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Wake Forest Journal of International Affairs FALL 2013 “To provide a venue for undergraduates to publish multidisciplinary research based papers on contemporary international issues�


Wake Forest Journal of International Affairs Fall 2013

“To provide a venue for undergraduates to publish multidisciplinary research based papers on contemporary international issues�


Dear Reader, First and foremost, in establishing the Wake Forest Journal of International Affairs, we hope to showcase the quality of research conducted by students at Wake Forest each year. As a multidisciplinary journal, our aim is to provide a venue for undergraduates to publish research papers that tackle contemporary international issues. This exciting venture has been made possible through the dedication of our Associate Editors Nehemiah Rolle, Alisha Giri, Matthew Hardy, and Benjamin Perry. We would also like to express our gratitude for the enduring support of faculty members in the Middle East and South Asia program, the Department of Politics and International Affairs, and the Department of Religion. Over the course of our undergraduate careers, we have witnessed significant transformations in various geopolitical landscapes around the world. Recently, Al-Shabab, an Al-Qaeda affiliate in Somalia, attacked an upscale mall in Nairobi, Kenya, killing more than sixty people. In light of such international developments, our journal’s methodology aims to publish research that asks important questions from a multiplicity of disciplines. Did religion play a role, if so, to what extent? How about the issue of nationalism and sovereignty; was the attack due to the presence of Kenyan forces in Somalia? What discursive role will this tragic event play in the formulations of future national security policy? How can the radicalization process be approached from a variety of academic disciplines? In searching for answers to such pressing questions, we intend to stimulate substantive dialogue on international affairs on the Wake Forest campus and beyond. Putting together this publication has added tremendous depth to our academic experiences in the classroom. This first issue has allowed us to work on deserving articles written by a group of budding young scholars. In our first issue, we tackle diverse issues such as the future of U.S. intervention in the Middle East, the complexities of the Sino-Indian rivalry, the contribution of community health workers to the achievement of Millennium Development Goal 5, and a critical look at the future of the global energy regime. Finally, we enjoyed working to bring these articles to publication and we hope you enjoy reading them. Sincerely, Muhammad Siddiqui & Yasin Ahmed Ismail Co-Founders and Senior Editors, Class of 2014

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WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Contents

Multilateral Maneuvers: The Sino-Indian Rivalry Manifested at the Regional and International Diplomatic Levels Walker Steven Young 6 A Decade of U.S. Presence in the Middle East: The End of Intervention? Joel Diamond 24 Within Reach? Millennium Development Goal 5 and Community Health Workers Emily Earle 37 Social Energy Project: Re-Evaluation Richard Min 52

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WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Multilateral Maneuvers: The Sino-Indian Rivalry Manifested at the Regional and International Diplomatic Levels Walker Steven Young Wake Forest University

The booming bilateral trade between China and India, both powerhouses of the Asian economy, should serve as a remarkable validation of the economic interdependence theory posited by international relations scholars such as Robert Keohane, which holds that states with strong economic ties will avoid conflict with each other and will be prone to cooperation; yet, the relationship between these rising economic giants is anything but simple or harmonious. Instead of using their prominent roles in international and regional institutions as avenues for intra-state cooperation for mutual benefit, China and India have co-opted these institutions to secure relative gains in a positional rivalry, which only validates realist critiques of the effectiveness of these organizations. In seeking “to protect their power and status” China and India have sought to exclude each other from meaningful roles, if any role, in the organizations they involve themselves in, even where mutual beneficial cooperation is possible. This zero-sum calculus seems to permeate the policy of both states’ involvement and actions in regional and international organizations, and thus challenges deeply held assumptions of the economic interdependence theory. In order to uncover the realist calculations which have stymied progress at both the international and regional levels, this paper examines the actions of China and India at the United Nations and at other regional forums to reveal how both have stifled the progress and potential of these organizations through the realist calculations which dominate their diplomatic policies. 1

1

Walker Steven Young graduated from Wake Forest University with double majors in Political Science and History. He will be attending the Dedman School of Law at Southern Methodist University in Dallas where he hopes to study international law.

6


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS relationship are strong, as bilateral trade targets have been set for 100 billion dollars

A Rivalry for Asia and the World

in 2012 and will likely reach to ever more In order to fully evaluate the

incredible heights in the years to come.

dysfunctional nature of Chinese and Indian

China is India’s largest trading partner and

actions

international

the “dynamism of their economies and

organizations, some context must be given

societies” seems to have little ceiling, as

for the rivalry itself and the soaring trade

both have abundant human capital and

prospects that are being stymied. A full

emerging sectors of trade offer many

review of the acrimonious history between

potential avenues of sustained growth . 4

these two countries or an evaluation of their

Though there are imbalances in this

complex trade relationship are not goals of

relationship, principally China’s large trade

this paper, so this section will only present a

imbalance, India accounts for 1% of China’s

cursory glance of how the positional rivalry

total foreign trade while China accounts for

of these states evolved.

5% of India’s foreign trade, the prospects for

A. Prospects for an Economic

continued and prosperous trade could hardly

in

regional

and

seem much better. 5 Both states have every

Rapprochement

interest in carefully cultivating this special

Economic relations between China

trade relationship; thus, it is a mystery why

and India have improved considerably over

both have spent much of the last decade

the last few decades, rising from an anemic

preparing for an inevitable war and carrying

million dollars of bilateral trade during the

this fight into other realms, specifically the

1980s to 74 billion dollars’ worth of trade in

battlefields of international and regional

23

2011. The market liberalizations that both

organizations.

countries underwent have allowed for

B. Rising Powers

spectacular economic growth in the waning days of the 20th century and even more

Though some might contend the

st

fantastic growth in the early 21 century.

analysis given in this paper, it is impossible

Moreover, the fundamentals of this trade

to dispute that India and China are two rising powers in the 21st century. Indeed, in

2

Singh, Swaran. "China-India Bilateral Trade: Strong Fundamentals, Bright Future." China Perspectives (2005): 114. JSTOR. Web. 2 Dec. 2012. Pg. 6. 3 "India Blocks China SAARC Membership." 2point6billion. N.p., 27 Apr. 2010. Web. 2 Dec. 2012.

many regards these nations have already arrived on the world stage. As the world’s 4 5

7

Swaran, 7. Ibid, 8.


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS two most populous countries, boasting the

Militarily, this has played out in several

fastest growing economies over the past

ways, most notably through China’s naval

decade, sustaining ever increased defense

encirclement in the Indian Ocean, known as

spending, there can be little question that

the “String of Pearls”,8 and through India’s

India and China are formidable forces.

tepid military penetration into China’s

However,

the

Central Asian neighbors including Tajikistan

traditional global hierarchy both states seem

and Mongolia. 9 As art often imitates life

consumed with contesting each other’s

and vice versa, India and China have

primacy over Asia, apparently assuming that

retooled their diplomatic strategies to mimic

the continent is not big enough for both of

their military strategies as part of a holistic

them. The “logic of geography” has

containment strategy.

instead

of

challenging

constrained the ambitions of both states and

This

focused these ambitions on surpassing their

competition

for

influence,

hegemony in their respective orbits and the

neighbor.6

continent as a whole has manifested itself in

The spatial realities of Asia and the

several different ways. India and China have

Sino-Indian dominance of those realities

padded their defense spending and sought to

have created a limited area for both to grow

outmaneuver the other by carefully placing

without engaging with the other’s sphere of

military

influence. As one Indian minister presciently

periphery, as if moving their chess pieces in

observed in “‘Asia where the interests of

place for a checkmate. These moves reflect

both India and China intersect…the logic of

strategies of obstruction and containment,

geography is unrelenting.’” very

nature

of

Though the

each

other’s

which perceive the relative losses of a rival as a relative gains for their state in typical

overlapping spheres of influence, China and

realist fashion. What is striking about this

India’s recent arrival as global powers has

contestation is that it runs so antithetic to

resulted in increasing friction on these

liberal theories of economic interdependence,

spheres and a concerted effort by both sides

which assert that the booming bilateral trade

to contain the other, and engage its

between China and India should alleviate

neighboring

these stressors and dissolve the realist

to

border

on

dictates

states

their

7

installations

its

advantage.

calculations which permeate the rivalry. However, intense diplomatic sparring has

6

Scott, David. "The Great Power 'Great Game' between India and China: 'The Logic of Geography'" Geopolitics 13.1 (2008): 1-26. Tandfonline. Web. 1 May 2012. 2. Logic of Geography, 2. 7 Ibid.

8 9

8

Scott, 7. Ibid, 8.


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS occurred on the International and regional

League of Nations, efforts to reform the

level, which is indicative of a zero-sum

Security Council have been underway for 15

mentality.

years;

India’s

2005

quest

for

a

however,

the

diverse

strategic

permanent seat on the security epitomizes

interests of Council members and states

the realist dimensions of the Sino-Indian

wishing to join them have stifled reform.10

rivalry and the dysfunction and discord it

The most obvious issue with the

engenders.

Security Council, aside from its veto

UN Security Council Reform as a

procedure, is its makeup. The southern

Microcosm of the Sino-Indian Rivalry

hemisphere is egregiously underrepresented and developing nations, excluding China,

Having briefly explored the mutual

are nowhere to be found in the permanent

machinations for hegemony in Asia, it is easier

to

understand

how

members. In short, the UN Security Council

diplomatic

must either diversify or risk irrelevance.

maneuvers by one or the other are able to

During the reform push of 2005, two reform

engender such vociferous and reciprocal

models came to the fore as remedies to this

backlash. This diplomatic sparring has

impasse: one adds six new permanent

played out in the world stage before;

members; the other creates a “new tier of

however, the most prescient example of this

eight semi-permanent members chosen for

unspoken conflict comes from India’s

renewable four year terms and adds one

repeated bids to become a permanent

two-year-term seat to the existing ten.” Yet,

member of the United Nation’s Security

even a council of 16 eminent diplomats was

Council. The Security Council’s current

unable to agree on an expansion plan.

makeup and voting procedures are relics of

11

World War II and the victors which were

Though this is representative of the

fissures inherent in Security Council reform,

able to enjoy the geo-strategic spoils of that

one country was particularly obstinate to

outcome, notably the United States, Russia,

include certain members: The People’s

China, Great Britain, and France, all of

Republic of China. Fearing the inclusion of

which gained permanent seats on the council

either India or Japan as permanent, though

with veto power. Thus, the Security Council suffers from being “undemocratic and

10

Malik, Mohan. China and India: Great Power Rivals. Boulder, CO: FirstForumPress, 2011. Print. 285. 11 Malik, Mohan. "Security Council Reform: China Signals Its Veto." World Policy Journal 22.1 (2005): 19-29. JSTOR. Web. 12 May 2012. 19.

anachronistic”, and through its obstinacy to reform, it risks atrophying into international irrelevance, which could make the UN as a whole irrelevant. Fearing a repeat of the

9


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS potentially non-vetoing, members of the

should guide the expansion of the Security

Security Council, the Chinese diplomatic

Council. Each of the five principles and their

corps made a concerted rearguard effort to

relevance in blocking India’s membership in

derail the inclusion of either country.

the Security Council will be examined

Though consistently advocating that India

below.

have a greater role in the UN, China’s

A. Five Principles or Five Conditions?

actions so far have intimated just the opposite.

The contradictions inherent in the Five Principles released by Beijing in May

India, Japan, Germany, and Brazil

of 2004, only further reveal how self-serving

were consistently mentioned as the most

these

likely candidates for inclusion into the

while

Brazil’s

should be the achievement of reasonable

geographic

geographic representation. Of the member states in the G-4, only Brazil would bring

growing economic power, skyrocketing and

sizable

continental diversity to the Security Council,

military

which partially explains Beijing’s support

establishment also made it a frontrunner for

for the emerging South American power.

membership. These four states coalesced, in

The broader implication of this first

order to bring unity to their cause and

principle is that no other country, certainly

created the (G-4) to advocate for their

not Japan or India, will join China on the

inclusion as permanent members. With the

Security Council. As the only Asian nation

exception of China, all other members of the

currently a permanent member of the

Security Council seemed open to expansion,

Security Council, China enjoys a great deal

albeit on their strategic terms. For instance,

of international power and prestige over its

the United States backed Japan and India

neighbors. Besides consistently advocating

was backed by Britain, France and Russia.12

for the rights and interests of the non-

Loathe to watch idly as its Asian rivals,

Western countries, China also acts as de-

Japan and India, gained prominence on the international

stage,

Chinese

facto arbiter of Asian affairs in Security

officials

Council resolutions, ensuring continued

responded by proffering five principles that 12

Chinese

enough, as it states that the “top priority”

diversity made it attractive, and India’s population,

towards

Council. The first principle seems innocuous

Germany and Japan’s

financial contributions to the UN made both contenders,

are

obstructionism of India’s bid to the Security

Security Council during the reform efforts of the early 2000s.

principles

coddling from other permanent members who wish to either secure or impede a veto

Malik, China and India, 286.

