In other words, no matter what the usage of the acute lot was, the diagonal street had a structure that naturally encouraged pedestrians more than straight streets. But when the crossing angle was about 35° and the acute lot had a shelter or green track, we could encourage the pedestrians diagonal street selection more.


Saemunan-ro 5ga gil


Myungdong 2gil


Urban Design Through Citizen Environment



Kim Heung-Soon, 2010, “A Study on Revitalization Factors of Garosu-gil and Samcheongdong-gil, Seoul”, 「 The Architectural Institute of Korea 」, Vol.26 No.5 (2010), pp.325-334. Lee, Se-Yeon, Song, Ji-Yeon, Park, Jin-A, “A Study on the Impact Factors of Pedestrian Path Choice on Intersections”, Urban Design Institue of Korea, Vol.15 No.4 [2014], pp.165-174. Shin, Jung-yup, Lee, Gun-Hak, “The Methodological Review of Wayfinding Based on the Spatial Cognition and Modeling the Cognitive Paths”, The Korean cartographic association, Vol.12 No.3 [2012], pp. 95-111. An Eun-Hee, “A Study on the Effect of Environmental Characteristics on Wayfinding Performance in Consumption Space along Street Pattern”, 「 The Architectural Institute of Korea」, Vol.25 No.7 [2009], pp.13-20. Lim, Gi-Sup, Kim, Tae-Kyun, “A Study on Factors Influencing the Wayfinding Behavior of the Virtual Exhibition Space”,「 KOREA SOCIETY OF DESIGN TREND 」, Vol.24 No.- [2009], pp.275-284. Choi, Jae-Pil, Baek, Seung-Ho, “An Analysis of the Relationship Between Spatial Layout and Wayfinding Efficiency In the Context of Space Syntax ”, 「 The Architectural Institute of Korea」, Vol.18 No.7 [2002], pp.3-10. Hong Sung-Jo, Lee Kyung-Hwan, Ahn Kun-Hyuck, “The Effect of Street Environment on Pedestrians’ Purchase in Commercial Street - Focused on Insa-dong and Munjeong-dong Commercial Street ”,「 The Architectural Institute of Korea 」, Vol.26 No.8 [2010], pp.229-236. Bovy, Piet HL, and Eliahu Stern. ROUTE CHOICE. WAYFINDING IN TRANSPORT NETWORKS. STUDIES IN OPERATIONAL REGIONAL SCIENCE. No. 9. 1990. Golledge, Reginald G. “Human wayfinding and cognitive maps.” Wayfinding behavior: Cognitive mapping and other spatial processes (1999): 5-45. Hoogendoorn, Serge P., and Piet HL Bovy. “Pedestrian route-choice and activity scheduling theory and models.” Transportation Research Part B: Methodological 38.2 (2004): 169-190. Lynch, Kevin. The image of the city. Vol. 11. MIT press, 1960. Maleki, M. Z., M. F. M. Zain, and Amiruddin Ismail. “Variables communalities and dependence to factors of street system, density, and mixed land use in sustainable site design.” Sustainable Cities and Society 3 (2012): 46-53. Seneviratne, P. N., and J. F. Morrall. “Analysis of factors affecting the choice of route of pedestrians.” Transportation Planning and Technology 10.2 (1985): 147-159. Stern, Eliahu, and David Leiser. “Levels of spatial knowledge and urban travel modeling.” Geographical Analysis 20.2 (1988): 140-155.


Urban Design Through Citizen Environment



As we know, the two significant characteristics of the early part of the 21st century are the dramatic increase in the urbanization of human societies and the very likely new era, which can be labeled the anthropocene. Both oblige us to admit that ecology is a matter of relations rather than a matter of nature. Ecology – and by extension, social ecology – does not deal with nature, rather it deals with the nature of relationships we can have and develop with different components of our environment. More precisely, it’s a matter of quality of interrelationships between humans, nonhumans and Earth as a common physical ground. From this standpoint, what would be the contribution of aesthetics? A quick overview of different current practices shows how the experience and expression of the sensible (or what is commonly known as “the senses”), is related both to perception of the environment and social engagement. In fact, aesthetics and, more precisely, environmental aesthetics, cannot be separated from the general reflection on political mediation and one’s sense of responsibility towards the environment.1


Which Narratives for the Anthropocene?


