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ARCHITECTURE AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURY


UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF STANFORD J . LAYTON, MIRIAM B. MVKPH\,

Managing Associate

Editor Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L. CANNON ii,Sa/f Lake City, 1986 ARLENE H . EAKLE, Woods

Cross,

1987

PETER L. Goss. Salt Lake City, 1988 G L E N M . LEONARD, f a r m i n g ^ o n , 1988

LAMAR PETERSEN,Sa// Lake City, 1986 RICHARD W. SADLER, Ogrfen, 1988

HAROLD ScHiNDLER,Sa/< Lake City, 1987 GENE A. SESSIONS. Bountiful,

1986

GREGORY C. THOMPSON.Sa/< Lake City, 1987 Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to p u b l i s h articles, d o c u m e n t s , a n d reviews c o n t r i b u t i n g to k n o w l e d g e of U t a h ' s history. T h e Quarterly is p u b l i s h e d by t h e U t a h State Historical Society, 300 R i o G r a n d e , Salt L a k e City, U t a h 84101. P h o n e (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, a n d t h e b i m o n t h l y Newsletter u p o n p a y m e n t of the a n n u a l dues: i n d i v i d u a l , $15.00; i n s t i t u t i o n , $20.00; student a n d senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $10.00; c o n t r i b u t i n g , $20.00; s u s t a i n i n g , $25.00; p a t r o n , $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for p u b l i c a t i o n s h o u l d be s u b m i t t e d i n d u p l i c a t e a c c o m p a n i e d by r e t u r n postage a n d s h o u l d be typed double-space, with footnotes at the end. Additional i n f o r m a t i o n o n r e q u i r e m e n t s is available from the m a n a g i n g editor. T h e Society assumes n o responsibility for statements of fact o r o p i n i o n by c o n t r i b u t o r s . Second class postage is paid at Salt L a k e City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 R i o G r a n d e , Salt L a k e City, U t a h 84101.


HXSTORZCiLLi QUJLRTERZnr

Contents WINTER 1986/VOLUME54/NUMBER 1

F U R T H E R INVESTIGATIONS: A R C H I T E C T U R E AT T H E T U R N OF T H E CENTURY FREDERIC ALBERT HALE, ARCHITECT

PETERL. Goss

2

JUDITH BRUNVAND

5

ROGERV. ROPER

31

T H E 'UNRIVALLED PERKINS' ADDITION": P O R T R A I T OF A STREETCAR SUBDIVISION WILLIAM ALLEN, ARCHITECTBUILDER, AND HIS C O N T R I B U T I O N T O T H E BUILT ENVIRONMENT OF DAVIS COUNTY WILLIAM ALLEN'S CLIENTS: A SOCIO-ECONOMIC INQUIRY

PETERL. Goss 52

GLENM. LEONARD

74

THOMASCARTER

88

" T H E BEST OF ITS KIND AND GRADE ": REBUILDING T H E SANPETE VALLEY, 1890-1910

THE COVER William Allen watercolor rendering of a cottage built at 61 East 100 North, Courtesy of the Layton Heritage Museum, Layton, Utah.

© Copyright 1986 Utah State Historical Society

Kaysville.


Decorative cornice on the Andrew Anderson house, 1898, Main Street, Moroni, Utah. Photograph by Thomas Carter.

Further Investigations: Architecture at the T u r n of the Century BY P E T E R L. G O S S GUEST EDITOR

Utah Historical Quarterly devoted its first entire issue to Utah architecture, entitled "Toward an Architectural Tradition." T h e publication of this issue in the summer of 1975 coincided with a great interest in historic preservation in anticipation of the American bicentennial celebration. The issue contained several articles that surveyed the state's architecture as well as articles that dealt with, as the introduction of the issue B A R E L Y MORE THAN A DECADE AGO THE

Dr. Goss, an architectural historian and associate professor in the Graduate School of Architecture, University of Utah, serves on the Advisory Board of Editors of Utah Historical Quarterly and on the Utah State Historic and Cultural Sites Review Committee.


Architecture at the Turn of the Century

3

points out, "select personalities and distinctive structures in defining the uniqueness and charm of certain Utah communities." The intervening decade has produced an abundance of new research by scholars encompassing the fields of geography, folklore, and demography, as well as history and architectural history. Some of us viewed "Toward an Architectural Tradition" as an overdue tribute to one aspect of the state's rich material culture. T h e articles placed an emphasis upon the variety and unique qualities of Utah architecture. In hindsight that issue of the Quarterly could be construed as an apologia at a period when it was necessary not only to make the state's citizenry aware of its architectural heritage but also to establish a toehold for Utah architecture in the regional history of the American West. As the reader will discover, the thrust of this issue, "Architecture at the T u r n of the Century," is just the opposite. Its contributors present the reader with a variety of topics in Utah's architectural history that relate the state and its people to the mainstream of American thought and activity between 1890 and 1910. This point is paid particular attention by T o m Carter in his article on the rebuilding of Sanpete Valley. This issue commences with the life of Frederic Albert Hale, an easterner educated in architecture at Cornell University. Hale is the epitome of the professional architect. Fresh from a decade of practice in Denver, he became the architect to Salt Lake society at the turn of the century. Nearly half his residential practice, with its wide variety of popular styles, was for wealthy clients whose names compose the nucleus of the membership in Salt Lake City's prestigious Alta Club. The basis of a good deal of this wealth was due to land speculation and growth in the Utah mining and mineral industries. This prosperity attracted a number of non-Mormons, or gentiles, to Utah. Such an example is the non-Mormon developer Gilbert Chamberlin, responsible for the Perkins' Addition. Like Hale, Chamberlin had been attracted to Salt L.ake City from Denver by the rigorous p r o m o t i o n a l efforts of the city's mostly gentile Chamber of Commerce. As Roger Roper discusses, an aspect of the significance of Chamberlin's legacyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a streetcar suburbâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;had tremendous impact upon future city planning and the evolution of zoning. The turn of the century's economic growth, despite occasional downswings, was also felt in the more rural areas of the state such as Davis County. Here professional design services were needed every bit as much as in the more populated cities of Ogden and Salt Lake,


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albeit on a lesser scale. My article discusses how such a market for services kept William Allen, a native brickmason and builder turned architect, busy for more than two decades and focuses upon the designs of a series of residences for successful individuals involved with agribusiness and commerce. Allen's clients and their families are treated in detail in Glen Leonard's article which examines their British connection, kinship ties, agribusiness, and commercial interests as well as community service. Moving away from the Wasatch Front to the rural Sanpete Valley of central Utah, Thomas Carter documents architectural change and a rebuilding process that occurred in the post-1890 period, materially illustrating the monetary effects of local economic prosperity in the sheep industry and a period of great change in Mormon history. The idea for this issue was originally based upon the presentations made at the Utah Architectural Symposium in November 1982, sponsored by the Utah Centennial Foundation and the Utah Endowment for the Humanities. T h e articles on William Allen and Allen's clients are expanded versions of papers presented at the symposium. Thomas Carter's and Roger Roper's articles are recent investigations based on extensive fieldwork, including measuring most of the buildings discussed. The biography of the prominent Salt Lake City architect Frederic Albert Hale by Judith Brunvand is based upon her master's thesis in art history at the University of Utah. Research undertaken by the authors and on-going research by the staff of the Utah State Historical Society's historic preservation office has led to the nomination of many buildings discussed in these articles to the National Register of Historic Places. T o assist the reader in identifying such structures the words "National Register" have been added to captions where appropriate.


Frederic Albert Hale, Architect BY JUDITH BRUNVAND

F R E D E R I C A L B E R T HALE (1855-1934) WAS AMONG the

most prominent of Salt Lake City's local architects in the decades spanning the turn of the century. Along with his notable colleagues, Richard K. A. Kletting and Walter E. Ware, he is representative of the professional Ms. Brunvand is head of gifts and exchanges for the Marriott Library, University of Utah.

Above: Fig. 1. The Commercial National South, and Frederic Albert Hale. USHS

Bank, formerly at 25 East 200 collections.


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architect of the time. T h a t is, in contrast to the earlier architectbuilder, these men had had professional training in architecture or engineering and made their living by designing buildings rather than by building them. Hale, Kletting, and Ware designed important buildings in the commercial, institutional, and residential sectors; but Kletting and Ware are now remembered more for their commercial and institutional designs, while Hale, perhaps because most of the more than thirty commercial structures he designed in Salt Lake have been demolished, is better remembered for his residential buildings. He was the favorite architect of Salt Lake's "society" set; at one time there were at least ten of his mansions on South Temple alone, and six of the many elegant and spacious dwellings he designed for Salt Lake's wealthy businessmen have been placed on the State and National Historic Registers. Salt Lake City was an attractive place for a young architect in the 1880s and '90s. The Utah Statistical Abstract^ shows that the population more than doubled between 1880 and 1890, from 21,000 to 45,000, and by 1910 had doubled again to 93,000. The city had become a regional trade center and had begun to take on a solid and permanent look with substantial downtown buildings financed by the successful mining operations around the state. Wealthy businessmen and mining magnates were not only spending their profits on commercial structures but were also constructing imposing mansions for their families and meeting their social needs with churches, clubhouses, and lodges for the various fraternal orders. The prospects for a successful architectural career were readily perceived by Fred Hale when he came from Denver to design and build the Commercial National Bank (fig. 1), for he relocated in Salt Lake City as soon as that building was completed. A newspaper clipping from 1890 records his confidence: Mr. Fred Hale, architect of the new six-story Commercial National Bank Building, has great confidence in the building prospects of SaU Lake City. In evidence of this fact, he leaves a successful practice of seven years' standing in Denver and locates in this city. Mr. Hale is well known throughout Colorado and Wyoming and his reputation has preceded liim in Utah.2

^ U tah Statistical A bstract {Sdhl/cikv City: Eun-iiu oi Vxoiumtk CUKI Business Research, Graduate School of Business, University of Utah, 1983), pp. 1-22. 2The clipping is from a scraphook kept hy Fred Hale, now in the possession of his grandson. Dr. Edward Girard Hale of Salt Lake Citv. It is dated 1890, hut the source is not noted.


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Hale's architectural career had actually begun many years earlier in his home state of New York. He was born in Rochester on December 25, 1855, and attended school there, spending his summer vacations working for two local architects. After graduation he worked for two years as a schoolteacher. In April 1875 he enrolled at Cornell University and again spent the summer working for an architect. Having by this time decided to become an architect himself, he registered as a student in architecture when he returned to Cornell in the fall. On the advice of his father. Hale persuaded the department head, Charles Babcock,^ to allow him to omit the general education requirements. He attended Cornell for two years, taking courses in geometry, perspective, drafting, drawing, building materials, mechanics, designing, architectural history, and German. He realized, however, the limits of these practical courses and did a great deal of reading on his own in such authors as Shakespeare, Ruskin, Turgenev, Scott, and Longfellow. In 1877 he left school to try to find a position in architecture, but he realized his education was by no means complete and noted in his diary: March 3, 1877. I fear I have missed the mark by not taking the regular course here at college. Father has always wished me to study only such things as pertain to architecture. I now think his ideas on that subject very erroneous. A broad education is far more ennobling and I may say more practical (often a hated word) than a narrow one. An architect should certainly have a fine education.^

Almost immediately upon leaving school Hale found a position with James C. Cutler, an architect practicing in Rochester, and stayed with him for two years, from 1877 to 1879. While with Cutler, Hale and another young architect, W. L. Morrison, won first prize in a competition sponsored by the magazine Carpentry and Building for the design of a country house. Early in 1880 Hale left Cutler's office to become head draftsman for Robert Roeschlaub, one of Denver's most prominent and successful architects. He stayed with Roeschlaub for three years, leaving in 1883 to form a partnership with H. B. Seely. That partnership lasted three years; in 1886 he went back to Roeschlaub, this time as a full partner in the firm of Roeschlaub and Hale.

^Charles Babcock was appointed the first professor of architecture at Cornell when the curriculum was established in 1871. â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘The diary kept by Fred Hale is also in the possession of Dr. Edward G. Hale.


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Besides working in Denver, Hale also did buildings throughout Colorado and Wyoming. A partial list of his accomplishments from 1880 to 1889 includes eight commercial blocks, eight churches, three public schools, two banks, a hospital, a courthouse, a power station, a baseball park, dormitory buildings for the University of Colorado, and the first building for the University of Wyoming. He was also doing work in residential architecture; several of his houses from that period are pictured in a promotional booklet, The Architecture of Fred A. Hale, 1890-1907, and one of his Denver houses, the J. M. Curry residence, was featured in the Western Architect and Building News.^ During the ten years spent in Denver, Hale also married and began a family. In 1882 he had returned briefly to Rochester to marry a hometown sweetheart, Mary Frances (Minnie) O'Grady, and the young couple left on the evening train for Denver immediately after the wedding. Three of their four children were born in Denver: Edyth Mae (1883), Girard Van Barkaloo (1886), and Frederic Albert, Jr. (1888). A third son, Edward Lincoln, was born in Salt Lake City in 1895. T h e move to Salt Lake City in 1890, after the commission for the Commercial National Bank, was immediately productive. As a result of the bank, which was described in a contemporary report^ as the most magnificent and costly structure in the city. Hale had become known to the wealthy and influential men belonging to the Alta Club, and they provided the foundation for his successful practice in Salt Lake City. T h e number of business buildings and homes Hale designed for them is impressive and included their own clubhouse. There were at least five commercial structures for merchant Fred Auerbach, including the Eagle Block, formerly at 71-79 West South Temple, frequently mentioned as one of Hale's most prominent buildings. There were development houses for John Donnellan, a commercial block for Thomas Kearns, a business building for J. J. Daly, the Summit Block for David Keith and James Ivers, and a business block for David Keith. Most of these buildings have since been demolished; those existing today are the Alta Club, the David 5For a more complete list of Hale's works see Judith Brunvand. " T h e Salt Lake City Architecture of Frederic Albert Hale" (Master's thesis. University of Utah, 1980), appendices a, b, c, d. There is a xerox copy of the illustration from the Western Architect and Building News in MS. 1773, Utah State Historical Society Library, Salt Lake City. ^Utah: Her Cities, Towns, and Resources (Chicago: Manly and Litteral, 1891), p. 93.


Frederic Albert Hale

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Keith Building at 242-256 South Main, and the building for J. J. Daly at 37 West Third South. Hale's residential commissions, a number of which were for these notable business clients, have fared somewhat better than the commercial designs. He solicited residential work from the society set with a creative advertisement in the form of a letter placed in a "Blue Book" type of publication known as the Excelsior Address Book.^ Salt Fake City Tuesday My Dear C—-, This city is perfectly lovely. It cuddles up in the lap of the grand Wasatch Mountains and views the prettiest of peak-encircled valleys and silvery waters of the lake. And such hospitable people! Such delightful homes. You know Mary is about to build a house. John is disgusted with renting and "wrastling with landlords," as he expressed it. M. devotes half her time inspecting new houses. Yesterday we drove down East Drive past Liberty Park, to see Mr. DeGolyer's new house--a perfect mansion; then over to Ninth East Street, where we found the charming home of Mr. C. S. Davis, in dark red sandstone and stained shingles. On the East Bench we visited Mr. F. B. Stephen's unique dwelling, and "last, but not least," the residences of General Daggett and Major Downey on Brigham Street. All beautiful dwellings and so convenient. We later visited Mr. Fred Hale, the architect, in the Commercial Bank building, and examined Mary's plans--such a pretty hall, lovely rooms and just lots of closets, and all at a moderate cost. Mr. Hale designed all the above houses, also L—s house in Denver, where he formerly practiced his profession. *****a "high five" tonight, so I must dress. Goodbye. Ever your Dorothy P.S. No! I won't write—one.

Those houses mentioned in the letter for DeGolyer, Stephens (fig. 8, on right), and Daggett have been demolished, but the Major Downey house (figs. 4 and 5) at 808 East South Temple still stands and has been renovated for office use. T h e C. S. Davis house (figs. 2 and 3), near Ninth East in those days, has a new street in front of it and stands at 2157 South Lincoln. Other extant residences for wealthy Alta Club members include the magnificent mansion built for David Keith (figs. 12-16) at 529 South Temple, now used as corporate headquarters; the O.J. Salisbury mansion (figs. 10 and 11) ^Excelsior Address Book and Family Directory, 1893 (Salt Lake City, 1893), p. 73.


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at 574 East First South, now the Evans and Early Mortuary; the Nelden house (fig. 9) at 1172 East First South, now an apartment house; and the C. B. Markland house (figs. 4 and 7) at 1205 East South Temple, still a private home. Six other large residential commissions by Hale for Alta Club members have all been demolished. These include residences designed for Robert Harkness, Duncan MacVichie, Henry B. McMillan, Edward S. Ferry, and J. B. Cosgriff, all on South Temple, and the James Ivers house on First South. Besides providing for the housing needs of Salt Lake society, Hale also designed for their social requirements. He was probably the most prominent clubhouse architect in the city. In addition to the Alta Club, he was commissioned to do buildings for the Elks Club, the Salt Lake Country Club, and the Eagles Club. Only the Alta Club continues to serve its original purpose. The Eagles Club Building (404 South West Temple) until recently housed the offices of the Equitable Life Insurance Company. The Elks Club (formerly at 59 South State) made way for an office building. The Country Club

Figs. 2 and 3. Two views of the C.S. Davis house, 2157 South Lincohi Street. Photographs not credited otherwise are courtesy of the author.


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Frederic Albert Hale 1%

IP]

Fig. 4. Shingle style houses illustrated in Architecture of Fred A. Hale, a pamphlet printed ca. 1906. USHS collections.

building (2375 South Ninth East, fig. 20), in a poorly preserved state, functions as a clubhouse for the Forest Dale Golf Course. Despite having designed eight churches during his years in Denver, Hale did only one in Salt Lake. However, this church, the First United Methodist Church at 203 South Second East, is a downtown landmark and one of his most interesting buildings. In addition to his architectural contributions to Salt Lake City, Hale was active in community and social affairs. He served as a director of the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce and as a member of the Board of Public Works. He was active in Republican party affairs and was a member of the Alta Club, the Elks Club, and the Salt Lake Country Club. He was involved in musical events, though to a lesser degree than in his Denver years when he had performed at the Tabor Opera House. As a member of the championship Country Club golf team, he was featured many times in the pages of the Salt Lake Herald and was well known for his jaunty red golf coat.^ He is remembered as a dignified, cultured, and well-informed gentleman, an accom^Salt Lake Herald, November 20, 1903; July 31, 1904; August 1, 1904; October 25 and 26, 1908.


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plished conversationalist, and a man of magnetic personality with a keen and somewhat whimsical sense of humor. Just after his death on September 6, 1934, an editorial in the Salt Lake Tribune praised his commercial designs as "ornaments of the municipality" and his residential work as "some of the most attractive palatial residences of Salt Lake City."^ Fred Hale is indeed notable as the architect of some of Salt Lake City's most attractive residences. He is recorded forty-seven times in the Salt Lake building permit records as the architect of private homes, and there are six more in the city known or thought to be his through other sources. At least twenty of these were large, expensive dwellings, an indication of his popularity among Salt Lake's wealthiest society. Besides the existing major residences already mentioned are the Bidwell house at 866 East South Temple, the Teasdel house at 304 First Avenue, the F. B. Stephens house at 169 Thirteenth East, the G. H. Davis house at 361 Seventh Avenue, the Keith-Griffen house at 34-35 Haxton Place, and the Grant Hampton house at 370 A Street. Hale's residences represent a wide range of styles and illustrate the beauty and quality of his designs as well as his originality and versatility within the popular syles of his time. Five of them, the C. S. Davis, Downey, Bidwell, Markland, and Stephens houses, are examples of what Vincent R. Scully has defined as the Shingle style.^^ It is related to the Queen Anne style; both were popular from approximately 1880 to 1900, and they have many features in common. Asymmetrical plans, towers or turrets, several gables, upper and lower porches, decorative shaped shingles, windows of different sizes and shapesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;often with leaded or stained glass, circular bays, and bay windows are features that both styles share. What differentiates the two is that the Shingle style is much quieter and less extravagantly decorated than the Queen Anne. There are fewer projections, towers are more integrated into the design, porches are often recessed rather than protruding, and there is little or no "gingerbread" trim. Most notable, of course, the Shingle style residence is completely covered with shingles, though there are also many examples with a stone or brick lower story.

^"Frederick Albert Hale," editorial. Salt Lake Tribune, September 9, 1934. '"Vincent R. Scully, Jr., The Shingle Style and TheStickStyle, rev. ed. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1971).


Frederic Albert Hale

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Fig. 5. The Downey house, 808 East South Temple. National Register.

Fig. 6. The Bidwell house, 866 East South Temple. National Register.

Fig. 7. The Markland house, 1205 East South Temple. National Register.


