Urban segregation in the centre of Mumbai. The slum Dharavi: Between exclusion and resilience

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URBAN SEGREGATION IN THE CENTRE OF MUMBAI The slum Dharavi: Between exclusion and resilience

Declaration No portion of the work referred in this dissertation has been submitted In support of an application for another degree or qualification of this or any other university or another institute of learning. A dissertation submitted to Manchester School of Architecture

for degree of MA Architecture & Urbanism. Zaiba Idakkad Mushtaq 20060251

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to thank all those who have contributed to the research undertaken for dissertation, particularly my tutor, Tamara Salinas-Cohn for the continuous guidance and support provided. I would also like to thank David Johnson and David Chandler for taking the time to read the dissertation paper and providing me with appropriate feedbacks.

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ABSTRACT The city of Mumbai is rapidly growing to meet the demands of a global city. Mumbai’s capital urbanism and housing market financialization has brought huge gap between the rich and the poor. The study explores the concept of urban segregation and resilience, and its reflection in the urban form. These concepts are identified in the case study, Dharavi, Mumbai. Dharavi is an informal settlement of workingclass of Mumbai in the city centre. The focus of the study is to understand the reason for permanent presence of slum clusters of Dharavi in the centre of Mumbai’s city. The research question is outlined from the hypothesis that the role of Dharavi in Mumbai is much more important than the image we get from people of Mumbai. In order to prove the hypothesis, the reasons for Dharavi’s prolonged presence is studied. The outcome of the study is that Dharavi is a paradox. On one had Dharavi remains segregated from rest of the city and on the other hand, Dharavi is much more that a slum settlement, as it plays an integral role in wealth creation, affordable housing and re-cycling of city’s waste.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ABSTRACT CHAPTER 01 : INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 6 CHAPTER 02: LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................................................... 14 2.1 SEGREGATION................................................................................................................................. 14 2.1.1 Urban Segregation and urban form......................................................................................... 14 2.1.2 Cities for people and cities for others ..................................................................................... 16 2.1.3 Slum ......................................................................................................................................... 17 2.3 RESILIENCE ...................................................................................................................................... 18 2.4 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................. 21 CHAPTER 03: THE BACKGROUND OF SLUMS AND ITS FORMATION IN MUMBAI ..................................... 22 3.1 HISTORY .......................................................................................................................................... 22 3.1.1 The city .................................................................................................................................... 23 3.1.1 The governance ....................................................................................................................... 24 3.2 SLUMS OF MUMBAI ........................................................................................................................ 26 3.3 URBAN POLICIES THAT LED TO PROLIFERATION OF SLUMS IN MUMBAI ....................................... 30 3.4 SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND .................................................................................................. 32 3.5 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................. 37 CHAPTER 04: SEGREGATION OF THE SLUM DHARAVI .............................................................................. 39 4.1 HISTORY .......................................................................................................................................... 39 4.2 DHARAVI AND REST OF THE CITY .................................................................................................... 43 4.3 DHARAVI RE-DEVELOPMENT PROJECT ........................................................................................... 50 4.4 CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................................................ 54 CHAPTER 05: RESILIENCE IN THE SLUM DHARAVI – DYNAMIC CITY ......................................................... 56 5.1 SOCIAL CONFIGURATION ................................................................................................................ 56 5.2 URBAN CONFIGURATION ................................................................................................................ 60 5.3 CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................................................ 65 CHAPTER 06: CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................................... 66 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................................. 68

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Slum data of India. Census 2011. In the figure Slum HH means slum household ................... 10 Figure 2: Map showing slum settlements in Mumbai city area. Source: By Author based on the map produced by PK Das Associates, Mumbai. ............................................................................................... 11 Figure 3: Theory of movement based on Hiller & Vaughan (2007) ........................................................ 15 Figure 4: Accessibility maps of Tokyo (right) and London (left) (Bill Hillier, 2007) ................................. 16 Figure 5: Fragmented city. The red dots represent marginalised people who are struggling to be part of the city, residing at the edge of fragments. Source: Author............................................................... 17 Figure 6: Stages of formation of informal settlements. Flow chart made by Author based on Samper (2017) ....................................................................................................................................................... 19 Figure 7: Settlement of informal settlements like slums on edge of city's fragments. According to Hernandez and Lopez (2011) informal settlement is in continuous mutation in relation with it neighbouring fragment’s future plans and needs. The transformation is result of social interactions and materiality is result of its production and consumption. Source: Author ....................................... 20 Figure 8: Diagram showing how resilience is attained in a segregated, informal settlement. Source: Author ...................................................................................................................................................... 21 Figure 9: Maps of Mumbai during 19th century. Source: By Author based on information from website- www.indianculture.gov.in ......................................................................................................... 22 Figure 10: Map showing different wards of Mumbai city. The highlighted region is the city centre. Source: Author, based on information in Maps of India. ........................................................................ 23 Figure 11: Administrative power flow in Mumbai. Source: Author ........................................................ 24 Figure 12: Map showing ward-wise location of slum clusters. Dharavi ward is highlighted in the image. Source: Author based on map from Slum Rehabilitation Authority, Mumbai ........................................ 26 Figure 13: Quick facts about Mumbai's slums. The facts illustrate lack of basic infrastructure for habitation in the segregated communities, such as slums. Source: Author based on information from Taubenbock & Kraff (2014), Risbud (2003) and Kamper (2017) ............................................................. 27 Figure 14: The locations of slum formation in island wards of Mumbai. The areas marked in red are slum clusters. Source: Author, based on google earth images. .............................................................. 28 Figure 15: Slums built on land unsuitable for construction at the edge of a commercial centre. The image illustrates segregation from city’s most prosperous location. Source: Bendix (2018); online .... 28 Figure 16: Slums in Indian Railway's land. Settlement of segregated informal community along a major transportation network provides them ease of access to other parts of the city. Source: Earth Trekkers (2020); online. .......................................................................................................................................... 29 Figure 17: Slums in neglected pieces of urban lands, such as land along sewer canals and landfills. Source: Earth Trekkers (2020); online. .................................................................................................... 29 Figure 18: Timeline of slum shelter policies. Source: Author, based on Risbud (2003) ......................... 31 Figure 19: Medium rise affordable housing in SRA scheme. Source: Marpakwar (2020), Online. ........ 32 Figure 20: The image represents different activities in chawl. The ground floor will mostly have commercial space and floors above will be single rooms with shared toilets or attached toilets. A chawl in Mumbai us usually 3-4 stories high. Source: Shah (2020), Online. .......................................... 33 Figure 21: Exterior view of a chawl in Mumbai. Source: Shah (2020), Online. ....................................... 34 Figure 22: A chawl lit up for festival night. Source: Shah (2020), Online. ............................................... 34 Figure 23: Interior of a chawl where living, dining, kitchen, and bedroom are cramped into a single room. Source: Borpujari (2019), online. .................................................................................................. 34

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Figure 24: Public toilet facilities in slums (left), Toilet facilities made by slum dwellers on banks of river (right). In both images, the lack of organised solid waste collection in the slums is visible. Source: Risbud (2003) ........................................................................................................................................... 36 Figure 25: Drinking water supply area (left), women carrying drinking water from collection point to their home (right). Source: Risbud (2003) ............................................................................................... 36 Figure 26: Convenient stores along the streets of a slum in Mumbai (left). A store in slum selling products produced by people of the slum. Source: Earth Trekkers (2020); online ................................ 37 Figure 27: A classroom in Dharavi Municipal School, located in a slum cluster in Dharavi. Source: Risbud (2003) ........................................................................................................................................... 37 Figure 28: History of development in Dharavi. Source: Author .............................................................. 39 Figure 29: Locations in South Mumbai where industries flourished. Source: Author ............................ 40 Figure 30: Formation of Dharavi. Source: Author ................................................................................... 40 Figure 31: Slums in Mumbai (Left), Source: By Author based on map produced by PK Das Associates, Mumbai. Segregation due to urban form in the slum clusters of Dharavi (Right), Source: By Author based on accessibility maps concept by Hillier (2007). ........................................................................... 43 Figure 32: Segregation through accessibility. Source: Author, based on google map ........................... 44 Figure 34: Hut area in Dharavi. The statistics illustrates that most people live in huts with less than 27.85 sq m area. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA ........................................................................................................................................................ 45 Figure 34: Inside of a house in Dharavi. Source: (Inside the houses of SLums of India, 2019) .............. 45 Figure 35: Exterior of Dharavi's houses. Source: Author, based on image from (PatchWorkids, 2015) 45 Figure 36:Statics of availability of resources to people of Dharavi. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA................................................................. 46 Figure 38: The blue drum is an essential item in households of Dharavi. The supply is irregular even in the public water taps. Family members collect water from nearby water taps to fill the drum and use it for upto three days. Source: (Fernando, 2014), Online ....................................................................... 46 Figure 38: Dwellers of Dharavi filling water from public water taps as they do not have water supply to their house. Source: (Fernando, 2014), online ................................................................................... 46 Figure 39: Number of ration card holders in Dharavi. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA ....................................................................................................... 47 Figure 40: The image illustrates lack of standard width and access to natural light into the alleys in slum of Dharavi. The low-lying electric lines shown in the image can be hazardous for the life of people around. Source: Author based on image from (PatchWorkids, 2015)....................................... 47 Figure 41:Location of industries in Dharavi. The areas highlighted in colours are various industries. Almost half of the slum Dharavi is covered with industries. Source- Author based on information of Dharavi by Hoffman Brandt Projects LLC ................................................................................................. 48 Figure 42: Factories or workplaces in Dharavi have minimal infrastructure that helps run the manufacturing. Human comfort and health is being neglected here. Workers live above the factories provided by employer to save the monthly rent. Source: Author based on image from (PatchWorkids, 2015). ....................................................................................................................................................... 48 Figure 43: Statistics of income per family in Dharavi. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA ....................................................................................................... 49 Figure 45: Roads constructed in 1980s within Dharavi. Source: Author based on google maps. .......... 50 Figure 44: The highlighted areas in the image show the 5 sectors in DRP plan. Source: Land, Housing and Gentrification in Mumbai (2014), online .......................................................................................... 51 Figure 46: The image represents phased development of SRS schemes projects. DRP is under SRS scheme. The first phase of development is re-housing slum dwellers into 20% of land by private builders. Second phase shows removal of slum clusters from the land. Final stage is using larger 7


proportion of land to build high-end apartments, retail and leisure spaces. Source: Satheesh (2018), online. ....................................................................................................................................................... 52 Figure 47: Apartments in Dharavi built under SRS. The buildings are densely packed with few meters in between each block to re-house as many slum dwellers. Human comfort and wellbeing is again neglected in such settlements. Residential spaces are connected through a single corridor and lacks social interaction the residents had while residing in slum dwellings. Source: McCloud (2014), online. .................................................................................................................................................................. 53 Figure 48: The proposal plans of Dharavi were displayed to public in front of schools, markets, railways stations etc. But people of Dharavi were not able to understand the maps. .......................... 54 Figure 49: Main industries in Dharavi that contribute to social capital. Source: Shailee (2021), online 56 Figure 50: Working of Dharavi as a successful informal settlement. Source: Author ............................ 57 Figure 51: The image illustrates settlement patters of Kumbharwadas, pottery community in Dharavi. There are around 120 kilns in different courtyards of potter’s housing community. Ground floor of houses along the kiln courtyards are workshops to make beautiful pottery products. These products are sold in international and local markets. The upper floors are accommodation of potters and other workers. The layout of pottery settlement shows the importance of social relationships in workplace. Source: Author, photographs Cameron (2018) ....................................................................................... 58 Figure 52:The image illustrates the process of waste picking to manufacturing of recycled products. The waste collected from waste pickers are sorted efficiently and cleaned in single room workshops. The cleaned waste materials are taken to recycling industries in Dharavi. The recycled materials are distributed to other manufacturing industries in Dharavi as raw materials for production of various items sold in markets of Mumbai and international markets. Source: Author ...................................... 58 Figure 53: Male - female population in Dharavi. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA ....................................................................................................... 59 Figure 54: The image is screenshot of dharavimarket.com, an online platform created by Megha Gupta to enhance the reach of Dharavi produce. Source: Author ......................................................... 59 Figure 56: Road and rail network around Dharavi. Source: Author ........................................................ 60 Figure 55: Main roads with heavy vehicular movement in Dharavi. Source- Author based on google map........................................................................................................................................................... 60 Figure 57: Industries in Dharavi. Source- Author based on information of Dharavi by Hoffman Brandt Projects LLC .............................................................................................................................................. 61 Figure 58: Urban grain of Dharavi. Source: Rani (2015) .......................................................................... 61 Figure 59: View of streets in re-cycling industry area of Dharavi. Source: Cameron (2018). ................. 62 Figure 60: Diagram depicting the complex manufacturing and marketing system of Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2018). .................................................................................................................................... 63 Figure 61: Commercial streets and buildings in Dharavi. Source- Author based on information of Dharavi by Hoffman Brandt Projects LLC ................................................................................................. 63 Figure 62: Building typologies in Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2018). ................................................... 64 Figure 64: Roofscape of Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2008). ................................................................. 64 Figure 63: Courtyard spaces in settlements od Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2008). ............................ 64 Figure 65: Section through the settlements in Dharavi. Source: Rani (2015) ........................................ 65 Figure 66: Street sections of Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2019) .......................................................... 65 Figure 67: An informal city - Dharavi is a radical and dynamic working-class neighbourhood, not just a slum Source: Madan (2020) ..................................................................................................................... 67