10


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS vote.

Indeed, China has no intention

support Japan’s bid to the Security Council,

whatsoever of allowing another Asian

and allow Chinese cultivation of security

country to steal its thunder on the world

ties with its East Asian neighbors. These

stage. Just as the first principle seemed

terms were inherently unacceptable to

harmless towards India’s interest in joining

Indian diplomats for a variety of reasons.

the Security Council, at first glance China’s

Aside from being humiliating, acceptance of

second

broader

these broad terms would trap India into

countries

conditions which would allow China to

principle

representation

of

calling

for

developing

seems a boon for Indian prospects.

easily renege on its support. For instance, if India were to act towards Pakistan in any

As the world’s largest developing

way the Chinese found objectionable, then

country, India seems an obvious fit for this

Beijing could claim that the Indians were

criterion; yet, for India, the devil was in the

acting improperly in East Asia and thus no

details. China’s Ambassador to the UN qualified

his

country’s

support

longer deserved a seat on the Council. The

for

preconditions laid out by China primarily

developing countries by stating that “the

formalized what had already been assumed

small medium-sized countries in particular

in many international circles, that Beijing

should be given more opportunities to enter

would not make India’s accession to the

the council.”13 However, China kept Indian

Security Council easy. On the contrary, the

hopes alive with a statement from a foreign

Chinese government would do everything it

minister; a statement that was later repeated

could to spoil this attempt.

by Premier Wen Jibao, that Beijing now endorsed “a bigger role for India in the

The third principle espoused by

international community, including in the

China enunciates this policy more fully, as it

14

Many

calls for a smaller Security Council than the

understood this statement as a tacit approval

other reform alternatives proposed and it

of India’s Security Council bid; however,

floated a proposal that all aspirants to the

such

entirely

council hold meetings with their regional

objectionable strings attached. Bilateral

groups to determine a consensus candidate

negotiations between the diplomatic corps of

for the Council. The implications of this

both countries revealed Chinese demands

latter policy are obviously quite severe, not

that India oust the Dali Lama, renege its

only for aspirants like India, but also for

United Nations Security Council.”

an

offer

came

with

South American countries like Brazil. It 13 14

seems impossible to imagine that Pakistan

Malik, China and India, 288. Ibid.

11


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS would ever accede to India’s placement on

principles

the council, in any form, whether it be

diplomatic cabal. The fourth principle calls

permanent

status.

for keeping the current veto mechanism as it

regions

currently exists and not to be expanded to

everywhere would face the same dilemma of

any other state “Since the status of

who to elect to the council through their

permanent membership is deeply rooted in

consensus. Would Portuguese speaking

the historical background of the early days

Brazil be better able to represent the

of the U.N. and is in the fundamental

interests of Latin America than Spanish

interests of the U.N.”17 Using history when

speaking Mexico? Who would represent

it is convenient and ignoring its earlier

South Asia, if not Pakistan or India and who

declamations

against

would represent the Organization of the

machinations

which

15

undemocratic

Furthermore,

or

non-permanent underrepresented

Islamic Conference?

Thus in seeking to

outlined

by

system

the

the

Chinese

Western

created of

the

the

Security

delay expansion indefinitely and retain its

Council, China quite smugly retained what it

hegemony as regional arbiter in the Security

has called its “strategic asset”, while

Council, China threw its hopes on plans for

denying that privilege to other aspiring

regional spoilers to derail any productive

states.18 Obviously, this was unacceptable to

talk of reform. Of course in the Indian

other aspirants to the council, including the

context this spoiler is none other than its old

Indians

foe Pakistan, who was all too happy to

minister even went so far as to say that India

assume the role and who has publicly sought

would not accept a seat without a right of

assurance from Beijing that India would

veto to which a senior Chinese diplomat

never gain a seat on the Security Council.16

commented “If India sticks to this position, I

Though careful not to publicly admit its

don’t see India becoming a permanent

obstructionist goals, the fourth principle put

member of the United Nations Security

forth is clearly intended to emasculate any

Council anytime soon.” 19 The implications

state able to ascend to the Council by

of this statement and the attempts to deny

denying it the veto power that China now

veto power to other would be members are

enjoys.

clear: accession to the Security Council will This is perhaps one of the most

17

16

Japanese.

India’s

foreign

Ibid, 25. Qiao Liang and Wang Xiangsui, Unrestricted Warfare (Beijing: PLA Literature and Arts Publishing House, February 1999). 19 Malik, China and India, 289.

offensive and contradictory of the five 15

and

18

Malik, China and India, 291. Malik, Security Council Reform: China Signals Its Veto, 24.

12


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS be on Beijing’s terms. This bodes especially

interlocutor in 2000 that “China will never

badly for states like India, whom the

allow India to join the Security Council,

Chinese view as a threat to their great power

certainly not in my lifetime,” laid all doubt

aspirations; thus, in the unlikely event that

to rest.

India was to gain a seat on the Council in the

pronouncements expressing its desire for

near future, Beijing would make whatever

India to have a bigger role in the U.N.,

power it held insignificant.

perhaps even on the Security Council,

20

Though China made many

China’s actions in repeatedly blocking any

The fifth and final principle that

Indian progress spoke louder than its words.

“guided” China’s thoughts of Council reform explicitly denied any link between

One action which spoke particularly

permanent membership on the Council and

loud and underscored the realist dimensions

democratization of international relations.

of China and India’s diplomatic dealings

Essentially summing up what had already

was Indian candidate Shashi Tharoor failed

been implied in the earlier principles,

2006 bid to become Secretary General of the

Beijing reiterated its opposition to reform

U.N. As U.N. Under-Secretary, Tharoor

based on principles of representativeness or

seemed to have a promising opportunity to

fairness, which it explicitly advocated in its

become the leader of the U.N.; however, his

first principle. In lay man’s terms, this final

chances were dashed by the negative vote of

point was an unequivocal “No.” from the

a permanent member of the Security Council.

Chinese on the prospect of reasonable

Though the vote was secret, it was more of

council reform because it stated that no

an open secret in U.N. circles that China had

matter how justified inclusion the Council

cast the dissenting vote. 21 As one senior

was by any applying state such a criteria

diplomat put it, “‘the Chinese would not

would not be considered relevant by

want an Indian to run the U.N.”22 However,

Beijing’s leadership. In effect, China drew a

this negative vote can be read not only as a

line in the sand stating that only those they

protection of China’s preeminence in the

deemed acceptable, regardless of the wishes

U.N., but also as a rebuke for India’s

of the rest of the permanent members or the

attempt to join the Security Council. This tit

body itself, would pass.

for tat diplomacy underscores the inherent

If the obstinacy of the Chinese

20

Ibid, 288. "Speculation on Who Cast the Negative Vote Rife as Tharoor Quits UN Bid." Gulfnews.com. Gulf News, 6 Oct. 2006. Web. 2 Dec. 2012. 22 Malik, China and India, 298. 21

response towards India’s accession to the Security Council was ever in doubt, a senior Chinese diplomat’s confession to his U.S.

13


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS intransigence that permeates Chinese and

Security Council, China was content to

Indian relations.

watch in July of 2011 as India and the rest of the G-4’s dreams of Security Council

Part of the reason for China’s

membership

success in blocking Indian accession to the Security

Council

lay

ambivalence about

in

128 votes needed for a two-thirds majority. 25

the Council, China reiterated in November

Obama’s November 2010 visit to India,

of 2012 that it had no “policy to oppose

during which he formally endorsed India’s

India’s bid for a permanent seat on the

bid to become a permanent member of the

UNSC,” but that the complex nature of the

Security Council. 23 The endorsement took

process required careful consideration and

the United States off the bench and left

discussion. 26 It is uncertain how long the

China in the deliberately awkward position

Chinese can continue to hold off their Indian

of being the only permanent member still

neighbors, if they can at all. In the meantime

non-committal towards Indian aspirations.

however, Beijing has adopted a delay and

China reacted with its standard deliberate

see policy, apparently in the hope that some

ambiguity. Foreign Ministry Spokesman

major event will disrupt the trajectory of

Hong Lei declared that “China understands

India’s accession to the Security Council.

India’s desire to enter the Security Council.

Had China not tacitly supported India’s rival

China is willing to keep in contact with and

negotiations

of

more

participate

in

developing

countries.”

24

Refusing

Always careful not to reveal any explicit

opposition towards Indian membership on

changed, however, with President Barrack

India,

G-4

the 192 member assembly, much less the

the rug of regional dissension. This all

including

a

failing to achieve even a simple majority in

Indian membership.

happy to let the issue be quietly swept under

countries,

as

sponsored reform model won only 80 votes,

American

Non-committal as they were, China was

other

disintegrated,

aspirants outside of the G-4, notably the coalition of states known as Uniting for Consensus, of which Pakistan is a member,

to

then India’s path towards a permanent seat

promote or endorse India’s bid for the

would have been much smoother. In contrast with predictions made by some analysts that

23

Tharoor, Shashi. "Security Council Reform: Past, Present, and Future." Ethics and International Affairs 25.4 (2011): 397-406. Cambridge Journals Online. Web. 2 Dec. 2012. 401. 24 Hornby, Lucy. "China Says Understands India Security Council Desire." Reuters. N.p., 9 Nov. 2010. Web. 1 Dec. 2012.

25

"India Abandons Quest for Permanent UN Security Council Seat." Dawn. N.p., 9 July 2011. Web. 1 Dec. 2012. 26 "China Not Opposed to India's UN Permanent Seat Bid." Deccan Herald. N.p., 28 Nov. 2012. Web. 8 Dec. 2012.

14


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS anticipated U.S. support for India’s bid

delay the approval of India as a Security

would force China to either explicitly

Council member through rearguard and

support or oppose India’s bid, China has

proxy efforts. One thing seems certain

remained happily non-committal and has in

though: Security Council reform will not

doing so stifled reform attempts.

27

happen until this issue is resolved. India will not give up its hard fought ground towards

Instead of fostering cooperation,

membership and will likely obstruct the

international bodies like the U.N. have become

vehicles

of

divisiveness

membership of any other aspirants, of which

and

it is excluded from. Thus, the positional

acrimony in Sino-Indian relations. What is

rivalry of China and India will continue to

really intriguing is the tit-for-tat nature of

be played out on the international stage in

these diplomatic dealings, which seem to

decidedly realist terms, leading to further

take on an almost personal dimension.

dysfunction and disunity in governing

Indeed, the words by the senior Chinese

bodies like the U.N.

diplomat that India would never become a Security Council member in his lifetime are

Backyard Diplomatic Brawls: Realism in

telling of this issue. The dynamics of this

Asian Regionalism

relationship clearly represent a zero-sum

The diplomatic positioning on both

game, as both countries view the rise of the

sides is particularly evident in their repeated

other’s prospects as anathematic towards its

efforts to gain leverage over one another

interests. A predominant view among policy

through regional organizations. Both China

analysts holds that China will one day soon

and India seek greater access to the regional

have to decide to either support India or

organizations that traditionally has been the

Japan’s bid for the Council or risk the

purview of their rival as China expands into

collusion of these two countries into some

South Asia and India expands into East Asia.

sort of anti-Sino axis. While this may be true,

The result of this posturing and leveraging is

any waning of Japan’s aspirations could

the

leave India alone as the Asian power

dilution

of

these

organizations’

effectiveness, as all member-states become

challenging for a bid, in which case China

entangled in the Sino-Indian realist web

could, as it has done in the past, indefinitely

such as the zero-sum diplomacy of China’s foray into the South Asian Association of

27

Rehman, Iskander. "Keeping the Dragon at Bay: India's Counter-Containment of China in Asia." Asian Security 5.2 (2009): 114-43. Tandfonline. 28 May 2009. Web. 1 May 2012. 121.

Regional Cooperation and India’s entry into the East Asian Community.

15


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS A. China Muscles its Way into SAARC

consistently been blocked India. Yet, a coalition within SAARC began to fear the

Founded in 1985 and chartered with

increasing dominance of India in its

“the objectives of promoting welfare of the

organization and sought a counterbalance to

peoples of South Asia and improving the

level the playing field. Led by Sino-friendly

quality of their lives through acceleration of

Pakistan, a pro-China bloc of SAARC

economic growth, social progress and

members, which also included Bangladesh

cultural development”, the South Asian

and Nepal came out in support of China’s

Association of Regional Cooperation has

inclusion into the organization and made its

long been the organ of India’s regional

approval

engagement due to the fact that it constitutes

events. Within twenty-four hours of the pro-

reserves and armed forces.28 Used to having

China bloc’s declaration, India had to

its way in the regional forum, India had a

accede to a humiliating reversal of its

rude awakening in November of 2005, when

pervious statement and accept China as an

the regional influence of China was made

observer state.29 Indeed, it was a surprise to

expressly clear. Ironically however, the maintained

membership

caught completely flat footed by this turn of

population, GDP, foreign exchange, gold

India

Afghanistan’s

conditional on China’s inclusion. India was

at least three fifths of SAARC’s total area,

hegemony that

of

many that what was once India’s diplomatic

over

backyard had been breached so easily by the

SAARC ultimately led to the inclusion of

Chinese. Yet, India was determined not to

China as an observer state.

surrender all in this reversal of fortune and

th

At the 13 SARRC summit in Dhaka,

included Japan as another observer state to

India lobbied confidently for Afghanistan’s

counter-balance China’s inclusion. China’s

admission into the group, which all seven

entry into the forum was further diluted in

states had previously informally agreed to.