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T h e earliest of Hale's Shingle style houses, the C. S. Davis house (figs. 2 and 3) and the Downey house (figs. 4 and 5), are examples of the latter type, incorporating a stone or brick lower story. The Davis house was briefly described in the Salt Lake Tribune in 1891: "Architect Hale has plans for. . .a $12,000 stone and frame residence for a Mrs. Davis, south of Perkins' addition. . . ."^^ This house and the Downey house, built in 1893 at a cost of $11,000, were two of the homes recommended by Hale in his letter ad in the Excelsior Address Book. Besides the stone and brick lower stories, the two have other features of the Shingle style in common, including an asymmetrical facade with an integrated tower on the right and front and side gables with the attic windows set in recessed arches. T h e Bidwell house of 1894 (figs. 4 and 6) at 866 South Temple is a smaller and less expensive \ ersion of the same style. It, too, features the shingled upper story, the tower and broad gable and has, in addition, a recessed second-story porch, also one of the hallmarks of the Shingle style. The Markland house (figs. 4 and 7), built in 1895 at 1205 East South Temple, is probably the best example of the Shingle style in Salt Lake City. All the significant attributes of the style are featured: exterior completely covered with wood shingles, broad gable, upper story recessed porch, multi-light sashed windows, and circular bay with a conical roofed tower. A few classical touches, such as the Palladian window in the gable and the semicircular portico at the front entrance, originally balustraded (see fig. 4), add a note of elegance to what is ordinarily a more informal style. T h e last known Shingle style house designed by Hale is the F. B. Stephens house at 169 Thirteenth East (fig. 8, left). It was constructed in 1899 and was the second house Hale had designed for attorney Stephens. The first, built in 1891 and mentioned in Hale's letter ad, stood next door at 117 Thirteenth East. Both residences were illustrated in Hale's promotional brochure (fig. 8). The Shingle style houses are illustrative of Hale's interest in current architectural styles and his ability to keep up with the contemporary developments of his time. The Shingle style was much more popular in the East than in the West. Since Hale was in Denver and Salt Lake when most of the eastern examples were being built, he '>Sa/< Lake Tribune,

March 17, 1891, p. 6.


Fig. 8. The F. B. Stephens houses, 169 and 177 Thirteenth Architecture of Fred A. Hale.

East. From

Fig. 9. The Neldon house, 1172 East First South. National

Register.


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Figs. 10 and 11. The O. J. Salisbury house (Evans and Early Mortuary), 574 East First South. Interior view is of the reception room. USHS collections.

probably gained his knowledge of the type from architectural periodicals that contained pictures, designs, and comments on the popular styles of the day. Inasmuch as Hale's shingle houses were being built at the same time that the style peaked in popularity in the East, he can be considered a local developer of the style rather than one who simply imitated a popular style imported from the East. At the same time as the Shingle style houses were being built, Hale was also designing in the Neoclassical and Georgian Revival styles. The earliest of these, the William A. Nelden residence (fig. 9) of 1894 at 1172 East First South, is a fine example of the neoclassical aspect of the Georgian Revival style. Attributes of the style seen in this house are the strictly symmetrical facade framed by delicately detailed pilasters, the bracketed cornice, the hipped roof, the gables with their broken swan's neck pediments, the double-hung sashed windows, and the semicircular portico with flanking rectangular extensions. T h e portico has a classically detailed cornice and is supported by columns with Ionic capitals. Identical rectangular porticos on either side of the house arâ&#x201A;Ź connected to the main portico by balustraded walkways, thus preserving the absolute symmetricality of the facade. Originally, balustrades on the upper porches


Frederic A Ibert Hale

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matched those on the lower story, but they were removed along with the window shutters when the original clapboard siding was covered with asbestos in 1951. Another of Hale's neoclassical residences is the mansion designed for O. J. Salisbury (fig. 10) at 574 East First South. It was built in 1897 at a cost of $22,000 from stone quarried in East Canyon. The symmetrical facade is dominated by the classical portico supported with Ionic columns and topped with a monumental pediment. A unique feature of the building is that the columns, the boxed cornice, the frieze and brackets, the door casings, and other ornamental work are all made of metal.^^ The plan of the residence is rectangular. T h e central entry hall is flanked by two parlors and the dining room on the east and the reception room, library, kitchen, and butler's pantry on the west. The second floor originally contained the family bedrooms and bath; and the third story had several servants' rooms, servants' bath, and a full attic. The woodwork and decoration throughout the interior remain faithful to the exterior design. T h e window and door frames are fluted and have a shell motif at each corner. The niche in the entry hall has the same shell motif, the moldings throughout are the classical egg-and-dart and dentil pattern, and the alcove in the reception room containing the window seats is defined by Corinthian columns. The graceful, curved staircase in the reception room is ornamented with carved festoons and shell and ribbon motifs. These decorative elements are repeated on the fireplace mantel in that room as well as in the two parlors and the dining room. In 1934 the house was sold to Clyde Early, who established the Evans and Early Mortuary. When a chapel was added to the east side of the building in 1937, extreme care was taken to match the original in both the interior and exterior features. Some of the original stone was reused along with new stone from the same East Canyon quarry. In 1972 a large addition was built on the west and rear, designed by architect Von I. White. Care was again taken to match the exterior design, but the interior rooms are decorated in a contemporary style. The bookcases from the original library and the stone removed '20. J. Salisbury house file. Historic Preservation Office, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City.


11':^^

Figs. 12-16. The David Keith mansion, 529 East South l^cniple, irith HABS drawing of first floor, detail of octagon and skylight, carriage house, and F Street facade. USHS collections and author. National Register.


Frederic Albert Hale

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during the remodeling were carefully stored so that the building could be completely restored to its original shape if a future owner so desired. The David Keith mansion at 529 East South Temple (fig. 12), begun the year after the Salisbury in 1898, was undoubtedly Hale's crowning achievement in residential architecture. The Salt Lake building permit records state simply that the house was to be "basement and two story cut stone," hardly giving an idea of its scope. The cost, however, $35,000, indicated that this was to be a mansion. A carriage house (fig. 13), matching in style, was designed by Hale a year later than the house and cost $4,000, twice as much as the average house of the period. David Keith had made his fortune in mining as a partner in the fabulous Silver King Mine of Park City, and he had invested this wealth in a variety of enterprises, including banking, railroading, the Salt Lake Tribune, and the Keith-O'Brien Co. The Tribune, on September 4, 1898, described the plans for the new mansion in a long column under the heading "Handsome New Homes." The article briefly described the exterior and mentioned the oval dining room, the types of wood used in the interior, and the fact that two bathrooms were provided for. The main emphasis, however, was reserved for the novel interior plan featuring a central octagonal rotundacappedby a domed skylight of stained glass (figs. 14 and 15). Plans of the house drawn in 1975 under the aegis of the Historic American Buildings Survey illustrate the arrangement of the octagonal hall and show how convenient the plan was for providing access to the main floor rooms, the second floor, and the outside in such a large dwelling. The plan also shows the design of the oval dining room and the convenient arrangement of the butler's pantry and the refrigerator (fig. 14). Some innovative features in the house were not mentioned in the newspaper. For example, the butler's pantry between the dining room and the kitchen had a warming table heated by circulated hot water, and the kitchen featured a walk-in refrigerator cooled by one ton of ice. A unique clothes dryer in the basement consisted of pull-out units in which clothes could be h u n g and dried with hot air circulated by a blower. T h e exterior of the mansion creates an immediate impression of restrained elegance. T h e South Temple facade is classically symmetrical, defined by engaged pilasters at each corner and dominated


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Fig. 17. The George H. Davis house, 361 Seventh

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Avenue.

by a monumental pedimented portico supported by massive Tuscan columns. The portico element is repeated around the house in smaller and less formal variants; the F Street facade has a lighter double portico (fig. 16), topped with a smaller pediment, and the garden entry has a single story balustraded porch with a pediment used only to define the slightly protruding bay that houses the interior staircase. The Keith mansion, besides being an architectural gem in its own right, gives the present generation an insight into the life-style of the wealthy businessmen of America's Gilded Age. It has been recognized for its architectural and historical value as well as for its association with one of Salt Lake City's most prominent figures. Three later residences illustrative of Hale's versatility in different styles and of his adaptability to changes in popular taste include the George Davis house built in 1905 at 361 Seventh Avenue, the J. T. Keith-T. G. Griffen house built in 1910 at 34-35 Haxton Place, and the Grant Hampton house built in 1916 at 370 A Street. The Davis house (fig. 17) is one of the Box style or four-square


Frederic Albert Hale \

21

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Fig. 18. The J. T. Keith and T. G. Griffen residence, 34-35 Place. National Register.

Haxton

Fig. 19. The Grant Hampton residence, 370 A Street. National Register.

type houses that became popular around the turn of the century. The house is listed in the building permit records as a "modern two-story brick," an indication that this design was considered an up-to-date style of that time. The house has the front central dormer and wide front porch characteristic of the style, but Hale added some of his classical touches in the form of a balustrade on top of the front porch (since removed) and the brick quoins at the corners which culminate in Ionic capitals and give the effect of engaged pilasters. These elements in the design create an elegant and decorative effect in what is ordinarily a rather plain style.


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T h e first building for Haxton Place (fig. 18), on South Temple between Ninth and Tenth East, was designed as a double dwelling for the developers. Dr. James T. Keith and Thomas G. Griffen. They had bought the plot in 1909 and planned a development to imitate a similar square in London. The charming stucco cottage, designed with reference to the Arts and Crafts movement, is situated as a focal point at the end of the square. It is, in reality, two separate structures, joined by the facade for a more harmonious effect. T h e last large residence known to have been designed by Hale is the Grant Hampton house at 370 A Street (fig. 19). It was built in 1916 and is also a stucco building, this time with reference to the Spanish Colonial style. The Hampton house features a tile roof, small balconies with iron railings at the upper story windows, and sun rooms at either side of the house with matching iron railings on the roofs, all of which add the Spanish feeling to the classically symmetrical facade. Unlike the residential buildings, few of Hale's commercial and institutional buildings remain. The Salt Lake City building permit records and notices from Salt L>ake newspapers indicate that in the twenty-two years between 1892 and 1914 he designed at least thirtyfour commercial or institutional buildings. Most of these were situated in downtown Salt Lake; quite literally, one could not have walked a block in that area without seeing a building by Hale. Unfortunately, only eight of them still exist, and three of these are minor structures not representative of his more creative work. T h e major structures include the Alta Club, 1897, 100 East South Temple; the David Keith Building, 1902, 242-256 South Main; the First Methodist Church, 1905, 203 South Second East; the American Linen Supply (Steiner Corporation), 1909-10, 33 East Sixth South; and the Eagles Club, 1916, 404 South West Temple. The smaller examples remaining are the Sterling Building, 1902, 37 West Third South; the Whitmore Garage (Domus Co.), 1910, 430 South Temple; and the Model Laundry, 1914, 244 West Second North. The Alta Club was the first of Hale's four clubhouses. It is not surprising that the members chose Hale as the architect when they planned their new building, since by 1897 he had already won nine commercial commissions from club members and had designed homes for ten of them. T h e Alta Club building (fig. 21) was done in the Italian Renaissance style popular with men's clubs in the eastern United States. Characteristics of the style seen in this building are a


Frederic Albert Hale

23

Fig. 20. The Salt Lake Country Club (Forest Dale), 2375 South Ninth East. USFIS collections.

Fig. 21. The Alta Club, 100 East South Temple. USHS collections. National Register.

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Fig. 22. The David Keith Building, 242-256 South Main. USFIS collections. National Register.


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horizontal emphasis in the design, the different articulations of each of the three stories, a molded belt course between the first and second floors, the arched doorways and windows, and the recessed and arcaded balconies. The interior decoration was developed to harmonize with the exterior style of the building and featured lavish use of woodwork, paneling, wainscoting, and classical dentil moldings. Other elements included stained glass, marble sinks, a massive oak bar, and great oak fireplaces. The original building cost $40,000 and was constructed of an oolite stone quarried in Montana. The quarry owners were just developing their business and, as an advertisement of their product, offered to furnish the stone free if the club would pay the transportation. Naturally the offer was accepted. Construction was completed in less than a year, and the new clubhouse was formally opened on June 1, 1898. An east wing added in 1910 almost doubled the size of the original building. For unknown reasons, the stone could not be matched, so both salvage stone and new stone from a different quarry were used in the addition. At that time the original main entrance on State Street became the ladies' entrance, a courtesy so that the ladies would not have to pass through a room where the gentlemen were smoking or drinking. The new entrance on South Temple became the main entrance as it is today. T h e Alta Club was considered even at the time as one of Salt Lake's most notable buildings. It was featured with descriptions and photographs in several guidebooks of the period. Two examples are H. V. Fohlin's Salt Lake City Past and Present, 1908, and Souvenir of Salt Lake, the City Beautiful, published by the Deseret News Press at about the same time. The David Keith Building (fig. 22) is the only one of Hale's business blocks to survive to the present. In 1902 he had been commissioned by Keith, for whom he had designed the magnificent home on South Temple, to construct a store and office building for the Keith-O'Brien Company which sold general dry goods, shoes, millinery, and carpets. T h e Keith-O'Brien store was later advertised in Polk's Salt Lake City Directory as "the most beautiful store in all the west."i3 ^^Polk's Salt Lake City Directory, 1906, p. 514.


Frederic Albert Hale

25

The David Keith Building is a three-story structure with a smooth, cut-stone facade that remains completely intact on the upper stories. The style is simpler and more restrained than Hale's earlier commercial designs. The facade is quite flat and divided into three sections, strongly articulated at the roof line. T h o u g h the form of the building related it to the Commercial style, the detailing is neoclassical. There are small pediments suggested on the parapets of the side sections containing cartouches with the letter K, and a shell and ribbon motif appears under each arch. The words "David Keith" on the frieze of the center section are flanked by foliated motifs, and a band of egg-and-dart molding appears above it. Hale had made use of classical ornamentation in many of his earlier buildings, but another reason for its use here may have been to relate the decor to the neoclassical ornamentation of the adjoining Lollin Building, designed in 1894 by Richard Kletting. In 1905 the Methodist congregation in Salt Lake City sold its old building at 33 East Third South and bought new property on the southwest corner of Second South and Second East. In August of the same year a building permit was issued to the Methodists for a brick and stone church building on that site to cost $52,000 and with the architect listed as Fred Hale. Fortunately his name was recorded in the permit books and he included a photograph of the church in his architecture booklet (fig. 23), for these are the only two sources that mention his name in connection with his only church in Salt Lake. The design of the church is extremely interesting. The sanctuary is octagonal, a plan that allows for an easy flow of traffic entering and exiting from three sides. The ceiling is pierced by dormers that square off the octagon and provide a flat wall and gable for the stained-glass windows. An octagonal hipped roof over the area contains an eightwebbed unbrella dome of stained glass, thus repeating the octagonal motif utilized earlier on a smaller scale in the Keith mansion. A taller tower on the northwest and a shorter one on the northeast provide entries and contain the stairways to the balcony, which curves from the northeast side of the octagon to the southwest, covering five sides. Of the sides not encompassed by the balcony, the east contains the choir area and the organ console, the southeast is the chancel area and contains the organ pipes, and on the south side huge oak paneled doors once opened to the back wing which contained the offices and the Sunday school rooms. The south wing has been extensively remodeled, and there has


Utah Historical

26

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Figs. 23-25. Views of the United First Methodist Church, 203 South Second East. From Architecture of Yred A. Hale, USHS collections, and author, 1979.

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Frederic Albert Hale

27

also been some modernization in the sanctuary. The southwest entry and stairway to the balcony remain in original condition as do the interiors of the two entry towers on the northeast and northwest, with their handsome wooden staircases and leaded windows. T h e gracefully curved balcony has not been altered, nor have the wood and iron auditorium seats. The curved wooden pews on the main floor are also original, but the choir and chancel areas have been greatly remodeled. When the church needed more room in the 1950s, the massive oak doors on the south were removed and replaced with a solid wall in order to make more rooms on the second floor of the south wing. At the same time, the paneling in front of the choir and the organ pipes was replaced with smooth blond wood. A graceful low balustrade separating the chancel was removed and the organ pipes were covered with a fabric screen and backlighted with flourescent lights. The exterior of the building (figs. 23 and 24) remains relatively unaltered except for the neon sign on the northwest tower, a stairway and a porch on the same tower entry, and a ramp and porch on the northeast tower entry to provide access for the handicapped. The form and decoration of the exterior give the building an exotic, rather eastern look. T h o u g h the doorways are in reality round arches, the extended voussoirs and the stone molding of the surrounds are done in an ogee curve which gives the whole entrance the appearance of an ogee arch. The same arch is repeated in the capping of the stainedglass windows on the three gables, the capping of the windows on the shorter tower, and the top windows of the taller one. The ogee curve is repeated again on the shaped gables and utilized for the fourwebbed domical roofs that top both towers. T h o u g h this curve was used in Gothic architecture, it is most associated with Moorish and Oriental architecture. Its decorative use in this church gives the building its picturesque and rather exotic flavor. One of Hale's last commercial buildings was the American Linen Supply building (fig. 26). Constructed in 1910, it is still being used by the original company, though the name has been changed to the Steiner Corporation in honor of the founder, George A. Steiner, a friend of Hale and a fellow Alta Club member. Hale's original building for the company was a two-story concrete structure costing $40,000. Older employees of the company believed it to be the first reinforced concrete building in Salt Lake City, but the Mclntyre Building on Main Street designed by Richard Kletting was con-


Utah Historical

28

i— H I •

F?g5. 26 and 27. American Linen Supply building (right), 33 West Sixth South, USHS collections, and Steiner Corporation (above), 1979.

Fig. 2^. The Eagles Club (Equitable Life) building, 404 South West Temple.

ipMi

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liB-l HSIliC


Frederic Albert Hale

29

structed of reinforced concrete almost a year earlier. Besides being one of the earliest reinforced concrete buildings, the American Linen Supply featured its own steam-powered generator for electricity. Since power was less dependable in those days, the boilers for the laundry also ran a direct-current generator that was still in use up to 1959 or 1960. The design of the building is slightly reminiscent of the David Keith Building with its rather flat, symmetrical facade and the suggestion of towers at each side. When an east wing was added in 1928-29 (fig. 27), the tower on that side was built to match the one on the west, and the old design of the east tower was used on the central tower built to house the elevator shaft. The rather playful, castlelike effect of the original building was thus retained in the remodeling. There were also several additions to the back, but these did not detract from the facade. The livery stable has logically been converted to a garage, but gardens that once surrounded the building for the relaxation of employees have given way to parking lots, a more unfortunate result of the automobile age. The main building, however, remains one of Salt Lake's more appealing commercial structures and looks as unique today as it did in 1910. In 1915-16 Hale designed the fourth and last of his clubhouses, this time for the Fraternal Order of Eagles (fig. 28). Built for Aerie No. 67 as a clubhouse and social center, it was used by the Eagles until 1937 when it was sold to the Utah Savings and Trust Company which leased it to the American Legion. In 1958 it was sold to the Equitable Life and Casualty Insurance Company. The Eagles building is the smallest of Hale's clubhouses and is more ornamental and less sculptural in feeling than the Alta Club. It is a two-story brick structure with a raised main floor allowing for a full basement. The Renaissance Revival style is achieved more from the surface decoration than from the structure of the buiding. There are a variety of decorative motifs, including pineapples and heavy brackets on the porch piers, and, of course, an eagle in the central second-story window. T h e columns on the recessed front porch are octagonal, and a molded belt course defines the second story. Three arched windows on the second story are set in rectangular recesses ornamented with circles and narrow moldings, and the pattern of windows is repeated on the north side. The arched upper sections of the windows have been painted over but were originally clear glass. Roger Bailey, former head of the University of Utah School of


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Architecture, described Fred Hale's work as having "a classic air in a Victorian period." This is certainly true in a literal sense for some of his major works in Salt Lake City, notably the Keith, Salisbury, and Nelden residences and the Alta Club and David Keith buildings. It might also be a more subjective judgment, referring to the sense of balance and harmony in Hale's buildings, even those not designed with direct classical references. Hale's designs can be defined by good taste and sense of proportion, elegance, and restraint. Even in the most "Victorian" of his residences such as the Downey house, his creativity did not overpower his fine sense of design. As the designer of some of Salt Lake's most beautiful homes and, in connection with the wealthy businessmen of his era, a major contributor to the growth of downtown Salt Lake City, Fred Hale must be considered one of the most notable of the city's early professional architects.

STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, AND CIRCIT.ATION 'Lhe Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042-14.SX) is published qiuuterly by the Utah State Historical Sot iety, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Eake Ciity, Utah 84101. T h e editor is Melviii T. Smith and the managing editor is Stanford J. I.ay ton with offices at the same address as the publisher. The magazine is owned by the I'tah State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns oi hcjldsany bonds, mcjrtgages, or other sec luities of the Society or its magazine. The following figuresare theaverage number cjf copies of each issueduring the preceding twelve incjnths: 3,599 copies printed; 41 paid circulation; 2,848 mail subscriptions; 2,889 total paid circulation; 18,5 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 3,074 total distribution; 525 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,599. The following figures are the actual number of copies of single issue published nearest to filing date; 3,518 copies printed; 49 paid circulation; 2,787 mail subscriptions; 2,836 total paid circulation; 191 free distribution (including samples) by mail, cairier. or other means; 3.027 total distribution; 491 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,518.


An early electric streetcar in Salt Lake City. USHS

collections.