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CHAPTER 01: INTRODUCTION Cities are places with socio-economic diversity and proximity to opportunities. People come to cities in search of better work and training opportunities and physical access to up-to-date services to achieve upward social mobility. According to OCED (2018), a well-organized city distributes its opportunities and resources equally regardless of its location however, most cities are divided, and inequality exists. Cities attract people of all socio-economic groups. Similar households move to similar neighbourhoods seeking benefits of social networks and availability of resources they value. The affluent neighbourhoods enjoy all the positive features a city can offer, high-standard services, education, and employment. Whereas, policies for spatial provision of social housing and increasing cost of affordable housing affect the future of low-income households as they are deprived of education and better work outcomes. Prolonged exposure to such disadvantages causes segregation. Segregated communities face social inequality. It is a vicious cycle. The three dimensions of the intraurban divide are income, migrant background, and access to services (OECD, 2018). This process of urban segregation and urban inequality also has a spatial dimension that is visible in the urban form. According to Fisher (2019), urban inequality in urban form is characterised by informal settlements at the centre and periphery of a city, unplanned urbanization and illegal construction. Fisher (2019) claims urban informality reflects the city’s need for affordable housing in proximity to occupational opportunity, public services and infrastructure. There are different types of informal settlements, slums1 are one of them. Times (2017) mentions that, among more than half of the world population living in cities, underprivileged city dwellers of developing nations live in urban slums. Post-independent India has been witnessing rapid urbanization, especially in large and medium-sized cities. India-Pakistan partition and industrialization caused an uncontrollable increase in urban slums. Kolkata and Mumbai are two cities in India where industrialization reached first. Mumbai further developed into a global city and has the highest number of slums area and slum population in India, according to India Census, 2011 as shown in fig.1. Mumbai has different types of segregated settlements, like pavement squatters, informal squatter settlements, slums, etc. I will be focusing my research on slum settlements. In Mumbai, growth or urbanisation and growth of slums is a simultaneous process. The slums cannot be separated from the urban area unless the local government efficiently manages urbanization and migration (Chimankar, 2016). The fig.2 shows that the biggest slum cluster is in the Taluk2 of Dharavi located in city’s centre. This notified slum3 cluster has a permanent presence in Mumbai city centre since it became Asia’s largest slum in 1980s. Through the years, many slum re-development projects have been formed to

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According to UN HABITAT, slum is an informal settlement, where households that cannot provide basic living characteristics such as durable house that can withstand extreme climatic conditions, sufficient living space with three or fewer people sharing it, easy access to sufficient safe water at an affordable price, access to public or private toilet with a reasonable number of people to share with and security of tenure that prevents forced eviction. 2 Taluk is an administrative district for taxation purpose and comprises of many villages. 3 According to 2001 India Census, a community was recognised or notified as a slum if it was notified as slum by state or local government or if 60-70 households with population of more than 300 lived in congested, unhygienic environment lacking basic infrastructure.

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evict or improve Dharavi. According to Sharma (2010), Dharavi accommodates over 700,000 working-class and middle-class people of the city.

Figure 1: Slum data of India. Source: Census 2011. In the figure Slum HH means slum household

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Figure 2: Map showing slum settlements in Mumbai city area. Source: By Author based on the map produced by PK Das Associates, Mumbai.

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According to Times(2017), urban slum might look uninhabitable, but there is a better sense of communities and close interaction when in comparison with neighbouring urban areas, and function like any surrounding neighbourhood with social hierarchies, commerce, and a degree of home-grown government. However, there is a stigma attached to slum regions. Through this research I will analyse the slums of Dharavi through urban form, urban morphology, urban policies that led to formation of slums in Mumbai, and its functioning and sustenance to understand if these slum clusters are like the balanced urban ecosystem described by Times(2017). The relation between Mumbai and slums of Dharavi and within Dharavi must be analysed to understand the role it plays in functioning and branding of the city. Considering the information above, it is worthy to ask ourselves: What are the role of urban policies, socio-economic situation, and urban form of Mumbai, India in the prolonged presence of segregated informal settlements of Dharavi in the city’s centre? To answer the research question, it is important to understand how segregated informal settlement interacts with city and vice-versa. Therefore, the objectives of the study are: 1. To analyse the role of urban policies and socio-economic background of Mumbai in formation of informal settlements 2. To analyse the pattern of interaction of segregated community within their settlement and with the surrounding urban form from the case of Dharavi in Mumbai. 3. To understand the patterns of resilience achieved by Dharavi against the slum eradication policies to have a prolonged presence in its city centre. The method I have adopted in doing the research is as follows: In the first part of the dissertation, qualitative research through secondary sources to build the concept of urban segregation and resilience will be done. The concept of urban segregation and its analysis through mapping of accessibility will be developed through the study of literature by Bill Hillier (2007) and Laura Vaughan (2007) who are professors at Bartlett School of Architecture and involved in research work related to space syntax, Ruben Monroy (2019) who is an urban researcher focused in study of urban form and its effect on land-use, mobility and health, and Musterd Sako (2006) and Seraphim Alvanides (2019) who are social geographers. To elaborate on the social and economic injustice formed due to the presence of urban segregation, I will be building the concept of the right to the city by studying the literature by French philosopher Henri Lefebvre (1996) and economic geographer and anthropologist, David Harvey (2003). The concept of resilience of informal settlement will be studied by analysing literature of Samper (2017) who is a professor at University of Colorado and founder of a non-profit organization that works with marginalised communities, and Hernandez and Lopez (2011) who has published research on informal settlements and community participations Based on the information collected from the literature review, a methodology for studying and analysing the context is formed. The context will be studied in mixed research methodology through analysis of secondary sources such as maps, drawings, published statistics, photographs, interview and YouTube videos. The statistical data and maps will be analysed through qualitative research methodology whereas photographs and published documents about context will be analysed through qualitative research methodology. Through the works of Kalpana Sharma (2010) who is a journalist and author, and Neelima Risbud (2003) who is a professor at School of Planning and Architecture (Delhi, India), the urban policies and 12


socio-economic situations which led to the formation of Mumbai slums will be studied. The history of the formation of Mumbai is studied through historic maps and the roles of different statutory bodies to understand the beginning of informal activities and settlements in the city. With the help of google earth and photographs of the city, different locations of slum formations are analysed. The segregation and resilience of slum Dharavi will be studied by analysing urban layers, urban morphology, social configuration, and function of circular economy4 in the slum itself. The segregation of Dharavi is measure in three ways; overlay of maps to analyse urban morphology, statistical data and photographs to analyse social and economic configuration. The resilience of slum Dharavi is measured through analysing urban grain and morphology by studying overlapped maps, street section, layout of settlements and photographs. The resilience is also measure by analysing complex work network of the circular economy.

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The way of keeping resources in use for as long as possible, extracting maximum value from them and producing products and materials at end of each item’s service life is mentioned as circular economy in the passage.

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CHAPTER 02: LITERATURE REVIEW The concept of segregation and resilience in urban context is studied to understand forms of urban segregation, behaviour of segregated communities, its relation within and with rest of the city, and achievement of resilience.

2.1 SEGREGATION A city, in a broader sense, is a cluster of buildings connected by space and complex interaction of human activity. In this viewpoint, a city has physical and social parts. According to Hillier and Vaughan (2007), urban theory and practices allow us to think of the city as one thing but, creation and prototypes in urban space are based on assumption that cities can be treated as two. Segregation is one way in which the differences in the ideology of urban theory and creation are displayed in a more general way. Hillier and Vaughan (2007) claim that concept of urban segregation can be analysed from a socio-economic perspective, but it is also a spatial term. Through this section of the literature review, I will try to understand how socio-economic urban segregation is reflected in the urban form and what the different types of urban segregation are. 2.1.1 Urban Segregation and urban form Nowadays, as Musterd Sako (2006) claims, cities are struggling for economic success by creating the best conditions for economic activities to thrive. Historically, the role of cities was to attract workers to employ in manufacturing industries and provide adequate accommodation whereas now, according to Musterd Sako (2006) cities attract employees in high-tech, business, educational, cultural and consumer service industries. Cities compete to attract the best-qualified employees as their quality determines the development of the economic activity. Due to neo-liberalization and globalization, city centers are becoming agglomeration of culture and service-oriented industries, moving manufacturing and high-tech industries to the periphery. In this transformation process, “location-specific economic clusters are being developed depending upon the physical and social structure of the city” (Sako, 2006). This process of agglomeration of clusters of economic activities is described as “capitalist urbanism” by Ruben Monroy and Seraphim Alvanides (2009) which causes spatial injustice in the form of involuntary confinement and unequal distribution of resources across urban space. When urban segregation was starting to gain attention as an urban issue, many urbanists and anthropologists have tried to understand the different dimensions of urban segregation. Urban segregation has different sense and effects on different urban forms based on socio-economic structure. According to Feitosa (2007), the earliest measures were segregation between two population groups mentioned by Bell 1954 and Duncan &Duncan 1955. Different segregation indices were proposed based on segregation between several groups by Morgan 1975 and Sakoda 1981 but were oblivious to the spatial arrangement of population. Massey and Denton, 1988 came up with five dimensions of spatial segregation, such as evenness (distribution of population groups), exposure (contact between different social groups), clustering, centralization (proximity to city centre) and finally concentration (size and shape). According to Wong 2003, the local indices of segregation display the segregation of different parts of the city through visualization of maps of segregation (F.F.Feitosa, 2007). Also, the study by Ruben Monroy and Seraphim Alvanides (2009) explains urban segregation and inequality through spatial factors, leading to accessibility as a way of measuring

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urban segregation. This way of measuring segregation can be analysed through street network and neighbourhood. Analysing segregation through street network: According to Hiller & Vaughan(2007), the largest spatial pattern in any city is its configuration of street network. It is a key determinant of movement of flows. Cities have certain commonalities in its pattern of formation, despite their differences. The form and functioning of cities are by large the result of theory of natural movement.