2006, when the United States gained

On the opening day of the summit, Indian

observer status, at India’s request.30

Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran put up a

Those hoping that time would heal or

procedural hurdle to China’s entry into the

at least soothe some of the fissures of the

organization as an observer state. China had

2006 conference have an indefinite wait

long aspired to join the organization, but had

ahead of them, as India continues to obstinately

28

Kumar, Vikas. "Why Is SAARC Perenially Gridlocked and How Can It Be Revitalized." Clingendael Asia Studies (2010): n. pag. Clingendael Asia Studies. 16 Dec. 2010. Web. 1 Dec. 2012. 1.

29 30

16

block

China’s

Malik, China and India, 299. Scott, 11.

request

for


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS membership in SAARC. As of April of 2010,

of rival states such as China only weakens

India blocked China’s bid to become a full

that leverage. By using regional allies to

member of SAARC. In explaining the

force its way onto SAARC, Beijing flexed

organization’s or rather India’s rationale for

its regional muscle in South Asia, but one

lobbying so effectively to block China’s

month later India invaded China’s regional

entry, Indian Foreign Secretary Nirupama

backyard through the same realist dynamics

Rao did little to conceal the realist dynamics

that allowed for China’s entry into SAARC.

of regional organizations like SAARC.

B. India Crashes the East Asian Summit

Rao’s words seem to reveal bitterness over the initial Chinese incursion as well, “A

Many

thought

the

inaugural

fresh entry into SAARC? I am afraid not.

December 2005 meeting of the East Asian

We have eight members and this is the way

Summit would give rise to a viable East

31

Asian community with tangible economic

it is going to stay.”

Little is left to read

between the lines of this statement. Indeed, a

and

clearer pronouncement that China will

multilateralism once again diluted any hope

indefinitely unwelcome as a member of

of productivity, as India’s inclusion into the

SAARC is difficult to conjure.

summit created a rift in the structure of the

into South Asia more broadly, China was able to stifle India’s hegemony in the

China,

Japan,

South

Australia,

New

Zealand

and

Philippines,

dilution from outside powers has only

Vietnam.

in

Korea, the

ten

Singapore, Yet

Thailand,

many

‘China

and wary’

participants correctly surmised Beijing’s

adjudicating South Asian affairs, because it

strong backing of the proposed conference

has become a talk shop to express the

and community as an attempt to steer East

bemoaning of India and China respectively.

Asian multilateralism towards its interests.

Realist perspectives dictate the direction of

Thus,

SAARC and organizations like it because

these

Australia

hegemons of these organizations view it as a

and

states, New

principally

Japan,

Zealand,

lobbied

successfully for India’s inclusion into the

tool for regional influence and the inclusion 31

included

Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the

great power calculations, the result of this credibility

realist

Asian Nations (ASEAN): Brunei, Cambodia,

legitimate actor in the region. Apart from

body’s

however,

members of the Association of Southeast

organization and further establish itself as a

the

results;

summit. Held in Kuala Lumpur, the summit

By forcing its way into SAARC and

reduced

social

organization and after multiple resulting controversial

“India Blocks SAARC Membership.”

17

diplomatic

ploys,

the


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS organization atrophied into another East Asian ‘talk shop.’

Welcome” the Chinese also lobbied Laos

32

and other Southeast Asian capitals to persuade them to nix India’s inclusion. Yet,

As momentum for the conference

only Malaysia offered any indication of

began to build, China began to lobby

support and India’s inclusion into the

strongly for India’s exclusion from the

conference became a moot point. Not to be

summit without even offering a plausible

outdone though, the Chinese attempted to

reason. The geostrategic calculations of the

craft a tiered system to keep Indian

Chinese in seeking this exclusion spoke for

influence in the proceedings minimal.

itself and Beijing did little to conceal its intentions, only offering vague accusations

This separate and not equal system

that India had its own ill intentions. Citing

included every ASEAN member plus three

the economic friction that India’s inclusion

(APT), which includes China, South Korea

would bring, Beijing propaganda claimed

and Japan, which comprises the upper-tier

that

and India, New Zealand, and Australia which did not have full membership and

“India hopes to build a free trade area extending from Bombay to New Zealand’s Christchurch and finally expand the area, which covers 3 billion people, into the world’s largest of its kind. But India’s proposal is not warmly responded [to] as each country has its own considerations.”33

were

only

dialogue

partners

at

the

conference. Whether or not China’s creation of “core” states that led the conference and subsequent conferences was an effective diplomatic obstruction of Indian interests is a question for debate, however, there are several

important

implications

of

this

34

action. For one, the Chinese sidelining of

The implication of Beijing’s accusation is

India reveals just how concerned Beijing

once again clear, but so too are the

diplomats are over India’s push into East

insecurities of the would-be Asian hegemon.

Asia and its potential influence. India’s

India’s inclusion into the conference would

“Look East” policy has had success in

harm China’s “own considerations” for

creating diplomatic inroads in East Asian

economic dominance throughout East Asia

nations and China’s sidelining clearly

and thus India is not and would never be

represents insecurities over India’s growing

willingly placed on the guest list. Apart from

role in what should be China’s economic

hanging a sign proclaiming “No Indians 32 33

and diplomatic backyard. Likewise, the

Malik, China and India, 302. Malik, China and India, 303.

34

18

Scott, 120.


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS insecurities of ASEAN participants in this

Little accord was found at the

summit over increasing Chinese hegemony

inaugural summit and great power dynamics

in their region, which prompted India’s

have continued to poison its proceedings.

inclusions, indicate a distillation of realist

Recently, China used its ally and aid

thought in East Asian multilateralism.

recipient, Cambodia, who chaired the 2012

India’s role in the conference was clearly

conference, to steer clear of any discussion

meant to balance China’s influence and

of its rancorous disputes involving Japan,

subsequent decisions that all future summits

the Philippines and Vietnam over islands in

be held in ASEAN nations is another

the South China Sea. United States President

indicator of East Asian wariness of the great

Barrack Obama’s calls that the issue be

power dynamics directing the conference.35

handled through multilateral avenues of

Finally, even the creation of this tiered

discussion, such as the EAS, were almost

system seems an impermanent fix to

ironic in light of Chinese insistence that

Beijing’s Indian dilemma, as Japan clearly

these disputes were best handled bilaterally.

stated its preference that the sidelined

Perhaps the best rebuttal of this bilateral

members

membership

argument came from Philippines’ President

eventually. As factions began to coalesce

Benigno Aquino, whose nation experienced

around

fractured

a tense naval standoff with China earlier this

landscape of the East Asian summit, China

year. Aquino’s angry comments that “At no

saw its dream of a Beijing dominated

time in the contemporary history of the

regional

fading.

South China Sea has clarification and

Apparently it was decided within the

delineation of maritime areas become more

Chinese leadership that if Beijing could not

urgent and imperative”, only underscored

direct the summit or a future organization

the fact nothing was done on this issue,

than no one would and consequently China

which has global repercussions.

called for further inclusion into future

event epitomizes the dysfunction of the EAS,

conferences of any state “with interests in

which can barely even ascribe itself the

will the

gain

full

multipolar

organization

and

gradually

36

37

This

the Pacific.” Thus, on the last day of the

legitimacy of a “talk shop”, as this year’s

conference

events indicate it is just an organ of great

China

called

for

Russia’s

inclusion into the conference as an observer and recently the United States has joined the conference in the same position. 35 36

37

Bland, Ben, and Geoff Dyer. "Tensions Run High as East Asia Summit Ends." Financial Times. N.p., 20 Nov. 2012. Web. 8 Dec. 2012.

Malik, China and India, 309. Ibid.

19


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS power aspirations and not a positive

itself in. Rather, these fora have become

influence on regional multilateralism.

platforms for both parties to execute their

Answers

as

to

why

respective

political

productive multilateralism in Asia abound

century as theirs to take and for good reason,

European Union, the scars of history still

but both have apparently decided that

poison many relations, notably China and

neither the world nor Asia is big enough for

Japan, and some speculate that forfeit of

both of them. This assumption has spawned

some sovereignty necessary for successful

entirely mutual realist outlooks that result in

regional organizations is simply not yet an

zero-sum diplomacy on the international and

38

regional levels. At every chance it seems,

However, it can be argued that the greatest

China or India attempt to undercut or

contributing factor to this dysfunctional

undermine the other’s prominence as a

equation of regional Asian organizations is

means of safeguarding and increasing its

the great power rivalries that have been

own power. Little effort has been made to

predicated on realist assumptions and have

either

engendered the same behavior among their

the

motives

for

these

make amends for past diplomatic insults.

and their diplomatic leaders have taken on

Indeed, it seems that apologies are being

prima-facie status, even though a veneer of

delayed because both sides assume more

friendship and cooperation remains for

slights and power grabs are to come. The

public measures. The proof rests in the

ungraceful Chinese obstruction of India’s

actions of both states positional rivalry,

bid for a Security Council seat, the manner

which has sought the mutual exclusion of

in

each other, in order to gain power in their

which

China

used

Cambodia

to

completely steer the proceedings of the last

zero-sum paradigm. The wildly ambitious

EAS summit and continued Indian obstinacy

regional

towards Chinese inclusion into SAARC

hegemony that each nation wholly embraces

reflect not only the realist dynamics of

has not been significantly curbed by the

international institutions and East Asian

litany of regional organization each involves 38

conceal

exclusionary and punitive endeavors or to

members. Distrust between the two states

for

coming

China and India both view the 21st

which facilitate the cohesiveness of the

policies

the

Concluding Thoughts

and vary: Asia lacks the common interests

self-servingly

of

international and regional order.

undercurrents constantly seem to stifle

political principle for most Asian states.

visions

regionalism, but also the dysfunction these

Malik, China and India, 317.

20


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS realist

conflicts

engenders

in

these

indication of halting this action or a wish to

organizations.

do so. Finally, these institutions will continue to suffer the effects of the realist

Two things seem likely from this

dynamics that China and India inject into

review of the Sino-Indian rivalry’s effect on

their relationship with each other and their

international and regional organizations.

diplomatic actions. Until this rivalry ends or

First, India and China will continue their

some salvation comes in deus ex machina

realist zero-sum diplomatic dealings until these

interactions

cease

to

fashion, these institutions and the promise

become

they possess seem destined to languish in

advantageous, as they have displayed no

irrelevance and discord.

21


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

References Bland, Ben, and Geoff Dyer. "Tensions Run High as East Asia Summit Ends." Financial Times. N.p., 20 Nov. 2012. Web. 8 Dec. 2012. "China Not Opposed to India's UN Permanent Seat Bid." Deccan Herald. N.p., 28 Nov. 2012. Web. 8 Dec. 2012. Hornby, Lucy. "China Says Understands India Security Council Desire." Reuters. N.p., 9 Nov. 2010. Web. 1 Dec. 2012. "India Abandons Quest for Permanent UN Security Council Seat." Dawn. N.p., 9 July 2011. Web. 1 Dec. 2012. <http://dawn.com/2011/07/09/india-abandons-quest-for-permanentun-security-council-seat/>. â&#x20AC;&#x153;India Blocks China SAARC Membership." 2point6billion. N.p., 27 Apr. 2010. Web. 2 Dec. 2012. <http://www.2point6billion.com/news/2010/04/27/india-blocks-china-saarcmembership-5479.html>. Keohane, Robert O. "International Institutions: Can Interdependence Work?" Foreign Policy 110 (1998): 82-96. JSTOR. Web. 2 Dec. 2012. Kumar, Vikas. "Why Is SAARC Perenially Gridlocked and How Can It Be Revitalized." Clingendael Asia Studies (2010): n. pag. Clingendael Asia Studies. 16 Dec. 2010. Web. 1 Dec. 2012. Malik, Mohan. China and India: Great Power Rivals. Boulder, CO: FirstForumPress, 2011. Print Malik, Mohan. "Security Council Reform: China Signals Its Veto." World Policy Journal 22.1 (2005): 19-29. JSTOR. Web. 12 May 2012. Rehman, Iskander. "Keeping the Dragon at Bay: India's Counter-Containment of China in Asia." Asian Security 5.2 (2009): 114-43. Tandfonline. 28 May 2009. Web. 1 May 2012. Scott, David. "The Great Power 'Great Game' between India and China: 'The Logic of Geography'" Geopolitics 13.1 (2008): 1-26. Tandfonline. Web. 1 May 2012. Singh, Swaran. "China-India Bilateral Trade: Strong Fundamentals, Bright Future." China Perspectives (2005): 1-14. JSTOR. Web. 2 Dec. 2012. Qiao Liang and Wang Xiangsui, Unrestricted Warfare (Beijing: PLA Literature and Arts Publishing House, February 1999). "Speculation on Who Cast the Negative Vote Rife as Tharoor Quits UN Bid." Gulfnews.com. Gulf News, 6 Oct. 2006. Web. 2 Dec. 2012.