The ''Unrivalled Perkins' Addition": Portrait of a Streetcar Subdivision BY ROGER V. ROPER

I N NOVEMBER 1890 GIEBERT L . CHAMBEREIN, a Denver real estate developer, arrived in Salt L.ake City and announced his ambitious plans for a new residential subdivision, to be known as Perkins' Addition.1 Chamberlin stated that over one million dollars would be invested in the subdivision to "improve the property handsomely" and to construct three hundred "first class residences."^ T h e "unMr. Roper is a historian in the pieser\ation lesearc h sec t ion of the Utah State Historical Soc iety. Much of the lesearch for thisartic le was done as part of a National Register nomination of the Perkins' Addition houses jMej^ared by Mr. Roper and Debbie Randall, an architectural historian with the Soc iety. 'Perkins' Addition was probably named after F. M. Perkins, a Denvei businessman who served as president of the company backing C^hamberlin and as secretary of Western Farm Mortgage and Irust Company of Denver. St'v Sail Lake Tribune, March 12, 1891, p. 6. '^Salt Lake Tribune. November 30, 1890, p. 6; January 17, 1891, p. 6.


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rivalled Perkins' Addition," he claimed, would be "the most convenient, the most beautiful, the most sought after" addition in Salt Lake City.^ Although Chamberlin's claims proved to be exaggerated, Perkins' Addition did emerge as one of the most notable streetcar subdivisions of its time. It attained a distinct identity in Salt Lake City as a neighborhood of impressive brick homes and as the residence of relatively prominent non-Mormon families. Today, passers-by may notice some of these "nice old homes" only because they are large and attractive, but their importance is more than just superficial beauty. A careful examination of the houses in Perkins' Addition, and of the people and events associated with them, reveals much about Salt Lake City's real estate boom of the 1880s and '90s, in particular, the dominant role of non-Mormon, out-of-state developers and the profound impact of the new electric streetcar system on the expansion of the city. T h e development of streetcar subdivisions such as Perkins' Addition was a story that was being repeated hundreds of times over in cities across the country during the 1890s. T h e electric streetcar, which was introduced in 1888, provided the fast and efficient transportation link with city centers that made possible the largescale development of residential neighborhoods in outlying areas. In Salt Lake City, the influence of the streetcar suburb movement brought about a dilution of the city's distinctive Mormon village appearance, setting it more in line with national patterns of development. Gilbert L. Chamberlin's announcement of Perkins' Addition stirred u p considerable excitement in the Salt Lake real estate community. Comments in the Salt Lake Tribune were upbeat and favorable: " T h e recent purchase by the Chamberlin syndicate of Denver of thirty-three acres of land in the southeastern suburbs is an investment of more significance to Salt Lake than the ordinary speculative purchases.... T h e gentlemen who have bought it are full of that push and vim that have made a great city of Denver."^ A prominent local real estate developer, H.F. Kennedy,^ was called on to give his assessment of the project. He replied that Chamberlin "not 3Ibid., December 28, 1890, p. 16; December 21, 1891, p. 12. nbid., Ncjveinber 30, 1890, p. 6. 5H. F. Kennedy was a partner in the real estate firm Beck & Kennedy, which was active in the Salt Lake real estate market for several years around 1890.


Perkins' Addition

33

only talks but acts, and when he says that his firm proposes to expend $1,000,000 on Perkins' Addition, you can bank on the assertion. . . . The firm of Chamberlin & Company are enterprising and progressive, and having been active participants in the development of Denver they bring to this city the experience of years."^ A seasoned promoter, Chamberlin well understood the importance of early and repeated advertising. Even before ground had been broken at the site, he had large, enthusiastic advertisements for Perkins' Addition appearing in the local newspapers (fig. 1). The first ones came out on December 21, 1890, in both the Salt Lake Tribune and the Salt Lake Herald. Advertisements continued regularly in the Sunday edition of those newspapers throughout the winter and spring, usually prominently displayed on the back page of the issue. They extolled the virtues of the site, the quality of the homes, the security and profitability of the investment, and numerous other features of the proposed subdivision. Perhaps equally as important as the advertisements were the almost daily announcements of Chamberlin regarding activities at the Perkins propertyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; the sale of lots, arrival of patrons, purchasing of materials, and so forth. These appeared regularly in the real estate columns of the newspapers, reinforcing the legitimacy of the project to potential investors. The property chosen by Chamberlin and his associates needed little in the way of hard-sell advertising to convince people of its desirability. Located at 900 East and 1700 South, it was situated in the heart of the southeastern suburbs, an area favored for home sites by the "salaried classes."^ Advertisements for the property described some of the site's natural advantages: "High, dry and sightly, with sufficient elevation to overlook the city, [but] without any perceptible climb"; its "Pure, healthful, invigorating" atmosphere; "No smoke, dust of miasmatic germs"; "Unobstructed [views] in every direction, keeping in sight constantly the everlasting peaks and that mysterious dead seaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Salt Lake." Chief among its attractions, however, was its location on the new Ninth East electric streetcar line, just a five-cent fare and a twelve-minute ride from the city center.^ ^Sali Lake Tribune, January 18, 1891, p. 6. 'Ibid., December 26, 1890, p. 5. It was noted at that time that "the West side is destined more for the homes of workingmen...while the East side is pre-empted, as it were, by the salaried classes." sibid., April 5, 1891, p. 16.


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Perkins' Addition

^^

In purchasing the property for Perkins' Addition, Chamberlin found that such prime subdivision land did not come cheaply. In January 1891 he paid Sarah Gibson, a widow, $2,500 per acre for her five-acre tract of farmland, land that "would have been considered dear at $250 per acre" only a few years before.^ Reselling it as part of Perkins' Addition, however, he stood to profit handsomely. Divided into 98 lots, which would likely sell for at least $400 per lot, the property could possibly net him over $5,000 per acre.^o However optimistic the outlook, he managed to sell only a few lots from that particular parcel. After paying such inflated prices for the Perkins' Addition land, and considering the improvements that were to be made there as part of the development, Chamberlin was unwilling to discount the price of the subdivision's lots. Some of his competitors did use price as a selling attraction, offering their land as a cheap deal. Chamberlin's only discussion of price was a simple, succinct statement: "Don't buy suburban lots believing they are cheap. They are not.''^^ Despite the impending winter, Chamberlin ^ Company began developing Perkins' Addition soon after it was first announced. A crew of up to fifty men were said to be working at the site in January, grading streets and cutting stone.12 Plans were announced for the installation of sidewalks, the planting of shade trees, and the drilling of wells once the weather improved. Chamberlin proposed erecting an electric light tower in the subdivision, the kind that was being used in Denver which "gives beautiful light and can be seen for 50 miles."13 He also talked about constructing an electrical generating plant nearby to supply power to the Perkins and other surrounding additions.!^ Although it is certain that the light tower and the generating plant were not erected, it is not known whether the other improvements were actually made as planned. As the project got underway Chamberlin made it clear that his intent was not simply to sell lots in Perkins' Addition but actually to construct houses in the subdivision.i^ His company was organized 9Ibid., January 22, 1891, p. 6. '"Residential lots on tire outskirts of the city were selling for$2,50per lot for ordinary lots and $600 per lot for choice lots. Average sizx- of the lots was 25' x 150' (seeS'a// Lake Tribune, January 11, 1891, p. 6). The Perkins lots were 25' x 136'. "Sa/< Lake Tribune, February 8, 1891, p. 16. '2Ibid., January 14, 1891, p. 6. 'sibid., December 27, 1890, p. 6. 'Mbid., January 24, 1891, p. 6. i\Sfl/< Lake Herald, November 26, 1890, p. 8.


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specifically to do just that. It included an architect, John Vaughan, a contractor, Morris S. Burhaus, and a crew of thirty to forty carpenters, masons, and laborers.'^ "Remember we furnish the material, the labor, the knowledge and the plans, and all you have to do is give us about what you are giving the owner of the house you are living in every month," one advertisement stated.^^ "You select your lot or lots in Perkins' Addition, then make your choice of architectural design for your house and we will build it for you at once."^^ Conscious of the Victorian home buyers' preference for individualized designs, Chamberlin 'k Company assured its clients that new designs would be used on every house in Perkins' Addition.^^ They offered two hundred different styles of houses to choose from, each "the result of experienced Architects' study." If none of these plans was suitable, clients were encouraged to "make your own plans, or let us make them and continue to make them until you are wholly satisfied. Let us confer with each other,. . . and with the combination of suggestions and ripe knowledge the result can only be something close to perfect. "2° T h o u g h Chamberlin was seemingly willing to accommodate any and all of his clients' requests, he did impose certain building restrictions in Perkins' Addition. "We. . . insist that every house erected in Perkins' shall be attractive in exterior appearance, shall be of modern design and in keeping with residences already erected."^i There was also a price level to maintain: "No poor shanties will be allowed as we sell only to those who have us build for them or who guarantee to put up buildings to cost not less than $2,500."22 No wooden structures would be allowed in the subdivision, only residences of pressed brick.^^ Neither commercial nor industrial buildings would be tolerated for "Perkins' must be recognized always as it is known now, distinctively a home spot."^^ Chamberlin's '^John Vaughan and Morris S. Burhaus worked together in the cf:)nstru( tion of a number of houses in the Denver area before coming to Salt Lake City. Burhaus was ne\er listed in the Salt Lake directories, and Vaughan showed up only in the 1892-93 directory. At that time he was apparently living in one of the Perkins' Addition houses tliat has since beendemolished, located at tfie NW corner of 900 East 1700 South. Nothing is known about Burhaus and Vaughan after they left Salt Lake City. '^Salt Lake Tribune, April 5, 1891, p. 16. '"Ibid., December 21, 1890, p. 12. '9Ibid., February 8, 1891, p. 16. 20Ibid., February 22, 1891, p. 16. 2'Ibid. 22Sa// Lake Herald, February 8, 1891, p. 9; May 3, 1891, p. 16. '^'^Salt Lake Tribune, December 27, 1890, p. 6. ^Tbid., February 22, 1891, p. 16.


Perkins' Addition

31

emphasis of this last point displays his awareness of the preference of middle-class homeowners for neighborhoods of single-family houses over areas of mixed use.^^ Developer-imposed building restrictions such as these were the forerunners of the first municipal zoning ordinances which came along over thirty years later. Unlike the later zoning regulations, the restrictive covenants in Perkins' Addition were apparently not legally binding, since all were violated in later years by other builders.^^ As early as December 1890 Chamberlin began announcing the sale of lots in Perkins' Addition and the signing of contracts to have houses built there. One of the first customers was Charles Weeks, a real estate investor and businessman from South Dakota. He was followed by numerous others, including Frank L. Parker and David A. Depue, partners in Parker %: Depue Lumber Company; Frank T. Hiatt, a developer; Alexander Mitchell, a railroad official; the Reverend William D. Mabry; and Gilbert L. Chamberlin himself.^? By mid-January 1891 forty-one houses were reportedly contracted to be built.28 Most of those houses were never constructed, since a majority of the buyers proved to be simply land speculators with no real intention of having houses built. Serious buyers, those who actually wanted homes in Perkins' Addition, numbered only about a dozen. It is unclear how many of those serious buyers actually chose a house design for themselves, as Chamberlin had offered, or how many simply bought a house already under construction. The designs of several of the thirteen houses actually constructed in Perkins' Addition closely match those of the "sample houses" portrayed in advertisements for the subdivision, indicating that they were probably designed and built by Chamberlin & Company as part

" S a m Bass Warner, Jr., Streetcar Suburbs, 2d ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 122. 26Richard F. Babcock, Ttie Zoning Ciame (Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), pp. 3-5. Unlike the building restrictions imposed in Perkins' Addition, those used in tire Highland Park subdivision of 1910 were included in the legal documents for the property and were therefort; more authoritative. T h e Highland Park restrictive covenants are among the first legally binding restrutions in the Salt Lake area. "Salt Lake Tribune, December 27, 1890, p. 6; December 28, 1890, p. 6; Januitry 30, 1891,p. 6. Of those listed here, only Weeks, Mabry, and Mitchell show up in the city directories as having actually lived in tlieir Perkins houses. The others either did not follow through with their transactions and did not have houses built, or they were simply short-term, speculative buyers who never lived in their houses. Since legal title to the Perkins properties was not officially transferred from the company to the purchasers until June 1891, it is difficult to determine whether the earlier transactions actually took place as announced in the newspaper by Chamberlin or whether the announcements were just promotional hyperbole. 2sibid., January 18, 1891, p. 6.


Utah Historical

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of its initial development of the subdivision (fig. 2).29 As promised, the construction of houses was begun in Perkins' Addition during the winter of 1890-91.^^ Chamberlin purchased 150,000 feet of "choice seasoned lumber" in late December 1890 for "immediate use in Perkins' Addition."^^ Two weeks later a special 25lIpon his arrival in Salt Lake City in November 1890 Chamberlin stated that as many as twenty-five houses would be (onstructed "at once, " indicating that they were planning on building speculative houses in die subdivision and not just custom-built homes. '"Ibid., December 20, 1890, p. 6. Fhe number of houses c laimed to ha\e been started that wiiuer varies between seven and ten. "Ibid., December 28, 1890, p. 6.

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Perkins'

Addition

39

train arrived in Salt Lake City from Golden, Colorado, bearing 500,000 "ornamental pressed bricks" for use on the exterior of the Perkins' houses.^2 Chamberlin had vowed that only the finest materials would be used on the Perkins' houses,^3 and the famous Golden pressed brick was superior to any brick manufactured in Utah at that time.^^ Superior foundation material, sandstone, was used on only one of the Perkins' houses; however; the others have brick foundations. The house with the sandstone foundation, located at 946 East 1700 South (fig. 3), was reportedly the model home of the subdivision and the first to be completed.^^ Chamberlin proclaimed that the houses constructed in Perkins' Addition would be "the most complete houses ever erected in any city," and that "in point of architectural beauty, convenience and comfort they stand without comparison."^e Recent technological advances made possible the installation of new features such as hot and cold running water, baths, electric lights, and furnaces. Other options for these "new-idea Cottages" included elaborate mantels, built-in china cabinets, sliding or folding doors, and "plain glass, '2Ibid., January 7, 1891, p. 6; January 13, 1891, p. 6. ':Ubid., April5, 1891, p. 16. â&#x20AC;˘^''Threatened by this importation of Golden pressed brick into I'tah, John P. Cahoon and his associates, local brick inanufacturers, immediately left for St. Louis, where they purchased $85,000 worth of pressed brick manufacturing eciui]jment. Soon after they incorporated the Salt Lake Pressed Brick C;ompany (later known as Interstate Brick) and in March 1891 announced that their new mac hineiv could manufacture higher c}ualitv bricks than tliose made in Golden, Cblorado. See Salt Lake Tribune, ]dmnu\25, 1891, p. 6; Januaiv .HI, 1891, p. 6; February 1 i, 1891, p. 6; and Marc h 28, 1891, p. 6. 'â&#x20AC;˘'Interview with Helen \'an Pelt Nyman, December 18, 1981, Salt Lake Chty. Mrs. Nyman's father, Henrv Van Pelt, purchased that house in 1891 and lived there until his death in 193.'). Mrs. Nyman and her husband, Emil, bought the house in 1937 and lived there until about 1982. "'Salt Lake Tribune, December 28, 1890. p. 16. DesjMte C:hamberlin's claims, the houses in Perkins' Addition were overshadowed in terms of scale and architectural exuberance by the houses in Darlington Place, a contemporary subdivision loc ated near Second Avenue and P Street in the Avenues district.

Fig. 2. Several houses constructed in Perkins' Addition are very similar to the sample houses in the advertisement. They include (left to right) 946 East 1700 South, 935 East Logan Avenue, and 921 East 1700 South. All National Register. The ca. 1909 photograph of the Logan Avenue house shows that its second story open porch was replaced early on by the gable roof over the front vestibule and the door converted into a window. USHS collections and Preservation Office photographs.


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stained glass, or memorial windows."^^ More basic, but perhaps an equally attractive feature of the houses, was their "modern" floor plan. The side-passage plan, which was the most popular Victorian floor plan both in Salt Lake City and throughout Utah, was used on all but perhaps one of the houses (figs. 3 and 4).^® Unlike the multi-purpose rooms of earlier, simpler house forms, the rooms in the side passage and other Victorian house plans were designed to accommodate specific domestic activities.^^ The main floor plan had an entrance hall, a formal parlor, a dining room, a family or living room, and a kitchen at the rear, often with an accompanying pantry or cellar. The bedrooms were located exclusively upstairs. Despite their basic similarities, the interiors of the Perkins' Addition houses vary, though not significantly, in the stairways, fireplaces, placement of closets, and in the shape and size of some of the rooms. The floor plan of the house at 946 East 1700 South, for example, is noticeably more compact than that of the house at 936 East 1700 South. Hattie Van Pelt discovered that fact, much to her dismay, as she walked through the smaller house for the first time after purchasing it in 1894. T h i n k i n g that it would be virtually the same as the house at 936 East 1700 South, which the Van Pelts had rented for several months in 1891, she urged her husband to purchase it at a tax sale, sight unseen. T h o u g h unhappy with its smaller rooms, she and her husband lived in the house for over forty years."^"^ The exterior of the houses express individuality, but they are also related as a group. T h e design of each of the houses employs its own combination of Victorian Eclectic elements, yet many of those elements are repeated from house to house. Features that betray the common design source of the houses include a prominent gable roof, projecting bays on the front and sides, two-story front porches, uncovered porches spanning the facade, bargeboards with a distinctive geometric pattern, and fish-scale or diamond pattern shingles in the gables. Chamberlin's associates, Burhaus and Vaughan, are known to have used the same styles on houses they built in the "Ibid., February 22, 1891, p. 16. •^^Several of the houses have been divided into apartments, so it is difficult to determine their original floor plans. Judging from the exterior, the Charles Weeks house at 935 East Logan Avenue is the only one that does not readily appear to have a side-passage plan. •"Gwendolyn Wright, Building the Dream (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981), p. 111. "•"Nyman interview.


Perkins'

41

Addition l-Aj*.

l&.vvv^M

^^r^^^^^^^^^fâ&#x20AC;˘^ ^ " N ? r ^

Fig. 3. Reportedly the model home for the subdivision, 946 East 1700 South IS the best preserved of the remaining Perkins' Addition houses. It was purchased by the Reverend William D. Mabry in January 1891 for $5,800. Preservation Office photograph. National Register.

Whittier neighborhood of Denver in 1889.^1 It is not known whether those styles were originated by them or whether they came from another source.^^ x h e Perkins' houses are the only known examples in Salt Lake City of these transplanted Colorado styles. After a busy winter of construction, Perkins' Addition emerged in the spring of 1891 as the most impressive new subdivision in the city. One of the leaders in the Salt Lake real estate market, William G. 4'C;c)lorado Historical Soc letv Preservation Office, "CAiltural Resource Survey: Whitlier Neighborhood Survey." April 1983. Portions of that survey and other pertinent inlormation are available in the National Register File "Perkins' Addition," located in the Preservation Research Office, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake Clily. 42'rhe designs for the houses may have come from house pattern books, a popular SOUK e of design at that time, thcmgh no clear mate h has yet been found in the available pattern books. I he use ol standard, familiar plans individuali/ed by superficial design elemenlsis a comnionleature of pattern book designs. See Dell Upton, "Pattern Books and Professionalism: Aspects of the Iransfonnatmn ol Domestic Architecture in America, 1800-1860," Winterlhur Portfolio 19 (Summer/Autumn 1984): 149-50.


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jl

Fig. 4. After changing hands several times during the 1890s, 950 East Logan Avenue was owned by William H. Tawney from 1904 until his death in 1959. Tawney was a commercial agent, rancher, and teacher. Preservation Office photograph. National Register.

Hubbard, conceded that fact in an advertisement for his Waterloo Addition, stating that "Waterloo will be the best improved addition on the market (except Perkins). . . ."^^ Even before the houses in Perkins were completed, developers of adjacent properties were using their proximity to Perkins as a promotional tool for their subdivisions.^^ Much as Gilbert Chamberlin had predicted, Perkins' Addition was, at least for a time, one of the most desirable and talked about subdivisions in Salt Lake City. The most impressive house in Perkins' Additon is the two-andone-half story house at 918 East Logan Avenue which has a large brick carriage house behind (fig. 5). Its first known o w n e r / occupants were John W. and Eliza B. Judd, who purchased it in ^'^Salt Lake Tribune, July 1, 1891, p. 8. "Ibid., December 22, 1890, p. 8; January 18, 1891, p. 6.


Perkins'

Addition

43

Fig. 5. The John W. Judd house at 918 East Logan Avenue. The large brick carriage house behind was the only one constructed in Perkins' Addition. Preservation Office photograph. National Register.