Figure 3: Theory of movement based on Hiller & Vaughan (2007)

In general, cities are created by a dual process; each side exploits the relation between space and movement but in different ways. Public spaces in cities bring people together, thus optimising the reach of space, movement, and co-presence. This process is hugely driven by micro-economic factors that are invariant across cultures as trade and exchange work the same way throughout the globe. Based on this concept by Hiller & Vaughan (2007), pattern of public space formation gives a city its global structure. However, residential/ domestic, religious and cultural spaces and its environs bring out the true cultural essence of the region. Therefore, cities have gradations of integration and segregation as it takes the form of a network of busy and quiet zone, often in close proximity. Under these parameters, we could ask ourselves, are there effects back on the spatialisation of society from the special forms that have been created? Spatial form of the city sets in motion the process by which collection of buildings become the living cities we know, with all their density and diversity of spaces and activities. It works like this because at any stage of its development the grid shapes movement flows, it means that some locations in the grid are naturally movement-rich, while others are naturally movement-poor. The consequence is that activities and land uses that benefit from movement, such as retail, will migrate to locations which the grid has made movement rich, locally or globally, while others which prefer to avoid movement will seek out movement-poor locations. In movement-rich locations, the presence of movement seeking land uses will attract more movement and set up multiplier effects which will bring more and more diverse, land-use into that location. Where movement-rich process becomes sufficiently intense, it will feed back in the grid to improve local inter-accessibility by reducing the scale of the grid – where the local grid does not already have that critical property. The effect of this process is to create the city as it is: as a network of linked centres at different scales, from a couple of shops and a café to whole sub-cities all set into a background of the residential space which continues to make up the greater part of the city. This is the fundamental form of the city, if of course it is permitted to happen (Bill Hillier, 2007).

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The idea of gradation and segregation is cities is explained by Hiller & Vaughan (2007) through accessibility maps, taking examples of Tokyo and London (fig.4).

Figure 4: Accessibility maps of Tokyo (right) and London (left) (Bill Hillier, 2007)

Segregation through neighbourhood: Monroy & Alvanides (2019) claims that social segregation and inequality are amplified by spatial factor: spatial isolation seems to have a role in exacerbating the effects of poverty and isolation, as residents are not only socially but also spatially cut off from jobs, networks, institutions and facilities. Segregation at neighbourhood level is caused due to availability of public services and infrastructure, social- class of majority of population and location. 2.1.2 Cities for people and cities for others The role of urban capitalism in inequality of people of cities to experience the pleasure of right to the city can be understood from theories of Henri Lefebvre (1991) and David Harvey (2008). The process of urbanisation, where cities are base of production, circulation and consumerisation, have consequences such as industrial cluster formation, urban labour markets, insufficient infrastructure for growing urban population, class struggles and real-estate. In urban capitalism, political economy shapes the city’s resources and infrastructure for better profit making (Cities for people, Not for Profit, 2011) . Quality of urban space depends on heterogeneity, size, density and daily encounters that lead to new opportunities and inspirations. Under commodification of urban areas, these qualities are being transformed to fit into economic logic and exploited for productive gain. The produced goods satisfy majority in the city. The minority are those who demands are more that these goods, such as better services and living condition. In the process of transformation, public spaces are turned into quasipublic places controlled by private parties. This makes the minorities question about their rights to the city. Industrial capitalism during industrial revolution created a perfect situation for urbanization with clusters of factories and settlements around it. Industrialization paved way to homogenising lifestyle and colonisation of daily life. Cities started to disintegrate into fragments between the activities of 16


industrialization and land given out for individual corporate companies. Fragmentation caused unequal distribution of opportunities. Opportunities are directly linked to distribution of urban resources. The marginalised people struggle against social exclusion to survive in the city (Cities for people, Not for Profit, 2011) .

Figure 5: Fragmented city. The red dots represents settlements of marginalised people who are struggling to be part of the city, residing at the edge of fragments. Source: Author

2.1.3 Slum The definition of slum in oxford dictionary is “a squalid and overcrowded urban street or district inhabited by very poor people”. According to Seeley (1959), slums are “way station” to the city and provider of goods and services demanded by non-slum population. The indicators and thresholds of slums based on UN Habitat (2003) is shows in table 1 below. CHARACTER

INDICATOR

DEFINITION

Access to water

Insufficient drinking water supply

More than 50% of the households have insufficient water supply such as household connection, access to public stand pipe or rainwater collection with minimum of 20 lpcd (liquid per capita per day) within acceptable collection distance.

Access to sanitation

Insufficient sanitation

More than 50% of the households have insufficient facilities such as

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public sewer, septic tank, flush latrine or ventilated pit latrine. Structural quality of housing

Location

Portion of households in hazardous locations such a landslide/earthquake/flood prone area, landfills, high industrial polluted areas or unprotected high risk zones(railroads, airports, energy transmission lines)

Tenure

Permanency of structures

Portion of households living in temporary/ dilapidated structures which is in also in violation of local building codes or byelaws.

Overcrowding

Overcrowding

Portion of households with more than two persons per room or less than 5m2 per person.

Ownership

Ownership

Portion of households with no formal title deeds for land and residence

Table 1:Indicators of Slums. Source: Based on UN Habitat (2003)

In India, slum is a form of urban segregation mainly caused by rapid urbanization and financialization of housing sector (Singh, 2021). According to Singh (2021), there is a global similarity in formation of slums; rural-urban migration, change in urban land-use pattern, housing shortage, proximity to work place, change in rental values, maintenance problems, etc. Some slums in India are notified slums5 which are subjected to slum re-development or improvement schemes. Conventionally, informal settlements such as slums have a negative connotation of being a menace to urban environment but, Seeley (1959) argues that such settlements are necessary for growth of the city.

2.3 RESILIENCE The capacity of urban system or community or an individual to overcome the shock or stress and to recover and maintain their functions and thrive in the aftershock regardless of its impact defines urban resilience according to Frantzaskaki (2016). A segregated community is in continuous shock and stress caused by prevailing ecosystem of infrastructure, services and developers in the city. They are the most vulnerable and neglected group in a city. Fragmentation is an unavoidable part in insufficiently planned urbanisation of cities in developing countries. Patches of fragmented set of planned areas, informal settlements, housing land, institutional land, industrial land, commercial areas and vacant land are morphological result of such urbanization. In a growing city, these fragments are in continuous mutation (Joana Barros, 2002). Informal settlements are an outcome of poverty and inequality in an urban space. In an urban form, the patch of informal settlements will be the most segregated area in terms of opportunities, infrastructure and services. These patches of informal settlements can be found in in-between zones 5

According to 2001 India Census, a community was recognised or notified as a slum if it was notified as slum by state or local government or if 60-70 households with population of more than 300 lived in congested, unhygienic environment lacking basic infrastructure.

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of planned fragmented patches (as depicted in red dots in fig.5). This proximity provides opportunities and resources for informal settlements such as slums. Resilience is important for existence of these segregated fragments. Collective action, social ties, self-governance and sense of community are important factors in achieving resilience through adaptive systems. Violence is another form of resilience to keep the state government away from disrupting their adaptive system. According to Samper (2017), the resilience capacity is measured by the effect of collective action. “Positive resilience is a condition of relative stability and even tranquillity in areas intermittently beset by violence. Strong cooperative relationship between the state and community, and between different actors- business, civil society, the police, etc. – tend to characterise positive resilience. Negative resilience occurs when violence entrepreneurs have gained effective control of the means of coercion, and impose their own forms of justice, security and livelihood. In such situations – most frequently in informal neighbourhoods where property rights are vague or contested, the community is fragmented and seized by a sense of powerlessness, and the state is absent of corrupted” (Davis, 2012, p. 35)

Samper (2017) claims that an informal settlement is formed in three stages which are explained through flow chart in fig.6.

Figure 6: Stages of formation of informal settlements. Flow chart made by Author based on Samper (2017)

The social ties and close interaction are important among informal neighbourhoods to claim ownership of the land. The act of rebellion against status quo and collective action in acquisition of land is a way of claiming ‘right to the city’ by informal dwellers. According to James Holston, an American anthropologist, the parallel institution of governance and informal acquisition of land by 19


poor and marginalised population is ‘insurgent citizenship’ (Hernandez & Lopez, 2011). An informal community is a manifestation of Lefebvre’s ideology – “a radical vision of city in which users manage urban spaces for themselves, beyond control of state and capitalism”. Lefebvre says, “any place is city is a social product, produced and transformed by social interactions”.

Figure 7: Settlement of informal settlements like slums on edge of city's fragments. According to Hernandez and Lopez (2011) informal settlement is in continuous mutation in relation with it neighbouring fragment’s future plans and needs. The transformation is result of social interactions and materiality is result of its production and consumption. Source: Author

Hernandez and Lopez (2011) claims informal settlement influence the branding of cities in three ways; size and numbers play an important role in city’s physical and social character, cultural expression through festivals and games attract people beyond its boundaries and lastly expression of aspiration and utilization of space through architecture and occupation provides inspiration to rest of the city and attracts migrants. A consolidates informal settlement becomes one of the many diverse characteristics a city comprehends. Informal settlement plays an important part of city’s income and housing generator, thus attaining resilience and permanence. A segregated community in an urban space become resilient by forming a complex adaptive system and collective action (Joana Barros, 2002). Informal settlements are characterised by its marginality in location. Such settlements are formed in waterfront, escarpment, easement, sidewalk and vacant plots, which are mostly land with no constriction permit due to ecological, land-use or climatic reasons or vacant due to legal issues. The size of these settlement varies from pockets of houses to a large neighbourhood with purposes other than housing. Informal settlements have chaotic layout and look impermeable from outside but have a clear gridiron pattern in the inside with surprising vistas in each turn. Labyrinth layout is a form of adaptive system of squatters to avoid entry of outsiders. Streets and alleys have multiple purposes such as create community sense, economic use, and religious processions and play area. Initially the architecture of these settlements will be vernacular and built through collective action. The inhabitants aspire social mobility and mimic the architecture 20


of middle and upper-middle class as soon as they start making comparatively decent income. Building a permanent structure with brick and cement is a way of claiming ownership of the land. According to Klaufus (2012), the design strategies “attenuate the stigma of poverty”. Family planning of the

Figure 8: Diagram showing how resilience is attained in a segregated, informal settlement. The diagram is derived from the information from Joana Barros (2002). Source: Author

informal dwellers are done with an intention of social mobility. A good education for their children means better future but, in most cases it gets hindered by poverty and inequality (Pojani, 2019). The resilience of a segregated, informal settlement is represented diagrammatically in Fig.8 below.

2.4 CONCLUSION Segregation is a socio-economic issue but has a spatial form when it occurs in an urban space. Opportunities attract people towards cities, however capitalist urbanism creates spatial injustice. One of the many spatial reflection of urban segregation is informal settlements like slums. Accessibility to and from the city into the slums and within the slums is a way of measuring urban segregation. At neighbourhood level, the ease of access to opportunities, public services and infrastructure, and social mobility are ways of measuring urban segregation. Any informal slum settlement will find its way into the city’s life through resilience and resurgence. An informal settlement becomes a slum when it has reached its final stage of formation; a consolidated settlement. Fragments in cities help slums grow, as the in between space of fragments are its way into the city. Through collective action, adaptability and self-governance, they consolidate. A radical city is thus created in these in-between spaces of a city. The dwellers organically built their own city by producing and generating based on formal city’s needs. In the following chapters, these concepts will be applied in the case of Dharavi to understand segregation and resilience of informal settlements Dharavi. The process of formation of fragments, proliferation of informal settlements and process of consolidation of slums in Mumbai will be studied in following chapters to understand if, a radical city is created within the in-between spaces of city centre of Mumbai.

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CHAPTER 03: THE BACKGROUND OF SLUMS AND ITS FORMATION IN MUMBAI The socio-economic and political background of Mumbai that lead to formation of slum clusters, the role of migration and social housing schemes in this scenario and background of slum cluster formation is necessary to understand its segregation from rest of the city and resilience.