22


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Tharoor, Shashi. "Security Council Reform: Past, Present, and Future." Ethics and International Affairs 25.4 (2011): 397-406. Cambridge Journals Online. Web. 2 Dec. 2012.

23


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

A Decade of U.S. Presence in the Middle East: The End of Intervention? Joel Diamond Wake Forest University Since the War in Iraq just celebrated its ten year anniversary, a recent look at U.S. military presence in the Middle East has achieved mixed results since 2003. The debate over whether or not it was a “war of choice” or “war of necessity” has become pessimistic after recent political instability, waves of insurgent attacks, and multiple economic setbacks. The same seems true in Afghanistan, with the U.S. set to withdrawal in 2014, and fears of a Taliban resurgence running hot as a general consensus in many circles. Some debate that the hard deadline for withdrawal is part of the problem, but several experts contend that there are structural issues that are too large, even if U.S. troops remained stationed for some time. The problem is one of budget constraints and political will. After such large investments were made in Iraq with minimal benefit, there appeared a lack of political will or public appetite for the costs necessary to succeed in Afghanistan. Now, we face a crisis arguably more challenging and more risky in the civil war that continues to intensify in Syria. The stakes are higher, and the solutions appear more complex, and the situation seems prone to end in another failure. These historical trends beg the question: what are U.S. interests in Syria, and what capacity does it have to achieve those objectives? I argue that we should take a cautious approach that recognizes the limitations and high risks of military intervention.39

39

Joel Diamond is a member of the Wake Forest University Class of 2014 majoring in Politics and International Affairs with minors in Economics and Middle East-South Asia Studies. He is also the Political Strategist Officer for the Wake Forest College Democrats and a member of the Pi Sigma Alpha National Politics Honors Society.

24


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS being committed by the regime. This article

Introduction Since March 2011, over 70,000

provides a unique opportunity to rethink the

people have been reportedly killed in the

future of U.S. military policy, in recognition

Syrian civil conflict. Since the conflict

of the strategic limitations of intervention in

began, many policy analysts have wondered

the Middle Eastern region. Instead of just

why nothing has been done to stop the rising

asking whether or not the U.S. should

violence. Nonetheless, the U.S. response has

intervene in Syria, this article investigates

been more complicated than that. The use of

the reasons for why the U.S. would

weapons of mass destruction (WMDs)

intervene and what objectives it would be

owned by the ruling dictatorship under

trying to achieve.

Bashar al-Assad, his support from Iranian

The Past: Iraq and Afghanistan

and Russian governments, and lack of Syrian

At the start of the war in Afghanistan,

opposition groups makes any form of

intervention was celebrated as part of the

assistance difficult. Regardless, the lack of

War on Terror, but would become largely

political will in the United States to get

unpopular a decade later due to a lack of

involved in another Middle Eastern conflict

success.

represents the greatest challenge to any

undermined U.S.

American effort to resolve the crisis. To

building efforts, leading one to question the

truly understand why this appetite for

original justifications for intervention. The

intervention has dried up requires an

war in Afghanistanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s primary objective was

analysis of U.S. intervention over the last

to initially defeat the Taliban under Osama

decade. Since the U.S. began the war in

Bin

Afghanistan in 2001, further intervention

democratic government. At the time, the war

during the War in Iraq has eroded public

in Afghanistan was strongly supported on

support for intervention into the region more

both sides of the political aisle. Americans

broadly. However, a military response is

wanted to seek justice for the nearly 3,000

becoming increasingly discussed as the only

deaths

remaining option. There seems to be no

Afghanistan was the perfect target. The

solution to the gradual escalation of the civil

country lacked a functioning government,

war in Syria, and no end to the atrocities

was severely underdeveloped, and had no

cohesive

leadership

among

25

Structural

Laden

that

and

disadvantages

military and nation-

create

occurred

on

an

effective

9/11,

and


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS major allies to oppose U.S. intervention.

War in Afghanistan, but it only accelerated

Less than a month after 9/11, a U.S. led

the decline in public support for U.S.

campaign had already begun. In fact, the

intervention. The war was championed as a

original congressional authorization for the

quick-fix solution with minimal costs that

war passed both the House and the Senate

would serve two goals: the securing of

with a bipartisan score of 420-1 and 98-0

WMDs and establishing a stable democratic

respectively. 40 Andrew Kohut, president of

government in Iraq. However, hindsight has

the Pew Research Center, has said that

proved otherwise. Even at its outset, support

public support for the war was initially at

for

around 90%.

41

the

war

was

substantially

more

Other sources indicate that

controversial than for Afghanistan, nearly 20

such ratings were as high as 91% in March

points lower in several public opinion

2002, before gradually declining. 42 By the

ratings. 44 Compared to Afghanistan’s easy

end of 2012, U.S. casualties surpassed 2,000,

passage,

while the budgetary costs of the war

received a partisan vote of 296-133 in the

continued to increase. On top of these

Republican controlled House, and 75-70 in

reasons, lower expectations of success due

the

to structural problems with the newly

deployment was seen as a quick, low-cost

formed transitional government undermined

option that would easily defeat the inferior

public support. A majority of public opinion

forces of Saddam Hussein and the Iraqi

began favoring withdrawal as early as last

insurgents. More importantly, the invasion

April.

43

congressional

bipartisan

Senate.

authorization

45

U.S.

troop

of Iraq was sold as a mission to capture weapons of mass destruction held by

The invasion of Iraq in 2003 was

Saddam Hussein. As these claims turned out

similarly depicted as a compliment to the

to be unfounded, increased U.S. casualties and financial commitments caused the

40

Gary C. Jacobson. "A Tale of Two Wars: Public Opinion on the U.S. Military Interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq." Presidential Studies Quarterly 40.4 (2010): 585-610. ProQuest Research Library. 41 Jackie Northam. “As Wars Drag On, U.S. Interest Wanes.” National Public Radio (2011). 42 “AEI Studies in Public Opinion: America and the War on Terrorism.” American Enterprise Institute (2008). 43 “Majority Support Quick Troop Withdrawal from Afghanistan.” Pew Research Center (2012).

general public to oppose the war by 2005. Today there are significant structural challenges that complicate the future of both 44

“Public Attitudes Toward the War in Iraq: 20032008.” Pew Research Center (2008). “US public opinion on Iraq: Big Mistake.” The Economist (2010). 45 Jacobson, 2010.

26


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS of these foreign governments, as well as the

number killed on 9/11. 46 A new study by

final judgment on U.S. intervention. In Iraq,

Harvard Kennedy School Senior Lecturer

these include increasing waves of insurgent

Linda Bilmes concluded that the two wars

attacks, contentious elections being held this

are “the most expensive in U.S. history”,

year,

costing a combined $4-6 trillion against the

and

the

issue

of

oil

revenue

47

distribution. In Afghanistan, the 2014 U.S.

national budget deficit.

withdrawal deadline creates large problems

financial crisis to the picture and the

for the Karzai government. The possibility

prospect

of an insurgent takeover by the Taliban

resources to meet the lofty goals in both

looms large, the Afghan National Security

countries became politically unfeasible. As

Forces (ANSF) remains largely unprepared,

the expectations for success declined for

and the government lacks legitimacy due to

both wars, the public became increasingly

widespread corruption. Also, as long as

unwilling to accept rising casualties and

Pakistan continues to support the insurgents

military spending for continued occupation

achieving

that lacked a clear path to success.

long-term

stability

will

be

challenging. Both countries will continue to

of

committing

Add the 2009 the

necessary

The implications of these trends are

suffer from weak government institutions,

evident within several important foreign

large ethnic tensions, and hurdles towards

policy decisions, reflecting a broader trend

economic development.

in opposition to U.S. intervention. In 2009,

Before getting into the debate over

President Obama was quick to fully accept

Syria, it is important to understand why

Iraq’s demand to fully withdraw U.S. forces

public support for intervention declined as a

by 2011 without negotiations. The similar

result of both wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

decision to issue a hard deadline of 2014 for

The three largest factors that influenced this

withdrawal from Afghanistan during this

shift involve the combination of rising U.S. casualties,

financial

costs,

and

46

Susan G. Chesser. “Afghanistan Casualties: Military Forces and Civilians.” Congressional Research Service (2012). “Iraq Casualties: U.S. Military Forces and Iraqi Civilians, Police, and Security Forces.” Congressional Research Service (2010). 47 Linda J. Bilmes. "The Financial Legacy of Iraq and Afghanistan: How Wartime Spending Decisions Will Constrain Future National Security Budgets." HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series RWP13-006 (2013).

lower

expectations for success. In Iraq, there have been 4,485 U.S. casualties as of February 2012, and 2,156 casualties in Afghanistan as of December 2012, a total well above the

27


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS fall’s presidential campaign also signaled

General McChrystal called for significantly

the public’s uneasiness with continued

more troops than were issued during the

intervention. Even U.S. involvement in the

surge. Announcing the commitment to a

successful NATO operation in Libya was

hard 2014 withdrawal deadline on the same

characterized as “leading from behind” in

day as the surge only furthers the confusing

order to appease similar public concerns.

prioritization of this strategy. Today, the

These occurred as the American public

failure to establish an effective Afghan

became

U.S.

military, create a legitimate western-style

intervention in the Middle East, signaling a

government under Hamid Karzai, and the

shift in political attitudes over the last

hard 2014 deadline send an unpopular signal

decade.

of mixed success. This is evident by the

increasingly

Looking

opposed

back,

the

to

state’s continued inability to provide basic

important

public services amid widespread corruption

question is what the U.S. interests for

that

intervention were in the first place. Once the

were

controversial

U.S. killed Bin Laden in Afghanistan, what

highlighted 2009

in

the

widely

election.

More

importantly, these events send a signal to the

was the strategic interest in continuing the

Taliban to simply wait until the retreat of

occupation? If it was truly to create a fully

U.S. forces before starting another insurgent

functional democracy, how could the U.S.

campaign against the struggling Afghan

have expected to succeed if the majority

state.

opinion was not willing to commit the necessary resources to do so? Stephen M.

A very similar argument can be said

Walt, a Professor of International Relations

regarding Iraq, after it was discovered that

at Harvard University, has consistently taken

there was no presence of WMDs. What was

this perspective. In a recent article, he said

the importance of maintaining stability in

that the number of troops in Afghanistan,

Iraq if it had minimal connection to the

even

“never

larger War on Terror? While it is true that

approached the ratio of troops/population

the surge in Iraq was somewhat successful

observed in more successful instances of

in mitigating the insurgency, several expert

nation-building”.48 In fact, a 2009 report by

commentators have pointed out that it was

during

the

2009

surge,

largely unsuccessful

48

Stephen M. Walt. “The REAL reason the U.S. failed in Afghanistan.” Foreign Policy (2013).

“sweeping

28

political

at

promoting the

reconciliation”

that


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS continues to undermine Iraq’s political

These mismatches between U.S.

stability. 49 The entire Iraq operation relied

stated

on several flawed assumptions regarding the

committed to achieving them, illustrate both

number of troops required to achieve

the failures of the two interventions, as well

national security, the strength of insurgent

as the reason for the decline in public

forces, and the level of planning required for

support for intervention. Complex goals like

successful

expert

spreading democracy to underdeveloped

calculation estimated that 450,000 troops

nations, capturing Osama Bin Laden, and

would have been necessary to ensure Iraqi

capturing WMDs were popularly sold to the

security; the U.S. never had more than

public based on good intentions, instead of

150,000 stationed there.50 Another mismatch

long-term

occurred on the nation-building side from its

interventions are faced with numerous

outset. The U.S. Constitutional Provisional

structural disadvantages as articulated in the

Authority (CPA) was ad-hoc created to

two cases above. The mistakes made in Iraq

oversee the government’s transition from the

and Afghanistan appear to be both an

previous regime under Saddam. It was

overestimation of U.S. military advantages,

poorly managed by ill-equipped appointees,

and an underestimation of the challenges on

and made several errors disbanding all

the ground that required significantly more

Ba’athist party members and disbanding the

resources

previous Iraqi military. Thus, when faced

However, it appears that the American

with

public has caught on, and is unlikely to

the

nation-building.

choice

of

An

increasing

U.S.

objectives,

and

strategic

than

policy.

previously

commitments to fulfill the mission’s original

support

objectives, it is unsurprising President

intervention in the future.