1892. Judd, a native of Tennessee and a veteran of the Confederate Army, brought his family to Utah in 1888 after being appointed to serve on the Territorial Supreme Court of Utah. After resigning that position in 1889, "Judge" Judd pursued his private law practice in Salt Lake City until returning to Nashville in 1898. There he continued his legal career and was later appointed to serve on the Tennessee Supreme Court. Despite their large home and their social standing, the Judds were best remembered in the neighborhood for


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Fig. 6. Charles S. Bennett, like several others, apparently bought the house at 936 East 1700 South for speculative purposes. In July 1891, soon after its completion, he advertised it as the "fuiest finished house in Perkins" and offered "very easy terms." Bryon Cummings, a University of Utah professor, was a long-time resident of the house. The photograph, probably taken at the turn of the century, is in the USHS collections. National Register.

their "exotic" nursemaid, a black woman named Charity."^^ From 1898 to 1900 the house was owned by David Evans, a prominent attorney and mining man in Utah. John Sermon, a woolgrower, lived in the house from 1901 to 1904, then sold it to Lyman R. Martineau. Martineau had just moved to Salt Lake City from Logan, where he had served on the Logan City Council, as Cache County assessor and treasurer, as a trustee of Brigham Young College, and for twenty years as a high councilman in the LDS Cache Stake. In Salt Lake City, he was president of Margis Investment Company and ran unsuccessfully for a U.S. congressional seat in 1908. Lyman died in 1926, but his family continued to live in the house until 1945. Perkins' Addition was an especially attractive home site for at least three of the early families who, for various reasons, lived in two ^^Nyman interview.


Perkins' Addition

45

or more of the homes in the neighborhood. Henry and Hattie Van Pelt, as previously mentioned, rented the house at 936 East 1700 South (fig. 6) in 1891, then purchased the house at 946 East 1700 South (fig. 3) in 1894. They remained there for the rest of their lives. Henry was an attorney, commissioner of the U.S. District Court in Utah, and a trustee of Westminster College. James B. Barton, president of Barton & Hoggan Meat & Grocery, lived in the house at 950 East Logan Avenue (fig. 4) from 1898 until 1904, then moved to the recently constructed house directly through the block at 951 East 1700 South. In 1907 he had the two-story brick house at 960 East Logan Avene constructed, a house that generally resembles the original houses in the subdivision. Harper J. Dininny lived in three of the original Perkins houses between 1891 and 1900. Dininny, an attorney with the Chamberlin group, came to Salt Lake City m March 1891 and soon after moved into the house at 925 East Logan Avenue. He remained there until about 1894, then moved to 950 East Logan Avenue (1894-96) and 1630 South 900 East (1897-1900; now demolished). Since Dininny actually purchased only the first house, it appears that he simply occupied whichever of the houses was vacant and still owned by the Chamberlin group, either due to foreclosure or other circumstances. Dininny later served for twelve years as city attorney for Salt Lake. Although Perkins' Addition was intended to be a large, fully developed subdivision of over three hundred homes, it never grew beyond the original thirteen houses that were constructed in 1891. T h e final advertisement for the subdivision in July 1891 explained that "Just at present, while the weather is so warm and so many folks just a trifle indifferent, we will have to temporarily postpone our Sunday talks with you in THE TRIBUNE... ."^^ xhose "talks" never resumed, and neither did construction activity in the subdivision. Several factors that may have contributed to the Perkins' Addition "failure" can be identified. T h e speculative nature of the real estate market at the time may not have been able to sustain investments such as Perkins, which required a more substantial commitment than did undeveloped property. Mismanagement of the company by Chamberlin or others may also have contributed to its demise. One indication of this was a major shake-up in the ^^Salt Lake Tribune, July 5, 1891, p. 16. This was die last Perkinsadvcrtisement in die Tribune, but advertisements continued in the Salt Lake Herald for several more weeks.


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company's organization in March 1891, at which the company's name was changed to Metropolitan Investment Company and Chamberlin was replaced by Harper J. Dininny as spokesman.''^ Paramount, however, was probably the major economic downturn that resulted in the nationwide depression of 1893. The actual decline in the local real estate market appears to have begun as early as mid-1891, just as the first phase of Perkins' Addition was being completed. None of the local subdivisions of the 1880s and '90s were fully developed before the depression halted virtually all real estate activity. Not until about 1910 did subdivision development once again gather momentum in Salt Lake City.^^ T h o u g h exceptional in some respects, Perkins' Addition was in many ways typical of the numerous subdivisions of its time. It was one of the dozens of subdivisions platted in the "southeastern suburbs" of Salt Lake City after the introduction of the electric streetcar in 1890. These subdivisions were popular because they offered the fresh air and uncrowded conditions of country living, yet, with their streetcar access, they were only a short ride from the city center. The electric streetcar was the major influence behind the transformation of the land south of the city from agricultural to residential use. T h e real estate potential that the streetcar lines created in that area motivated men such as Gilbert L. Chamberlin to pay inflated prices for what had previously been cheap agricultural land. Without the fast and convenient service of the electric streetcar, there would have been little demand for building lots in the southeastern suburbs, and the land there would likely have remained farmland much longer. Streetcar suburbs not only altered the use of the land, they also established a new pattern for laying out streets and blocks in Salt Lake City. T h e system of narrow, rectangular blocks used in Perkins' Addition and other Salt Lake City subdivisions was probably the most common subdivision grid throughout the country at that time. It was popular because of its simple layout, its efficient use of the land by eliminating "wasted" property in the interior of blocks, and "Sfl/^ Lake Tribune, March 12, 1891. p. 6. Another prominent figure in the comfjany who emerged at that time was G. W. E. Griffith. Griffith was the one responsible for transferring legal title for the Perkins' Addition profx-rty to its respective owners in June 1891. "â&#x20AC;˘^Someof the largest subdivisions in Salt Lake City were developed during die 1910s, including Highland Park, Federal Heights, and Gilmer Park.


Perkins'

47

Addition

L H

(0

< III o o a>

^^P

n a

U •21

•»»

1700 •3«

^

SOUTH •*•

N^ f ?g. 7. T/i6^ shaded that remain of the of the later houses twentieth century.

czi

buildings are the ten houses and one carriage house original Perkins' Addition development. A majority were constructed during the early decades of the Map by author.

because it provided street frontage to every lot on the block.^9 Subdivision blocks were a major departure from the large, square, ten-acre blocks of the original city plat, which was based on LDS church founder Joseph Smith's "Plat of the City of Zion."^o Although most of the streetcar subdivisions were not appreciably developed at the time of their introduction, the pattern of development they established has persisted to the present in the southeastern section of the city. T h o u g h much celebrated as a modern convenience at the time of its introduction, the electric streetcar system was not without its flaws, especially in the early years. Its unreliable service provoked at ^^Warner, Streetcar Suburbs, pp. 132-40. soThe first deviation from the City of Zion plat was the Avenues section (Plat D), which was platted in the earlv 1850s. Bkx ks there are sqiare but smaller (2'2 acres instead of 10), and the streets are narrower than those found in the original city. See Karl T. Haglund and Philip F. Notarianni, The Ax'enues of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City: Utah State Histcjrical Society, 1980), pp. 1-5.


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least one Perkins' Addition resident to move back into town. Henry Van Pelt, an attorney, found it impossible to carry on his practice properly because of delays and breakdowns of the streetcar system. After renting a house in Perkins'Addition for several months in 1891, he moved his family back into the central city area. They remained there only a couple of years, however, before returning to Perkins' Addition in 1894, apparently after the streetcar system had proved more reliable.^^ The development of streetcar subdivisions was widespread, despite the disapproval of LDS church leaders. According to LDS church historian Andrew Jenson, " U p to that time it had been one of the fundamental policies of the Latter-day Saints to hold on to their 'inheritances in Zion,' but now since there was an opportunity to get fabulous prices for their land holdings, the temptation to gain wealth gained the upper hand. . . . " LDS church leaders were disturbed by "the love of money and gain" that seemed to take possession of the members as "brethren who ought to have known better were selling out their property to land sharks as fast as they could." The April 1889 session of the church's general conference was devoted almost entirely to preaching against real estate speculation and the love of money.^2 gy|^ who could blame an elderly widow^ such as Sarah Gibson for making several thousand dollars off the sale of her farmland to a wealthy "capitalist" such as Chamberlin? Although Mormons were eager to sell their land in the peak years of subdivision development, they were not as willing to buy. One real estate broker in 1890 noted that "Mormons are sellers, not purchasers. They seem ever ready to sell, but in eighteen months our firm has been in business here, we have not made a single sale to a Mormon."^^ T h a t held true for Perkins property as well. None of the original residents there were Mormon, and even in later years suprisingly few Mormons purchased Perkins' Addition houses. T h e early concentration of non-Mormons in the southeastern suburbs can be attributed to two major factors. First, since the majority of non-Mormons were newly arrived opportunity seekers, it seems only natural that they would invest in the booming suburban real estate market. The southeastern suburbs, in particular, were ^'Nyman interview. 52Andrew Jenson, Autobiography

of Andrew Jenson (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1938),

p. 185. ^'^Salt Lake Tribune,

December 24, 1890, p. 6.


Perkins' Addition

49

noted for being built up by non-Mormon, out-of-state developers.^^ Many of them built homes in their subdivisions and lived there, at least for a time, to help promote the legitimacy of their projects. T w o of Chamberlin's associates are known to have lived in houses at Perkins' Addition, Harper J. Dininny and John Vaughan. Second, due to the tightly knit society of the LDS wards in the central city area, non-Mormons were more inclined to settle in the suburbs where the church's influence was less pervasive." In general, however, they did not bring their own churches and institutions with them into the suburbs. St. John's Episcopal Church, built in Perkins' Addition C.1895, was one of the few exceptions. Chamberlin and his associates were among the scores of out-ofstate developers who were attracted to Salt Lake City during the boom years of the 1880s and '90s. Indicative of that boom is the growth in the number of real estate firms. Only six or seven such businesses existed in 1887, but the number had blossomed to seventyfive by 1888, and all were "as busy as they can b e . " " T h e first real estate speculators came to Utah from Colorado and Iowa in 1887, then "new men and new money came from all directions" as the boom continued into the 1890s." Most of the real estate investors, however, continued to come from Denver and other Colorado towns, believing that "Salt Lake is destined to become another Denver."" Denver's boom of the 1880s served as both an inspiration and a model for developers in Salt Lake City. Gilbert L. Chamberlin, in the development of Perkins' Addition, was especially reliant on Colorado sources. He used Colorado designs and materials for the houses, and he used reputable subdivisions in Denver, specifically Wyman's Addition and Capitol Hill, as the standards to which he compared Perkins.^^ Despite being only partially completed, Perkins' Addition proved to be an attractive home site for some of the upper-middleclass residents of the city. Most of the early homeowners in Perkins were business or professional menâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;attorneys, educators, entresiRcmald R. Boyce, "An Historical Geography of Greater Salt Lake City, U t a h " (M.S. thesis. University of Utah, 19,57), p. 57. "Ibid., p. 57. 56J. Cecil Alter, Utah: The Storied Domain, 3 vols. (C:hicago: American Historical Society, 1932), 1:453. ^Wtah: Her Cities, Towns, and Resources (Chicago: Manly and Litteral, 1891), p. 40. ^ÂťSalt Lake Tribune, January 4, 1891, p. 6. s^Ibid., December 21, 1890, p. 12; January 17, 1891, p. 6.


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preneurs, publishers, politicians. These early residents, as well as the houses themselves, gave Perkins' Addition a distinct identity that other, less substantial subdivisions never achieved. The local impression of the neighborhood was not always favorable though. George Arbuckle, a Mormon bishop who lived near Perkins' Addition for many years, had a somewhat bitter recollection: [In 1890] a number of non-Mormons came from the East and...built houses which still remain. It was called the Perkins addition. These people were very anxious, I remember, to have us within the city limits. This was in the country, and of course, we escaped city taxes. This clique was anxious to get in the city, and they appealed to get us in. We were taken into the city, biu we did not get fire or police protection, though we paid taxes, and it remained that way for many years.^'^

As Arbuckle noted, the early occupants of the houses in Perkins' Addition were not only non-Mormon, they were also out-of-staters. They came to Salt Lake City with the boom of the late 1880s, and most of them left within a few years after the depression of 1893. Henry Luce, proprietor of Luce Sc Berryman's Mint Saloon, was the first of the Perkins' Addition homeowners to come to Salt Lake City, arriving in 1883 from Helena, Montana. T h e others came from midwestern and eastern states, most just a year or two before purchasing their homes in Perkins' Addition. They were among the thousands of non-Mormons who came to Utah in the 1880s and '90s, lured by the robust mining industry and by other business and investment opportunities. Charles H. Weeks, for example, was drawn to Utah by one of the thousands of promotional pamphlets distributed in eastern cities under the direction of the Salt Lake City Chamber of Commerce. Weeks brought his family to Salt Lake City in December 1890, purchased three lots in Perkins' Addition, and by spring was living in the house at 935 East Logan Avenue (fig. 2).^^ Some of these opportunity seekers established successful careers and remained in Utah the rest of their lives, but most stayed for only a few years, until the boom went bust. That pattern of short-term residency held true for the early residents of Perkins' Addition as well. Seventy percent of the first owners remained in the Perkins houses for â&#x20AC;˘""Francis W. Kirkman and Harold Lundstrom, ed.. Tales of a Triumphant People (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1947), p. 201. Aibuckle's house was at 747 East 1 700 .South, one and a half blcK ks west of Perkins' Addition. ^'^Salt Lake Tribune, December 21, 1890, p. 6. Western hnestment Ciompany of Chicago was hired by the Chamber of C:ommerce to distribute promotional pamphlets on .Salt I>ake in over 200 eastern cities. Thirty thousand such pamphlets were reportedly distributed per montii.


Perkins' Addition

^^

three years or less, and most of those left the state soon after moving out of Perkins' Addition. Subsequent owners of the houses generally remained much longer. Some, such as the Van Pelt, Frobes, Prosser, Tawney, and Martineau families, remained in their houses for several decades. Today, over ninety years after its development, Perkins' Addition is still recognizable as a distinct neighborhood. The ten remaining houses of the original Perkins' Addition are the most visible reminder in Salt Lake City's "southeastern suburbs" of the nationwide streetcar subdivision movement of the 1890s and the local characteristics of that period's real estate boom. Because of their historical importance, nine of the ten houses were listed in the National Register of Historic Places on October 13, 1983.^^

62The house at 955 East 1700 South was not listed in the National Register because its exterior appearance is significantly altered by a bungalow-type roof diat replaced the original gable rool after a c. 1915 fire.


Fig. 1. William Allen. Willam Allen Collection, Layton Heritage Museum.

William Allen, Architect-Builder, and His Contribution to the Built Environment of Davis County BY P E T E R L. G O S S

W I L L I A M AIT.EN WAS A PROLIEK: DESIGNER and builder of brick masonry residences, churches, civic buildings, and commercial Structures in Davis County. His career as an architect-builder began in the 1880s and continued for four decades. He is still remembered in the Davis County communities of Kaysville and Layton not only for his architecture, a great deal of which still survives, but also for his irascible personality. After a brief review of Allen's life, including his professional career, this essay will focus upon a series of high-style houses designed and built by Allen between 1890 and the early 1900s for a group of distinguished citizens of Kaysville and Layton. This is a revised version of a paper delivered in November 1982 at the Symposium on Utah Architecture.


William Allen, Architect-Builder

53

Allen began his career as a brick mason but soon became a contractor who eventually expanded this profession to include the design of buildings. His designs varied in size, scale, and complexity and displayed a familiarity with the literature of architecture, particularly builders' handbooks, stylebooks, and periodicals of the building trade. The tradition of the architect-builder in America was well established by the late nineteenth century. Notable architect-builders of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries include Richard Munday of Newport, Rhode Island, and Samuel Mclntire, of Salem, Massachusetts, woodcarver. Such persons rose from their various trades, such as carpenters, joiners, brick or stone masons, to become builders and designers. Utah's most well known nineteenth-century architect-builders include men like T r u m a n Angell and William Folsom, both associated with the early architecture of the LDS church. Whether they referred to themselves as builders or architects, they usually worked in close association with their clients in both the design and construction phases of the project. In describing an architect-builder from North Carolina, historian Catherine Bishir states that the architect-builder's creativity "lay not so much m exploring new concepts as in finding workable syntheses of popular and traditional elements that expressed their communities' accommodation to these forces."^ Bishir goes on to say that the abilities of these builders "lay behind the regional variations on national themes that form the great body of mid-level American architecture." As we shall see, this is true of William Allen and his contribution to the built environment of Davis County. Like many of Kaysville's residents, William Robert Allen was of English descent. He was born in London on New Year's Day in 1850 and lived in England until the age of twelve. He migrated to Utah and was first employed in Davis County as a farm hand. At the age of sixteen he began to learn his father's masonry trade. In the 1870 U.S. Census, he was listed as a brick mason boarding with the Booth family in Kaysville. He joined the Kaysville Brass Band at sixteen and played the cornet (fig. 1). He later played the violin and wrote musical compositions for this instrument. In 1876 at the age of 'Catherine W. Bishir, "Jacob W. Holt: An American Builder," Winterlhur 1981): 1.

Portfolio 16 (Spring


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twenty-six he married Mary Simms, also a native of England.^ Four years after his marriage, at the age of thirty, he was affected by deafness and was unemployed for half of that year, according to the 1880 U.S. Census.^ It is not known whether his physical handicap impaired his musical avocation; however, Allen was known for his quick temper, irascible personality, and pronounced nasal twang. Sometime during the decade of the 1880s he took up architectural drafting in addition to his work as a mason and contractor. His formal education in architecture occurred in 1895 when he was enrolled in the International Correspondence Schools architectural curriculum. He completed nineteen of the twenty-five courses in the "complete architecture" program but did not receive a diploma."^ In the 1890s Allen listed himself as both an architect and contractor in several commercial directories and even took large advertisements illustrated with an engraving or photograph of his larger works. T h e 1900 U.S. Census lists Allen as an "architect" living with a wife and seven childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;four daughters and three sons. An inactive member of the Mormon church and a staunch Republican, he lived in a house of his own design in Kaysville until 1928 when he died at the age of seventy-eight. Allen's advertisements in various commercial directories during the 1890s indicate he was the only "architect" in the county.^ As a result, people principally from the small communities of Kaysville, Farmington, and Layton relied upon his design skills for projects ranging from simple cottages and bungalows to large, high-style residences for some of the county's noteworthy and affluent families as well as for civic and religious buildings. His career as an architect-builder spanned the late 1880s to the middle of the 1920s. His oversized business card (fig. 2), dating from the first decade of this century, advertised some of his services and indicated that he was a "licensed architect." A list of some of his

2U. S., Bureau of the Census, Ninth Census of the United States: 1850, "Population SchedulesUtah Territory," vol. 1; Carol Ivins Collett, Kaysvilleâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Our Town: A History (Kaysville, Ut.: Kaysville City, 1976); and "William Allen Dies in Ogden," Kaysville Reflex, October 11, 1928. TJ.S., Bureau of the Census, Tenth Census of the United States: 1880, "Population Schedule -Utah Territory," vol. 1. ^Register of International Correspondence Schools, 3rd ed. (Scranton, Pa., 1908). p. 345. ^In a letter to his daughter Minnie, February 3, 1919, Allen boasted that he was die only registered architect in Davis County "under the laws of the State of Utah." He was among a group of the first licensed architects in Utah who were recorded as receiving their licenses on June 21, 1911, and was granted license number 9. State of Utah, Department of Registrations, "Register of Licenses and Certificates to 1929," Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City.


William Allen,

Architect-Builder

55

Fig. 2. William Allen's oversize business card, the verso of which listed his major architectural commissions. William Allen Collection, Layton Heritage Museum.

Fig. 3. Presbyterian church. Center Street, Kaysville, 1888. Photograph by author.


^(^

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accomplishments on the verso of his card shows that he had also designed buildings in Downey, Idaho, mostly public schools and churches, and one school in Arizona.*' One of his earliest designs, the Presbyterian church of 1888 (fig. 3), is still standing on Center Street, one block east of Kaysville's Main Street and only two blocks from the architect's residence. A simple gabled form of common bond brick masonry with a side tower and spire, it incorporates Gothic design motifs in the brick masonry as well as the woodwork of the spire. The careful attention to detail common to Allen's brick masonry can be seen in the stepped corbeling of the gable, the buttress and pinnacle of the righthand corner of the facade, and the raised Gothic pointed arch uniting the arches of the facade's two windows.^ Brick was a popular building material in nineteenth-century Utah, and brick industries were established in Wasatch Front communities by the beginning of the third quarter of the century. Kaysville's earliest brickmaker was Samuel Ward who produced building brick from 1875 until the first decade of this century. His competitors included the Kaysville Brick and Tile Company, begun in 1890, and later the Kaysville Brick Company formed in the 1900s by Simon Bamberger. Bamberger's railroad ran from Salt Lake City to Ogden, and by 1910 his firm employed as many as one hundred men during the summer months. Kaysville's largest nonagricultural industry at this time was brickmaking. Kaysville brick was used for numerous large building projects in local communities and several of Salt Lake City's largest buildings.^ Perhaps the grandest design of Allen's early career was the Davis County Courthouse (fig. 4) in Farmington. Commissioned in 1889, it was under construction in 1890. Allen was undoubtedly proud of the building since it appeared in several of his advertisements in commercial directories, complete with mention of the $12,500 building cost. More picturesque than earlier classically inspired courthouses found in other Utah county seats, this design is eclectic in its origin. It is highlighted by a series of round arched openings on each level and by similar motifs in the highly articulated tower. ^Acopy of Allen's business card, photographs of his work and tools, and a collection of o\er250 ink-on-linen drawings are now houstnl at the Layton Heritage Museum, Layton, Utah. ' T . Edgar Lyon, "Evangelical Protestant Missionary Activities in Mormon Dominated Areas: 1865-1900" (Pii.D. diss.. University of Utah, 1962), p.91. ^"Kaysville Where Factory and Farm Join Hands," Deseret News, December 7, 1910, p. 23.