3.1 HISTORY Mumbai was a fishing village until the Portuguese took over the Mughals in the 1630s. The Portuguese used these island villages for cultivation until it was given to the English Crown under the Treaty of Peace and Alliance between Portugal and Great Britain. The East India Company combined the seven islands by land reclamation to form a port city in 1895 (Bombay - The joining of seven islands, 2021). The population started to increase since then. The British connected all cotton farmland via railway and made Mumbai an important port. The first municipal corporation of India was formed in Mumbai as it became one of the largest commercial centers with its growing textile manufacturing units. The city further grew into a diverse economy after the discovery of offshore oil, the establishment of many more industries, educational institutions and public sector units, became the capital of Maharashtra State.

Figure 9: Maps of Mumbai during 19th century. Source: By Author based on information from websitewww.indianculture.gov.in

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3.1.1 The city The city was divided into six zones with 24 wards for administration purposes as shown in fig.10. There was a steady increase in growth till the 1950s, due to congestion the numbers reduced significantly by 1971. In 1972, Navi Mumbai was formed as a self-contained city, independent of Mumbai. According to the 2001 census, density in Mumbai city and Suburb was 48215 person/square Km and 16082 person/square Km respectively.

Figure 10: Map showing different wards of Mumbai city. The highlighted region is the city centre. Source: Author, based on information in Maps of India.

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The city has social heterogeneity in terms of race, religion, region and language, and engaged in their traditional occupation such as Gujaratis were merchants, Jains were traders and Muslims were retailers. Other migrant social groups worked in service sector or construction companies. According to a survey conducted in Bombay Metropolitan Region in 1989, 46% households in Mumbai city were migrants. After recognising the environmental implication of oppressive size of the city, the State Government in 1975 decided to hold down the new expansion of industrial and commercial establishments as a measure to curb increasing employment levels in the metropolitan area. According to an economic survey in 1990, even though there was a dip in manufacturing sector employment to 28.5% there is a steady increase in service-sector employment of 29.1% and a 44% increase in informal sector employment. The revival of old industries paved the way for environment-friendly industries as Regional Plan 1991-2011 saw Mumbai’s potential to become a global city (Risbud, 2003)

3.1.1 The governance According to Indian Constitution, state government have the legal authority to make policies relating to land and housing, civic infrastructure and urban development that fits to Central governments fiveyear plan. In the metropolitan region of Mumbai, MMRDA have responsibility over regional planning and supervising developments. Statutory bodies under MMRDA are MHADA that supplies public housing, Housing and Spatial Assistance Department manages housing policies, land ceiling, rent control, slum upgrading and supervise foreign-aided projects, MUINFRA funds local bodies and other urban developers in improving the quality of life in urban Mumbai, MCGM provided approval for development of health facilities, educational institutions and parks, and controls sewerage, water and fire department, and MUTP that improves traffic and transportation system of the city. The Office of Collector of Mumbai is responsible for land ownership management, collection of service charges, entitlement on government lands, removal of unauthorised buildings and issuing identity to informal dwellers. (Full form of the acronyms mentioned in the paragraph are provided in table 2)

Figure 11: Administrative power flow in Mumbai. Source: Author

The following table shows the list of statutory bodies that have authority to make decisions regarding housing, basic amenities and infrastructure maintenance, slum area development and planning. It is evident from table 2 that majority of administrative authority over Mumbai is managed by MMRDA and MCGMA. FUNCTIONS

AUTHORITY IN CHARGE

Urban planning

MMRDA, MHADA, MSRDC and MCGM

ROLES   

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Master Planning/ development plans/ zonal plans Enforcing master planning regulations Enforcing building codes


Regulation of land-use and construction of buildings Planning for economic and social development Roads and bridges

MCGM, MMRDA MCGM, State government Overseen by MCGM. MMRDA, MSRDC, MUTP and PWD

           

Water supply for domestic, industrial and commercial purposes

MCGM

Public health, sanitation conservancy and solid waste management

MCGM

   

Fire services

MCGM

 

Urban forestry, protection of environment and promotion of ecological aspects

Tree authority under MCGM and Forest department under State government

Safeguard interest of weaker sections of society, including handicapped and mentally retarded

MCGM, Overseen by Social Justice and Social Assistance department under State government

Slum improvement and upgradation

Primary job of SRA. Supported by MCGM, MHADA and MMRDA

Urban poverty alleviation

MCGM and State government

Provision of urban amenities and facilities

               

MCGM

Promotion of cultural, educational and aesthetic aspects

MCGM. Overseen by Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Maharashtra. Education by BMC

Public amenities

BEST and MCGM

        

Regulating land use Approving building plans Demolishing illegal buildings Promotion of economic activities Ensuring social justice and welfare Construction and maintenance of roads, bridges and flyovers Parking and streetlights Storage of water Providing connection Collection of charges Maintenance and operation Maintaining hospital, dispensaries, medical colleges Immunisation Prevention of vector borne diseases Quality of water, food Establishing and maintaining fire brigades Maintenance of water reservoirs Providing fire NOC/ approval certificate Afforestation Greenification Awareness drivers Maintenance of natural resources Identifying beneficiaries Social pension Providing benefits/tools Housing programs Scholarships Identifying beneficiaries Affordable housing Upgradation Identifying beneficiaries Livelihood and employment Street vendors Creation of parks, playgrounds and gardens Maintenance and operation Schools and education Fairs and festivals Cultural buildings/ institutions Heritage Public space beautification Deciding and operating bus stops Creation and maintenance of parking lots Creation and maintenance of public toilets

Regulation of  Ensuring quality of animals and meat slaughterhouses and MCGM  Disposal of waste tanneries MMRDA – Mumbai Metropolitan Regional Development Authority

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MHADA – Maharashtra Housing And Urban Development Authority MCGM – Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai MSRDC- Maharashtra State Road Development Corporation PWD – Public Works Department SRA – Slum Rehabilitation Authority BEST – Bombay Electrical Supply and Transport BMC – Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation MUINFRA - Maharashtra Urban Infrastructure Development Company MUTP - Mumbai Urban Transportation Project Table 2: Roles and authorities of statutory bodies in urban Mumbai based on 74th Constitutional Amendment. Source: Author based on Praja Foundation (2020)

In 1995, SRA was formed under provisions of Maharashtra Slum Areas Act 1971 as a sole authority for reviewing slums, preparing and implementation of schemes. Large number of NGOs such as SPARC (Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centre) and YUVA (Youth for Unity and Voluntary Action) emerged to support the informal dwellers to attain their right to housing and better services. Private building association and PETA (Practicing Engineers, Architects and Planners Association) who were involved in slum rehabilitation raised their voice for relaxation of development controls and Urban Land Ceiling Act. The NSDF (National Slum Dwellers Federation) was formed in 1974 (Risbud, 2003).

3.2 SLUMS OF MUMBAI In Mumbai, the global city of India, the divide between rich and poor is huge that the less affluent people reside in overcrowded, segregated, informal settlements like slums (Sharma, 2010). According to Slum Area Act of 1956 a slum is “ an area where buildings are unfit for human habitation; or are by reason of dilapidation, overcrowding, design of buildings, narrowness of streets, lack of ventilation, light or sanitary facilities or any combination of these factors are detrimental to safety, health or morals. Over half of Mumbai’s population live in slums which consumes an area of 12% of the city (Sharma, 2010). Out of many slum clusters in Mumbai city only 1959 clusters are recognised by state government as notified slums. According to Karn, Shikura & Harada (2003), 68 -85% of migrants in Mumbai slums are from rural villages of other states and 75% of them migrate in search for employment. Figure 12: Map showing ward-wise location of slum clusters. Dharavi ward is highlighted in the image. Source: Author based on map from Slum Rehabilitation Authority, Mumbai

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In the year 2000, slums with a density of 750-200 huts per hectare were built on private lands earmarked for public facilities in the Development plan6, claims Sharma (2010). The slums were sandwiched between the commercial areas and housing settlement of middle and upper classes (Sharma, 2010). According to Sharma (2010), 17% of these slums were in Island wards7. 47% of slums were in private lands. The average household size if 4.5 and sex ration of 842 females per 1000 males. 13% of households were women headed (Risbud, 2003).

Figure 13: Quick facts about Mumbai's slums. The facts illustrate lack of basic infrastructure for habitation in the segregated communities, such as slums. Source: Author based on information from Taubenbock & Kraff (2014), Risbud (2003) and Kamper (2017)

6

A development plan is an official document with local authority’s proposals and policies for land use in their administrative area. 7 Island wards are those areas highlighted in fig.10 and includes wards A, B, C, D, E, FS, FN, GS and GN

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In Mumbai, slums are formed in edges of the fragments of the city, as shown in fig.7. The formation and adaptation of slums are based on needs of the fragments they support and depend. As Mumbai is a peninsular city, most slums are formed in the marshy edge lands of the city which are proximate to commercial centers. Some slum settlements are formed in between spaces of residential fragment and industrial or administrative fragments. Such settlements will be mostly formed near to a transportation network such as railway tracks and highways.

Figure 14: The locations of slum formation in island wards of Mumbai. The areas marked in red are slum clusters. Source: Author, based on google earth images.

Figure 15: Slums built on land unsuitable for construction at the edge of a commercial centre (left) and residential area (right) in Mumbai. The image illustrates segregation from city’s most prosperous location. Source: Bendix (2018); online

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Figure 16: Slums in Indian Railway's land. Settlement of segregated informal community along a major transportation network provides them ease of access to other parts of the city. Source: Earth Trekkers (2020); online.

Figure 17: Slums in neglected pieces of urban lands, such as land along sewer canals and landfills. Source: Earth Trekkers (2020); online.

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3.3 URBAN POLICIES THAT LED TO PROLIFERATION OF SLUMS IN MUMBAI In 1942, Mumbai Rent Control Act was introduced to freeze rents at 1940 levels which had an unfavourable impact on property tax collection and private investments in rental housing. Many revisions were made in the Act in the following years, applied only to new buildings. ULCRA (Urban Land Ceiling and Regulation Act) was introduced in 1976 for better equality in land distribution by putting a ceiling of 500m2 on private-owned vacant land. The excess land must be returned to the government unless it is an agricultural or industrial land. The exemption clause in the Act were manipulated to act as advantage for big businessmen and industrialists. Thereby, this initiative of the Government lead to reduced availability of formal and public lands. Till 1986 The Housing Board under MHADA delivered 100,000 dwellings of which 75% were residential ownership of EWS (Economically Weaker Sections) and LIG (Lowe Income Group). Since 1986 there was a shift of supply from EWS to HIG (High Income Group). The MDAHA was not able to meet the demands of housing even before it got corrupt. In the 1970s, MDAHA built only 20,600 formal housing when the demand was for 60,000. With the involvement of private-sector, there was an increase of houses built annually to 47,400 between the years 1984-91. Still, the issue of formal housing for the slum population was not solved because as of 1988, 0.1 million housing units were left vacant waiting for the right price to sell. The housing market in Mumbai were subjected profiteering. The supply of formal dwelling by public-sector were below the requirement. Therefore, working-class or middleclass who are eligible for EWS and LIG residential ownership were forced to accommodate in existing rental housing which received very less investments for maintenance. As a result, there was an increase in percentage of deteriorated houses to 73% in 1991 from 69% in 1981 (Risbud, 2003). Those who could not be accommodated in existing rental housing were forced to dwell in informal housing. The number of informal settlements increased as more people migrated to the city in search of job opportunities. The following table shows the timeline of formation of various slum shelter policies.