“The real must be fictionalized in order to be thought” […] “Politics and art like forms of knowledge, construct ‘fictions’, that is to say material rearrangements of signs and images, relationships between what is seen and what is said, between what is done and what can be done.” “They define models of speech or action but also regimes of sensible intensity.” 2 Jacques Rancière

If the current world is characterized by an increasing urbanization of human life and by the globalization of the economy, both having a dramatic impact on Earth, what kind of narratives do we need to make this reality tangible or public? Broadly speaking, fictions or narratives can be seen as vehicles through which subjectivity becomes aware of a given milieu. The latter, as presented in the work of Bruno Latour, is a post-natural and post-cultural world within which the notion of biopolitics itself has to be reconsidered, because a change of scale has become necessary. In the anthropocene age, the notions ‘bios’ and ‘politics’ have to be extended and considered on a worldwide scale. The question of biopolitics, viewed as governance of life, should not be limited to the consideration of humankind. In the 21st century, biopolitics goes beyond the sole political individual and concerns all living entities which are threatened by the current ecological crisis. Within the contemporary context, the notion of a political subject (sujet politique) must be extended to include the nonhuman sphere. Furthermore it should be integrated into the sets of interrelations which exist between the human and the nonhuman, as part of a permanent on-going process of interdependency.

During our lecture we used different examples. First, we mentioned the initiative of the French sociologist Pierre Rosanvallon: The Parliament of the Invisibles God, Man Dog (2007) Singing Chen


which, by the means of publications which he organizes, seeks to make public the lives of those who have no voice in our current societies in order to be closer to the “modalities of the common”. To do so, he invites writers, philosophers and sociologists to collect and encourage accounts of everyday life from those by which a country like France exists. Then, we mentioned the film Leviathan (2012) from Verena Paravel and Lucien Castaing-Taylor3 which refers, at the same time, to the Leviathan of the Bible as a marine monster4 and to Hobbes’s Leviathan as an anonymous force of subjugation of life. From a documentary standpoint, the film shows everyday work onboard a North Atlantic fishing boat from the New Bedford coast. But with the aid of a carefully chosen soundtrack and editing (montage), this movie focuses the audience’s attention on the struggle between fish, birds and fishermen, between ship and ocean. The spectator is literally invited to dive in a milieu where blood, flesh, feelings, beauty and fear merge. The impact of the movie comes from the way it is shot; camera angles which cause the spectator to experience

the events portrayed in unexpected ways. The role of the horizon as a perceptual anchor is loosened, and without this landmark the audience is immersed in chaos; constantly swinging between damp darkness and cold sunrise where the only fragments of beauty are the seabirds’ flying through the night. In our view, the length of the scenes and the editing of different points of view lead the audience to feel an intimate relationship with both the human and nonhuman realities. This constant wavering between viewpoints smudges the distinctions between the realities of animals and humans, leading the audience to experience them all simultaneously. Thirdly, a Taiwanese movie, God, Man Dog (2007) directed by Singing Chen, characterizes rather well the current poetics of a global sense of neighbourhood. From an aesthetics perspective, it is possible to find within this kind of choral movie signs of what would be a poetics of neighbourhood (or coexistence) and to shed light on new forms of narration which have evolved in parallel with contemporary changes; allowing us to be more sensitive to the new modes of cohabitation between gods, humans and animals with which we are increasingly involved.