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Fig. 4. Davis County Courthouse designed in 1889 by William USHS collections.

Allen.

Fig. 5. Barnes Block, Main Street, Kaysville, 1910. Photograph by author.

Fig. 6. Kaysville Tabernacle, Center Street, Kaysville, 1912. Photograph by author.


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Again, the fine craftsmanship of Allen's trade is apparent in the building's common bond brick masonry and brick arch openings accented by the use of light-colored stone. The Barnes Block of 1910 (fig. 5) remains one of the dominant commercial structures on Kaysville's Main Street. T h e Barnes family was one of Allen's best clients and eventually he built two homes for them. T h e Barnes Block originally housed the Barnes Banking Company in the southern half and the Kaysville Cooperative Mercantile Institution in the northern half. The design of this twostory brick structure is simple and straightforward and not unlike a great deal of commercial architecture in small Utah towns at the turn of the century. In fact, the design is similar in general appearance to Allen's Farmers' Union Building built in Layton in 1890.^ However, this earlier design has a more intricate and decorative angled entry characteristic of the picturesque styles of the late nineteenth century. In contrast, the neoclassically inspired Barnes Block has an angled entry on the southeast corner of the building separating the Main Street elevation, with its open window bays used for displays, from the more closed side elevation facing First North Street. This architectural feature functioned not only as the main entry to the Barnes Banking Company, i.e., through its pedimented door frame, but also as the billboard for the building's name. T h e structure is uniformly capped by a simple brick parapet above a projecting pressed metal cornice. Allen's finest and largest ecclesiastical commission, the Kaysville Tabernacle (fig. 6), was constructed in 1912 and dedicated in 1914. Built two years after the nearby Barnes Block, the design hints more strongly of the then-popular Neoclassical style. This is evident in the building's raised basement, creating the need for a formal stairway to the projecting entry porch. The porch itself consists of Tuscan columns in antis supporting an entablature and pediment. Roman arched windows, containing stained and leaded glass, flank the entry porch and sides of the building. Those windows flanking the entry are original and were constructed by Bennett's Paint and Glass in Salt Lake City.^° T h e tabernacle is one of Allen's finest works; thirty-three ink-on-linen drawings attest to the meticu^The Farmer's Union Building has recently been rehabilitated and now serves as the offices of the Laytcjn First National Bank. '"Joyce Athay Janet ski, "A History, Analysis and Registry of Mormon Architectural Art Glass in Utah" (Master's thesis. University of ITtah, 1981), pp. 269-70.


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Fig. 7. Watercolor rendering for a cottage built in Kaysville (see cover of this issue). William Allen Collection, Layton Heritage Museum.

lous detailing found in the design. Allen's other designs for the Mormon church include a Gothic Revival wardhouse for South Bountiful and a meetinghouse each for Centerville and Clearfield, Utah. In addition to his public school buildings in Downey, Idaho, and Pima, Arizona, Allen designed a number of schools in Davis County. A partial list includes elementary schools for Centerville (1915) and Kaysville (1914). Both high school designs were done in association with J. L. Chesebro, an architect from Salt Lake City who is credited with the design of East High School. Like most of his professional contemporaries, Allen derived most of his income from commissioned residences. The exact number of houses he designed is not known; however, twenty-seven have been identified in the communities of Layton and Kaysville.^^ Drawings of seventeen residences are found in the William Allen Collection of architectural drawings; eight are located in either Kaysville or Layton and one each in the Davis County communities of Syracuse and Farmington. Allen's residential designs span a range of architectural styles and house types. In a number of his smaller houses or cottages during the late 1880s and into the following decade he employed the popular Queen Anne and Victorian Eclectic styles (fig. 7), some with Eastlake porches. Near the turn of the century the designs included houses with neoclassical porches in the Victorian Eclectic style (figs. 8 and 9). During the teens and twenties his designs "These sites have been identified by Clarol Morgan and Oma Wilcox and desc ribed in a brochure foraUtahlleritageFoundation tour of Alien's buildings. May 1979. Allen did design residences in other Da\is Countv commimities.


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Fig. 8. Ink-onlinen elevation of the Streeper house. William Allen Collection, Layton Heritage Museum.

Fig. 9. Ink-onlinen elevation of the Sheffield house, Kaysville. William Allen Collection, Layton Heritage Museum.

followed the fashion with examples of Arts and Crafts houses, the Bungalow, and the Prairie School bungalow.^^ Of particular interest architecturally and historically are his larger two-story, high-style, residential designs. A group of eight such houses (of which seven still stand) were designed and built between the 1890s and the early 1900s for his more affluent and locally prominent clients. These houses, representing some of Allen's most imaginative work, were designed in the Victorian Eclectic style. They have both similarities and differences in their style and spatial arrangements and are indicative of this architect-builder's craftsmanship, the variety of his architectural motifs, and his repetitive use of those motifs. '^It should be noted that the cjuality and character of draftsmanship in Allen's ink-on-linen drawings vary, and it is quite likely that not all the drawings were drafted by him.


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Fig. 10. The William Allen house, 8 North 300 East, Kaysville. USHS collections.

The clients of these seven houses shared a common British origin, with one exception; they were sons of British immigrants and sons of Utah pioneers. Their occupations involved some aspect of agribusiness, including farming, banking, ranching, and irrigation canal companies. A number of them were related by marriage. The residences located in Kaysville and Layton were all constructed of stretcher bond brick masonry and built during a period of growth economy for both the county and the state. T h e background of these clients (some of whom gained statewide recognition) and their relationship to Davis County are discussed in an accompanying article by Glen Leonard. Five of these houses were designed and constructed in the 1890s and are based on a building type known as the cross-wing.^'^ Crosswing designs were published in popular nineteenth-century stylebooks of architecture. Architectural historian Del Upton has noted a special form of the cross-wing that incorporates a tower.^^ The tower is located in the corner formed by the main block and the cross-wing. At least seven cross-wing houses are known to have been designed by William Allen, of which five incorporate a towerlike projection at the angle of the main block and the cross-wing, including Allen's own house (fig. 10) in Kaysville. T h e style of Allen's towered crosswing houses varied from the early published designs. However, this ' ' T h o m a s Clarter, " ' T h e Best of Its Kind and Grade': Fhe Rebuilding of die Sanpete Valley, 1890-1910." this issue, pp. 88-112. '^Del Upton, "Pattern Books and Professicjnalism: Aspects of lire I ransformation of Domestic Architecture in America, 1800-1860," Winterthur Portfolio 19 (Summer/Autumn 1984): 107-50.


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Fig. 11. The John Henry Layton house (left), 683 West Gentile Street, Layton. USHS collections. National Register. Fig. 12. The George Willard Layton house (above), 2767 West Gentile Street, Layton. Photograph by Thomas Carter. National Register.

is not true of his plans that repeat the basic plan type: a central passage separating two public rooms that open on to one another from another public room such as the dining room and kitchen. The first two residences to be examined belonged to two sons of Davis County pioneer Christopher Layton for whom the city of Layton was named. John Henry Layton was the eldest son of Christopher's fifth wife, while his brother George Willard Layton was the first child of Christopher's seventh wife and eight years younger than his brother. The John Henry Layton house (fig. 11) is located at 683 West Gentile Street in West Layton, and the George Willard Layton house (fig. 12) is located some twenty blocks to the west at 2767 West Gentile Street. The Layton brothers homesteaded land


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^1 I SUMMER I I KITCHEN I

Figs. 13 and 14. Floor plans of the John Henry Layton house (left) and George Willard Layton house (right). Drawn by author.

deeded to them by their father, and both became successful bankers and ranchers. John H. Layton was considered one of the wealthiest farmers in Davis County at the time of his death.^^ He was a director of the National Bank of Layton, while his brother George W. was bank president and a stockholder in the Ellison Ranching Company. The brothers' Victorian Eclectic, high-style dwellings appear similar in massing and in the asymmetry of their cross-wing plans. The second-story porch tower located directly above the main entry is covered by a portion of a pyramidal roof which projects above the ridge of the main roof reinforcing the picturesque quality of irregularity common to the style and relating the visual image of the house to the cross-wing and tower type. The plans of the Layton houses are similar but not identical, for one is the mirror image of the other. In the John Henry Layton house plan (fig. 13) a central passage or hallway containing a staircase separates the dining room and kitchen located in the cross-wing from the parlor and sitting room, or possibly a bedroom, of the main block. A separate brick summer kitchen is now attached to the house ^''Deseret News, F"ebruary 3, 1920, p. 8.


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via a wooden stud wall; the rear porch (at the rear of the main block) was enclosed between 1910 and 1920. In the George W. Layton house plan (fig. 14) the kitchen is found in the lean-to at the rear of the cross-wing, and the room behind the parlor in the main block continues to function as a bedroom. Although similar in plan type and visual image, the two houses, upon closer examination, exhibit a number of differences in architectural detailing. Allen, the master brick mason, utilized polychromy in both instances to highlight the red brick stretcher bond masonry wall of both buildings. Yellow brick is seen at the water table, stringcourses, and around the arched lintels of the windows of the J o h n H. Layton house. Gray stone is used in the water table and gray brick in the stringcourses and to outline the horseshoe and round arched openings in the George W. Layton house. A brick stringcourse on the elevations of Allen's buildings (most often appearing on the main elevation) was a common motif; however, it appears on both floors of the Layton house elevations. The other major difference between the two buildings is the architectural character of the exterior woodwork. In combination with the skillfully crafted brick masonry the woodwork further enhances the picturesque character of the style. Its location in these residences is identical, i.e., on the gables, the porch and porch tower, the window frames, and the gable of the dormer. Here again there is a difference: the John H. Layton house woodwork is characterized by a flat, two-dimensional wooden detail, with the exception of the porch columns, while the George W. Layton house contains a combination of flat, jig-sawn patterns (also seen in the former residence) with three-dimensional, lathe-turned spindle work common to the Eastlake style. One wooden architectural motif often seen in the exterior woodwork of Allen's designs is the use of a half or engaged column resembling the Tuscan order applied to the surface of the wooden mullion separating two double-hung windows. This appears on the bay of the first floor of the John H. Layton house and on the second floor of the bay on the George W. Layton house. In both instances a transom w indow caps this motif. T h e transom window of the John H. Layton house is a decorative, round arch window of colorful art glass. T h e interior woodwork of both houses is similar, in contrast to the buildings' exterior, but not unlike the woodwork found in many late Victorian houses in Utah. Simple window and door casings of


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Figs. 15 and 16. Ink-on-linen elevation and floor plan of the John George Moroni Barnes house, 42 North 100 West, Kaysville. William Allen Collection, Layton Heritage Museum. National Register.

pine were built of plain moulding profiles as were the baseboards. Head blocks and corner blocks were decorated with a bull's-eye motif, and the entire assemblage was hand grained to imitate various hardwoods. The Layton residences are notable examples of cross-wing and tower designs in the Victorian Eclectic style in Davis County, a style that was quite popular in Utah in the late nineteenth century and coincided with the growth economy and building boom along the Wasatch Front.^^ These exuberant dwellings are also the finest examples of William Allen's designs for large two-story houses in this style. Their picturesque character and fine craftsmanship in both brick masonry and woodworking is in contrast to the designer's restrained but equally well crafted additional examples of Victorian Eclecticism. T h e largest cross-wing and tower design by William Allen is the John George Moroni Barnes house (fig. 15), 42 North 100 West, Kaysville. T h e client, a merchant and the son of J o h n R. Barnes, was described in his obituary in the Deseret News as an "outstanding industrialist, banker, merchant and agriculturalist."^^ At the time of his death in 1932 he was either an officer or on the board of a number of businesses in Davis County. '6[/<fl/i.- Her Cities, Towns, and Resources (Chicago: Manly & Litteral, 1891), i)p. 40-44. 'Weseret News, July 26, 1932, p. 1, and July 27, 1932, secticjn 2, p. 1.


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Allen's use of brick in the Barnes house is more conservative and lacks the polychromy present in the Layton residences. Changes over the years have obscured or obliterated a number of the details in the architectural fabric. This is apparent when one examines the facade rendering (fig. 15), one of ten ink-on-linen drawings by Allen for this impressive residence. The use of lathe-turned woodwork on the porch and porch tower is similar to but heavier than that used on the George W. Layton house. T h e more unusual features in the design of this residence include the bell-cast roof with a steep, gabled dormer containing a round arch window atop the octagonal bay projecting from the main block. T h e cresting atop the bell-cast roof and the ridge line has not been retained. Additional alterations that have had a negative affect upon the original design include removing wooden posts and balustrades of the porch and porch tower in the 1920s and replacing them with square brick piers and the more recent addition of an asphalt shingle roof over the original cut cedar shingles. As in the Layton residences the plan (fig. 16) has a long narrow central passage containing the main staircase and separating the parlor in the main block from the dining room in the cross-wing. The parlor opens into a rear bedroom via sliding doors, and behind it is a bathroom and laundry. T h e kitchen and pantry are adjacent to the dining room; the kitchen is accessible from the central passage. T h e size and number of the rooms are greater than in the Layton houses, and the inclusion of a pantry, a glazed conservatory (west elevation), and a fireplace in both the dining room and the parlor indicate that a grander house was envisioned. The interior woodwork of the house, as in a number of Allen's designs, consists of a common plain or beaded moulding profile, window and door casings with baseboards, and head blocks all of pine and all grained to imitate hardwoods. Allen again used the cross-wing house type, but without a tower and internally without a cental passage, in the Thomas J. Smith house (fig. 17), 427 North Main Street, Kaysville, and the John R. Barnes house (fig. 18), 10 South 100 West, Kaysville. Both designs are more restrained in massing and decorative detailing than either of the previously discussed residences. Smith was a farmer and stockman who later began harvesting fruit on his farm located directly behind his house. John R. Barnes, a Kaysville pioneer, attempted farming and teaching but found merchandising more to his liking. Fie was a brother-in-law to Henry H. Blood (also a client of Allen) as well as a


Fig. 17. The Thomas J. Smith house (right), 472 North Main, Kaysville. Photograph by author.

Fig. 18. The John R. Barnes house (left), 10 South 100 West, Kaysville. Photograph by author. National Register.

Fig. 19. Floor plan of the John R. Barnes house. Drawn by author.

Fig: 20. South elevation of the Thomas J. Smith house, Kaysville. Photograph by author.


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Fig. 21. Floor plan of the Thomas J. Smith house. Drawn by author.

brother-in-law to Christopher Layton. His residence consists of an earlier house (1870s) built to face 100 West and to which William Allen added the western portion, possibly as early as 1891, facing Center Street. The Barnes house (fig. 18), the earlier of the two designs, is also the more restrained, perhaps due to the fact that it was an addition. A hip roof dormer with two double-hung windows projects from the roof of the cross-wing portion of the elevation. T w o major differences seen in this design when compared with the Layton residences are a neoclassical porch rather than an Eastlake porch and a hipped roof over the bay of the main block in place of the decorative gable. This substantial addition is essentially the same visual arrangement, although a mirror image, of the Smith house facade (compare figs. 17 and 18). Identical engaged Tuscan columns separate the double windows in the dormers of these two designs. Similar stained and leaded art glass windows are also found in both designs above the central plate glass windows of the half octagonal bay. Absent from these two designs is the brick stringcourse of contrasting color incorporated into the Layton residences. In plan (fig. 19), the Barnes addition lacks a central staircase separating the public spaces of the cross-wing from those of the main block. Instead, the main entry, located in the cross-wing, opens into a nearly square dining room at the rear of which is the kitchen. T o the right of the dining room in the main block is the parlor with its bay window. T h e enclosed staircase is situated in the main block and separates the parlor from the narrow rectangular bathroom.


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Drawings of the Thomas J. Smith residence indicate the house was completed as designed. Well constructed in the usual stretcher bond, this cross-wing design appears to contain two cross-wing facade elevationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the west elevation facing North Main Street (fig. 17) and the south elevation (fig. 20). It is the west elevation that is the mirror image of the Barnes residence, with the exception of the curved south end of the neoclassical porch. T h e south end of the cross-wing of this facade becomes the bay of the main block of the south elevation. Allen repeated the central window motif of the facade bay, complete with identical art glass windows, and covered the bay with an unusual roof. In place of the hipped roof seen on the bay of the west elevation Allen has eliminated the side windows in the second story and pitched the roof downward, thus framing the two sides of the central fixed glass window. T h e effect created by the projecting second-story window is one of a tower in the center of the bay. Below the overhanging decorative edge of the cornice, on either side of the central window, Allen inserted his only decorative brick motif in the designâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an " X " pattern of rock-faced orange brick. In plan (fig. 21), this cross-wing house exhibits a few changes in comparison with the plans of the Barnes house. As in the J o h n G. M. Barnes house, the front door opens into a small vestibule. This small space contains two doors, one to the right, leading into the parlor, and one straight ahead, leading into the large dining room. The arrangement of the dining room in one cross-wing abutting the Fig. 22. The Henry H. Blood house (left), 95 South 300 West, Kaysville. Photograph by author. National Register.

Fig. 23. South elevation of the Hyrum Stewart house (right). North 300 West, Kaysville. Photograph by author.


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parlor in the main block is not unlike the plan of the J o h n R. Barnes house. However, the placement of the staircase in the Smith residence creates an awkward L-shaped parlor. Both the parlor and the dining room are well illuminated by their windowed bays. T h e interior woodwork of these residences is similar in design and finish to that of the Layton and Barnes houses. Two Kaysville residences not of the cross-wing type are the Henry H. Blood house (fig. 22), 95 South 300 West, and the larger Hyrum Stewart house (fig. 23) at 111 North 200 West. Blood, a noted businessman, was an officer and board member of a number of Utah companies. He served in various public offices in Davis County from 1897 to 1918, and then in state positions from 1918 to 1925. A twoterm governor of Utah during the 1930s, he was also the first state executive to occupy the Kearns mansion in Salt Lake City. An active member of the Mormon church, he served as president of the California Mission after completing his second term as governor.^^ The Blood house is a picturesque one-and-one-half-story Victorian Eclectic design that in its original form was cottage-like in scale and based on a side-passage plan. T h e facade is narrow and asymmetrical. This asymmetricality is reinforced by the irregular roof silhouette created by a series of hip roof dormers, hip projections off the main pyramidal roof, the octagonal corner tower of brick masonry and wooden Queen Anne decorative motifs, and the recessed entry preceded by a decorative wooden porch. T h e original sidepassage lobby-entry plan (fig. 24) contained only four spaces. To the left of the entry hall and staircase is the parlor with its corner nook (created by the tower); and behind it, separated by sliding doors, is the living room (possibly doubling as the dining room) and also referred to as the music room. T h e door at the rear of the entry hall leads to the original kitchen. The interior woodwork in the three public spacesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; entry hall, parlor, and living roomâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;is more decorative than the previously discussed residences, although it follows a similar format. T h e square newel post, decorated with half spheres and oversized bull's eyes, and the balustrade of the staircase are more unusual. In 1915 a skillfully integrated addition extended the dwelling, providing a new kitchen and bath on the main floor and additional bedrooms on the second floor. Allen carefully matched the brick in

^meseret News, ]unc 19, 1942, p.1, and June 20, p. \; Salt Latie Tribune, ]ui\c 20, 1942, p. L a n d June 21, 1942, p. 1-3.


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Fig. 24. Floor plan of the Henry H. Blood house. Drawn by author.

the addition as well as the decorative woodwork to the original. Hyrum Stewart began his career in merchandising at the age of eighteen, eventually owning his own business as well as a farm in Davis County. He was the son of pioneer shoemaker William Stewart and the brother of Emily Stewart Barnes, third wife of John R. Barnes.1^ Larger than the Blood house, the Stewart house (fig. 23) is similarly sited on a corner lot. One of Allen's largest residential designs, it is comparable in scale to the John G. M. Barnes house. A full two-story house based on a rectangular plan, it is built, as were most of Allen's houses, upon a rock foundation capped by a cut stone water table and walls of stretcher bond brick masonry. Like the Blood residence, this is an ^^Deseret News, F"ebruary 5, 1920, p. 8.

Fig. 25. East elevation of the Hyrum Stewart house. Photograph by author.