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Figure 18: Timeline of slum shelter policies. Source: Author, based on Risbud (2003)

According to Risbud (2003), following are the reasons for the proliferation of slums even after implementation of shelter policies explained in fig.18. 1. Lack of access to legal tenure is a hurdle for working and middle-class to acquire formal housing finance. 2. The scarcity of land and high speed of urbanization is continuing to affect rehabilitation/ redevelopment 3. Even though there has been a clear shift in policies from evicting the slums to improvement of slum environments, the schemes are mostly politically biased. Some policies are direct implication of international aid agencies without much groundwork. The city lacks visible slum environment improvements because of lack of continuity and frequent changes in policies due to competitive politics. 4. The eviction of non-notified slums is not a solution to informal settlements. The SRA schemes have achieved better coverage. But private builders manipulate the rules for better profits, reducing the benefits of slum dwellers. Mumbai’s housing market has become an investment market. For this reason, slum dwellers started to oppose SRA developments

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Figure 19: Medium rise affordable housing built in Mumbai under the SRA scheme. Source: Marpakwar (2020), Online.

3.4 SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND Most slum dwellers of Mumbai are migrant working-class people. In order to understand the formation and functioning of these slums, it is important to understanding of its socio-economic background, housing market of working-class and role of working class in city. The role of working-class in wealth creation in Mumbai The creation of wealth in Mumbai is a product of professional expertise, investment by capitalists and abundant cheap migrant labour. A large portion of surplus capital generated is diverted to real estate, gold trade or converted to black money. The rest portion is re-invested in industries. The Chawls8, currently in dilapidated condition are strategically located to become part of ‘restructuring’ under mega transformation of the city. According to Sharma (2010), Mumbai is a clear example where ‘right to the city’ of multi-identity interest-groups are derived through their roles in contributing to the city’s economy and its pluralistic community. Until 1980s, Mumbai was leading contributor to national income and contributor to one-third of country’s income tax, 60% customs duty and 10% of country’s industrial jobs. The frequency of strikes, lay-offs and shut-down of industrial units increased as labour movement in organised sector got stronger. The decline of Mumbai’s growth profile began in 1980s when new manufacturing centres were set-up in other states of India. The communal riots and labour union strike led to job loss and rapid growth of informal sector. There was an increase of workers in informal sector from 49% in 1961 to 65.5%in 1991. (Sharma, 2010)

8

Chawls are working-class quarters in India. Chawls provided dwellings for blue-collar and white-collar workers. It is a single room rental quarters for single men workers.

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The working-class settlement in Mumbai

Figure 20: The image represents different activities in chawl. The ground floor will mostly have commercial space and floors above will be single rooms with shared toilets or attached toilets. A chawl in Mumbai us usually 3-4 stories high. Source: Shah (2020), Online.

During the period of 1920-1956, port authorities, factory owners and landowners built chawls for lowincome workers. The density of such quarters increased, and structures began to deteriorate as these workers gradually brought their family to settle in the city. The construction and maintenance of quarters stopped soon after the rent freeze imposed by Rent Control Act9 during WW2. A survey conducted in 1969 showed that two million people were housed in 20,000 such dilapidated quarters. As consequence of congested living conditions, the number of pavement dwellers10 started to increase during the next 10 years. Those who could not afford social housing in Mumbai, dwelled in authorised or unauthorised semi-permanent structures, informal housing and pavement dwellings. These informal dwellers obtained access to amenities such as water, electricity and education through bargain, political pressure and contact. The pavement dwellers faced harassment and were not eligible for improved living conditions as they didn’t come under the category of slums in India. Rents were collected from these inhabitants by localites with strong connections. The slum leaders collected rent from slum dwellers. The government’s efforts to regulate slum growth had a major setback when they circulated orders to rent collectors not to collect compensation forcibly. The job opportunities were concentrated in the Island wards of the city yet, it contained only 17% of slum population whereas, 83% of slums were in suburbs (Risbud, 2003). Most of the slums were in lands unsuitable for development like low-lying marshy lands, hillside and railway tracks. The dockworkers, 9

The Maharashtra Rent Control Act mentions the duties of tenants and landlords, such as rent conditions, eviction conditions, rules for rebuilding, responsibility of repairs of premises and transfer of tenancy. 10 Pavement dwellings are informal housing built on pavements and footpaths of streets in a city.

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erect huts close to port area. In central city, textile mill workers stay in extended corridors of mill boundaries or nearby areas (Sharma, 2010).

Figure 21: Exterior view of a chawl in Mumbai. Source: Shah (2020), Online.

Figure 22: A chawl lit up for festival night. Source: Shah (2020), Online.

Figure 23: Interior of a chawl where living, dining, kitchen, and bedroom are cramped into a single room. Source: Borpujari (2019), online.

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Housing Market in Mumbai – Formation of urban enclaves The cross subsidised scheme11 through which millions of poor can be provided with houses with the support of private builders under Development Control Regulations12 of 1991 was an incentive for builders to construct with maximum FSI (Floor Space Index) instead of small quarter houses. The Urban Ceiling Act13 led to decline of demand for new housing. This situation acted as catalyst for private builders’ involvement in government’s ‘one million free houses’ for the poor. Instead of helping the poor, these developments became open field for profiteering and speculation by land and building mafia, thus altering the land and housing market in the city. As a reaction to this change, even suburbs experienced real estate boom (Sharma, 2010). Almost 95% of households cannot afford formal housing in Mumbai (Satheesh, 2018). Rents in Slums Rents in slum vary according to location, infrastructure access and condition of house. According to a report published in the year 2002, average room costs 40US$ per month in south Mumbai and 10US$ per month for most inhabitable slums. An eleven months contract is signed on a stamped document and an advance payment of 200-1200UD$ is made before shifting into the room. According to Risbud (2003), shops in certain high demand areas of slums have rent like any fancy new commercial space in same locality. But people choose slum shops over fancy shops considering the profitability. The most insecure tenure arrangements and tenure security are the pavement dwellers, squatter settlements built 1995 and settlements in lands which does not come under Slum Redevelopment Scheme. The schemes adopted for slum clearance during first decade of post-independent India were not successful as the builders could not match the pace of construction to that of increasing demand. The slum dwellers do not have access to housing loans, thereby can’t purchase a legal house. Thus, they don’t have an option of social mobility. Through collective savings, borrowing money from employees and relatives and pawing money many dwellers hire-purchase household items (Risbud, 2003). Access to services in slum According to 2003 study, the luxury of individual tap water supply is only experienced by 5% of slum population, rest of them depend on single or multiple source, tube wells or community standpipes. There are 17 slums with total of approximate 0.1 million population which does not any source of water and depend on neighbouring settlements. The community toilets have unhealthy environment because of poor maintenance and overuse. Limited access to water and no access to electricity worsen this situation. The Greater Mumbai Municipal Corporation have placed waste collection bin at areas accessible by municipal vehicles. Due to lack of organization in waste collection, most of them are being thrown in any open place. Most of the settlements have drainage system which is

11

The cross subsidised scheme under the Development Control Regulations of Greater Mumbai, 1991 allows builder to have incentive of increased FSI (Floor Space Index) for constructing dwellings for urban poor. This scheme was under Central governments initiative of ‘one million houses’ to solve informal housing. 12 Development Control Regulations for Greater Mumbai, 1991 is a set of compulsory rules for building activities and development work in areas under jurisdiction of Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai. 13 Urban ceiling Act, 1976 impose a ceiling on vacant land in urban agglomerations, for the acquisition of such land in excess of the ceiling limit, to regulate the construction of buildings on such land and for matters connected therewith, with a view to preventing the concentration of urban land in the hands of a few persons and speculation and profiteering therein and with a view to bringing about an equitable distribution of land in urban agglomerations to subserve the common good.

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ineffective due to blocking caused by waste dumping. The low-lying areas are adversely affected due to clogged drainage system during high-tide or rainy season (Risbud, 2003).

Figure 25: Drinking water supply area (left), women carrying drinking water from collection point to their home (right). Source: Risbud (2003)

Figure 24: Public toilet facilities in slums (left), Toilet facilities made by slum dwellers on banks of river (right). In both images, the lack of organised solid waste collection in the slums is visible. Source: Risbud (2003)

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Education and occupation of slum dwellers Slum dweller of age above 50 have had no formal education, middle aged dwellers received primary education, children of slum dwellers are educated by nearest Municipal Corporation Schools. As per report published by MMRDA in 2002, the literacy rate of slum dwellers is 60%. The education qualification of slum dwellers largely effects the occupation and income of these people, leading them to occupy in unskilled labour jobs. Prolonged period of occupation unskilled job sector might help some to move into skilled work. In the same report produced By MMRDA shows that 33% of slum population has a job with an average of 1.46 workers per household. A secondary source of income is through a wide range of business from vegetable shops and recycling waste to illicit liquor shops, leading to 9% of buildings with commercial establishments (Risbud, 2003).

Figure 27: A classroom in Dharavi Municipal School, located in a slum cluster in Dharavi. Source: Risbud (2003)

Figure 26: Convenient stores along the streets of a slum in Mumbai (left). A store in slum selling products produced by people of the slum. Source: Earth Trekkers (2020); online

3.5 CONCLUSION The city of Mumbai is under constant change. The role of working-class in branding of the city have been a constant since the colonial period. The heterogeneity of cultural and social mix of people makes the urban space exciting and colourful. But the urban planning and design authorities have not been completely successful in bringing justice within the social mix. The city provides enormous opportunities for working-class but lacks proper social housing schemes and the city is going through rapid real-estate boom. Many schemes and Acts have been enforced under central government,

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MMRDA and MHADA to overcome the issue of informal housing in Mumbai. The schemes are not sustainable because of profiteering and manipulation of laws by land mafia. In Mumbai, slum formations are seen along edge of city’s fragments and lands unsuitable for construction or human habitation. The working-class dwellers of slums illegally occupy underused urban spaces and does cheap labour to pave way towards successful city. This is the reason for prolonged presence of informal settlements in Mumbai. When rest of the city understood the value of the informal dweller, slum rehabilitation and re-development schemes were introduced for wellbeing of these dwellers. Although, the execution of the rehabilitation schemes is politically biased, some improvements are being implemented in slum areas. The allotment of public services and infrastructure show us that slum regions are treated differently from rest of the city. The services they receive and marginal, hence they continue to be a segregated cluster of informal communities. Over a million people are accommodated in these informal settlements with minimal public or private expenditure. Therefore, slum settlements are a prolonged presence in Mumbai

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CHAPTER 04: SEGREGATION OF THE SLUM DHARAVI The slum cluster of Dharavi is a segregated community. In order to understand type and extend of segregation, it is important to understand the relation between Dharavi and rest of the city, and the initiatives by government to improve the environment of the slums.

4.1 HISTORY Dharavi was a neglected marshy land at edge of early 19th century Mumbai city. Extend of the then Mumbai is shown in Figure 8. Until 1882, the city of Mumbai had mix of housing, commercial and industrial land use. The enactment of Health and Sanitary measure by municipality in 1822 led to displacement of polluting factories to the fringe of the city, like Dadar, Sion and Trombay. As city grew, the factories were further shifted to northern suburbs.

Figure 28: History of development in Dharavi. Source: Author

‘Kolis’ were the fishermen community of Mumbai which thrived on marshy fringes of the city which were unsuitable for construction. Country liquor made from salty water of Mumbai’s Mahim Bay was also their source of income. The Bombay Prohibition Act of 1949 banned liquor business and effected livelihood of Kolis who were the monopoly of Liquor business in Mumbai. Kumbars, Gujarati14 potter’s community joined the Koli community and other industries in 1895. The Kumbars received 99 years lease from the colonial government to run the pottery industry and accommodate workers. As people started settling in Dharavi, they constructed religious buildings and community centres (Weinstein, 2014). 14

Gujaratis are people of state Gujarat located in north-east India

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Figure 29: Locations in South Mumbai where industries flourished. Source: Author

In late 19th century property development became high profit business as land became a limited resource in Mumbai. The construction activity in the city were dominated by private parties and local government built very few housing. The high influx of migrant labour towards the industrial concentrated areas demanded more working-class quarters. The government could not meet the affordable housing requirement and workers continues to settle in informal dwellings. Dharavi became the informal settlement for workers of industrial units in Dadar, Sion and Dharavi, due to its geography. The following figure explains the formation of Dharavi’s informal settlement.