Finally, we mentioned the work of Amar Kanwar, an Indian artist. What is significant about Amar Kanwar is that his work starts exclusively from local issues but thanks to a deep sense of poetry, a very contemporary mix of medium and a proper sense of responsibility, he is leading our attention towards global social and ecological issues. In this regard, Amar Kanwar’s work, such as 7 short films on the Commons or The Sovereign Forest, are a perfect example to illustrate how the notions of ‘local’ and ‘global’ – traditionally in opposition - can be related if we think of them respectively in terms of being a ‘singularity’ and a ‘commonality’. This is not a matter of novelty; rather it is a consequence of a transindividual emotion that opens up a space for us to feel what we have in common. That is what we are sharing despite our differences.

All these examples – among many others – invite us to recall one of the principle roles of art: to show and to name things in order to make them exist, to make them part of our lives, components of the times in which we live. In relation to poetry this function has been recognised since ancient times and it remains a priority. However, what is important to stress is that narratives are not only art works. It is possible to include amateurs’ texts, pictures or videos logged on the Internet, blogs, social networks and so on. Today, this content is vital for people to see examples of what it is possible to do within their neighbourhood; it helps to set a precedent and to some extent a memory that will give confidence and help them to accept or renew other initiatives. As we saw during this series of lectures with Zoh Kyung-jin, Reigh Young-Bum, Križnik Blaž, Miyake Riichi or Toshio Kuwako, social ecology needs time. It takes time for people to renew their views and ways of thinking; and in this regard narratives are indispensable to create and/or reinforce any kind of change. The scale of social ecology is microsociology and, therefore micropolitics. It is based on dialogue, trust and narrative experiences in order to develop a sense of community. Amar Kanwar, Sovereign Forest (2010-2012)


Which Narratives for the Anthropocene?


Now, if we take a wider view, today, a certain sense of urgency perhaps pushes us to question our traditional use of metaphorical means: “What if we had shifted from a symbolic and metaphoric definition of human action to a literal one?” asks Bruno Latour. “After all, this is just what is meant by the anthropocene concept: everything that was symbolic is now to be taken literally. Cultures used to ‘shape the Earth’ symbolically; now they do it for good. Furthermore, the very notion of culture went away along with that of nature. Post natural, yes, but also post cultural.5” Post-natural and in consequence post-cultural since these two concepts are different sides of the same coin. How to respond to the mix of science and politics through which we shape the Earth? asks Latour. His answer is that we must switch from a mind-set focused on a matter of fact to a mind-set focused on a matter of concern.6 The point that Latour particularly underlines is that, as construction, facts are elaborated following schemes of science and/or metaphysics which are in turn based on the modern natural philosophy perspective denounced by Alfred North Whitehead. According to this conceptualisation of nature, nature is “bifurcate nature into two divisions, namely into the nature apprehended in awareness and the nature which is the cause of awareness.7” On the contrary, the concerns imply both emotion and processes of fictionalisation based on sensory experience. Therefore, taking responsibility means learning how to respond insists Bruno Latour. Here it is useful to recall the Latin respondeo; which makes clear the link between being responsible and responding: “I become responsible by giving a response – by action or by words – to a call coming from somebody or something.8” Responding to the call implies learning how to become more sensitive to it. As we can see, this moral orientation implies developing sensitive attention towards what or who is calling. This means that the moral dimension, as sense of responsibility (distinct from morality which is normative), is neither separate from aesthetic perception nor from the necessity of fiction.


Atopia9 What I name Atopia is related to socalled globalization. It is a way to answer to the consequences of the globalization of economy and, more precisely, to the mistrust or anxiety that globalization generates sometimes. It is a way to show that we have the wrong tendency to ‘globalize’ too quickly the world in which we are living. What should remain the core of our efforts is how and where there is resistance that is creative, where it is possible to find a modulation, variation or nuance. Therefore, we must admit a need for new narratives or a need of new forms of narratives in order to make perceptible the novelty of our situation and allow a new distribution of relations within the context of global exchanges of forms and ideas where everything is to some extent taken over, reformulated or reproduced within an horizon of uncertainty and where the notion of atopia seems to describe many aspects of our present world rather well. However, there are two ways to understand the notion of Atopia:

The first way belongs to the long tradition of criticism. Atopia, understood as a concept expressing a non-place or a world without borders, can be used to express the identity crisis or lack of recognition that results from colonialism or multinational and multicultural realities. The term is used in reference to negative geopolitical or sociological aspects. In a few words, atopia means that today we are living in a general flow of global and multi-polar exchanges of commercial items but also of ideas and forms with which artistic activity has also to deal with. Therefore, it could be argued that within the increasing rate of circulation of pictures, signs and information, it would be right to think about globalization in negative terms and to assume that since everything can be found everywhere, then nothing comes from anywhere in particular. This view deals with traditional views of identity and, more precisely as I said views of culture as expression of national identity.