Obama and the American public chose to

another

the

large-scale

resources

Military

assumed.

military

The Present: Syria

leave.

As the public has become broadly opposed to intervention in the region, the Syrian civil war has become increasingly

49

Nathan Freir. Rick Nelson. Maren Leed. “Iraq versus Afghanistan: A Surge Is Not a Surge Is Not a Surge.” Center for Strategic and International Studies (2009). 50 Kenneth Pollack. “The Seven Deadly Sins of Failure in Iraq: A Retrospective Analysis of the Reconstruction.” The Brookings Institute (2006).

deadly over the past month, with death tolls

29


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS surpassing 70,000.51 In fact, last March was

skepticism towards any planned intervention

reported as the “deadliest month in the two-

in Syria. Public opinion has largely stayed

year conflict.”

52

Further reports have

the same over the last year. As the violence

indicated that chemical and biological

continues to get worse, multiple sources

weapons may have been used by the Assad

have indicated that while most Americans

regime.53 Escalation, gains by the opposition,

support non-violent U.S. assistance, but

fears of terrorist influence, and state-

continue to strongly oppose any form of

sponsored support for Assad have been

direct military assistance.

occurring for over a year now. While the

these reports show that most support

casualties continue to rise, and the escalation

multilateral assistance such as refugee

intensifies, the fact that this is one of the

camps,

most serious civil wars in recent history is

creation of safe-havens for civilians, but

not

or

remain ambivalent on the issue of a no-fly-

alternative actions have also come and gone.

zone.55 Arming the opposition or providing

There was the Kofi Annan diplomacy plan

any form of air support, as in Libya, remains

under the United Nations, the Russian

unanimously opposed by over two-thirds of

compromise, the possibility of arming the

Americans. A broader survey recently done

opposition, and even providing tactical

last December even concluded that a

training to rebels has been suggested. All of

substantial majority disagree that the U.S.

these options have come and gone without

has any responsibility to act in Syria. 56 It

any concrete action, while the status quo

appears that the public is no longer

remains largely the same. Instead of asking

convinced that military engagement in the

why no one is doing anything about Syria,

region is a successful strategy for achieving

ask why no one can do anything about Syria.

national security objectives.

surprising.

From

the

Proposed

solutions

perspective

of

the

tougher

54

international

Specifically,

sanctions,

While many within the foreign

American public, the costs of previous

policy

intervention in the region have generated

54

community

have

called

for

Tom Clark. “US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels.” The Guardian (2013) ; Stewart M. Patrick. “Public Wants Tougher Action in Syria—but Not U.S. Troops.” Council on Foreign Relations (2012). 55 IBID. 56 “Public Says U.S. Does Not Have Responsibility to Act in Syria.” Pew Research Center (2012).

51

Mary Casey. Jennifer Parker. “Syria suffers “deadliest month” in March.” Foreign Policy (2013). 52 IBID. 53 Gregory Koblentz. “Probing for Chemical Attacks in Syria.” Council on Foreign Relations (2013).

30


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS intervention as the only solution to remove

significant challenge. While the opposition

the Assad regime, one should err on the side

force has shown that it can hold its own

of caution in repeating past mistakes. The

against Assad, the opposition is heavily

structural disadvantages to the U.S. appear

fragmented along ideological lines. Any U.S.

significantly greater than in the case of

effort to influence a post-conflict scenario is

either Iraq or Afghanistan. Assad has a

likely to be opposed and ineffective in such

stronger army than Saddam Hussein, the

a chaotic environment with multiple groups

Taliban insurgency, or even Omar Gaddafi

striving for power. 58 U.S. influence has

in Libya. He has large stockpiles of

already been stereotyped as meddling,

chemical and biological weapons, and there

causing any group associated with it to lose

are multiple confirmed reports of heavy

public legitimacy. Given the difficulties

weapons and resource support from state

faced by Egypt, Libya, and even Tunisia in

allies, such as Iran and Russia.

57

Any

developing their recently created democratic

Libya,

governments, a similar project in Syria

Afghanistan, or Iraq would require a greater

would face similar challenges. There is

physical and financial military investment

always the possibility of a party gaining

than probably both of these examples

power that holds views against U.S. interests.

combined. As a result, there is a high risk

All of this would require an investment that

that such a conflict could escalate into a

the American public is simply unwilling to

larger regional war with other great powers.

accept after a decade of mediocre success

Such a prospect represents the worst-case

intervening in the region.

international

effort

similar

to

option for the U.S., one that would

However, dismissing any form of

exacerbate the situation for Syrians and

intervention entirely would be equally

entangle the U.S. in another protracted

problematic. Given the rising death toll and

conflict.

Assad’s firm grip on power, it is only going

Even if such an intervention could be

to escalate if left alone. As casualties likely

successful, the issue of creating a new

surpass 100,000 in the near future, ignoring

transitional

the crisis would be a human rights disaster.

government

would

be

a

If either Iran or Russia were to intervene on 57

Mona Yacoubian. Bernard Gwertzman. “Syria's Continuing Civil War.” Council on Foreign Relations (2013).

58

David Ignatius. Sorting Out the Syrian Opposition, The Washington Post, 4/2/13.

31


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS behalf of Assad, or widespread use of

additional international sanctions, low-level

chemical and biological weapons was

Special Forces operations, or a limited

confirmed, it would cross a “redline” issued

engagement similar to the NATO mission in

59

by the Obama administration. This would

Libya

make U.S. intervention a larger possibility,

options.”62

but far from certain. The administration

described

as

other

“least-bad

The important question remains,

appears to be heavily influenced by public

however, as to what would U.S. interests in

opposition to intervention, and has firmly

Syria be if it were to intervene. Would it be

opposed military option out of fear of

to promote another democratic government

repeating recent mistakes in Iraq.60

in the region, or to remove the regime from

Moreover, there are a variety of

power to protect the Syrian civilians? Would

options that could avoid a large-scale

the U.S. be willing to risk another costly war

military intervention. A coordinated strategy

to achieve those objectives? There are too

of providing military and capacity building

many unknowns; whether a new government

assistance to the opposition, along with

would

increased diplomacy with relevant parties,

intervention would exacerbate the situation,

has been recently put forward as an

or whether the opposition can overtake

alternative policy. Edward P. Djerejian,

Assad on their own. Walt discusses these

former U.S. Ambassador to Syria and Israel,

issues in light of recent commentators

and Andrew Bowen of the Baker Institute

debating intervention in Syria:

for Public Policy at

Rice University

described this as a measure that

but also the perception of the crisis in Russia and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's inner 61

Other

alternatives

pro-U.S.,

whether

military

As expected, there is some difference of opinion expressed by the various people that Sanger interviewed. But what's striking is how the entire discussion of "lessons" revolves around tactical issues, and none of the people quoted in the article raise larger questions about how the United States is defining its role in the world or

“could

change not only the situation on the ground,

circle.”

be

include

59

J.K. Trotter. “Obama Paints His Red Line on Syria.” The Atlantic Wire (2013). 60 Shadi Hamid. “Syria Is Not Iraq.” The Brookings Institute (2013). 61 Edward P. Djerjian and Andrew Bowen. “A coordinated U.S. strategy on Syria.” Foreign Policy (2013).

62

Anthony B. Cordesman.“Syria: The Search for the Least Bad Option.” Center for Strategic and International Studies (2013).

32


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS the broader goals it is trying to accomplish. Instead, they debate the reliability of pre-war intelligence, whether the U.S. can do a better job when it occupies other countries, or whether the U.S. can figure out ways to intervene in various places without getting sucked into costly quagmires. In short, it's all about whether we can do these things differently and not about whether we should do them at all. What's missing from these reflections is any discussion of U.S. interests. What exactly is the goal when the U.S. contemplates intervening in another country? More importantly, how would military intervention directly contribute to the security and prosperity of the American citizens who will be paying for it and the soldiers whose lives will be at risk?63

After the costly failures in Afghanistan and

The U.S. needs to accept that these

especially true since the U.S. is not in a

structural considerations make it largely

position where it is willing to invest the

impossible to directly shape the outcome of

necessary resources to fully resolve the

any intervention in Syria. This means that

complexities in Syria.

Iraq, the public has become increasingly opposed to intervention. Yet, some form of military action appears to be the only option left on the table to remove the Assad regime from power. Instead of limiting the debate to whether or not the U.S. should intervene in Syria, the question needs to be why the U.S. should intervene and for what national interests. This does not preclude the possibility of increased assistance, or even military aid. The U.S. has an interest in promoting

self-government,

protecting

innocent civilians from oppressive regimes, and retaining its leadership role in the Middle East. However, the focus of national interests needs to be avoiding another costly regional war that would likely escalate and undermine these objectives.

This is

one should be cautious in endorsing military Instead of seeing the region as an

involvement, when the outcome is likely to

arena to be controlled for U.S. interests, why

be unpredictable and potentially disastrous.

can it not be accepted that maybe the U.S. is Conclusion

unable to dictate the outcome of every is

foreign affair? Being the global superpower

unavoidable, and yet, also the problem.

means also learning from historical failures

The

ultimate

conclusion

to know when, where, and how much of its

63

Stephen M. Walt. â&#x20AC;&#x153;The dearth of strategy on Syria.â&#x20AC;? Foreign Policy (2013).

resources to invest in achieving its most

33


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS important goals. Instead of repeating past

naïve. Just as the U.S. should not have

mistakes, an approach that recognizes the

assumed that it could eliminate the threat of

limitations of U.S. intervention as offered by

insurgents, or build a stable western

Walt is necessary:

democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan without risky complications, we should not make

History also warns that outside powers have at best limited influence over the outcomes of a genuine revolutionary process. Even well-intentioned efforts to aid progressive forces can backfire, as can overt efforts to thwart them. Overall, a policy of "benevolent neglect" may be the more prudent course, making it clear that outsiders are prepared to let each country's citizens choose their own order, provided that important foreign policy redlines are not crossed. But for a country like the United States, which still sees itself as a model for others and tends to think that it has the right and the wisdom to tell them what to do, patience and restraint can be hard to sustain. And patience is what is needed most these days.64

Policy

decisions

need

to

similar

be

constructed around very precise and clearly stated objectives that learn from past mistakes. Deceiving ourselves by thinking that we can quickly or easily remove Assad and fix Syria’s political problems would be

64

Stephen M. Walt. “Requiem for the "Arab Spring?" Foreign Policy (2011). <http://walt.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/11/27/requ iem_for_the_arab_spring>

34

assumptions

about

Syria.


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

References AEI STUDIES IN PUBLIC OPINION: America and the War on Terrorism”. American Enterprise Institute, 24 July 2008. Casey, Mary. Parker, Jennifer. "Syria Suffers “deadliest month" in March." Foreign Policy, 2 April 2013. Clark, Tom. “US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels.” The Guardian . 2013. Cordesman, Anthony B. .“Syria: The Search for the Least Bad Option.” Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2013. Djerjian, Edward P. Bowen, Andrew. “A coordinated U.S. strategy on Syria.” Foreign Policy, 5 April 2013. Freir, Nathan. Nelson, Rick. Leed, Maren. “Iraq versus Afghanistan: A Surge Is Not a Surge Is Not a Surge.” Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2009. Hamid, Shadi. “Syria Is Not Iraq.” The Brookings Institute, 2013. Ignatius, David. “Sorting Out the Syrian Opposition.” The Washington Post, 2 April 2013. Koblentz, Gregory. “Probing for Chemical Attacks in Syria.” Council on Foreign Relations, 2013. Jacobson, Gary C. "A Tale of Two Wars: Public Opinion on the U.S. Military Interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq." Presidential Studies Quarterly 40.4 (2010): 585-610. “Majority Support Quick Troop Withdrawal from Afghanistan.” Pew Research Center, 2012. Northam, Jackie. “As Wars Drag On, U.S. Interest Wanes.” National Public Radio, 14 Sept. 2011. Patrick, Stewart M. “Public Wants Tougher Action in Syria—but Not U.S. Troops.” Council on Foreign Relations, 27 Aug. 2012. Pollack, Kenneth. “The Seven Deadly Sins of Failure in Iraq: A Retrospective Analysis of the Reconstruction.” The Brookings Institute, 2006. “Public Attitudes Toward the War in Iraq: 2003-2008.” Pew Research Center, 19 March 2008. “Public Says U.S. Does Not Have Responsibility to Act in Syria.” Pew Research Center,14 Dec. 2012.

35


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS J.K. Trotter. “Obama Paints His Red Line on Syria.” The Atlantic Wire 2013. “US public opinion on Iraq: Big Mistake.” The Economist, 2010. Stephen M. Walt. “Requiem for the "Arab Spring?" Foreign Policy, 27 Nov. 2011. Stephen M. Walt. “The dearth of strategy on Syria.” Foreign Policy 21 March 2013. Mona Yacoubian. Bernard Gwertzman. “Syria's Continuing Civil War.” Council on Foreign Relations 2013.