Figure 30: Formation of Dharavi. Source: Author

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By 1940s, Dharavi has three parts; fishing village, industries and working-class residential enclave. Dharavi was referred to as village in 1950s and 1960s. By 1980s Dharavi became Asia’s largest slum cluster, a megaslum as more and more working-class people and polluting industries started settling here (Weinstein, 2014). The slum clusters of Dharavi are notified by the state government and following table lists the slum clusters in Dharavi Taluk. CLUSTER ID FN_013 FN_026 FN_027 FN_029 FN_030 FN_031 FN_033 FN_034 FN_036 FN_038 FN_039 FN_040 FN_041 FN_042

VILLAGE Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Sion Salt Pan Salt Pan Sion Sion Sion Sion Sion Sion

TALUK Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

FN_043 FN_045 FN_046 FN_047 FN_048 FN_049 FN_051 FN_052 FN_054 FN_059 FN_060 FN_061 FN_063 FN_064 FN_066 FN_067 FN_068 FN_071 FN_072 FN_073 FN_074 FN_075

Sion Sion Sion Sion Sion Sion Sion Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Sion Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan

Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

FN_076 FN_077 FN_078 FN_082 FN_083

Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan Salt Pan

Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

SLUM NAME Rajiv Gandhi Nagar Laxman Wadi Lalmitti Kismat Nagar Mahatma Gandhi Nagar Ram Nagar Sundar Kamal Nagar Punjab Camp Chwl Punjab Camp Police Chowki Guru Arjun Niwas Vijay Nagar Indira Nagar Sardar Nagar Sarada Nagar Dr.Baba Saheb Ambedkar Nagar Sion Agar Wada Jopad Patti Joglekar Wadi Saibaba Nagar Bhimwadi Jadhav Wadi Sanjay Gandhi Nagar Sanjay Gandhi Nagar Bharat Mata Nagar Pnchasheela Nagar Shastri Nagar Indira Nagar Salmat Nagar Indira Nagar Ambedkar Nagar Ambedkar Nagar Mahastra Nagar Vijay Nagar Himatt Nagar Sangam Nagar Sangam Nagar Sangam Nagar Aman Sagar Cooperative Society Chawl Santhi Nagar Chawl New Shiv Sankar Nagar Ganesh Nagar Kamla Nagar Panchaseela Nagar 41

AREA (sq.m) 49786.31 84263.20 8631.04 18760.26 441.09 18295.00 34540.82 3637.47 4180.57 3147.94 3190.66 1762.66 519.56 4833.45 6971.67 3495.14 2448.95 4278.27 1613.61 3434.54 3110.34 16557.45 30559.11 26849.95 56382.50 8134.04 96737.67 9197.10 3925.06 8640.63 179511.84 25137.78 31161.63 39394.22 60945.25 5966.22 6540.49 104284.30 5986.29 26131.75 20494.60


FN_099 FN_100 FN_101 FN_106 FN_107 FN_109 GN_017 GN_019 GN_020 GN_023 GN_026 GN_027 GN_029 GN_030 GN_032, 033, 104 GN_034 GN_038 GN_039, 087, 089, 093, 094, 095, 107 GN_040 GN_042 GN_043 GN_069, 070, 071 GN_073 GN_074 GN_079 GN_080 GN_086 GN_096, 097

Salt Pan Salt Pan Sion Sion Sion Salt Pan Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

Koliwada Bharat Nagar Anand Nagar Sundar Kamala Nagar Sardar Nagar Shastri Nagar Kamala Raman Nagar Ganesh Nagar SVP Nagar Western Railway colony Sanjay Gandhi Nagar Samatha Nagar Ramabai Nagar Shahanu Nagar Ambedkar Nagar Matunga Labour Camp Rajendra Prasad Nagar Dharavi

1088.04 1834.22 3644.90 8275.42 755.77 2532.93 5472.55 675.90 2638.22 11509.42 1575.11 1329.63 15429.12 10363.84 23,589.94 41560.08 22589.36 279,077.37

Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

2,503.51 6,422.73 42368.85 128,286.08 944.48 141,437.25 15861.33 16713.96 101421.11 40,358.56

GN_099 GN_100, 101 GN_102, 103 GN_105, 106

Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi Dharavi

Tilak Nagar Humlog Society Navrang Compund RP NAGAR Estrila battery Compound Kumbar Wada Transist Camp Kamala Nehru Nagar Laxmi Baug Baba Saheb Ambedkar Chawl Parasi Chawl Kala Quila Mahanagar Palika Varasat Prem Nagar

8418.18 16,091.02 23,063.58 29,925.71

Table 3: 154 notified slums of Dharavi Taluk. The largest slum cluster is in Dharavi which includes GN_039, 087, 089, 093, 094, 095, 107. GN is the name of the ward (as shown in fig 10). Source: Author based on information from SRA, Mumbai’s List of Slum Cluster, 2015.

The 1890s Plaque breakout in the city led government to think about the unsanitary situation of the informal settlement but, the Government were incapable to solving the root cause of the issue. “Bombay lacked development consensus or growth coalition. Although Bombay was home to India’s first major industrial and commercial enterprise, the private sector had been more concerned with developing a national industrial policy in the years immediately following independence that they were with the more proximate concerns of urban planning and housing construction” - Weinstein (2014) According to Weinstein (2014), the ongoing practice of supportive neglect in inner city neighbourhood continued as developers and government turned their attention towards creation of New Mumbai and other satellite cities.

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Weinstein (2014), claims that slum cluster of Dharavi is unique. Slums generally accommodate the most marginal city dwellers but Dharavi’s “political and economic centrality” attracts working and middle-class city dwellers (Weinstein, 2014). Dharavi slum clusters covers approximately 525 acres of land with population density of 1200 per acre. Dharavi accommodates 67 communities, in which a third are migrants from Tamil Nadu, other third are Maharashtrians15 and the rest are migrants from Gujrat, Karnataka, Kerala and Uttar Pradesh. Along with these communities, Dharavi has around 50 religious institutions, 50 banks, 60 government schools and 1044 manufacturing industries employing 70% of its population (Weinstein, 2014).

4.2 DHARAVI AND REST OF THE CITY The relationship between city of Mumbai and slum of Dharavi can be understood from the accessibility map which shows gradation and segregation.

Figure 31: Slums in Mumbai (Left), Source: By Author based on map produced by PK Das Associates, Mumbai. Segregation due to urban form in the slum clusters of Dharavi (Right), Source: By Author based on accessibility maps concept by Hillier (2007).

Fig. 31 represents the gradation of accessibility in Dharavi and rest of the city. The higher the intensity of yellow lines in the figure, less segregated the community is. In the slum clusters of Dharavi (represented in orange bubble in fig.31), the intensity of yellow lines is minimal. Therefore, spatial injustice is visible in the areas highlighted in orange in fig.31. The intensity of yellow line is more in rest of the city where density is 120 per acre whereas in Dharavi with ten times more density as that of city, the accessibility is minimal. Lack of accessibility such as roads or streets means lack of accessibility to services such as drainage system, water supply, electricity and waste management. In Hiller’s (2007) maps, the gradation also meant lesser movement in segregated areas. But in case of 15

Maharashtrians are people of the state of Maharashtra

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Dharavi the intensity of movement is same as that of the city, but accessibility to public infrastructure is less.

Figure 32: Segregation through accessibility. Source: Author, based on google map

The segregation prevailing in Dharavi’s slum cluster can be also understood at neighbourhood level. The facts table (fig.13) of Mumbai’s slums show the segregation of slum communities through accessibility to resources, public services, and infrastructure. Mumbai’s average living space per person is 8m2 whereas people of Dharavi has only 2.73m2 (Ashar, 2016). Each house in Dharavi with hut area of 27.85m2 accommodates almost 10 people. A typical dwelling in Dharavi houses people in a single room comprising of kitchen, dining, bedroom, and storage.

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Figure 34: Hut/ House area in Dharavi. The statistics illustrates that most people live in house with less than 27.85 sq m total area. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA

Figure 34: Inside of a house in Dharavi. Source: (Inside the houses of SLums of India, 2019)

Figure 35: Exterior of Dharavi's houses. Source: Author, based on image from (PatchWorkids, 2015)

Houses in Dharavi slums are temporary structures made of asbestos, plywood, aluminium and plastic sheets. In the background of the slum settlements in fig. 35 is a sturdy SRA project. The government aims to shift dwellers of notified slums into such blocks. The living condition of slum dwellers are unhealthy mainly because of lack of accessibility to services.

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Figure 36: Statics of availability of resources to people of Dharavi. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA

The statistics in fig.36 shows the marginality of distribution of public services and infrastructure to people of slum clusters of Dharavi. In slums of Dharavi, with population of over a million people, only 3% - 5% of the settlers receive minimum services while others depend on community or public facilities such as public toilets, public water taps etc.

Figure 38: The blue drum is an essential item in households of Dharavi. The supply is irregular even in the public water taps. Family members collect water from nearby water taps to fill the drum and use it for upto three days. Source: (Fernando, 2014), Online

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Figure 38: Dwellers of Dharavi filling water from public water taps as they do not have water supply to their house. Source: (Fernando, 2014), online


Figure 40: The image illustrates lack of standard width and access to natural light into the alleys in slum of Dharavi. The low-lying electric lines shown in the image can be hazardous for the life of people around. Source: Author based on image from (PatchWorkids, 2015)

The slum dwellers live with marginal resources because they are considered illegal settlers and do not own any legal proof of identification. The ration card16 holders of Dharavi are below 5%, hence majority of Dharavi’s population do not get subsidised food and other necessary items. People of Dharavi are in dire need to get subsidised goods from government so that they can aim for social mobility. But it is these people who are being neglected from such basic services.

Figure 39: Number of ration card holders in Dharavi. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA

The existence of polluting factories in Dharavi is another neighbourhood level segregation. While rest of city pushes such industries to its peripheries, Dharavi’s existence is based on functioning of the industries within. People work and live amidst the polluted air and water. Dharavi’s existence is important to rest of Mumbai as the biggest waste recycling industries are in Dharavi, recycling 90% of its waste (McCloud, 2014). The concentration of industries in Dharavi is shown in fig. 41. As evident from the figure, one of the reasons of the flourishing industries is the proximity to three railway stations (highlighted in yellow colour in fig. 41) and express way (orange line in fig. 41)

16

Ration card in India is an official document entitling the holder to a ration of food, clothes and other goods.

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Figure 41:Location of industries in Dharavi. The areas highlighted in colours are various industries. Almost half of the slum Dharavi is covered with industries. Source- Author based on information of Dharavi by Hoffman Brandt Projects LLC

As the working of these industries are crucial for economy of the state, local government helped factory owners with infrastructure to support the manufacturing such as electricity and water connections but neglected the working and living environment of employees.

Figure 42: Factories or workplaces in Dharavi have minimal infrastructure that helps run the manufacturing. Human comfort and health is being neglected here. Workers live above the factories provided by employer to save the monthly rent. Source: Author based on image from (PatchWorkids, 2015).