In summary, it belongs to the tradition of modernism. In this perspective, atopia appears only as a consequence of globalization; a quite unfortunate one. The second way to understand the notion of atopia holds itself apart from this tradition of modernism regarding identity. Roland Barthes, for instance, grasps the full etymological dimensions of the notion of atopia and suggests how it can be understood as a neutral interval ‘before’ both topos and topic, as a time of release where nothing can be reduced to the coordinates ‘place and/or theme’ since giving a name to something entails giving it a place in a series of different categories of discourse. Atopia can be viewed as equivalent to a sovereign right to ‘wander off the point’, to act and think beyond usual social definitions and classifications, While, on the one hand, inherited institutions and their representatives seem to hold a traditional vision of the relation between creativity and political identity, artists, on the other hand, seem to use as a starting point the potentially of a particular state of the world around them in a more positive manner. In other words, the point is not so much the representation of a specific theme (topic), or the what. Rather, the point is to question how any kind of thing can be the subject for social or artistic practice. That is to say, artists for instance do not start with preconceptions about the role that a historian or a curator might assign to art objects a posteriori. Instead, artists set out to question the way in which we think about our relation to things. In short, whereas one, the historian or curator, is dealing with forms of (historical) change, the other, the artist or citizen, is dealing with modes of experience. Thus, from an aesthetic point of view, atopia lets us foresee a moment Amar Kanwar, Sovereign Forest (2010-2012) Singing Chen, God, Man Dog (2007)


Which Narratives for the Anthropocene?


of respiration where mobile and discontinuous qualities provide sufficient reason to say that a thing, a being, or an event first exists as a free fact of consciousness before it eventually becomes the object of judgment or of intellectual determination, that is classification. It is the source of intensive differences. The identity of a subject is not reducible to the sum of that subject’s properties but must be understood through the deployment of the subject’s qualities This qualitative approach does away with any kind of conventional principle of identity. What matters is no longer the notion of individual (person or object) or group identity as an absolute category but rather relations themselves, relations which precede forms understood as marks of identity. Once again, taking an atopian perspective provides the opportunity to switch from the two notions, “local” and “global” or “individual” and “universal” that, since the modern age, became the usual and limiting ways of thinking about questions of territory and identity, to the two notions: singularity and common. Biopolitics & Anthropocene In his book Will to Knowledge, Michel Foucault summarizes the question of biopolitics as follows: “For millennia, man remained what he was for Aristotle: a living animal with the additional capacity for a political existence; modern man is an animal whose politics places his existence as a living being into question.10” We have already started to explore the extent to which we are still living within the heritage of this modernity; the modernity that made living the main purpose of politics. In order to go further, the work of Roberto Esposito gives us an interesting historical and philosophical perspective which provides a complement to the views of Michel Foucault. Esposito is interested in the notion of biopower – a modern turning point when organisation of public life took biology as a model. “What characterizes the horizon of biopower”, sums up Esposito, “is rather the way the whole sphere of politics, law, and economics becomes a function of