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eclectic design. It includes two entries, a neoclassical porch, a corner tower with a conical roof, and the usual two-story bay. Most of the decorative features are found on the south and east elevations and are a curious combination of picturesque and neoclassical elements. The asymmetrical south elevation (fig. 23) contains an oddly angled wooden porch squeezed between the projecting wall on the left and the corner tower to the right. This neoclassical porch, which includes an entablature with a cornice and dentils and an oversized pediment containing a sculpted wreath of carved and painted wood, contrasts with the rock-faced red brick masonry of the tower and rock-faced gray stone of the lintels and sills of the windows. Additional neoclassical decoration includes the elliptical window framed in brick and highlighted by rock-faced stone keystones and engaged Tuscan columns of wood in the second story of the tower. These support a wood frieze of garlands and dentiled cornice. T h e remaining decorative feature of this elevation is the double window capped by a fanlight of stained and leaded art glass framed by an elliptical arch of rock-faced stone with an accented keystone. At the rear of the building, or the left side of the south elevation, there is a projecting gable roof wing nearly identical to the laundry wing of the John G. M. Barnes house. The asymmetrical east elevation (fig. 25) contains a central entry with fanlight and sidelights preceded by a gable roof porch (possibly a later addition) supported by Doric, half-fluted columns. T h e entry is framed by the rock-faced brick corner tower on the left and the angled bay on the right. Gray stone rock-faced headers and sills are also utilized in the window openings. The frieze of garlands seen on the corner tower is repeated on the angled wall surfaces of the bay, and the cornice with dentils stretches the full width of the facade. Heretofore there had always been a consistency in the style and materials in Allen's designs; his justification for such an awkward combination of architectural features in so large a commission is unknown. T o what extent the client may have interacted in the design process of the house is open to speculation. Drawings of Allen's designs and the existing buildings indicate that such a departure was certainly a rare occurrence. As an architect-builder William Allen fulfilled a vital role in the design and construction of buildings in Davis County. His advertisements indicate he was the only architect in the county in the 1890s and early 1900s. People in the small Davis County communities of


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Kaysville, Layton, and Farmington relied upon his skills as both a designer and builder for projects ranging from simple cottages and later bungalows to large, high-style residences as well as civic, commercial, and religious buildings. Very likely such commissions would not have attracted design talent from Utah's urban centers of Salt Lake City and Ogden. Allen was therefore able to make his living as an architect-builder primarily from commissions close to his own doorstep. His clients included average citizens as well as wealthy and prominent county figures. Certain families, including some discussed here, utilized his skills exclusively for a variety of projects ranging from commercial and industrial buildings to their residences. If one were to compare Allen's work with the designs of his contemporaries in other parts of the country one would note that he was a competent designer and builder and that his work was simple and straightforward, but not necessarily imaginative. This is evident in the wide range of his work encompassing public, commercial, religious, and residential buildings and in various artifacts including his drawings and buildings. It is apparent that he tried to keep abreast of fashion throughout his career, although there was little experimentation with building materials. It is difficult to determine whether this reflects a lack of imagination on his part, the sophistication of his client, or simply the lack of variety and availability of building materials. With some exceptions there is a lack of imaginative brick masonry in comparable Queen Anne and Neoclassical style buildings throughout the state despite the popularity of brick as a building material. Today the artifacts of Allen's architectural legacy attest to his competence and craftsmanship as a respected member of the community. An inactive Mormon, he was still chosen by his religious peers to design the community's most notable religious building, the Kaysville Tabernacle. The seven residential examples analyzed above are just as noteworthy today in the villages of Layton and Kaysville and in the rapidly disappearing rural landscapes of Davis County as they were at the turn of the century. They are, to paraphrase Bishir, regional examples of national themes that constitute a portion of the body of mid-level American architecture.


Detail of the John. H. Layton house, Layton. Photograph by Peter L. Goss.

William Allen's Clients: A Socio-economic Inquiry BY G I , E N M. L E O N A R D

I N THE 1890s ARC:HiTECT-BinLDER William Allen designed and built several handsome high-style brick homes for clients in central Davis County. Peter Goss introduces the clients in his study of seven of the surviving homes and their architect in this issue of the Quarterly.^ His architectural analysis opens the door to further inquiry into the socio-economic environment of the seven clients who commissioned these late Victorian, high-style brick homes in Kaysville and Layton, Utah. Goss identified three avenues to the study of the client families. These include (1) their common British origin, (2) numerous, close kinship ties, and (3) a common involvement in local agribusiness. Dr. Leonard, a Utah historian and museum administrator, serves on the Achisory Board of Editors of Utah Historical Quarterly. This paper is an expanded version of a commentary deli\eied in November 1982 at the symposium on Utah architectural history. 'Peter I.. Cioss, "William Allen, Architect-Builder, and His Contribution to the Built Eiuironmeni of Da\ is County, " pp. 52-73.


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commerce, and community and religious affairs. These elements are consistent threads in the life stories of clients John R. Barnes, John G. M. Barnes, Henry H. Blood, George W. Layton, John H. Layton, Thomas J. Smith, and Hyrum Stewart. In the context of local history these commonalities reveal a fascinating picture of the families who commissioned Allen to build some of central Davis County's finest late nineteenth-century houses. T H E BRITISH CONNECTION

The seven clients shared an English background, mostly as the sons of British immigrants. John R. Barnes and the parents of the other clients chose to settle near other British Latter-day Saints in Kaysville, a community soon dominated by converts of recent English origin. If not residents of the same English county or shipmates en route to America, they had become friends in Mormon gathering places near Nauvoo. Friendships were further cemented by marriages, in the Old World or the New. They had left England by choice in response to religious motivations. Common origins, friendships, family ties, and shared experiences brought them together in a "little England" in northern Utah. Known as Kay's Ward (later Kaysville) after its English founding father, William Kay, the community where the seven client families lived had evolved by the end of the century into two separate cities. The division was a process begun by the incorporation of Kaysville in 1868 and completed in 1889 when Layton was incorporated.2 In its early years Kaysville (including Layton) was predominately British, unlike Utah Territory as a whole. In the 1850 census 38.5 percent of Kaysville residents identified England as their birthplace. In Utah Territory in 1850 only 9.5 percent of the population was of English origin. When only heads of household are considered, the British impact is made clearer. Among Kaysville's adult population of sixty-two persons, British immigrants accounted for thirty-three people, or just over 53 percent.^ All of the client families can be counted among Kaysville's pioneer settlers. With one exception, all were established by the end 2CarolIvinsC/)llett,A:a>'.ST'z7/eâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;OwrToit^n.-^ Ht5<or>) (Kaysville, Ut.: Kaysville City, 1976), pp. 8, 102,109-10. ^ ^.,â&#x20AC;&#x17E; TJ S Bureau of the Census, Seventh Census of the United States: 1850, p. 988, and Population Schedules- 1850," pp. 1-13. This census was taken in the spring of 1851. See also Glen M. Leonard, A History of Farmington, Utah, to 1890" (M.A. thesis, University of Utah, 1966), pp. 31-35.


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of the first decade, enjoying whatever advantage that might have given them socially and economically. Only Henry Blood's ancestors were resident in Kaysville for the 1850 census, but other client families arrived shortly afterward. Hyrum Stewart's father was included in the bishop's December 1852 report of members (as was William Booth, who took in William Allen as a boarder when he arrived in 1863). Client John R. Barnes (whose client-son John G. M. was born in Kaysville) was among the immigrants of 1853, while Christopher Layton (father of clients John and George) arrived in Kaysville in 1857. Thomas J. Smith emigrated about 1867-68, the last to relocate from England.'* Available information on the client families shows that acquaintanceships developed through common British origins and shared Mormon migration experiences often had a bearing upon the choice of Kaysville as a settlement site. Once in Kaysville, these families reinforced their relationships through continuing friendships, new interfamily marriages, business partnerships, or church assignments. T h e resulting interwoven social fabric of friendship and kinship established a backdrop for financial opportunities and the accumulation of the wealth that made possible Allen's commissions for the fine brick homes in the 1890s. A number of early Kaysville residents were among the English converts of Elder Wilford Woodruff in the spring of 1840 in Staffordshire and Herefordshire. Three of Woodruff's United Brethren converts—Edward Phillips, John Hyrum Green, and William Kay—reached Kaysville in 1850, the first arrivals after founding fathers Hector C. Haight and Samuel O. Holmes. A second settlement trio to arrive in Kaysville in 1850 (in September) included Englishmen Henry Woolley (step-grandfather of client Henry Blood), William Lauder Payne, and William B. Smith (whose ties with Christopher Layton will be explored shortly). Woolley, Payne, and Smith had known William Kay at an English Mormon community nine miles east of Nauvoo called Big Mound. Other residents of that British waystation were John Marriott (ancestor of the J. Willard Marriotts of Hot Shoppe and hotel fame) and Robert W. Burton. Marriott, Burton, and William Stewart (father of client Hyrum Stewart) reached Kaysville together. This "•"Registry of the Names of Persons Residing in the Various Wards, etc., as to Bishops' Reports, Great Salt Lake City, December 28, 1852," typescript, LDS Genealogical Society, n.d., pp. 67-68; "U.S. Census 1850, Davis County, Utah," typescript. Genealogical Society, Salt Lake City.


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third settlement trio took up land near Samuel Holmes.^ William Kay was released as bishop, and Brigham Young later called him to help establish Mormon settlements in Carson Valley, Nevada, in 1856. He was there associated with Christopher Layton, who was not yet a Kaysville resident. Layton has reached Utah in 1852 and lived in several locations in Salt Lake City and then in Grantsville before responding to the call to help settle western Nevada. When called back to Utah the following November, the Carson Valley pioneers stopped over in Kaysville. Christopher Layton stayed with William B. Smith, friend, brother-in-law, and former neighbor at LaHarpe, near Big Mound. Layton then purchased the home of David Day, one of the English tenant boarders of the 1851 census, and became a permanent resident of the community.^ Layton's attraction to Davis County may well have been influenced by the availability of good farm land. But his aquaintanceships with William Kay, William B. Smith, J o h n Marriott, John R. Barnes, and William Stewart should not be ignored. Layton and his new bride were immigrants to Nauvoo in 1842. For three years, he and John Marriott, who preceded him to Kaysville, were involved in well-digging, house-building, and hay-cutting in the Nauvoo area and farming in LaHarpe and Big Mound on the prairies east of the Mormon capital. After his wife's death in September 1845 Christopher entrusted their year-old daughter to the childless William B. Smiths who raised her to adulthood. In the exodus from Nauvoo, Layton joined the Mormon Battalion in its march to California; then, after two years as a ranch hand, he sailed by way of Cape Horn for Liverpool. Once again in his native England, Layton returned to the neighborhood of his youth. At Bedfordshire he married Sarah Martin and arranged passage to America for a company of sixty-six English Saints. Among the party were his widowed father, Samuel, who lived out his life in Kaysville; two nephews, Charles and Abraham Layton; his wife's parents and eight other members of the Martin family; his wife's friend Sarah Barnes (a sister of John R. Barnes), whom Layton married in 1852 as a plural wife; and the William Stewart and ^Collett, Kaysville, pp. 7-10; Joseph Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, ed. B.H. Roberts, 7 vols., 2d ed. rev. (Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1964), 4:122-23. ^Myron W. Mclntyre and Noel R. Barton, eds., Christopher Layton (Layton, Ut.: Christopher Layton Family Organization, 1966), 81-89, 93, 101.


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William Foxley families. T h e Martins, Stewarts, and Foxleys spent a year and a half in the St. Louis area before heading for Salt Lake City in 1852.7 This recital of Christopher Layton's travels illustrates the point that friendships and family ties established prior to settlement in Utah influenced the selection of a locality for settlement. Many of the English settlers preserved their unity in Kaysville. In selecting city lots they chose to congregate along west Center Street. William Allen's own home occupied a lot just off Center Street, but at 300 East, on the opposite side of Main Street from his English compatriots.^ T h e English connection of Allen's clientsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and their friendsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;persisted throughout their lives and helps explain the geography of settlement in Kaysville. KINSHIP T I E S

Prior association based upon a shared national origin is but one factor toward an understanding of the William Allen high-style house clients. A second influence in their lives may tell even more about their social prominence and financial success. T h a t factor is kinship. Several relationships by marriage, blood, and adoption have already been identified. The actual extent of relationships among the clients is surprising. All but one of them can claim blood or marriage ties to one or more of the others. This web of interrelationships is summarized in fig. 1. T h e relationships center around client John R. Barnes. He is the father of a second client, John G. M. Barnes; father-in-law to a third, Henry H. Blood, who married John R.'s daughter Minnie; and brother-in-law to a fourth: John R. Barnes's third wife, Emily Stewart Barnes (Minnie Blood's mother), who was sister to client Hyrum Stewart. John R. Barnes was an uncle to a fifth and sixth client through his sister, Sarah Barnes, who was the fourth wife of Christopher Layton. Layton's sons (by other wives) included John H. Layton and George W. Layton. T h e seventh client, Thomas J. Smith, remained outside the Barnes-Blood-Stewart-Layton network. His parents, William A. and Nancy Anne Turner Smith, were not the Smiths who raised Christopher Layton's oldest surviving child, Elizabeth Layton 'Ibid., pp. 5-7, 11-13,21-22, 33-34, 76, 79-82; Ivy Hoojx-r Blocxl Hill, William Blood; His Posterity and Biographies of Their Progenitors (Logan, Ut.: J.P. Smith and Son, 1961), pp. 16, 19. 8See Joseph Barton's 1872 map, "Kays Ward or Kaysville as it was Oct. 27, 1862," and "Kaysville Historical Map," both in Collett, Kaysville, pp. 42-43, 193-202.


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Clients

Figure 1

Client Family Ties Charles Stewart II

Elizabeth Stewart

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Sophia Tingey James Burton

II

John Marriott II

_ ^

Isabella ^ ^ Walton

Margaret Burton Robert W. Burton ji

John Marriott^ II fFrances ^ Warren or Parrish

Elizabeth Marriott

Charles T. Stewart

Mary Ann Marriott

Hyrum Stewart

II

William Stewart

Henry Blood

Emily Stewart

II

Minnie Barnes

(3)11

William Barnes Elizabeth Jeffries

Key â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Lines indicate parent-child

John R. Barnes Emily Shelton Sarah Barnes (4)11

Christopher Layton (7)-

II

= Indicates marriage (4) Indicates wife number in plural marriages D Indicates client

John G. M. Barnes

(l)ii

Rosa Ann Hudson ( 5 ) II

Isabella Golightly Edward Phillips

George W. Layton John H. Layton Hannah Phillips


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Galbraith. Layton's Big Mound friends were William B. and Ann Barnes Smith (sister to client John R. Barnes and Sarah Barnes Layton).^ Just as John R. Barnes served as a pivot point in the kinship network of the clients, so did the Marriott name provide a second reference point in relationships (fig. 1). John Marriott (b. 1817) married into both the Stewart and Burton families, which tied the Marriotts to the Barnes and Blood families. The relationships of the clients and their kin is summarized in fig. 1, where each family is referenced to every other family through blood lines or marriage (or both). T h e chart merely serves to summarize in general form the point that these families formed a complex network of kinship ties. AGRIBUSINESS AND COMMERCE

Membership within one of these immigrant client families carried with it certain economic advantages and apparently some civic obligations or opportunities. T h e financial well-being of the families appears to stem from the successes, initially, of the firstgeneration immigrant, that isâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;except in one instanceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the client's father. T h e fathers often set the example in community service as well, both civic and ecclesiastical. T h e stories of the founding fathers of these families read like those of entrepreneurs elsewhere. Making the most of opportunities in a new land and new community, through hard work, individual initiative, and creative enterprise, they built successful businesses. Mostly, these men engaged in commerce and in agriculture. They did not hesitate to employ others, both to assist the employee and to enlarge their own profits. Income not needed to support their extended families enlarged their agribusiness holdings. Christopher Layton, once again, serves to illustrate. His biographers chronicle his life of enterprise in varied geographical settings. In his native England he worked first as a plowboy on a neighbor's farm, then as a foreman on a larger farm. In Nauvoo, now married, Christopher joined John Marriott in several successful efforts.^° ^Relationships compiled from various Family Group Sheets in the LDS Genealogical Society. Also see Claude T. Barnes, Toward the Eternal; or. The Life of John R. Barnes (Salt Lake City: Ralton Co.. 1954), pp. 20, 26-30. '"Mclntyre and Barton, Christopher Layton, pp. 5-13.


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Clients Figure 1

Relationship of Client Families Related to:

Families

Barnes Blood Stewart Layton Smith Burton Marriott Barnes* Blood* Stewart* Layton* Smith* Burton Marriott

*Client Families Note: A mark in the column indicates that the client, his wife, or his parents have a relative with the surname indicated. These relationships are generally close â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a mother, sister, in-law, uncle/aunt, cousin, nephew/niece, or grandparent. For clients George and John Layton, the ties charted are through their father's fourth wife (not their mother), and thus are removed by a step not usually encountered in genealogical tables outside Mormonism. The ties for John G. M. Barnes are not distinguished from those of his father, John Barnes; obviously they would be the same, but one step removed. From this financial base Layton multiplied business involvements after he reached the Salt Lake Valley. As a resident first in Salt Lake's Fifteenth Ward, he put men to work threshing grain. During the next two years he built and operated two butcher shops, selling to emigrants and turning the fat and tallow into soap and candles.


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Layton traded his businesses for a farm in Grantsville in 1855, then traded that for cash and cattle to pioneer in Carson Valley.^^ Back in Kaysville, he built up a large herd of sheep. With merchant William Jennings (a friend from Carson Valley days) he fattened and sold worn-out freight oxen. He also set up a butcher shop. When Brigham Young encouraged the establishment of local co-ops, Layton invested in the enterprise and became one of its directors. He served one term as a director of ZCMI. He and Jennings built a gristmill later sold to son-in-law William W. Galbraith. As he was able to do so, Layton increased his holdings of farmland. He purchased one of the first reapers in Utah and was a pioneer in establishing alfalfa in the state. He expanded his dryfarming operation to a thousand acres and purchased a thresher and three headers. In addition, by 1874 he was operating two hundred acres of irrigated farmland and grazing two thousand head of sheep. Wool from his herd was traded to the Brigham City Cooperative Woolen Factory for flannel, linsey, and yarn, which his wives turned into dresses, jeans, sheets, and stockings for the family. In 1874 he began raising, buying, and selling thoroughbred horses. Mules purchased in St. Louis were used on the dry farms or hitched to freight wagons filled with oats for army teams at Fort Bridger or flour for Montana.^2 Layton was involved in other efforts that helped develop Utah, including construction of the telegraph and wagon roads through Kaysville and Weber Canyon. When developers organized the Utah Central Railroad and, later, the Utah Southern Railroad Companies, Layton contracted to furnish timber for bridges and trestles. In the 1860s and '70s Layton established an independent Kaysville mercantile store, operated a flour mill at Payson, became a major stockholder in the Davis and Weber Counties Canal Company, and helped organize a mercantile business in Layton known as the Farmers' Union.^^ Through this extensive business empire Christopher Layton supported his families from nine marriages and offered employment for many of his descendants and others in central Davis County. His sons John Henry and George Willard, clients of architect William Allen, were beneficiaries of that effort. J o h n was a prominent farmer "Ibid., pp. 81-89. '2Ibid.,pp. 99-141. 'â&#x20AC;˘'Ibid., pp. 115-19, 122-23, 132, 136, 236 n.51, 239 n.58, 243 n.69; Collett, Kaysville, pp. 94, 103.


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in west Layton, where he raised cattle, sheep, and hogs and produced barley, hay, and sugar beets. He was an organizer and director of the First National Bank of Layton (an outgrowth of the Farmers' Union), a director in the Ellison Ranching Company, and a stockholder in Farmers' Union, Layton Sugar Company, Davis and Weber Counties Canal Companies, and Kays Creek Irrigation Company.14 George's eighty-two acre farm in west Layton provided the base for his livestock and grain operation. Like his half-brother, George was a key stockholder in Layton Sugar Company and Ellison Ranches. He served as president of the First National Bank of Layton.1^ John R. Barnes began with fewer resources than Layton and built his financial base through agriculture, commerce, industry, and banking. T o supplement his income as a young farmer and part-time schoolteacher, Barnes helped his wife braid straw for hats that she made and sold. One of his students, Emily Stewart, became his third wife. He sold shoes for Emily's father, shoemaker William Stewart, and then joined in a partnership with Stewart in a tannery. Known as Barnes and Stewart, the enterprise continued in operation until 1869. He also operated the post office for six years in the mid1860s. When the Kaysville cooperative was organized he merged his store with three other merchants (one of them Henry H. Blood's father, William). Barnes became ZCMI store superintendent, secretary, and treasurer. His brother-in-law, Christopher Layton, was president. When the cooperative was discontinued Barnes acquired the store and involved his son in its operation. From this financial base Barnes expanded his investment. He was a partner with Christopher Layton, E. P. Ellison, and others in the Davis and Weber Counties Canal in 1881; founded Barnes Banking company in 1902 (with his son John G. M. as manager); and was associated with the Kaysville Milling Company, organized two years later. T h e Barnes Block commercial-office complex designed by William Allen and built on the corner of Main and Center streets in Kaysville in 1909-10 housed the mercantile store, post office, and Barnes Bank. His financial prowess won Barnes an appointment from LDS church president Lorenzo Snow to serve with George Romney, L. S. Hills, and David Eccles as a committee to advise solutions to church financial problems: they suggested the issuance ^'^Deseret News, February 3, 1920. '5Ibid., January 12, 1944.