Education and opportunities are also a privilege for slum dwellers. According to Sharma (2010), for people of Dharavi, education is a way to escape from the stigma of a slum dweller and dream for

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better opportunities. Dharavi is the most literate slum of Dharavi with 89% literacy rate17 (Kamper, 2017). The literacy rate of Dharavi is almost same as that of Mumbai, 89.73%. The schools in Dharavi does not have enough intake to educate all children of the settlement. This causes high competition in enrolment. Although with better educational infrastructure and private tutoring, school enrolment have increased 20% since 2010,but at the same time dropout rates are also increasing (Kamper, 2017). Parent of working-class and lower middle class might not be able to afford the education fee. Another reason for dropout is child labour. According to Kamper (2017), child labour is common in Dharavi as children work to add their share in family income. Some manage education and labour but some drift away into money making in early stages of their life. The drop put rate of secondary school is 33.4% (Kamper, 2017).

Figure 43: Statistics of income per family in Dharavi. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA

The average of salary of a resident in Mumbai is 163,000 INR where as that of Dharavi resident is 10,000 INR (Survey, 2021). Because of the huge salary gap and high living costs, people of Dharavi cannot enjoy the normal city life of Mumbai. Even with good education qualification, dwellers of Dharavi face difficulty getting opportunities in the city because of the stigma attached to their identity. Majority of Dharavi dwellers are Dalits18 (Nijam, 2009). Due to social segregation, people of Dharavi wind up in menial jobs such as domestic help, launderettes, waste picking, waste segregation and polluting industries.

17

According to Indian Census, literacy rate or effective literacy rate is total percentage of population aged seven years and above who can read and write with understanding. 18 Dalits are people from lower cast in India. There was a time where dalits were considered untouchable.

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4.3 DHARAVI RE-DEVELOPMENT PROJECT For people of Mumbai, the re-development plan is significant as it will be a precedent for future development of slums in Mumbai, the ‘Dharavi Model’. The redevelopment plan will divide Dharavi into sectors. International companies will bid for the right to develop each sector. Dharavi is part of approximately 6 million other slum inhabitants of Mumbai, who closely watch, react and negotiate the crucial elements of redevelopment plan which interrupt their way of life. The slum dweller of Mumbai understands that future of their livelihood is depends on implementation of ‘Dharavi Model’ (Baweja, 2015). In 1972, under Environmental Improvement of Urban Slum a small proportion of residents of Dharavi received basic amenities such as water, electricity, latrine and sewage disposals. The implementation of this program could not be completed due to local government’s failure to carry out proper census (Baweja, 2015). In 1976, residents were provided with photo-passes and areas were slightly upgraded with provision of public water taps, toilets, and electrical connections. In 1980s, Mahim-Sion Link road, 90ft road and 60ft road were constructed and through that road came Dharavi’s first sewer and water line connections. The location of these roads is shown in fig.45. In 1991, Environmental Improvement scheme came to an end due to administrative difficulty, lack of records and opposition from slumlords (Baweja, 2015).

Figure 44: Roads constructed in 1980s within Dharavi. Source: Author based on google maps.

In 1995, Mukesh Mehta, an NRI architect proposed DRP (Dharavi Re-development Project). In 2004, MHADA and DRP proposed a public-private enterprise opening Dharavi to global developers. According to Mr. Mehta, the goal of DRP is “sustainable development, rehabilitation of slum dwellers and businesses, re-establishment of non-polluting industries and integration of slum dwellers with mainstream residents” (Baweja, 2015). Dharavi re-development is municipal government’s and developer’s chance to show the slum dwellers the possibility that re-development can take place in collaboration with inhabitants and other stake holders. The developers will have to pay a premium to the government, re-house slum dwellers and build education, health and religious infrastructure. This 50


re-development plan is under SRS, therefore the developers gets incentive on FSI (Floor Space Index19) on commercial and residential units which could be sold in the open market (Baweja, 2015). Out of 2.1 km2 of Dharavi, 1.45 km2 is envisioned for future development and is divided into five sectors for developers to bid for implementation of the project. Since Dharavi is in prime location of the city, the developers tend to maximise utilisation and commercialisation of space.

Figure 45: The highlighted areas in the image show the 5 sectors in DRP plan. Source: Land, Housing and Gentrification in Mumbai (2014), online

In 2007, the first global bids for DRP kick started but failed to attract any investors. Between 20072008, then state government and NGO MISHAL conducted GIS biometric survey and socio-economic background of the five sectors. The survey methods used were LIDAR based GIS survey, door-to-door survey and topographical survey.

19

Floor Space Index, also known as Floor Area Ratio is the maximum area that can be constructed on a plot of land. It is regulated by municipal or local authorities of the respective state government.

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Figure 46: The image represents phased development of SRS schemes projects. DRP is under SRS scheme. The first phase of development is re-housing slum dwellers into 20% of land by private builders. Second phase shows removal of slum clusters from the land. Final stage is using larger proportion of land to build high-end apartments, retail and leisure spaces. Source: Satheesh (2018), online.

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As per the government rules anyone who has been living in the slum since 2000, on the ground floors of slum dwellings are eligible for re-housing under DRP (Baweja, 2015). But under this rule only a proportion of slum dwellers will be re-habilitated.

Figure 47: Apartments in Dharavi built under SRS. The buildings are densely packed with few meters in between each block to re-house as many slum dwellers. Human comfort and wellbeing is again neglected in such settlements. Residential spaces are connected through a single corridor and lacks social interaction the residents had while residing in slum dwellings. Source: McCloud (2014), online.

The slum dwellers are against DRP because the housing under SRS does not align with their organic settlement formation. 85% of Dharavi population’s income are from the works available within the slum (Sharma, 2010). When DRP re-houses the slum dwellers into apartment blocks, they lose their source of income along with the social ties created. Some slum dweller was re-housed in an industrial neighbourhood, Trombay (shown in fig.29) far away from Dharavi. The pollution level is high in the vicinity of industries in Trombay and is unsuitable to human settlements. The slum dwellers falls ills as soon as they are allocated in Trombay even though they got resistant to polluted air and water by living in Dharavi. This shows the high level of pollutants in Trombay which makes the place inhabitable. Within months of living in such polluted locations, people get respiratory and skin diseases. But these marginalised citizens cannot afford the medical bills along with commute fare to work locations (Land, Housing and Gentrification in Mumbai, 2014). “Dharavi Model is a cultural conflict over urbanization and what the ideal city should be” – Baweja (2015). According to Baweja (2015), DRP is a vison of neoliberal urbanist and urban middle-class environmentalists20 who aspire Mumbai to be a world-class city. People of Dharavi are not against

20

Urban middle class environmentalists are those who believe in greening the city, removing hawkers, pavement dwellers and slums and introduce recreational facilities. They consider slum as nuisance to the city. Through such bourgeois environmentalism, civic non-government organizations formed at neighbourhood level replace unwanted or illegitimate urban site with civic urban codes and aesthetics (Baweja, 2015).

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DRP but wants to be fully involved in design and implementation of re-development scheme as they understand the need for re-development.

Figure 48: The proposal plans of Dharavi were displayed to public in front of schools, markets, railways stations etc. But people of Dharavi were not able to understand the maps.

4.4 CONCLUSIONS Dharavi is an organic settlement formation in centre of Mumbai, covering and area of approximately 525 acres. The location is prime as it sits between Nariman point (business centre of southern Mumbai) and Bandra-Kurla complex (emerging financial centre in mid-city). Dharavi is known as “golden triangle” (Baweja, 2015). Indian city planners are keen to copy structure of cities such as Chicago, Singapore and Shanghai. Such future city envisions will be a failure if planners fail to be proud of the resilient character of the city, where rich and poor co-exist. The urban government worked towards achieving their dream of a world-class city through slum eviction, Special Economic Zones and peri-urban new towns. The neoliberal urban policies catalysed privatization of public services such as water, electricity and waste management. Neo-liberal urbanisation increased the financial gap between rich and poor in the city. More poor started to settle in Dharavi as rest of the city became premium. Privatization and lack of legal documents as basic as proof of identity further segregated slum communities from rest of the city. Marginality of availability of resources made dwellers of Dharavi live in inhabitable and unhealthy environments. This marginality made them less dependent on government resources or funding, as they adapted their livelihood to the available resources. Their living conditions and type of employment such as waste picking projects them as dirty to rest of Mumbai. One of the highest 54


profits making and highest employment providing industries of Dharavi is recycling industry. The city needs Dharavi’s recycling and other polluting industries functioning efficiently as it plays a crucial role on Mumbai’s wealth creation. Thus, a symbiosis is created between Dharavi and rest of Mumbai. This symbiosis makes Dharavi different from any other slum settlement. The progress of redevelopment program makes a clear outline of government’s and developer’s dream to save the industries but do very little for residents of the slum. The injustice and ignorance of needs of population of Dharavi makes them more resilient and resurgent.

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CHAPTER 05: RESILIENCE IN THE SLUM DHARAVI – DYNAMIC CITY Today, Dharavi is an industrial area of one billion US dollar turnover. International capital flows into this settlement as the production meets the growing demand. Almost every industry in Mumbai has some connection with enterprise in Dharavi (Baweja, 2015). Amidst the highly competitive Mumbai market, Dharavi’s informal market thrives. The reason is Dharavi has become immediate solution to employment and wealth generation (Sharma, 2010). Its significance in Mumbai’s global market, separates it well from other slums in the city. The resilience of Dharavi’s informal community can be understood from its social and urban configuration.

5.1 SOCIAL CONFIGURATION Dharavi is an efficient live-work paradigm, an embryonic city withing a city, humming with human energy and determination. The workplace, street and houses in Dharavi slum cluster are makeshift space of essential source of building social capital (Shailee, 2021). The social configuration is such that it creates a “conductive environment” for social interaction, mutual support, apprenticeship and skill exchange. There is shortage of space in Dharavi, still it continues to accommodate more people into its ecosystem (Shailee, 2021). In Dharavi most people own or work in Small and Medium scale Enterprises in their homes with ground floor transformed into workspace and upper floors for accommodation. According to Sahilee (2021), there are over 5000 SME contributing to US$1billion per year to the overall economy. Dharavi is home to people of diverse ethnicity, lifestyle, class, profession and skills. This diversity is utilised positively through a complex working community to create an economic paradigm. With marginal support from government, industries such as tanneries, recycling, garment making,

Figure 49: Main industries in Dharavi that contribute to social capital. Source: Shailee (2021), online

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potteries, medical equipment and soap making flourished in Dharavi. Each industry is connected to one another and other industries and markets in Mumbai to form a “compact web of social and economic networks” (Shailee, 2021). Kumbharwada, the pottery industry is one of the first industry to be established in Dharavi. Even though they migrated to Mumbai from Gujarat, they maintain close social ties with ancestral village, collaborating to produce fine work or import raw materials. At present there are 120 working kilns in Dharavi (Shailee, 2021). One of the largest industries in Dharavi is recycling industry at 13th Compound, recycling 80% of Mumbai’s waste. This industry with 250,000 employees and 15,000 single room units, each dedicated recycle plastic, metals, paper, cardboard and e-waste. There are about 3000 small-scale workshops forming the garment industry of Dharavi at Bareilly Compound (as shown in fig.49). These workshops produce, trade and sell in local market as well as export to international markets such as Walmart and Kmart (Shailee, 2021). The leather industry along 90ft road was established initially by Muslim tanners from Tamil Nadu. Presently, there are over 5000 workshops for manufacturing, polishing, colouring, stitching and marketing with annual turnover of US$500 million (Shailee, 2021). Social and economic configuration of Dharavi is in constant change and evolution with adjacent fragment’s and global needs. For example, Kolis, the fishermen community now changed occupation to construction as demand is more in the field. Now, Dharavi has a “treasure of skilled labourers” whose worth the outside world is yet to realise (Kumar, 2011).