Frontispiece of Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan by Abraham Bosse, 1651. (Detail)

the qualitative welfare and quantitative increase of the population, considered purely in its biological aspect: life becomes government business, in all senses of the word, just as government becomes first and foremost the governance of life.11” As we know Thomas Hobbes’s role is pivotal. In his Leviathan, Hobbes reshapes the relationship between the subject – as political animal as defined by Aristotle – and the authorities (or means of power), who rule the organisation and expression of political life. Esposito shows how this vision, in Hobbes’s view, is based on fear, and how, as a direct consequence, fear builds up a disjunction between the individual and his/her properties, and the community as a public space, since what is common belongs to no one in particular. In Hobbes’s analyses (which were made within the context of the English Civil War) community was

synonymous with anarchy, risk of death or deprivation. Therefore, according to him, it was necessary to give strength to one Sovereign authority, to govern and protect each individual’s belongings from chaos. Indeed, Hobbes conception of politics has been rethought by philosophers like J-J Rousseau (who insisted on the idea of a Social Contract), I. Kant (who stressed the importance of the law) or even J. Stuart Mill (who defended private morality and liberty against public control). In spite of these adjustments in the weight given to ideas related to the restrictive authority of government and the appeal of a shared common destiny, the heart of the matter remains what Esposito called the process of immunisation (Immunitas). This is an ambiguous process dealing at the same time with the protection of life and with putting strong limitations on the ways in which individuals live. Immunization is so important, argues Esposito, “that it can be taken as the explicative key of the entire modern paradigm.12” Counterbalancing this idea there is what Esposito calls ‘Communitas’: “It is what belongs to more than one, to many or to everyone, and therefore is that which is


‘public’ in opposition to ‘private’ or (…) ‘collective’ in contrast to ‘individual’.13” What makes Esposito’s work significant is his reflections on the Roman term munus [gift] from which the term community derives. Following Esposito’s line of reasoning, the community appears more like the experience of a des-appropriation or donation: “the being of community is the interval of difference, the spacing that brings us into relation with others in a common non-belonging, in this loss of what is proper that never adds up to a common ‘good’.14” What Esposito points out is the necessity of an interval of dis-appropriation or gift - which we name atopia - in order for the togetherness to become viable without being subjugating. Nevertheless, ‘Immunitas’ and ‘Communitas’ are constantly interfering with each other: “[the] law seeks to protect the common life from a danger (…)” explains Esposito. “Common life is what breaks the identity-making boundaries of individuals, exposing them to alternation – and thus potential conflict– from others. Also, because the community brings its members together in a common relationship that is necessarily one of reciprocity, it tends to confuse the boundaries between what is proper to each individual and what belongs to everybody and hence to nobody.15” In the end, ever since Hobbes’ Leviathan, our on-going daily reality seems to involve the ‘dialectical’ relationship between an on-going immunisation able to guarantee the integrity and management of a group, and legitimate aspirations to a sense of community. Now, the question is how or under what conditions is it possible to suggest an opening, an easing of this relationship? Under what circumstances could it be possible to create space within this dualism? Space for another way of thinking? This is where, in our view, sensory experience could be useful as it provides a possible approach to conceiving of an appropriate form which deals differently with the dualism at work between immunisation processes and the necessity of a sense of community.

Which Narratives for the Anthropocene?


In order to be able to distinguish ourselves from modern man as identified by Foucault, it is necessary to take on board the ecological horizon of the anthropocene which obliges us to rethink this relationship. We know that the ancient Greeks made a distinction between the two meanings of our word ‘life’. Zoe corresponded to natural life and bios corresponded to political life. Therefore, if biopolitics marks a modern interweaving between zoe and bios, then today governance of life in the anthropocene age – which is a natural consequence of adopting an anthropocentric way of thinking and acting – has become a question of taking into account the interdependent mix of human and nonhuman realities. As Bruno Latour argues, we are more and more attached to new sets of postnatural and post-cultural realities which come up in the public sphere.16 As a consequence, everything becomes political, the Earth itself becomes politics and thus our responsibilities never cease to increase. This is a further reason why Hobbes remains such a valuable reference even today, since the threat we are considering under the label anthropocene could cause different manifestations of fear and deprivation. Manifestations which are, in their turn, likely to cause an increase in policies of regulation and control; a bigger Leviathan we might say. Hobbes’s key analogy is of a State as a large body within which each subject is a single component. The power of the State-body to control and shape the lives of the component members must be accepted by those component members in order for them to be protected. This metaphorical figure of a State-body should be revised in favour of an Earth-body where the conception of the individual as political subject should be derived from the experience of the ‘in-common’ not the reverse. In doing so, we will be able to conceive of how the expression of a singularity can be related to the experience of a community thanks to a distance or interval regarding our conventional way of seeing the identity of a being, a thing or an event.