36


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Within Reach? Millennium Development Goal 5 and Community Health Workers Emily Earle Wake Forest University Objectives. Little research examines the possible contribution of community health workers to the achievement of Millennium Development Goal 5 (MDG5). I rectify this by analyzing data on trends in maternal mortality from 1990 to 2008 and 1990 to 2010. I will set out to explain the theoretical linkage between the dependent variable, the achievement of Millennium Development Goal 5 by 2015, and the independent variable, the utilization of community health workers. Methods. I utilize survey data and content analysis of a case study in Burma to examine the current statistics surrounding Millennium Development Goal 5 and the influence of community health workers in global health initiatives. Results. The targets of Millennium Development Goal 5 will most likely be unmet by 2015 as a result of little access to health services like family planning, contraceptives, and antenatal care. Going forward, the capacity of the international health workforce must be increased in order to provide life-saving care to women and children. Conclusions. In order for Millennium Development Goal 5 to be achieved, community health workers must be incorporated into the health systems of international communities. This will help improve maternal mortality rates and provide women with access to reproductive health services.65

65

Emily Earle graduated from Wake Forest University with a major in Politics and International Affairs and a minor in International Studies. She is currently the Executive Assistant to the Chief Marketing Officer at the Paley Center for Media.

37


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS about a chief issue that influences and

Introduction A

significant

amount

of

prior

affects individuals of all origins, ethnicities,

research has taken a look at community health

workers

and

races, and cultural backgrounds.

Millennium

Development Goal 5. In 2010, five years

Review of Relevant Literature

before the 2015 Millennium Development

The Millennium Development Goals,

Goal deadline, multiple data sets were

a set of highly noteworthy global health

published, revealing trends in maternal

initiatives, were announced by the United

mortality (Lozano et.al, 2011). However,

Nations in the year 2000 (Chen, 2007).

few studies currently exist to portray the

Years later, Lincoln Chen, the Special

missing pieces in the maternal health

Envoy on Human Resources for Health at

initiatives and interventions in developing

the World Health Organization, claimed that

countries and areas of conflict within the last

Millennium Development Goal 5 will not be

decade (Mullany et.al, 2010). Moreover,

achieved by 2015 (Chen, 2007). Authors

many studies have failed to show the

Islam and Yoshida would agree (Islam &

effectiveness of community-based health

Yoshida, 2009). Although contraceptive use

services (Viswanathan et.al, 2011). The

has increased in many developing countries

present study attempts to rectify these

within the past 20 years, they assert that

problems by providing supportive evidence

needs for antenatal care and family planning

for the benefits of utilizing community

services are still unmet in many low and

health workers to achieve Millennium

middle-income countries (Islam & Yoshida,

Development Goal 5.

2009).

Through the results of my research, I

The Millennium Development Goals

will be able to provide the international

The Millennium

Declaration was

community with a stronger understanding of

signed by 189 heads of state in 2000,

the theoretical and normative implications of

installing eight Millennium Development

policies and initiatives that relate to global

Goals and confirming the commitment of

health. With only 2 years until 2015, this

the international community to make strides

study is significant in both the political and

in

social arenas in the international community

According to the UN, these goals were

because it provides academic reference

created in order to increase the speed of

38

development

(Lozano

et.al,

2011).


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS development and provide a means for

to draw attention to women’s sexual and

measurability (Zwicker, 2004). As such,

reproductive

they were intended to be a resource for

Between 2000 and 2001, the World Bank

world leaders in hopes that they would be

argued

used as a guide to create sustainable and

Development

equitable growth (Zwicker, 2004). Published

reproductive rights but was unable to

in August 2001, the goals were made public

convince the United Nations (Crossette,

to the world along with individual indicators

2004). In reaction, women’s rights and

and

2004).

reproductive health advocates called for

Problematically, they did not include any

official acknowledgement of the oversight

mention of a woman’s right to reproductive

(SIECUS, 2004). They believed that each

health (Crossette, 2004).

existing

Millennium Development Goal 5

Development Goal would benefit if sexual

targets

(Crossette,

for

health a

(Crossette,

separate

Goal

for

individual

2004).

Millennium sexual

and

Millennium

As defined by the 1994 International

education, family planning, and reproductive

Conference on Population and Development,

health were addressed and added to the UN

universal access to reproductive health

agenda (SIECUS, 2004). Additionally, the

services describes sexual and reproductive

International

health techniques, approaches, and services

Foundation (IPPF) worked to bring the need

that are provided to all women in order

for sexual and reproductive health services

promote

to the forefront (Basu, 2005).

their

well-being

(Islam

and

Planned

Parenthood

Yoshida, 2009). The term universal implies

At first, Millennium Development

that women with equal needs will be able to

Goal 5 aimed to reduce existing Maternal

access the same types of reproductive health

Mortality Ratios (MMRs) that were above

services (Islam and Yoshida, 2009). These

40/1000 by 75% in 67 resource poor

services include family planning assistance,

countries by 2015 (Falconer, 2010). At the

skilled birth attendant availability at delivery,

2005 World Summit, the framework of

and obstetric care when necessary (Falconer,

Millennium Development 5 was reformed,

2010).

as requested by many world leaders (Islam Originally,

Development

Goals

the

Millennium stimulated

& Toshida, 2009). The inherent goal of the

the

International Conference on Population and

disappointment of many because they failed

Development came to fruition when a

39


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS second target was added to Millennium

being made on MDGs 4 and 5 and save at

Development Goal 5 (Islam & Yoshida,

least 16 million lives by the year 2015

2009).

achieve

(Lozano et. al, 2011). Interestingly, Lozano

universal access to reproductive health

argues that this $40 billion commitment may

services by 2015 (Islam & Yoshida, 2009).

not be fulfilled, as recent years have seen

This

target

aimed

to

dwindling Today, Millennium Development

amounts

of

health-related

development assistance (Lozano et.al, 2011).

Goal 5 encompasses two targets with two

Community Health Workers

indicators to be achieved by 2015. MDGA

Community health workers (CHWs),

aims to decrease maternal mortality by three

also known as village health workers, health

quarters, between 1990 and 2015, while

volunteers, frontline health workers, family

MDGB intends to provide universal access

welfare educators, health auxiliaries, health

to reproductive health services by 2015

promoters, or community lay health aides

(Falconer, 2015). The indicator for MDGA

are members of the community that are

is the ratio of maternal mortalities, and the

trained to provide medical services to their

indicator for MDGB is the ratio of births

fellow citizens (Shrikant et.al, 2010). Their

attended by skilled birth attendants (Islam

duties can range from monitoring individual

and Yoshida, 2009).

health cases to detecting specific patients at

UN Push for Women’s and Children’s

risks (Shrikant et.al, 2010). At the basic

Health

level, community health workers provide Unfortunately, slow progress has

been

made

towards

principal services that individuals need

Millennium

while simultaneously helping a country

Development Goal 5 (Lozano et.al, 2011). In response, the Global

Strategy for

Women’s

Health

and

Children’s

develop its healthcare system (Chen, 2007). As Chen points out, although family

was

members are primary caregivers, community

launched in September of 2010 by the UN

health workers have the capability to

Secretary-General (Lozano et.al, 2011). This

provide

has resulted in moral urgency to confront

technology, services, and knowledge (Chen,

child and maternal mortality (Lozano et.al,

2007). Research reveals that a family’s level

2011). Donors and other organizations have

of health is directly correlated to the health

committed $40 billion to hasten the progress

education that the mother in the family holds

40

them

with

additional

skills,


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (Chen, 2007). Chen believes that positive

emphasis on the repayment of debt, waning

effects result when community health

investments in social causes, belief in

workers reach out to families, educate them

limited government, and support for the

about basic health related issues, and

private sector (Shrikant et.al, 2010). More

provide them with appropriate technology

recently,

and health services (Chen, 2007).

experienced a global crisis of sorts due to

the

health

workforce

has

Shrikant agrees and argues that

shortages and misdistribution of workers

human infrastructure within international

(Shrikant et.al, 2010). The World Health

healthcare service systems should include

Organization estimates that this global

community health workers (Shrikant et.al,

shortage is currently about 4 million health

2010). Building the capacity of community

workers (WHO, 2000). This is the context in

health workers can help address the well-

which current health systems must exist

being of societies and increase health

(Shrikant et.al, 2010).

coverage to various regions, including rural

A nation with a weak economy and

and remote areas. Additionally, it fills some

healthcare system is less likely to have an

of the 4 million missing spots in the global

adequate health workforce and satisfactory

health workforce and provides healthcare

resources

access to low and middle-income countries

Subsequently, local communities within that

(Shrikant et.al, 2010). Authors Amieva and

country may be unable retain or to draw the

Ferguson believe that joining forces with

interest of skilled health professionals (Chen,

community health workers is a strategic way

2007). According to Shrikantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s arguments,

to empower the local communities and the

this nation will struggle in developing

healthcare workforce as a whole (Amieva

resources, building capacity, and expanding

and Ferguson, 2012).

the health workforce (Shrikant et.al, 2010).

Healthcare Infrastructures

Therefore,

(Shrikant

political

et.al,

leadership,

2010).

trained

In the past 20 years, health systems

personnel, and health systems must be

have weakened (WHO, 2000). Since the late

shaped to tackle the particular needs of the

1970s, global debt has increased due to the

country and its local communities (Shrikant

oil

2010).

et.al, 2010). For Chen, shortcuts are not an

international

option, and the problem must be addressed

crisis

Consequently,

(Shrikant the

et.al,

immediately (Chen, 2007).

macroeconomic context has consisted of an

41


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS be brought directly to them with the help of Burma as a Case Study: Impact of

community health workers (Mullany et.al,

Community-Based Maternal Health Workers

2010).

on Coverage of Essential Maternal Health

communities in four states of eastern Burma,

Interventions among Internally Displaced

the pilot project reached approximately

Communities in Eastern Burma: The MOM

60,000 individuals (Mullany et.al, 2010).

Project

Implemented

into

twelve

By creating a three-tiered network of The maternal, infant, and child

mortality rates

all

was able to provide women with access to

drastically surpass the estimates of the

family planning services, professionally

country in its entirety (Mullany et.al,

trained

2010).With such a poor health status, the

emergency obstetric care, antenatal care

region has drawn the attention of the global

interventions, and preventative maternal and

health community (Mullany et.al, 2010).

newborn health measures (Mullany et. al,

Between the years of 2005 and 2008, a

2010). The three-tiered network consisted of

variety

organizations

three different kinds of community health

located in eastern Burma that represented

workers, 1) Traditional Birth Attendants

the ethnic groups Mon, Karen, Shan, and

(TBAs), 2) General Health Workers (HWs),

Karenni joined with the Global Health

and 3) Maternal Health Workers (MHWs)

Access Program and the Center for Public

(Mullany et.al, 2010). Each community

Health and Human Rights at Johns Hopkins

health worker spoke the language native to

University to execute a groundbreaking pilot

their local community, was known by

project

“Mobile Obstetric

members of their local community, and was

Medics Project”, otherwise referred to as the

voluntarily selected from their participating

MOM Project (Mullany et.al, 2010). The

community to become trained in a three

goal of this project was to provide eastern

week seminar (Mullany et.al, 2010).

of

in

eastern

locally-based

entitled the

Burma

community infrastructure, the MOM Project

labor

and

delivery

attendants,

Burma’s weakest communities with much

The efforts of the MOM Project

needed maternal health services (Mullany

centered on the needs of the members living

et.al, 2010). Instead of requiring the local

in each local community (Mullany et.al,

women to seek out the services, the MOM

2010). Only through identifying unmet

Project was designed in a way for services to

needs

42

could

project

facilitators

make


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS significant improvements in the health and

reproductive

well-being of others (Mullany et.al, 2010).