Figure 50: Working of Dharavi as a successful informal settlement. Source: Author

The industries of Dharavi are informal providing informal occupation. As per land use regulations, the polluting industries should not be built within the city centre. Therefore, not all the factories of Dharavi are formal, as some factories do not have a legal document of registration. Only few businesses pay taxes (Kumar, 2011). According to Kumar (2011), some business owners of Dharavi, especially leather business owners widen their business kingdom by starting plastic recycling units, garments manufacturing and real estate. The owners of multiple illegal factories and trade activities became controllers of the slum. Figure 50 describes how Dharavi is functioning as a successful informal settlement in the centre of the city. Paralegal arrangements were made with local and state governments for smooth flow of informal production and trade in return the slum dwellers become vote banks. Some factory owners with political support become slumlord. These slumlords have a criminal organization based on illicit liquor selling and gambling. The slumlord and his underdogs 57


become pseudo-government or informal sovereign of the slum. They replace the government to meet the necessities of workers and dwellers of Dharavi. Slumlords conduct religious and cultural festivals, provide occupation and houses for those in need, illegal power and water connection and provide ration card to have access to gas and subsidised food supply.

Figure 52:The image illustrates the process of waste picking to manufacturing of recycled products. The waste collected from waste pickers are sorted efficiently and cleaned in single room workshops. The cleaned waste materials are taken to recycling industries in Dharavi. The recycled materials are distributed to other manufacturing industries in Dharavi as raw materials for production of various items sold in markets of Mumbai and international markets. Source: Author

Figure 51: The image illustrates settlement patters of Kumbharwadas, pottery community in Dharavi. There are around 120 kilns in different courtyards of potter’s housing community. Ground floor of houses along the kiln courtyards are workshops to make beautiful pottery products. These products are sold in international and local markets. The upper floors are accommodation of potters and other workers. The layout of pottery settlement shows the importance of social relationships in workplace. Source: Author, photographs Cameron (2018)

Figure 51 and 52, shows active involvement of women in manufacturing industries and businesses. There are many women organizations to support financial independence of women of Dharavi. Dharavi informal settlement is a forward-thinking community in terms of gender justice, commerce and education. Tiffin business, and Zari and embroidery handwork business are some of the sectors with women worker majority in Dharavi. According to Shailee (2021), NGOs and other women 58


empowerment organizations help women learn skills and get employment in local workshops. But some women face violence in workplace. The cases of women violence are reducing after involvement of NGOs like Apnalaya and SNEHA (Society for Nutrition, Education & Health Action).

Figure 53: Male - female population in Dharavi. Source: Author, based on information from 2009 Dharavi statistics collected by KRVIA

Although, equipment and raw materials in factories are updated with changing technologies, some of the workshop’s practices are unhealthy. According to McCloud (2014), the workers are happy doing their work but are unaware of the health consequences. But NGO’s like SNEHA are bringing more health awareness into the community. There are other NGO’s such as Udaan Foundation, Akaknsha Foundation that work towards improvement of education and funding for welfare and health of children. According to McCloud (2014), Dharavi’s informal settlement is an evolved economy that Mumbai needs. It contributes to 6%-7% GDP for the nation. For people of Dharavi, freedom matters the most. The rest of the city does not respect them for their contributions but consider them dirty and dangerous. Therefore, only main commercial streets of Dharavi are open to rest of the world (McCloud, 2014). Other areas have workshops and houses closely knit to keep outsider who judge their livelihood away from the community. Due to the ethnic and religious diversity of Dharavi, the occurrence of communal riots are not rare. On the positive side, these violent riots create a sense of fear among neighbouring communities to approach Dharavi and keep demolition squads at bay. Dharavi has various e-commerce platforms to improve the reach of their products and for collaboration works.

Figure 54: The image is screenshot of dharavimarket.com, an online platform created by Megha Gupta to enhance the reach of Dharavi produce. Source: Author

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5.2 URBAN CONFIGURATION Dharavi is 525 acres of informal settlement in the city centre with around one million population. This piece of marshy land is well connected with railway and road network. The express-ways, Eastern express-way and Western express-way on either side of Dharavi provides connection to satellite cities of Mumbai and coastal regions respectively.

Figure 55: Road and rail network around Dharavi. Source: Author

Figure 56: Main roads with heavy vehicular movement in Dharavi. Source- Author based on google map

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Figure 58: Urban grain of Dharavi. Source: Rani (2015)

Figure 57: Industries in Dharavi. Source- Author based on information of Dharavi by Hoffman Brandt Projects LLC

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The urban grain of Dharavi reflects its organic formation. On comparison of fig.57 and 58, it is understood that pottery and leather tanning industries have cluster development. The cluster developments have courtyard spaces which is used for trying of leather and kilns. Textile embroidery and stitching have a linear development. There are numerous connections to every point in this complex network of streets and alleys. Thus, creating various points of surprise element at every turn. In zoning basis, Dharavi is divided into different industrial zone as shown in fig.57. Leather, textile and re-cycling industries are the dominating ones as evident from the image given below. The highlighted zones consist of over 2000 factories, housing its workers in adjacent buildings or in the factory. It is evident from the fig.57 that different industries are clearly segregated by the roads passing through Dharavi. The main roads are marked in fig.55. Leather, textile and recycling industries are zoned along Mahim-Sion road, 90ft road and 60ft road as these are the widest roads in Dharavi. Wide two-way road is a necessity for these industries as large trucks need access here.

Figure 59: View of streets in re-cycling industry area of Dharavi. Source: Cameron (2018).

In Dharavi, every possible space is utilised for producing social capital. Annual business turnover of per hectare of land in Dharavi is US$2.5 million. The areas highlighted in fig.61 are the only areas in Dharavi easily accessible by outsiders. The streets are bustling markets selling various products made in Dharavi factories. According to McCloud (2014), the textiles manufactures produce quality products to attain their dream of becoming a world-class brand. The complex diagram of creation (shown in fig.6 ) of social capital has an important role in its urban configuration.

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Figure 60: Diagram depicting the complex manufacturing and marketing system of Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2018).

Figure 61: Commercial streets and buildings in Dharavi. Source- Author based on information of Dharavi by Hoffman Brandt Projects LLC

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Most of the buildings are in Dharavi are mixed used buildings, with flexible makeshift space on each floor.

Figure 62: Building typologies in Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2018).

The roofscape of the settlement shows the close-knit dwelling and industries. The roofs are used as additional storage space. According to McCloud (2014), youth and teenage population of Dharavi come to roof for recreational activities and use roof for moving around the settlement to avoid the commotions of streets below.

Figure 63: Roofscape of Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2008).

Courtyards, workplaces and alleys of Dharavi plays an important role in creation of social ties and sense of community. Courtyard spaces are used for religious festivals, marriages, community meeting space and playgrounds for children.

Figure 64: Courtyard spaces in settlements od Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2008).

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The section through the settlement shows different types of streets. Streets with commercial activities are usually wide enough for two-way traffic. Rest of the streets are pedestrian or twowheeler friendly. Ground floor shops or residences have a raised plinth were people sit and communicate. The electrical, water and sewer line connections are seen only in some streets. Most of the households have television cable connections. Hence, they are well connected with rest of the world. This shows their aspiration for social mobility.

Figure 65: Section through the settlements in Dharavi. Source: Rani (2015)

Figure 66: Street sections of Dharavi. Source: Amarsingh (2019)

5.3 CONCLUSIONS Resilience of people of Dharavi has made it a consolidated informal community. The collective action and adaptive system of informal working-class of Mumbai have made Dharavi into a thriving radical city. Dharavi is a city within a city as it has its self-governance, social hierarchy, public institutions, educational infrastructure, industries, commerce and affordable housing.

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CHAPTER 06: CONCLUSION In the process of rapid urbanization, cities fragment into areas based on economic gain and industrialization. While urbanization causes fragmentation, urban capitalism divides the rich and poor in a city. The social heterogeneity of such cities will be dependent on economic logic and productive gain. Based on Hiller’s (2007) maps, segregation in a city can we viewed in two angles, areas with less movement and areas with less access. Such segregation happens in between spaces of any two fragments of a city. Lack of accessibility or movement in these between lands makes it unsupervised and leads or informal or illegal activities and settlements. Some of such segregated informal settlements through adaptive system and collective action, consolidate to become an organization and community. These communities will be called a slum if they are coherent with UN Habitat’s definition of slums. But not all slums are just cramped up informal settlements. Some slums have a system of self-governance, a close-knit community and make-shift small scale enterprises for economy generation as a way of achieving resilience and right to the city. Dharavi’s slum cluster is one such community. The slum clusters of Dharavi is an ecosystem of houses, industries, small and medium scale businesses, and other businesses to support its functioning. Dharavi can only be tagged as a slum because of its unhygienic living conditions, otherwise it is a dynamic, radical city of working-class and lower middle-class within the city of Mumbai. Dharavi is an organic formation of urban neighbourhood, built by people living within. Because it is people built, the urban grain is finer than any developer can build. This informal settlement is an ideal example of Henri Lefebvre’s (1991) and David Harvey’s (2008) theory of cities for people. Although, the structures are temporary, through their lifestyle and complex network of manufacturing units and markets they express their right to the city. To keep authorities at bay, their street networks are as complex as their system of industries and workhouses. Only few main roads have movements of people outside of Dharavi and these are bustling market streets where Dharavi products are sold. This radical ecosystem is self-sustainable as they produce everything a community needs except for raw food materials. Dharavi has a permanent presence in city, and urban authorities and other organization are helping the community improve its living conditions because it is more than a slum. Each space in the community is multi-functional and put in use towards generation of approximately US$1 billion turnover annually, whereas the annual turnover of Mumbai city is US$250 billion (Mayors, 2020). This means that 0.4% of Mumbai’s annual turnover is from 0.35% of total area of Mumbai. The skilled and hard-working labour of Dharavi is irreplaceable. The flexible, adaptable spaces, thriving with opportunities is what attract more people to settle in Dharavi. Dharavi’s affordable, make-shift urban realm is the solution to Mumbai’s urban problems like housing and occupation. The urban policies and socio-economic situation of Mumbai have mostly acted as a catalyst for proliferation of slums. The manipulation of laws by property developers towards their gain is one of the biggest reason for the proliferation. It is evident from the study that Dharavi is a successful selfsustainable workforce settlement. Still, people pf Mumbai views Dharavi as dirty and dangerous. For people of Mumbai, Dharavi is not a part of the city. It is because of this stigma, re-development proposal are formed, to make Dharavi an approachable place by rest of the city. Instead of developing just another project in Dharavi, urban planners should use Dharavi as a prototype for other growing cities of India. The approach of Dharavi towards solving, housing, occupation and waste-management should be made as a prototype. 66


“Oh what tangled web we weave” – Sir Walter Scott

Figure 67: An informal city - Dharavi is a radical and dynamic working-class neighbourhood, not just a slum Source: Madan (2020)

Through this dissertation, I can conclude that Dharavi is a paradox. On one had Dharavi remains segregated from rest of the city and on the other hand, Dharavi is much more that a slum settlement, as it plays an integral role in wealth creation, affordable housing and re-cycling of city’s waste. Dharavi has become a well-functioning city through high-density low-rise mixed-use settlement whereas rest of Mumbai is building a high-density and high-rise development in different land-use zones and still not able to achieve the efficiency of Dharavi. Therefore, formation of Dharavi based on functional and social need is a contradiction to the concept in which Mumbai is formed. The research helped me gain a new perspective towards building a city. The success of Dharavi is the deep involvement of its dwellers in formation of the spaces. But people of Dharavi are struggling to manage the marginalised resources and public infrastructure available to them. Therefore, if I get a chance to expand the research, I will study in depth the layout of existing infrastructure and public services, its maintenance and analyse the urban policies related to improvement of slum environment. I will incorporate the interview of participants as a methodology, if I were to expand my research scope. Interviewing the dwellers of Dharavi and members of NGOs that are actively working towards sustenance of Dharavi can help reinforce my analysis. This study will provide a deeper understanding of the living conditions of people of Dharavi. 67


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ZAIBA IDAKKAD MUSHTAQ Student ID: 20060251

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