A scene from Lucien Castaing-Taylor and Véréna Paravel’s Leviathan (2012)


Community gardens To conclude, we would like to illustrate this last general idea using the notion of atopia, as a creative interval. We would like to illustrate it through the example of community gardens or urban rooftop gardens. For several years they have been developing within North American, European and Asian cities as well. From our standpoint, what seems significant is their constant ‘multi-functionality’; this is to say, the possible multiuse for a given space. A rooftop garden for instance, must satisfy, at the same time, practical needs, administrative constraints and qualitative social aspects such as education, alimentation or relaxation. The point is that, originally, these gardens are taking up space on neglected territory, precisely because the modern urban planning perspective implies that a space has one use or determination only: a roof is a roof. On the contrary, community gardens are atopic because they occupy spaces which had no specific attribution and which were cast aside: dead ends, space between two roads, two houses or on a top of a building where nobody ever goes. When people grab them, take them over, these spaces

become social places, i.e. places where relationships are created. The inhabitants become actor of this qualitative leap. Furthermore, such participative atopias elaborate themselves into a temporary experimental manner. Finally, they are quite the opposite of the modern conception of planning or managing univocal places: instead of a roof is a roof we find: a roof is a roof and a garden and a place to learn and to play or to gather. Doing so, they let interactions emerge and become sources of experience - experience of a re-appropriation of what Esposito called the munus that is a time for gift where the idea of property is discarded in favour of a common experience.

1. A shorter version of this paper was presented at the 37th International conference of the Association for Philosophy and Literature (IAPL), National University of Singapore, June 2013, under the title “Contemporary Aesthetics & Hospitality. New Narratives in the Anthropocene Age”. 2. Jacques Rancière, The Politics of Aesthetics, (NY/London: Continuum, 2006), 38-39. 3. Website accessed 05 November 2014: 4. As the quotation from Job, 41 at the beginning of the movie reminds us. 5. Bruno Latour, “Waiting for Gaia: Composing the common world through arts and politics.” (London: French Institute, November 2011), 11. Bruno Latour Website. Accessed 05 November 2014. http://www. 6. Bruno Latour, “Why Has Critique Run out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern” Critical Inquiry 30, University of Chicago, 2004. 7. Alfred North Whitehead, The Concept of Nature. The Tarner Lectures Delivered in Trinity College, November 1919, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 30-31. 8. Bruno Latour, Emilie Hache, “Morale ou Moralisme ? Un exercice de sensibilisation. ” Raisons politiques, 34, mai 2009, 143-166, Presses de Sciences Po, 144. « Du mot respondeo : je deviens responsable en répondant – par l’action ou par la parole – à l’appel de quelqu’un ou de quelque chose. » 9. For a complete view, see Yves Millet, “Atopia & Aesthetics. A Modal Perspective”, Contemporary Aesthetics, Vol. 11 (2013) (online) 10. Michel Foucault, Will to Knowledge, History of Sexuality Vol. 1, trans. Robert Hurley (London: Penguin Books, 1998), 143.

Translated by Kari Stunell and Finn Harvor

11. Roberto Esposito, Immunitas. The Protection and Negation of Life, trans. Zakiya Hanafi (London: Polity Press, 2011), 138. 12. Roberto Esposito, Communitas. The origin and destiny of community, trans. Timothy Campbell (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010), 12. 13. Roberto Esposito, Communitas, 3. 14. Roberto Esposito, Communitas, 139. 15. Roberto Esposito, Immunitas, 22. 16. See Bruno Latour and Peter Weibel (dir.), Making Things Public. Atmospheres of Democracy, (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2005).