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of bonds, which was done. Barnes served at various times as a director of the Deseret National Bank, ZCMI, and Home Fire Insurance—all companies owned by the church.^^ Beneficiaries of the Barnes inheritance included both his son J o h n and son-in-law Henry H. Blood. John G. M. Barnes began, as did his father, on the farm; he helped develop the family's dryfarm. He became a store worker in his father's mercantile business at age fourteen. In his early forties John G. M. assisted his father in establishing canning and milling companies. He was president of the Utah Canning Association and served as a director of the National Canning Association. He helped organize an irrigation company, was involved in the family banking business, and served as vice-president of the Davis and Weber Counties Canal Company. Barnes founded the short-lived Utah Fruit Juice Company in an effort to produce grapes and cherries on dry-farms. About 1890 he helped organize the Kaysville Brick and Tile Company, then sold his interest to others. At his death Barnes was vice-president of the family bank and director of John R. Barnes Company, Kaysville Canning Company, Davis and Weber Counties Canal Company, and Home Fire Insurance Company. His business interests built directly upon the base established by his father.^^ It was Henry H. Blood's marriage to Minnie A. Barnes in 1896 that eventually introduced him into the local business community. Blood, the Kaysville farm boy who became Utah's seventh governor, was for a time—like his father-in-law J o h n R. Barnes—a teacher. Blood taught at the Brigham Young College in Logan in 1904. He returned to Kaysville the following year for a job at his in-laws' newly organized Kaysville Milling Company. Henry served as secretary, treasurer, and manager, and eventually became the firm's president. He was also a director in the John R. Barnes Corporation, Layton Sugar Company, ZCMI, and Barnes Bank. He was a vice-president in the bank and in Ellison Ranches. In 1912 he joined with John R. Barnes and John R. Gailey in purchasing the year-old Weekly Reflex to prevent the newspaper's founder from moving it from the community. Ownership remained in Kaysville for fifty-three years.^^ The other two clients fit a similar pattern of agriculture and commerce. Hyrum Stewart, son of shoemaker William Stewart and 'BCollett, Kaysville, pp. 32-33, 53, 94-98, 108, 110-12, 388; Barnes, Life of John R. Barnes, pp. 31, 38, 44-48, 52, 64-65; Deseret News, January 22, 1919. "Collett, Kaysville, p. 113; Deseret News, July 27, 1932. '^Collett, Kaysville, pp. 123, 136-39, 155, 204, 212; Deseret News, June 20 and 22, 1942.


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brother-in-law of John R. Barnes, was both a farmer and merchant. He worked on his father's farm and got involved in the mercantile business at age eighteen, when the cooperative movement was beginning in Utah. He and his brother Charles T. Stewart bought out Christopher Layton's independent mercantile store, and after Charles's death, Hyrum took on other partners to keep the enterprise going until the 1930s, a decade after Stewart's death. Stewart operated the Kaysville post office in his store, serving as postmaster between 1879 and 1890. At one time he also owned the Kaysville grist mill established by Christopher Layton and William Jennings.^^ Thomas J. Smith was a lifelong farmer, stockman, and orchardist, retiring just five years before his death in 1927. He arrived in Kaysville in the late 1860s, a youth of about ten. This relatively late arrival, together with his dissimilar English roots-he was born in Liverpool-and his marriage to a North Carolina-born wife, all isolated him from other client families. Nonetheless, he served as a director of the Kaysville Irrigation Company and of the First National Bank of Layton.2° COMMUNITY SERVICE

A measurement of civic involvement reveals among the client families an equally impressive contribution. T h e names Barnes, Blood, Stewart, and Layton dominate Kaysville City political office. During Kaysville's first seventy-two years, representatives of one or more of these families (including in-laws) were participating in city government in 80 percent of the administrations. Among the clients themselves, four served on the city council and three of those as mayor. John R. Barnes sat on the first city council in 1868 and continuously for five terms through 1882. His term as mayor came during 1916-18, shortly before his death. John G. M. Barnes served four years on the council in the 1890s, two terms as mayor at the turn of the century, and another three terms as mayor from 1922 to 1928. Henry H. Blood sat on the council during John G. M. Barnes's first mayorship and was a councilman again during 1910-12. (His father, William Blood, had served as the first city treasurer, later as a justice of the peace.) Hyrum Stewart moved from one term on the city council duing 1886-88 to three as mayor, then returned for a final term on the council in 1908. It was during '^Collett, Kaysville, p]). 39-40, 63, 94-95; Deseret News, February 5, 1920. zo-'Kays Ward, Book D," microfilm of manuscript, LDS Library-Archives, Salt Lake City, pp. 936-41.


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Stewart's years as mayor, 1888-96, that William Allen was hired to design a city hall, built at 362 North 300 West.21 Although the Layton family clients did not serve in local government, the family was represented on the Kaysville City Council through 1940 by family members Christopher Layton, Jr., William L. Galbraith, George Swan, Frank L. Layton, and R. Ole Layton. These men served a combined total of twenty-one years on the council and Swan one year as mayor. In the Blood family, additional council representatives during this same period were William H. Blood, John H. Blood, George H. Blood, and Ernest C. Blood, who together contributed twenty years of service. Richard W. Barnes, George W. Barnes, and Herbert J. Barnes together served a dozen years on the council, Richard a partial term as mayor, and George a full term.22 Political service beyond city hall was concentrated in the Barnes and Blood families. John R. Barnes participated in the Utah Constitutional Convention of 1895 and served in the first state senate. His son, John G. M. Barnes, active in Democratic party politics, was a delegate to that party's national convention in 1900 and again in 1924. He served in the Utah State Senate from 1901 to 1903.23 Democrat Henry H. Blood, a member of the Kaysville School Board, was one of four leaders in the school consolidation movement in Davis County. He served as first president of the new Davis County Board of Education organized in 1911. Between then and his election as Utah's seventh governor in 1932, he served two terms as Davis County treasurer, as clerk of the state senate, a member of the State Utilities Commission, and chairman of the State Road Commission. As governor of Utah from 1933 to 1940, he was known for his conservative fiscal policy while expediting federal New Deal programs. He was chairman of the executive committee of the Western Governors' Conference and involved in Colorado River projects.2"^ Christopher Layton also served in the legislature. Those clients who gave time to public service were the ones most likely to be invited to provide leadership in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. The combined service of Christopher Layton, John R. Barnes, and Henry H. Blood in the Kaysville 2'Compiled from information in Collett, Kaysville, pp. 83, 109, 214-16. 22Ibid., pp. 214-16. 23Ibid.. p. 100. 2^Ibid.,pp. 100, 139, 155.


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bishopric spanned a half-century. Layton was called as bishop of the Kaysville Ward in 1862. When he accepted a calling in the presidency of the newly organized Davis Stake in 1877, his replacement was Peter Barton, who chose John R. Barnes as his first counselor.2^ This bishopric remained in office for thirty years. In 1907 Henry H. Blood replaced Barton as bishop. When the stake was divided in 1915, Blood left the bishopric to become president of the North Davis Stake. He served until 1937, through his first term as governor. At the end of his gubernatorial service in 1941 Blood accepted an appointment as president of the LDS California mission but died in 1942. Layton supervised completion of the first meetinghouse in 1863, an adobe building designed by T r u m a n O. Angell. Blood was bishop when the decision was made in 1911 to build the Kaysville Tabernacle. William Allen designed the structure; John R. Barnes donated $6,000 toward the $30,000 local share; and bricks were purchased from Simon Bamberger's Kaysville Brick Company organized three years earlier. Blood and Barnes were involved together in another church building during 1917-19 when Blood presided over the North Davis Stake. The John R. Barnes Seminary, built adjacent to Davis High School, was funded equally by the Barnes family and the two stakes whose students attended the school. It was built as a memorial to Barnes, who died six months before the construction began.2^ T h e names of the other clients do not appear as leaders in local church rosters. Some of them, Hyrum Stewart and George W. Layton, held positions in the ward. John H. Layton, John G. M. Barnes, and Thomas J. Smith apparently did not participate actively in local church leadership positions. Taken as a whole, the client families compiled an impressive record of service to their church and community. They contributed substantially to the area's economic development and left a numerous posterity who continue as active participants in Kaysville's and Layton's social, political, religious, and economic life. T h e British origin of these families has been forgotten by their neighbors, but the impressive homes built for them by William Allen stand as reminders of their accomplishments.

25Barton's high-style home, one mile southwest of Kaysville, was designed by Allen. It was built in 1883 and razed about 1983. 26Collett, Kaysville, pp. 136-38, 146, 204, 212.


''The Best of Its Kind and Grade": Rebuilding the Sanpete Valley, 1890-1910 BY T H O M A S C A R I E R

Early adobe house in Mount Pleasant with a ca. 1873 Italianate crosswing addition. Sanpete County tax photograph, ca. 1920. Unless otherwise noted all drawings (dated within parentheses) and photographs are by the author.

Mount Pleasant, John Henry Seely could well be proud of his accomplishments during the preceding decade. Starting with little more than his own initiative, he had built up a thriving livestock business, and now, in the summer of 1890, he found himself one of the community's most wealthy and influential citizens. Realizing that the key to success in the rapidly expanding sheep industry lay in improving the wool yield of his herds, Seely had journeyed to California in the early 1880s S T A N D I N G BEFORE HIS NEWLY COMPLETED HOI^SE IN

Mr. Carter is an architectural historian with the Ltah State Historical Society and adjunct assistant professor in the Sc hocjl of Architecture at the l'ni\ersity of t'tah. He woidd like to thank Charles Peterson, Stan Layton, and Dean May for their insights into late nineteenth-century Mormon history, Kent Powell for his interest in the research, and Barbara Murphy and Peter Goss for help in the fieldwork.


Rebuilding

the Sanpete Valley

^^

to purchase several purebred Rambouillet rams. T h r o u g h selective breeding and careful management he developed well-graded herds that earned him a reputation well beyond his Sanpete Valley home. In 1887, with his enterprise flourishing, he had begun work on a fashionable new house for his familyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a house whose scale and appointments would be commensurate with his rising social and economic expectations. Finished three years later, the house represented the extensive remodeling of a dwelling that Seely had purchased from Jens Meilnig owner of the Mount Pleasant brickyard (fig. 1).^ Meilnig had constructed the original house between 1870 and 1875, and its gable roof, restrained Greek Revival decoration, and geometrical composition were typical features of Sanpete Valley architecture at the time. Confronting his own building task, Seely rejected the prevailing style and turned instead for inspiration to newer Victorian designs he had become aquainted with during visits to Salt Lake City and through the ever-growing number of magazines and pattern books devoted to cultivating architectural taste in the general American public.2 The result was an essentially new house (fig. 2), and one with a low-pitched roof, a Renaissance Revival corner tower, and a fancy two-story neoclassical entrance portico, all contained within an irregular and highly ornamented format. T h e contrast between Seely's completed house and the one he purchased from Meilnigâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and, for that matter, most of the other houses in Mount Pleasant in 1890â&#x20AC;&#x201D;is significant, for it signals an important turning point in the architectural history of the Sanpete Valley. T h e John H. Seely house, for all its apparent modishness, must be understood as but a small trickle in what would become a floodtide of new building in the valley after 1890.^ This massive rebuilding effort, fueled to a great extent by a boom in the local livestock industry, found Victorian-era styles like Queen Anne, Eastlake, and Romanesque Revival (often employed in a highly eclectic fashion) 'National Register of Historic Places Inventory Form, November 1981, Historic Preservation Office, Utah State Flistorical Sex iety. Salt Lake City. n here is some likelihood that the Provoarchitec l Richard Watkinscould have been involved in designing the Seely house. Watkins is known to have worked in Mount Pleasant during the 1880s and 1896s and is known for his eclectic designs. Most Victorian buildings south ol Provo are attributed to Watkins. Much research remains to be done in assessing the contribution of the architectural profession to late nineteenth-century Utah architecture. 3The Sanpete Valley was surveyed by the author during the winter of 1978-79. A windshield inventory yielded a total of 2,900 houses in eleven towns. Of this number, 836 were folk houses dating to the pre-1890 period and representing the initial building of the valley; 654, or about 22 percent, w-ere constructed during the Victorian rebuilding of the valley between the years 1890-1910; the remaining houses, about 1,290, were built after 1910.


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Fig. 1. Meilnig-Seely house (above), ca. 1863-70, Mount Pleasant. Photograph was taken ca. 1887, shortly after John Seely, standing at left, purchased the Jens Meilnig house. Courtesy of Chesela Patterson and Madeline Mills. Fig. 2. John Henry Seely house (left), 1888-90, Mount Pleasant. National Register.

being used to replace and remodel an existing architecture firmly established in mid-century classicism. New styles had been seen in the valley before, particularly the Gothic Revival during the mid1870s, but nothing could match the developments of the turn-of-thecentury period. The movement of Victorian stylistic elements into the Sanpete builders' repertory was swift and complete; after 1890 few houses were built that did not betray the influence of the new aesthetic. Increased economic prosperity in the Sanpete Valley during the closing years of the century provided the impetus for a major surge in local building activity. Families had more money to put into house construction, and when they chose to build or remodel, they increasingly preferred Victorian designs over older traditional forms. Despite its obvious proportions, the Victorian rebuilding of the Sanpete Valleyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and rural Utah as a wholeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;has attracted little


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attention from architectural historians. Most researchers have concentrated on the state's pioneer buildings and have treated the arrival of the Victorian styles with only passing interest.^ T h e sweeping changes of the late nineteenth century are nonetheless a fact of architectural life in Utah and need to be recognized not only for their own sake but for the light they may shed on earlier building practices as well. This essay, then, as an initial foray into the world of Utah Victorian architecture, has two objectives: first, to describe in detail the nature of architectural change in the Sanpete Valley during the years 1890 to 1910; and second, to place this change in architectural thinking within the larger context of Utah and Mormon history at the turn of the century. Why, that is, these particular buildings at this time? Neither task is without its own problems. Because there is little scholarly precedent for the detailed study of Victorian architecture in Utah, and none at all for late nineteenthcentury vernacular buildings, a considerable amount of new ground must be covered, particularly in the area of house types. It should be mentioned, however, that whenever possible, existing terminology has been employed and no attempt has been made to create a specialized local vocabulary. If architecture has been understudied, the turn-of-the-century period in the study of Utah history is plagued with the opposite problemâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;there has been considerable scholarly attention and consequently too much is taken for granted. Marking as it does the end of Mormon isolation and independence, the year 1890 has customarily been viewed as a watershed date in Utah historiography. Before this time it is felt that life in Utah was determined by a set of Mormon communitarian values antithetical to those of the larger American culture. After 1890, if one accepts this argument, the Saints were forced by the United States government to abandon their own culture and to adopt the conventions of the mainstream society. Slowly, then, from about 1890 to 1920, Mormon Utah was "Americanized," and much of the history of the period has been written from the perspective of this "Americanization" paradigm.^ In looking at the Victorian rebuilding, it is tempting to follow this widely accepted form of explanation. Victorian style, after all, may be interpreted as the consummate expression of late ninteenth^Major studies of tltah architecture deal almost exclusively with the early vernacular architecture of the state The best treatment of Victorian-era buildings is found in Karl T. Haglund and Philip F. Notarianni, The Avenues of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1980). 5See in particular Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints {\95S; reprint ed., Lincoln: tJniversity of Nebraska Press, 1966).


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century American materialism and its appearance as signaling the "rise of a national domestic architecture in Utah."^ However attractive such an explanation may be, it is nevertheless problematic for it ignores much of the historical evidence. Whether it be in the study of Mormon farming or building, there is a tendency for historians to overstate both the actual distinctiveness of nineteenth-century Latter-day Saint culture and the degree to which this culture remained isolated from outside influences in the years before 1890. The anthropologist Michael Raber, in a fine if illusive study of agricultural production in the Sanpete town of Spring City during the nineteenth century, has demonstrated that the local farm economy was based upon the workings of the individual family farm, and not, as might be expected, on central planning and cooperative organization. In this case, there was nothing particularly "Mormon" about the way people farmed, and consequently, no need or room for accommodation after 1890.^ Raber's work, among other things, suggests that Mormon society in the nineteenth century may indeed be more complex than previously thought and that any attempt to explain the Victorian rebuilding of Sanpete Valley between 1890 and 1900 as a simple shift from Mormon to American values may be both naive and specious. It is important to remember at the outset that the study of architectural history must begin in the study of the buildings themselves, for only after seeing what was actually built can one venture safely into the uncertain waters of historical explanation. BUILDING AND REBUILDING

From the time of the first Mormon occupation in 1849, house building in the Sanpete Valley reflected the diversity of its incoming immigrant population. Early settlers in the valley clung tenaciously to the house types and construction techniques they had known in their previous homelands.^ There was nevertheless in evidence a degree of architectural consistency, for these immigrants, whether they came from Denmark, Rhode Island, or North Carolina, shared a basic design philosophy rooted in the revival of classical architectural concepts during the Renaissance. Slowly moving through ^Leon S. Pitman, "A Survey of Nineteenth-century Folk Housing in the Mormon C^ulture Region" (Ph.D. diss., Louisiana State tiniversity, 1973), p. 194. 'Michael Scott Raber, "Religious Polity and Local Production: The Origins of a Mormon T o w n " ( P h . D . diss., Yale University, 1978), pp. 10-11. ^Thomas Carter, "Building Zion: Folk Architecture in the Mormon Settlements of Utah's Sanpete Valley, 1849-1890" (Ph.D.'diss., Indiana University, 1984), pp. 140-247.


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Figs. 3 and 4. The George Bench house, ca. 1865, Manti. Colonial Revival front door surround and diamond-shaped panes in the upstairs middle window are recent additions. Shaded portions of the floor plan denote original house (2/16/83).

England during the seventeenth century, the American colonies during the late eighteenth century, and Scandinavia by the early nineteenth century, the classical aesthetic, characterized by formal compositon, symmetry, and Greek decorative elements, had by the middle years of the nineteenth century become firmly established in western tradition, both at elite and folk levels of society.^ T h e cornerstone of the classical tradition was the free-standing detached house, a house composed of a self-contained geometric block that could have a variety of floor plan arrangements and facade treatments but was invariably symmetrical (fig. 3).io T h e most common early house type in Sanpete Valley, and in Utah generally, was the hallparlor type (fig. 4), a folk housing form consisting of two unequally sized rooms that is found widely through the British Isles and eastern United States.^^ In Sanpete these houses had low-pitched gable roofs, and decorative flourishes were infrequent and generally in the Greek Revival style. Such houses had been built by the Mormons in their eastern cities, and there has been some willingness on the part of architectural historians to see these structures-often called "Nauvoo-style" 9William H. Pierson, Jr., American Buildings and Their Architects: The Colonial and Neoclassical Styles (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1976), pp. 61-155. '"Ibid., pp. 63-64. imemyGVdssk, Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States (Phihiddphm: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968), pp. 64-66.


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houses—as distinctively Mormon. This argument is based on the idea that the settlement of Utah by the Mormons must be viewed as a rejection of American values—architectural and otherwise; and, therefore, once the Latter-day Saints reached the Great Basin they chose to "separate" themselves from the gentile world. This they did architecturally, not by creating a fundamentally new architecture (as did, for instance, the Shakers) but, rather, by simply retaining older mid-nineteenth-century Federal and Greek Revival styles and folk housing forms that barkened back to their midwestern experience and came, in time, in their conservativism and straightforward design, to symbolize such Mormon ideals as simplicity, practicality, and self-denial. A Mormon architectural "style" was fashioned, not of new forms, but by holding on to older ones.12 A casual survey of late nineteenth-century American architecture, however, clearly shows that classicism, forming as it did the backbone of the folk design aesthetic, persisted into the 1880s and 1890s, not just in Utah but in most rural areas of the United States, making it evident that there is nothing particularly unusual about finding these symmetrical houses in LDS western communities.^^ Additionally, recent studies suggest that in Salt Lake City, the largest and most cosmopolitan of Mormon cities, post-Civil War Picturesque styles like the Second Empire, Italianate, and Gothic Revival were indeed popular; and a close inspection of rural Utah indicates that progressive architectural ideas and tastes were neither unknown nor avoided.'^ By the late 1860s and early 1870s Sanpete Valley builders, like their counterparts in other Mormon communities, were becoming increasingly interested in the ornate irregularity of the emerging "picturesque." New ideas about building style filtered into the Sanpete Valley area both through first-hand experience and the architectural literature of the day. English and Welsh immigrants would have known something of the Gothic Revival from their homelands,^^ and Sanpete residents frequently traveled to Salt Lake City where they '-'Richard V. Francaviglia, The Mormon Landscape: Existence, Creation, and Perception of a Unique Image in the American West (New York: AMS Press, 1978), pp. 59-70. '•^See David F^oard Hood, " T h e Architecture of the New River Valley," in Carolina Dwelling, ed. DougSwaim, Student Publication of the School of Design, North Carolina State tJniversity, vol. 26 (Raleigh, N.C., 1978), pp. 202-15; Wilbur D. Peat, Indiana Houses of the Nineteenth Century (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1962), pp. 74-132; and Pamela S. Meidell, ed.. Architecture: Oregon Style (Portland: Professional Book, 1983), pp. 26-47. '"•Thomas Carter and Peter Goss, Handbook of Utah Architecture (forthcoming). '^Linda L. Bonar, " T h e Influence of the Scots Stonemasons in Beaver, tUah," Utah Preservation/Restoration, 3 (1981): pp. 54-60.