2010). By the completion of the pilot project,

Traditional

were

ten times as many women had access to

responsible for providing antenatal care

individuals trained in emergency obstetric

services, carrying out deliveries, using safe

care (Mullany et.al, 2010). The community

and sanitary practices, and facilitating

health worker network also decreased the

connections

the

amount of unmet need for family planning

community and Maternal Health Workers

services by 35% through greater distribution

(Mullany et.al, 2010). General Health

and use of oral contraceptives, Depo-

Workers took on the role of providing

Provera, and condoms (Mullany et.al, 2010).

supplies for family planning services and

Interestingly,

antenatal care (Mullany et.al, 2010). They

positive change only happened after service

observed deliveries and helped prevent

delivery was incorporated into the local

postpartum hemorrhage and sepsis in the

communities through the assistance of

women by giving out universal misoprostol

community health workers (Mullany et.al,

and

when

2010). As a model for the delivery of much

necessary (Mullany et.al, 2010). Maternal

needed maternal, sexual, and reproductive

Health

for

health services, the MOM Project shows that

Traditional Birth Attendants and General

adequate healthcare can be made possible

Health Workers and had been trained to

for women, even in extremely constrained

perform their duties if intervention was

settings (Mullany et.al, 2010).

necessary (Mullany et.al, 2010). They were

Putting it all Together

Birth

Attendants

between

intramuscular Workers

members

of

antibiotics

were

supervisors

healthcare

data

(Mullany

revealed

that

et.al,

such

present at deliveries, performed blood

Recent years have seen dramatic

transfusions, and gave both basic and

increases in the amount of reproductive

comprehensive emergency obstetric care to

health services available to women in many

patients in the community (Mullany et.al,

regions of the world, as coverage levels

2010).

remain few and far between in developing Because community health workers

countries,

particularly

in

rural

areas.

were able to deliver maternal health services,

Previous literature and past research reveals

communities

experienced

a

that the deployment of community health

increase

access

maternal

in

to

substantial

workers in remote areas will help increase

and

43


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS the amount of sexual and reproductive

practices have been effective after the

services available to women and promote

adoption of the Millennium Development

health within their communities. This would

Goals and what initiatives could be most

help lower the maternal mortality ratio and

effective after the 2015 deadline.

increase the amount of universal access to reproductive health services, in turn meeting

Dependent Variable: The Achievement of

the targets of Millennium Development

Millennium Development Goal 5: Reduce

Goal 5.

maternal mortality ratio by two-thirds and provide universal access to reproductive health by 2015

Methods In my study, I use a unique

According to the UN, over 350,000

combination of data that consists of two

women die every year from complications

separate reports from 2008 and 2010 that

surrounding pregnancy or childbirth (UN,

were put forth by WHO, the World Bank,

2010a). Additionally, more than 215 million

UNICEF, and UNFPA. I find that progress

women have needs for contraception that go

made

unmet

toward

achieving

Millennium

(UN,

2010a).

Millennium

Development Goal 5 has been uneven

Development Goal 5 fails to consider two

throughout

My results

crucial measurements necessary for its

communities,

achievement (Amnesty International, 2010).

particularly those that are rural or remote,

First, it does not take into account the need

would have better maternal health and

for reproductive health services to be of

access to related services if community

satisfactory quality, free of discrimination in

health workers were incorporated into their

the delivery of available services to all

health systems. These results make many

women

significant contributions, empirically and

Second, it does not address the factors that

theoretically. They reveal a connection

either cause women to endure the effects of

between community health workers and the

unwanted

potential achievement of maternal health

pregnancy

and reproductive health goals in a wide

International, 2010). As a result, Millennium

variety of communities throughout the globe.

Development Goal 5 has had a slow rate of

suggest

world

that

regions.

international

The results also provide insight into which

44

(Amnesty

International,

pregnancy or

or

childbirth

die

2010).

during

(Amnesty


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS progress toward achievement by 2015 (UN,

Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). I build

2010b).

on these two sources of data to analyze the potential influence of community health

Independent Variable: Community Health

workers

Workers in the International Community

reproductive

on

maternal healthcare.

mortality These

and

reports

According to the calculations of the

denote the challenges of evaluating the

Joint Learning Initiative, 2.5 physicians,

current degree of progress that has been

nurses, midwives, and other care givers per

achieved

thousand persons in the global population

Millennium Development Goal 5 targets,

would be necessary to come close to

and their data on trends in maternal

achieving the Millennium Development

mortality is essential in the prioritization of

Goals (Chen, 2007). In such an era of slow

global challenges.

toward

fully

realizing

the

growth and little assistance for health-

It should be acknowledged that the

related development, particularly in Africa

data analyzed in this study is limited. Poor

and Asia, effective aid is essential (Lozano

data quality is often an issue in a developing

et.al, 2011). With this in mind, an issued

country where the maternal mortality ratio is

statement

high

calling

for

‘a

return

to

(Amieva

&

Ferguson,

2012).

community-based approaches to improving

Additionally, the system of reporting a cause

population health’ was passed as a primary

of death varies from nation to nation and is

healthcare resolution by the World Health

dependent upon the knowledge of the person

Assembly in April of 2009 (Viswanathan

who reports the death (Amieva & Ferguson,

et.al, 2011).

2010).

To prevail over these issues, the

Maternal Mortality Ratio estimates found in the WHO report rely upon a variety of

Data The sources of data for this research

methods of measurement like censuses,

are two recent reports, Trends in Maternal

surveys of households, and sisterhood

Mortality

methods (WHO, 2012).

1990–2008

and

Trends

in

Maternal Mortality 1990–2010, published by the World Health Organization (WHO), the World Bank, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), and the United

Results

45


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Trends in Maternal Mortality 1990–2008: Estimates Developed by WHO, UNICEF,

Trends in Maternal Mortality 1990–2010:

UNFPA, The World Bank

Estimates Developed by WHO, UNICEF,

This report indicates that 24% of

UNFPA, The World Bank

women in sub-Saharan Africa want to stop

According to this report, the total

having children or space out the time in

amount of maternal deaths worldwide in

which they have children but do not have

2010 was 47% lower than the total amount

family planning resources available to them

of maternal deaths in 1990 (WHO, 2012).

to do so (WHO, 2010). Family planning

That means that in 2010, approximately

needs are also unmet among the poorest

287,000

households in Latin America and the

pregnancy or birth-related complications

Caribbean (WHO, 2010). It is reported that

(WHO, 2010). Such a decline in the

27% of low-income households in these

Maternal Mortality Ratio was made possible

regions need access to family planning

through

services in comparison to only 12% of high-

contraceptives and presence of skilled birth

income

2010).

attendants (WHO, 2012). In these cases of

Furthermore, 10 to 15% of the population

maternal mortality, 56% of all deaths

throughout the world reports an unmet need

occurred in Sub-Saharan Africa, 29% were

for family planning services as well (WHO,

in Southern Asia, 19% were in India, and

2010).

middle-income

14% were in Nigeria (WHO, 2012). The

populations, the percentage of pregnant

region of the world that had the greatest

women who received at least one antenatal

decline in MMR between 1990 and 2010

visit rose from below 55% in 1990 to about

was Eastern Asia, with only 37 maternal

75% by 2008 (WHO, 2010). Still, 55% of

deaths per 100,000 live births (WHO, 2012).

women in sub-Saharan Africa experience a

This region had increased its use of

lack of access to antenatal care, and this

contraception among the population by 86%,

prevents

a very high percentage in comparison to

households

In

low

them

and

from

(WHO,

receiving

the

recommended four visits before childbirth

women

an

passed

amplified

away

from

distribution

of

Sub-Saharan Africa’s 22% (WHO, 2012).

(WHO, 2010). Additionally, about 1,000

In

order

to

meet

Millennium

women die each day around the world from

Development Goal 5’s target to reduce

preventable causes (WHO, 2010).

maternal

46

mortality

by

three

quarters,


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS countries that had a MMR of 100 or higher

Looking back in history, a variety of

in the year 1990 must reach a rate of decline

complex elements may have negatively

of 5.5% in MMR (WHO, 2012). By 2010,

affected

ten

Millennium Development Goal 5 by 2015

countries

Development

achieved Goal

5

Millennium

(WHO,

the

possibility

of

achieving

2012).

(Falconer, 2010). Cultural ideology and

Unfortunately, of the 87 countries in which

religious beliefs about contraceptives and

MMR was 100 or higher in 1990, only nine

abortions may have spawned negative

countries are on target, and 25 countries

attitudes

have made either insufficient or no progress

practices (Falconer, 2010).

(WHO, 2012).

health workforce and managerial capacities

toward

reproductive

health

Scarcity in

probably contributed to the weakness in healthcare infrastructure, creating limitations

Discussions The UN created a set of highly ambitious

targets

to

reduce

in resources and making it difficult to reach

maternal

the target requirements of Millennium

mortality with its creation of Millennium

Development Goal 5 (Lozano et.al, 2011).

Development Goal 5 (Lozano et.al, 2011).

Moreover, climate change, food shortages,

In doing so, it drew attention to a number of

and the financial collapse of 2008 all

global health challenges (Lozano et.al,

negatively

2011).

adding to the struggle (Falconer, 2010).

Sadly, Millennium Development

impacted

global

economies,

Goal 5 is more off course than any other

Although much has been done within

Millennium Development Goal in terms of

the past decade, there is still much to do to

its potential achievement (Falconer, 2010).

reduce maternal mortality throughout the

Although strides have been made, progress

world (Lozano et.al, 2011). It has become

has been uneven throughout the regions of

clear that strong health systems are essential

the world (Amnesty International, 2010).

in achieving Millennium Development Goal

Consequently, a critical need exists for

5 and all other health-related MDGs

additional investment and policy making

(Phyllida et.al, 2004). Few efforts have been

(Lozano et.al, 2011). Without heightened

made to strengthen these systems in a

efforts,

Millennium

focused and organized fashion (Phyllida

Development Goal 5 will remain unmet

et.al, 2004).Without dramatic change, a

(Amnesty International, 2010).

large number of developing countries will

the

targets

of

47


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS continue to have high maternal mortality

full advantage of (Amieva & Ferguson,

rates, and women will not be able to access

2012). With the utilization of community

necessary reproductive healthcare services

health workers, it is possible to achieve the

(Lozano et.al, 2011). Furthermore, the

targets of Millennium Development Goal 5,

countries with the lowest health statuses that

although this may not happen by 2015

are

the

(Amieva & Ferguson, 2012). In the long

Millennium Development Goal 5 targets

term, the Millennium Development Goals

will remain unable to make considerable

can be met, but this requires that countries

progress (Phyllida et.al, 2004).

identify their primary health needs and take

farthest

away from

reaching

To accelerate the achievement of Millennium

Development

Goal

action accordingly (Amieva & Ferguson,

5,

2012). Constant strategic attention must be

government-led plans and health policies

paid toward these health problems in order

need to be installed, full reproductive health

to find success (Shrikant et.al, 2010).

services must be made accessible to women,

Additionally, emphasis must be placed on

and the capacity of health workers needs to

funding, planning, recruitment, training, and

grow (WHO, 2010). Advocacy has made a

retention in healthcare systems (Shrikant

great impact in bringing attention to the

et.al, 2010).

issue at hand but more must be done to

To meet the targets of Millennium

generate a full resolution (Falconer, 2010).

Development Goal 5, nations must create

Concerted

sustainable developmental changes that

action

needs

to

happen

immediately (Lozano et.al, 2011). Factors

establish

quality

like

(Falconer,

2010).

political

issues,

economic

issues,

health

workforces

Fundamental

to

the

cultural issues, healthcare infrastructures,

solution is adequate quality of health care

and workforces must be taken into great

services

consideration (Falconer, 2010).

initiatives

(Falconer, involving

2010).

Innovative

community

health

workers, like the MOM project, are needed immediately (Mullany et.al, 2010). Impacts

Conclusions Today, time is of the essence. The

could also be made in terms of health care

2015 deadline is rapidly approaching, and

delivery through

we have resources and opportunities, such as

healthier buildings, accessible roads, and

community health worker initiatives, to take

reliable transport systems (Falconer, 2010).

48

the

establishment

of


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS No matter what the results are in

2011).

Even if the progress comes at a

2015, the global community will be much

slower pace than the demands of the UN, it

more aware of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s health issues and

is important to continue researching the

will have the capability to take continued

benefits of community health workers.

concerted action (Lozano et.al, 2011).

After

Successful

international

global

health

action

is

2015,

any

new

framework

or must

amended address

represented by accelerated progress, and an

womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s unmet needs as well as their social,

increasing amount of progress is being made

cultural, and economic rights in order to

to

continuously improve their quality of life

make

the

targets

of

Millennium

Development Goal 5 a reality (Lozano et.al,

(Amnesty International, 2010).

49


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

References Amieva, S., and Ferguson, S. (2012). Moving forward: nurses are key to achieving. International Nurses Review, 59, 55-58. Amnesty International. (2010). Maternal health, sexual and reproductive rights, and the millennium development goals. Basu, A.M. (2005). The millennium development goals minus reproductive health. Population Council, 36 (2), 132-134. Chen, L. (2007). Four million short: The healthcare worker shortage. Multinational Monitor, 28(2), 40-46. Falconer, A. D. (2010). Millennium goal 5. Obstetrics, Gynaecology & Reproductive Medicine, 20(12), 369-371. Islam, M. and Yoshida, S. (2009). Millennium Development Goal 5: How close are we to success?. BJOG: An International Journal of Obstetrics & Gynaecology, 116(1), 2-5. Lozano, R., Wang, H., Foreman, K. J., Rajaratnam, J. K., Naghavi, M., Marcus, J.R., DwyerLindgren, L., Lofgren, K.T., Phillips, D., Atkinson, D., Lopez, A.D., and Murray, C.L. (2011). Progress towards millennium development goals 4 and 5 on maternal and child mortality: an updated systematic analysis. The Lancet, 378(9797), 1139-65. Mullany L.C., Lee T.J., Yone L., Lee C.I., Teela K.C. (2010) Impact of Community-Based Maternal Health Workers on Coverage of Essential Maternal Health Interventions among Internally Displaced Communities in Eastern Burma: The MOM Project. PLOS Medicine 7(8). Phyllida T., Bennett S., Haines A., Pang T., Bhutta Z., Hyder A.A., Pielemeier N.R., Mills A., Evans T. (2004). Overcoming health-systems constraints to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, The Lancet, 364 (9437), 900-906. Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States (SIECUS), (2004). The underlying millennium development goal: Universal access to reproductive health services. Shrikant, I. B., Fonn, S., Okoye, O., & Tollman, S. (2010). Workforce resources for health in developing countries. Public Health Reviews, 32(1), 296-318. United Nations (UN) (2010a). We Can End Poverty Millennium Development Goals 2015. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Factsheet: Goal 5 Improve Maternal Healthâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. United Nations (UN) (2010b). The Millennium Development Goals Report 2010. New York.