Which Narratives for the Anthropocene?








Young-Bum REIGH

Kung Jin ZOH


Sociologist l Professor_Hanyang University, Korea

Dr. Blaž Križnik is assistant professor in the Graduate School of Urban Studies, Hanyang University, where he teaches community-based urban planning, urban regeneration, social sustainability, and urban sociology. He is the co-founder of the Institute for Spatial Policies, a Ljubljana-based NGO and independent research organisation, which is active in the fields of urban development, territorial planning and community development. He is also author of a book “Local responses to global challenges: cultural context of urban change in Barcelona and Seoul,” which critically compares the everyday consequences of urban development on local culture in global cities.

Philosopher l Professor_Tokyo Institute of Technology, Japan

Toshio Kuwako is Director of Center for Liberal Arts and Professor in the Graduate School of Decision Science and Technology of the Tokyo Institute of Technology, Japan. In reference to his research activities, he identified concepts such as “placement of body” and “historical profile of locale” by grasping theoretical and practical relations between humans and the environmental world through the comparison of western perspectives on humanity, perspectives on nature and China, and perspectives on humanity and nature of Japan

Landscape Planner l Professor_Hanyang University, Korea

Alban Mannisi has lived and practiced in France, Korea, Singapore, England, Thailand and Japan involved in a variety of projects in collaboration with professionals in various fields, such as landscape architects & planners, architects, urban & territorial planners, environmentalists, researchers and academics. His main areas of interest are; the Implementation of Political Ecology in Landscape Planning; Social Ecology Deployment through Environmental Mediation. Major research projects are; the Globalization of Sustainable Narrative; the Analysis on the Foundation of Localized Political Ecology & Citizen Resistance.

Philosopher l Professor_Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Korea

Yves Millet is currently a Professor at the French Studies department, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, South Korea, and an associate member of the research group Architecture. Milieu. Paysage (AMP)/UMR 7218 CNRS LAVUE, France. His research fields are the philosophy of art and environmental aesthetics. He is also an active writer and editor. He published several articles both in English and French journals and books about western and eastern aesthetic experience and its relation the environment. His most recent researches explore the relationship between sensory experiences and notion of humans and nonhumans community within the post-cultural and post-natural context of the Anthropocene.

Architect l Professor_Fuji Women’s University, Japan

Born in 1948 in Japan, after graduating from Tokyo University in 1972, Riichi Miyake completed his studies at the School of Fine Arts in Paris in 1979 and was awarded the PhD degree in Architecture. After many years working as a professor at the Shibaura Institute of Technology, Lyj University, K.Yu University, Paris National Conservatory of Arts and Crafts, now he is vice president of the Fuji Women’s University in Sapporo in Japan. He is a specialist in architectural history, heritage restoration and urban development. As the vice president of the France-Japan Association of Industrial Technologies, he has been involved in many activities linking Japan and France. Mr. Miyake has been active in the design and urban management in the cities of Yokohama, Helsinki, Sheng Yang (China), Malakeh (Ethiopia) and many others.

Urban Planner l Professor_Hanyang University, Korea

Dr. Jina Park is an Associate Professor in the Department of Urban Planning and Engineering at Hanyang University in Korea. She got her M.S. in Architecture & Urban Design from Ecole Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture de Paris La Villette and Ph.D. in Urban Geography from Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne in France. She is now a public architect of Seoul Metropolitan City and works actively in urban regeneration project as architect and urban designer. Her research interests are urban spatial structure and spatial behavior, urban design and regeneration and revitalization of commercial street. Her recent research topics are “Study on the commercial area management model for the competitiveness of Seoul” and “A study on the pedestrian-friendly street spatial structure for the reduction of carbon emissions in climate change era”.

Architect l Professor_Kyonggi Unversity, Korea

Young-Bum Reigh is currently a professor at the Graduate School of Architecture of Kyonggi University. He studied architecture at Seoul National University and received his Ph. D. from Graduate School of Architectural Association School of Architecture in London. He has actively been involved in Urban Action Network, a Non-governmental Organization in the field of community-based design and urban regeneration. He has been in charge of the Community Design Center for many years and has done various community-based design work including the Hanpyong Park projects. He has written a series of books including “Remember the urban death”, “Urban regeneration of New York, London, and Seoul”, “Do the community design”.

