An Incomplete Unit: The Crisis of Rape in the U.S. Military
it. In 1973, the U.S. Department of Defense removed their 2% maximum restriction of women in the military as well as initiated strategies to better recruit female soldiers. These policies enabled an increase from 8.5% active female soldiers in 1980 to 14.5% in 2006 (Feitz & Nagel, 2011). Women can now succeed in a range of positions within the military and stand as an inspiration to women across the country. Yet even with their growing visibility, servicewomen are often considered second-class soldiers. Many female soldiers share the sentiment that they are seen as simply “stereotypes of women as passive sex objects who have no business fighting and cannot be relied upon” (Benedict, 2009). This misjudgment may partly stem from the law prohibiting servicewomen from participating in direct combat roles. Testimony from female and male soldiers alike attest to the reality that, due to the nature of our current conflict, there is no true “front line” resulting in most servicewomen’s involvement in direct combat situations (Feitz &Nagel, 2011, p. 119). Even still, the perception of a female soldier’s inferiority can have very dangerous consequences. The prevalence of sexual harassment and sexual assault within the military has escalated to crisis proportions. According to a report from the Veterans Affairs Medical Center, “at least one-third of all women veterans have experienced rape or sexual assault during their service” (Wilson, 2010). This behavior and the environment it creates are not conducive to the success or confidence of military units. When reading the statistic that one-third of all servicewomen experience sexual assault, it is important to note that many incidences are not reported. Servicewomen may never bring their experience to light out of fear of stigma, that it will end their career, or that their case will not be believed or taken seriously. Since only 10.9% of reported cases result in charges against the perpetrator, female soldiers might be reluctant to report knowing the law is not on their side (Benedict, 2009). Currently the process for female soldiers reporting instances of sexual assault requires them to consult with a Victim Advocate. Victim Advocate personnel are much like military counselors, whose conversations with victims are not strictly confidential. Anonymity is scarce in these situations when all personnel and officers know each other and fear of word spreading is undoubtedly warranted (Tsongas, 2011). This lack of privacy accounts for the 80-90% of sexual assault cases in the military not being reported (Gibbs, 2010). Servicewomen join the military for the same reasons that male soldiers enlist; they want better life opportunities and to serve their country. Still, they are unable to feel the same camaraderie and trust needed to be confident in battle. The U.S. Department of Defense’s attempt to alleviate the lack of anonymity and stigma in reporting cases was to create the Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office (SAPRO) in 2005 and even more education and prevention programs in 2009 (Benedict, 2009). Unfortunately, despite their efforts, SAPRO has not made significant strides in ending sexual assault within
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