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Viswanathan, K., Hansen, P. M., Rahman, M. H., Steinhardt, L., Edward, A., Arwal, S. H., Peters, D. H., & Burnham, G. (2011). Can community health workers increase coverage. Journal of epidemiology and community health, 66(10), 894-900. World Health Organization (2000). World health report 2000: Health systems; improving performance. Geneva: World Health Organization. World Health Organization (2010). Trends in Maternal Mortality 1990â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2008: Estimates Developed by WHO, UNICEF, UNFPA, The World Bank. Department of Reproductive Health and Research, WHO, Geneva. World Health Organization (2012). Trends in Maternal Mortality 1990â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2010: Estimates Developed by WHO, UNICEF, UNFPA, The World Bank. Department of Reproductive Health and Research, WHO, Geneva. Zwicker, C. (2004). Commitments: Youth reproductive health, the world bank, and the millennium development goals. Global Health Council and the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, Washington, DC.

51


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Social Energy Project: Re-Evaluation Richard Min Wake Forest University The common understanding around our coming energy crisis appears to create a vision that new technology can create a new age of abundance: A) a newfound oil and gas boom that can be accessed through unconventional drilling and/or B) â&#x20AC;&#x153;greenâ&#x20AC;? technologies that can presumably produce virtually unlimited energy. Perhaps it is time we recognize these optimistic futures as false choices; increased energy production may in theory power human civilization out of poverty, but the more important question is to whom will the energy go? Without systematic changes throughout the global energy regime, governments and policies will produce profitable energy resources for multibillion dollar corporations and dangerous militaries, all the while simultaneously ignoring the poor and perpetuating social inequality. The false promise of a cleaner future must be critically analyzed as well because this thesis ignores simple supply and demand fundamentals to the global political economy. The negative externalities associated with feeding an unending energy appetite will result in further destruction of the biosphere and its inhabitants. This paper will discuss failed approaches to energy policy making and the other forms of knowledge that modernity has displaced in an attempt to open up spaces for new modes of thinking that could successfully challenge the system.66

66

Richard Min is studying Communications and Politics and International Affairs with a minor in Middle East and South Asia Studies. He is a decorated member of the Wake Forest debate team and hopes to peruse a graduate degree in communications.

52


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS ourselves from the environment, the same

Introduction Conventional wisdom holds that the world

is

getting

better:

one that has played a critical role in

economically,

providing us the food, shelter, and other

structurally, and environmentally, we are

services

factually

existence. 67

more

predecessors

prosperous

prior

to

than

the

our

needed

The

Industrial

to

sustain

foundational

our

very

underpinnings

Revolution. In the globalized dimension of

behind the term “sustainability” never

the 21st century, our society has long flouted

represented a value-neutral term. Rather, the

its ability to rapidly innovate and create a

ideological solutions appear ready at hand.

larger share of the pie for everyone. But why

Our current energy regime appears all too

is it that millions of individuals still live

eager to provide us with the latest catch

without

health care, better

phrases and energy solutions to provide our

educational opportunities, and even worse

daily energy diet: “sustainability,” “clean

without food? If we are to believe the

coal,”

scientists and policymakers’ promises that

renewable power. Yet our electric bills have

continuing technological

and economic

remained consistently high and volatile,

progress would revolutionize society, then

even rising to higher levels at times. Our

something has gone terribly wrong.

environment is also in a period of turmoil.

access

to

The

Even worse, the externalities placed

“fracking,”

processes

in

nuclear

which

power,

and

technocratic

on the environment have reached a new

solutions are undertaken to modernize our

breaking point. As a civilization, we missed

economy and environment are rarely, if

our chance during the political and industrial

ever, questioned thoroughly. Society has

revolutions of the 16th and 17th centuries to

failed its duty to provide for millions and

create a politics that forefronts the issue of

will continue to violently eradicate the

the environment. We opted instead for a

environment alongside the impoverished

civilization that we can power only through

individuals unless we re-evaluate the status

hard labor in the mines consequently

quo and the situation we find ourselves in.

followed

by

gratuitous

ecological

destruction. Our civilization does not and cannot relate to the environment. We have,

67

Ophuls, William. Plato's Revenge: Politics in the Age of Ecology. MIT Press, 2011.

as William Ophuls describes, liberated

53


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Unsustainable Nature of the Term

beyond

the

earth’s

ecological

limits,

“Sustainability”

trapping ourselves in a permanent state of

The term “sustainability” has always

entropic destruction. Our self-awareness of

represented ecological modernization: the

environmental destruction can only indicate

theory

that our ship is on the verge of crashing. We

that

economic

environmental

protection

growth can

and

exist

as

cannot

continue

this

path

towards

complementary forces. Our assumptions

destruction lest we are willing to risk

behind sustainability provide us with a

planetary annihilation.

happy-face on our path towards inevitable

Green growth is oxymoronic, as the

collapse. Maybe we can learn to recycle;

market economy empowers us to limitlessly

maybe we can use governmental action to

increase

regulate our activities; maybe we can even

Technical and scientific experts guide the

develop

replace

energy regime behind closed doors, denying

conventional ones. However, we cannot

accessibility to the local consumers. From

appreciate or embrace a legitimate, virtuous

“Green” Fossil Fuels to Big Renewables, the

notion of environmental citizenship when

energy fixes appear to help provide changes

our political economy so heavily relies on

in the infrastructure to maintain continuous

rapid growth from market forces.

growth while minimizing environmental

new

technologies

to

our

consumption

habits.

68

We have put tremendous faith into a

externalities. We have in essence propped

so-called democratic system of politics that

up a green-washed capitalism: a market

operates within a free market ideology.

economy that can perpetuate itself by self-

Individuality and liberty, we hope, will bring

correcting its image, no longer tarred by the

us significant social progress and economic

public image of pollution, waste, and

development. However, for too long we

environmental damage. Technological fixes

have put blind faith into our political

are never the solution; this is our method of

economy. By uncritically relying on human-

curing the ecological cancer by prescribing

created forces such as the market economy,

aspirin. Instead, we must be willing to

we have liberated ourselves from the 68

Byrne, John, Noah Toly, and Leigh Glover. "Energy as a Social Project: Recovering a Disoucrse." In Transforming Power: Energy, Environment, and Society in Conflict, by John Byrne and Noah Toly, 1-32. 2006.

environment like animals that foul their own nest. We have lost touch with our natural limits – exceeding our carrying capacity

54


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS recognize our unique location in society and

scapegoating provides justification for and

embrace a new ways of living.

legitimizes continuous consumption as long

Beginnings: A New Ethical Political

as it is more “green.” Second, we no longer interrogate the

Economy As energy citizens, we ironically do

why in energy poverty. Many families are

not have much democratic capacity to

left outside of the privileged communities,

influence the energy regime; we foot the

forced to make those hard decisions whether

bills, yet we do not own, manage, or even

to pay for the food on the table or their

control the decision-making processes of

electricity

these

the

accepted the neoliberal assumption that this

technocratic policymakers who back them.

is how the world operates. 70 Everyone can

69

Several problems emerge: first, the more

pull themselves up by their bootstraps if they

economically privileged part of society is

work hard enough, as the mantra goes. With

able and willing to buy into the corporatized

soaring energy costs, is it any wonder that

“green” logo, purchasing the more organic

the majority of the people in the world are

food products from the store or the greener

unable to do just that? The consumer-driven

“hybrid” cars. This legitimizes scapegoating

market economy has placed a priority on

and blaming the other part of society, or

profits before human or environmental

those who cannot afford the better, cleaner

progress.

technologies, for the cause of the problem.

ignore the world outside of our comfort zone

There are numerous instances where this is

for a world of fantasy and illusion: resources

the case: the United States is all too willing

appear virtually limitless, growth can correct

to blame countries (China and India come to

itself, and eventually everyone should have

mind) for developing their economies using

a larger share of the pie. It is far too late to

dirtier energy sources; those privileged

continue down this path, and our transition

larger

corporations

and

bills.

71

We

have

uncritically

Our society has decided to

enough to afford the Prius are all too willing 70

Macrine, Sheila, Peter McLaren, and Dave Hill. Revolutionizing Pedagogy: Education for Social Justice Within and Beyond Global Neo-Liberalism. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

to displace the blame of environmental destruction on the poor who own cars that produce more pollution. This form of

71

Kellner, Douglas. "Afterword." In Critical Pedagogy, Ecoliteracy, & Planetary Crisis: The Ecopedagogy Movement, by Richard Kahn, 151-154. 2010.

69

Giberson, Michael. "Efficiency, Conservation and the Jevons Paradox." Energy Collective, 2012.

55


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS to an ethical political economy must begin

the corporation and technocrats’ front door

now.

steps. So what would this system look like?

The Site of Resistance: Our Curriculum

This is no longer about deciding between the

How can our system change without

Prius or the Hummer. This is not deciding

withdrawing from the broader community?

between

fuels.

This social re-evaluation does not call for

Renewable energy sources are the most

radical anarchy or withdrawal from society.

likely

but

We have already withdrawn from society in

technology cannot deliver if the people are

many aspects, abdicating our roles in the

not willing to change to accept it. This is

community to make decisions for ourselves.

about deciding between “heat or eat” for

This means our curriculum needs to change

many. This is about retaking our space from

from the core. The schooling system has

the undemocratic forces that have never

taught us to conduct research, but for

given us the opportunity to decide our future

purpose and at what cost? Education

for ourselves. This is about taking back the

institutions (public and private) have already

opportunity and capacity to reject the market

been co-opted by the elite who have helped

economy that is driven by consumers like

train us in policy proposals that are pre-

you and me. For too long, we have bought

digested

the

retrenching the status quo. 72 Old ideas are

renewables source

of

or social

corporate

labels

environmentally

friendly

fossil change,

that are

being “radical,”

and

reproduced

as

regurgitated new

and

to

continue innovative,

“utopian,” or even “subversive.” Instead,

democratic modes of critical analysis are

policymakers at the top who represent

placed on the back burner while teachers

corporate interests have re-appropriated the

and students alike placate to the corporate

idea

interests that fund their institution.

of

environmental

sustainability,

changing radical ideas to conformity and

It is time we recognize the problems

throwing out any idea that does not fit into

inherent within the education system. It is

the mold of consumerism. Perhaps it is time

time our research begins to reframe the

we throw out a bankrupt understanding of 72

Giroux, Henry. Left Behind? American Youth and the Global Fight for Democracy. February 28, 2011. http://www.truth-out.org/left-behind-american-youthand-global-fight-democracy68042 (accessed 8 April, 2013).

pragmatism for more critical education and social change. People are hungry, the world is dying, and it is time we take the fight to

56


WAKE FOREST JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS question of energy away from national

economy. We live in the largest organic

interests such as economic growth or

environment in the solar system, yet we do

security, but one that is focused on the less

not hesitate to destroy it in the name of

privileged and the environment that we have

progress. Our so-called â&#x20AC;&#x153;progressiveâ&#x20AC;? ideals

73

students,

ask the how question on our ecological

teachers, and faculty in the university, our

footprint, but who can bravely ask why? As

research

critical students, we must awaken the new

continued

to and

destroy.

As

advocacy can

begin

to

74

We

represent a more democratic culture.

moral

and

intellectual

foundations

to

can and should use this space as the site for

preserve the earth and its environment over

critical resistance, using continued dialogue

the long term. The fate of our future rests of

about the future of our community and tying

us, not the generations before or after.

in our personal connections and relevancy to the topic matter, especially energy needs. In the university, with support from the faculty we can cultivate the civic purpose of this public sphere to influence and shape the curriculum away from corporate interests. It is time we embrace that role now. Conclusion The metaphorical Titanic will not stop sinking unless we radically re-orient our civilization. Our market principles have denied the ability for individuals outside of our periphery to engage in the political 73

Scrase, Ivan, and David Ockwell. "The Role of Discourse and Linguistic Framing Effects in Sustaining High Carbon Energy Policy - An Accessible Introduction." Energy Policy, 2010: 22252233.

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