Landscape Planner l Professor_Seoul National University, Korea

Kyung-Jin Zoh who was born in Seoul, studied landscape architecture at Seoul National University and completed his Ph.D. in City and Regional Planning at the University of Pennsylvania. He is a professor of Graduate School of Environment Studies, Seoul National University. He wrote and edited many books on contemporary landscape in Korea while participating in many public landscape projects. He won the design competition for Seoul Forest Park with Dongsimwon Landscape Design in 2003. Now he works as both a chief director of park and green space in Seoul Metropolitan City and a master planner of Seoul Botanical Park. He also is a director of the Center for Garden Studies at Korean Institute of Landscape Architects.



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Š ZZAC 2015 ISBN : 978-2-9535437-1-1 98

Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asian territory Lecture Series_ Mugyewon, Buam Dong, Seoul_Korea

Édité par ZzaC ZzaC (Association Loi 1901) Coordination éditoriale : Alban Mannisi Conception graphique : ZzaCBooK Assisté par : Paul Mullins et Paul Allen Achevé d’imprimer à Séoul, le 02 Juillet 2015 par Joeun Communication 2F, Seongmisan-ro 98, Mapo-gu, Seoul Tél. : (82) 02-717-0004 Edition limitée : 50 exemplaires

© ZZAC 2015 ISBN : 978-2-9535437-1-1




Acknowledgement Kyung-Jin Zoh Young-Bum Reigh Blaž Križnik Riichi Miyake Rumi Okazaki Jin Baek Toshio Kuwako Benjamin Joinau Doyoung Song Yves Millet Jina Park Mugyewon, Jongno,-Gu, Seoul

Photography Credits

Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asian territory Lecture Series_ Mugyewon, Buam Dong, Seoul_Korea

Based on Lecture Series organised by Alban Mannisi

Published by ZzaC (International Group of Research) Coordination: Alban Mannisi Graphic Design: ZacCBooK Assisted by : Paul Mullins and Paul Allen

Sponsored by Hanyang University

First Published in Seoul the 02 July 2015 조은 커뮤니케이션 서울 마포구 성미산로 98번지 2층 Joeun Communication 2F, Seongmisan-ro 98, Mapo-gu, Seoul Phone +82-(0)2-717-0004

UrbanLight Alban Mannisi Young Bum Reigh Blaž Križnik Vanja Bućan Hongyi Choi Večer Archive Urban Furrows Archive Regional Archives Maribor Jaewon Lee Younsoo Kim Jiha Lee Hyeongchan Cho Verena Paravel

Limited Edition : 50 Hardcopies

ZzaCBooK © ZZAC 2015 ISBN : 978-2-9535437-1-1

Mugyewon _ Buam Dong, Seoul_Korea

© ZZAC 2015 ISBN : 978-2-9535437-1-1


directed by Alban Mannisi


Blaž Križnik Toshio Kuwako Alban Mannisi Yves Millet Riichi Miyake Rumi Okazaki Jina Park Young-Bum Reigh Kyung-Jin Zoh

Sponsored by Hanyang University

ISBN : 978-2-9535437-1-1

Model Transfer of Social Ecology in Asian Territory is an International series of lectures held at the Mugyewon in Buam-dong (Seoul, October 2014 - February 2015) in which ten experts from South Korea, France, Japan and Slovenia attempted to establish the indigenous acknowledgment of environmental growing issues for the new expert generation of the built environment. The Lecture Series aims to analyse the reasons and issues of the model implementation of Social Engineering in Asian Territories and to clarify the foundations of social engineering and social ecology applied in Urban Landscape and Environmental Planning.


Collective Publication

Model Transferof

Social Ecology in

Asian Territory

아시아 지역내 사회생태학적 모델전이


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