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could have seen new houses being constructed in the Second Empire and Italianate styles.^^ Increasingly important as a source for design ideas were stylebooks like Andrew Jackson Downing's The Architecture of Country Houses, Gervase Wheeler's Rural Homes, and William Ranlett's The Architect.^'' T h e stylebooks were not mailorder catalogs in the sense that prospective home builders could order complete sets of blueprints, but instead they consisted of general treatises on the nature of architectural taste and renderings of typical houses and house plans in the picturesque mode.^^ While the stylebooks contained a variety of actual styles, all shared a basic commitment to the overthrow of what was perceived as the blandness of classicism. A typical anticlassical diatribe is found in H e n r y W. Cleaveland's 1856 Village and Farm Cottages. Unfortunately the first impulses of ambition in building took a Greek direction. For a time in tlie earlier part of this century it was thought that almost every public structure must be Doric, Ionic, or Corinthian. Accordingly we have Grecian courthouses, custom houses, Grecian banks and churches, Grecian taverns and colleges and capitols. Nor was the rage confined to edifices of this description. Both city and country dwelling houses rose with hugfe columns at the end, largely consumptive of wood and paint. There is reason to believe that this folly has had its day.'^

T o take the place of Grecian designs, stylebook writers proposed a new architecture based upon the studied application of medieval principles. If classical architecture was symmetrical, geometric, plain, and smooth, the picturesque was asymmetrical, irregular, ornate, and rough.20 Several styles, already mentioned above, were associated with the picturesque movement: the Gothic Revival, the Italianate, and the Second Empire.21 Houses in the Gothic Revival style were characterized by pointed arches, projecting wall dormers, '•^Pitman, "Nineteenth-century Folk Housing," p. 230. "Andrew Jackson Downing, The Architecture of Country Houses (\850; reprint ed.. New York: Dover Publications, 1969); Gervase Wheeler, Rural Homes (New York: Charles Scribner, 1851); and William Ranlett, The Architect, 2 vols. (New York: Dewitt and Davenport, 1849). 's'Fhe best summary of the stylebooks, their structure, content, and impact on American architecture is found in Dell Upton, "Pattern Books and Professionalism: Aspects of the Transformation of Domestic Architecture in America, 1800-1860," Wintenhur Portfolio 19 (Summer/Autumn 1984): pp. 107-50. '^Henry W. Cleaveland, Village and Farm Cottages (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1856), p. 63. ••^nVilliam H. Pierson, Jr., American Buildings and Their Architects: Technology and the Picturesque (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Company, 1978), pp. 9-21. 2'A good introduction to the vocabulary of architectural style is Marc us Whiffen, American Architecture Since 1780: A Guide to the Styles (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1969).


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Fig. 5. Second Empire stone cottage, ca. 1875, Manti. The bell-cast mansard roof is covered with pressed tin. Extensive remodeling occurred in the 1950s.

and applied scroll-cut wood decoration; those in the Italianate style had low-pitched hipped roofs, bracketed eaves, and encircling verandas; and Second Empire houses had "curvilinear" or mansard roofs and central pavilions. Picturesque styles surfaced in the Sanpete Valley by the early 1870s (fig. 5), a fact made evident by the appearance at that time of the cross-wing house, a popular dwelling form in the stylebook literature. T h e cross-wing house consists of two intersecting wings placed in either a " T " or " L " configuration.22 One wing projects forward with its narrow end to the street, and the other stands off to the side and contains the main entrance. Decorative features are generally confined to the windows, raking cornice of the front-facade wing, and on the ubiquitous porch running along the face of the indented side wing. T h e cross-wing house was an English medieval vernacular type resurrected by the stylebook writers of the 1830s and 1840s.23 It was a convenient house for the period, for like the picturesque movement itself, it symbolized change but not radical change. Picturesque writers, however much they despised classicism, were hardly ready to accept visual chaos and in many instances merely dressed up older symmetrical house forms in new, fashionable clothes.24 Andrew Jackson Downing argued in his influential Cottage Residences not for irregularity and complexity for their own sake but for a design unified by an artistic balance between "two

22The best treatment of the cross-wing house is found in Upton, "Pattern Books and Professionalism," pp. 144-49. Because the American cross-wing differs from the English medieval form, tJpton has chosen to call it the "bent" house. 2Tric Mercer, English Vernacular Houses {l^ondon: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1975), p. 18. ^''Upton, "Pattern Books and Professionalism,"pp. 128-49.


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Valley Figs. 6 and 7. The Peter Greaves house, 1874-75, Ephraim, was built of oolitic limestone ivith Gothic Revival trim. The plan was a typical cross-wing (4/25/79). National Register.

U LIVING/DINING ROOM -i

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PARLOR "â&#x20AC;&#x201D;IS"^

irregular parts."2^ The cross-wing house, composed as it was of two sections, exhibited the internal tension desired by picturesque writers while at the same time retaining a degree of geometric order and constraint. It was, that is, a new house, but it was coiTifortably new. The Peter Greaves house in Ephraim is a good example of the cross-wing house in Sanpete Valley. Peter Greaves was born in Patterson, New Jersey, in 1837. His family moved west into Ohio and in the 1840s joined the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. After journeying to Utah in 1852 they lived in Provo until finally settling in Ephraim in 1856. Greaves was a carpenter and farmer but soon ventured into freighting produce to the mines in Nevada. By the 1870s he was actively engaged as a "buyer and shipper of wools, hides, and grain." He later became president of Andrews and Company, a shipping firm based in nearby Nephi.26 Between 1874 and 1875 he built a fashionable new house of local oolite limestone on Ephraim's main street (fig. 6). T h e house was unusually large, being two-and-one-half stories high, and had a typical cross-wing plan (fig. 7). Gothic Revival stylistic elements were employed on the outside. These included a steeply pitched gable roof, wall dormers, turned finials, and fancy scroll-cut bargeboards along the raking eaves. Although the Greaves house was one of a -'^Andrew Jackson Downing, Victorian Cottage Residences (1812; reprint. New York: Dover Public aticms, 1981), p. 18. 26National Register of Historic Places Inventory Form, April 1980.


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number of cross-wing houses built in the valley before 1880,2^ the new house form did not achieve widespread popularity until after 1890. Nevertheless, picturesque ideas made a significant contribution to the local building traditions. From the late 1860s on, Sanpete Valley architecture is marked by a high degree of stylistic eclecticism. House builders, that is, continued to build folk forms—the hall-parlor house in particular— within the symmetrical compositional format, but they were more inclined at this time to mix decorative elements drawn from the Picturesque as well as the Classical styles. In this way, elements of the Gothic Revival and Italianate styles (the Second Empire was never locally popular) found their way into the builder's repertoire as details simply and rather inconspicuously incorporated into the prevailing symmetrical aesthetic.2^ T h e building process was then one of mixing stylistic elements within an existing structure, an eclectic approach to design that is visible in the Behunnin-Beck house in Spring City. In 1883 Isaac Behunnin, an early Sanpete Valley settler, constructed a large two-and-one-half-story stone house (fig. 8) in Spring City. Simon Beck, a successful woolgrower and prominent Spring City resident, purchased the house from Behunnin in 1887 for $1,200.29 T h e house is an interesting b l e n d o f o l d a n d n e w i d e a s . l t has a traditional hall-parlor plan, and there is a T-extension to the rear which contained the original dining room, kitchen, and an office. T h e overall composition is classical in its symmetry, but features of several styles are found on the exterior. The distinctive wall dormers are traceable to Gothic Revival influences, as are the pronounced quoins at the corners. There are Italianate-inspired paired brackets along the cornice, and there remains a strong Greek Revival component in the entablature and cornice returns. The Behunnin-Beck house is certainly a composite design, but it is not an unconsidered or unfashionable one. It is, rather, a good example of the conservative articulation of style, a blending of the old—the house form and the Greek Revival decoration—with the new—the Gothic Revival and Italianate features. 2Tor other examples of the cross-wing tvpe in the Sanpete \'allev, see Carter, "Building Zion," pp. 173-82. -*Vo\ an explanation of the folk designing process see Henry Classic, "Folk Art," in Folklore and Folklife: An Introduction (Chicago: University of Chic ago Press, 1972), pp. 253-80; and Thomas Carter, "F"olk Design in Utah Architecture: 1849-1890," in Utah Folk Art: A Catalog of Material Culture, ed. Hal Cannon (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1980), pp. 42-45. 29National Register of Historic Places Inventory Form.


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Valley Fig. 8. The Behunnin-Beck house (left), 1883, Spring City. National Register. Fig. 9. The James Crawford house (below), 1889-90, Manti, by architect Kirkwood Cross of Provo is Victorian Eclectic in design.

During the period from about 1875 to 1890, the, the Sanpete Valley experienced a healthy degree of architectural fluidity as builders experimented with picturesque decorative details and house forms. T h e cross-wing house, Gothic Revival dormers, and Italianate brackets are all signs of changing fashion in the valley in the years before 1890. T h e changes are subtle and inherently timid but are typical of the picturesque movement in general, for they follow the example of the stylebooks which were, for all their protestations to the contrary, relatively conservative documents.^o After 1890 the pattern of architectural experimentation continued in the valley but with far more dramatic results. T h e changes begun during the picturesque period were to reach fruition in the Victorian houses of the turn of the century. The term "Victorian" is not meant here to refer to a single architectural style but rather to a time roughly between 1870 and 1910 when certain aesthetic concepts dominated in American architecture. Victorian thinking, representing an extension and elaboration of earlier picturesque ideas, placed great emphasis on irregularity, 30Upton, "Pattern Books and Professionalism," pp. 149-50.


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complexity, variety, and ornamentation. Victorian houses were to be asymmetrical; they were to be composed of a number of complex and often disparate elements; they were to have highly textured and intricate wall surfaces and, above all, they were to be extravagantly decorated.31 T h e Queen Anne and Eastlake are the best known of the Victorian styles, although the Romanesque Revival and Neoclassical styles are also prominent during this period. The overriding emphasis on ornamentation for its own sake often caused stylistic purity to be sacrificed in the name of visual complexity. Consequently, the Victorian aesthetic was highly eclectic, with houses often betraying the influence of more than one style.^2 T h e Victorian styles were beginning to be seen in Salt Lake City by the early 1880s but generally did not make their presence felt in the rural areas of the state until after 1890. In the Sanpete Valley two houses were constructed between 1888 and 1890 that signal the arrival of the new architecture. One, the John H. Seely house in Mount Pleasant, has been discussed earlier; the other, built by James Crawford in Manti, followed closely on the heels of the Seely house and helped define the course that future house building would take in the valley. In his 1898 biographical history of Sanpete County, W. H. Lever recorded that James Crawford, "one of Manti's most reliable and enterprising citizens, has built for himself one of the finest modern residences in the City.''^^ T h e Crawford house (fig. 9), built in 1890 at a cost of approximately $6,500, was located prominently on Main Street. It was designed by Kirkwood Cross, an architect from Provo about whom little is known. Cross's concern for detail is evident in the precise building specifications for the house. "All works," Cross noted, were "to be executed in the best most thorough and workmanlike manner; according to the true intent and meaning of the drawings." Furthermore, he warned that "all work, without exception, is to be delivered in a perfect and undamaged condition," and the materials employed must be the "best of their kind and grade."^'^ T h e design itself was typically Victorian in its eclectism. 3'This discussion of Victorian forms follows Alan Gowans, Images of American Living: Four Centuries of Architecture and Funiture as Cultural Expression {New York: Harper dndRow, 1964), pp. 287-S86.See'dhoVmcem].ScuUy,]r.,TheShingleStyleandtheStickStyle:ArchitecturalTheoryand Design from Downing to the Origins of Wright (New Haven: Yale tiniversity Press, 1955). ^^Gowans, Images of American Living, p. 339. 33W. H. Lever, History of Sanpete and Emery Counties (Ogden, Ut.: W. H. Lever, 1898). "Kirkwood Cross's specifications for the Crawford house are used courtesy of Mr. and Mrs. Morgan Dyreng, Manti.


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Figs. 10 and 11. The N. S. Nielson house, 1892, Mount Pleasant, and its cross-wing plan (11/24/81). Shaded portion denotes original house. National Register.

Constructed of locally manufactured brick, the Crawford house successfully integrates both Queen Anne and neoclassical elements within a basically asymmetrical design. T h e house is perceived not as a single self-contained unit but as a number of visual planes beginning with the prominent front gable and receding to the rear in a series of porches, projecting bays, and roof lines. The house has a broad hipped roof interrupted by gables to the front and sides. Above the window in the front gable is found decorative fish-scale shingle siding, and there are heavy Romanesque lintels over the windows. T h e pedimented and columned front porch is essentially classical and contributes to the rich variety of the overall design. Like Seely in Mount Pleasant, James Crawford used the new Victorian architecture to underscore his prominence in the community. T h e house was set off from the community in size and also in its basic form and appointments. The Crawford house would remain the biggest house in Manti, but it was soon just one of a growing number of Victorian dwellings. The arrival of the new architecture was recorded in the appearance of hipped roofs, fish-scale shingled gables, leaded windows, and fancy milled porches and in the ascendency of the cross-wing house as the principal type of dwelling in the valley. One of the earliest and finest examples of the Victorian crosswing house was built in Mount Pleasant by N. S. Nielson, a Swedish immigrant who became a prosperous local merchant and woolgrower.35 x h e house (figs. 10 and 11) was built in two stages. T h e first 'National Register of Historic Places Inventory Form, November 1981.


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section was completed around 1890 and consisted of a simple crosswing house with a minimum of ornament. By 1892, however, Nielson had finished remodeling the house, creatively combining various stylistic components within the basic cross-wing plan. Anchored firmly in the angle where the wings meet is a two-story square tower with a bell-cast mansard roof. This centrally located tower projects out from the plane of the wall and creates a small pavilion that contains the front entrance hall. T h e mansard roof displays a gently curving ogee profile and is topped by wrought-iron cresting. T h e tower gives the Nielson house a vaguely Second Empire flavor, yet so many other styles were incorporated into the final product that no single one dominates. The front porch, for instance, exhibits an interesting collection of neoclassical details, and there is a pedimented portico that projects out over the front entrance. At the corner is a circular Queen Anne porch with a conical roof supported by stylized Tuscan columns. The tympanum and frieze are enriched with applied decoration consisting of garlands on the frieze and a floral design within the closed pediment. There are also fine stainedglass windows as is typical of the Victorian period. Combining Queen Anne, Second Empire, and neoclassical elements against the unbalanced facade of the cross-wing, the Nielson house is an excellent example of the new aesthetic operating in the valley, an aesthetic that was carried over onto smaller, less pretentious houses. Smaller versions of the cross-wing house were constructed in every Sanpete town during the turn-of-the-century period. These houses, often called "T-cottages" after the shape of their floor plan,'^^ replaced the small hall-parlor form as the most common dwelling for the middle-income population. The Enoch Jorgensen house in Ephraim (figs. 12 and 13), probably built sometime between 1893 and 1895, is a typical Sanpete T-cottage.^"^ T h e house has the basic crosswing plan, and decorative features are confined to the forward facing gable wing and the flanking side porch. In this case, fish-scale shingling and a half-round window are found in the principal gable; there is a small bell-cast hood over the small front window and a spindled Eastlake porch along the facade. At least as popular as the cross-wing was a house form that is characterized by a roughly square floor plan contained under a ^^See tipton, "Pattern Books and Professionalism," p. 149. 3'It is difficult to date this house precisely. Fncjch Jorgensen purchased the lot in 1893 for $100.00 and sold it two years later to Charles Stevens for $500.00; the j u m p in value suggests that this small house may have been erected between 1893 and 1895.


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Figs. 12 and 13. The Enoch Jorgensen house, ca. 1895, Ephraim, and its cross-wing plan (11/7/84). The frame kitchen may be original, although the other rear additions date from the early twentieth century.

pyramid or slighted hipped roof with projecting gables. This dwelling typeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;noted earlier in the Crawford houseâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;is invariably asymmetrical, with the front door placed to one side of a forward projecting bay. This house form is found in a variety of sizes and floor plans and simply for convenience is here called the pyramid house.

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Figs. 14 and 15. The John Dorius, Jr., house, 1897, Ephraim, and its lobbyentry plan (8/15/84). Photograph by Peter E. Goss. National Register.


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Figs. 16 and 17. The Andrew Christensen house, ca. 1900, Fairview, and its lobby-entry plan (12/13/85).

after its basic shape and roof type. The history of this house type is obscure, but in its various configurations it is highly visible in the architectural pattern books of the late nineteenth century.^^ T h e greatest number of the larger pyramid houses have a side-passage or lobby-entry floor plan, an example of which is the John Dorius, Jr., house in Ephraim. John Dorius, Jr., was a successful merchant and entrepreneur who in 1897 completed a fine Queen Anne style home in Ephraim (figs. 14 and 15).^^ T h e plan of the house reveals four roomsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the parlor, dining room, study, and entrance lobbyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;contained under the main pyramidal roof and a kitchen wing housed beneath a rear gable extension. T h e house is a full two stories. T h e steeply pitched roof is punctuated at the top by an octagonal cupola, at the front by a projecting gable, and at the corner by a conical porch tower. There is shingle decoration in the gable, and the porch is a mixture of Eastlake spindling and neoclassical details. Another pyramidal-type house with lobby-entry plan is the Andrew Christensen house in Fairview (figs. 16 and 17). Constructed around 1900 for Christensen, a mining entrepreneur and wool grower,^*^ the house has a small entry containing the stairs, and again, '*'See James L. Garvan, "Mail-Order House Plans and American \'ictorian Arc hitec tine," Winterlhur Portfolio 16 (Winter 1981), pp. 309-31. ^^National Register of Historic Places Inventory Fcjrm, February 1985. '"'Biographical information on Andrew Christensen supplied by Mr. Sherrill Anderson, Fairview.


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Valley

Figs. 18 and 19. The Lawrence Tuttle house, 1906-7, Manti, and its lobby-entry plan (11/8/84).

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the parlor is located directly to the side. T h e house is one-and-onehalf stories high and has an extremely steep pyramid roof and sideprojecting gables. T h e design is highly eclectic, with the classical cornice and pedimented returns contrasting with (but also complementing) such Victorian elements as the round, rusticated vestibule window, the heavy rusticated arched windows on the main gable windows, the bell-cast porch with bracketed and dentiled frieze, and the exotic eyebrow dormer in the roof. T h e Christensen house is strongly reminiscent of a group of houses built during the same period in Utah Valley, and it could have been designed by a yet-to-beidentified Provo architect.^i Most pyramidal-type dwellings were of the smaller cottage variety, as seen in the Lawrence Tuttle house in Manti (figs. 18 and 19). Lawrence Tuttle was the son of Luther Tuttle, a wealthy Manti merchant. The house, built around 1907, was most likely inspired by a house pattern book, because several similarly constructed houses were built in the valley during this time.42 T h e house is one-and-onehalf stories high and has a pyramid roof with side-projecting gables. The forward-projecting section consists of an octagonal bay with octagonal roof and heavy rusticated lintels over the windows. 4'Approximately 40 similar houses have been identified in Utah, Sanpete, and Sevier counties by Roger Roper, historian in the preservation research section of the titah State Historical Society. 42Biographical information on Luther Tuttle was supplied by Mr. and Mrs. ElmerTuttle, Manti.


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I

Figs. 20 and 21. The Archibald Livingston house, 1903, Manti, and its direct-entry plan (8/5/82).

One interesting variant of the pyramid house form lacks a formal entrance lobby. T h e direct-entry subtype is represented by the Archibald Livingston house in Manti (figs. 20 and 21). Livingston, originally from Salt Lake City, worked as a miner in Park City and Eureka before buying a farm and settling down in Manti in 1902. In 1911 he built a new house for his family."^^ j ^ j^^^j ^ slightly hipped roof, projecting bays, and neoclassical trim. Instead of entering through a small lobby, or vestibule, access to the house was directly into the front dining room. This direct-entry type of pyramid house was popular in Sanpete Valley during the late nineteenth century and is usually associated with smaller, less pretentious dwellings. In addition to the many new houses put up at this time, evidence of the magnitude of the Victorian rebuilding is visible in the sharp rise in the number of older houses that were remodeled. T h e greatest number of remodelings took the form of adding a cross-wing section to an existing rectangular-plan house.^^ T h e most spectacular Victorian addition is found on the Jacob Johnson house in Spring City (fig. 22).^^ Johnson was born in 1847 in Aalborg, Denmark. His parents joined the Mormon church and emigrated to Utah in 1854, living first in the city of Ogden. As a young man in the 1860s Johnson traveled to California to study law and lived in various Nevada 'â&#x20AC;˘'County Plat records indicate that Livingston purchased the lot in 1911. "For an example see Carter, "Building Zion," p. 179. ''^National Register of Historic Places Inventory Form, June 1978.


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Fig 22 The Jacob Johnson house. Spring City. The original section dates from 1872, the Queen Anne addition from 1892. Photograph by Peter L. Goss. National Register.

mining towns before moving back to Utah in 1872 to establish a law practice in Spring City. At that time he built the original section of the house, a two-story, hall-parlor dwelling with Greek Revival trim. Johnson's career advanced in the 1880s; he became a county attorney, a banker, a merchant, a woolgrower, and in 1895 district judge. In 1892 he built a large Queen Anne style addition to his 1872 house. It dwarfed the original house. T h o u g h its true identity is partially concealed by its proximity to the older section, it is essentially a lobby-entrance pyramidal form. T h e new section is a study in contrast to the original house. Its prominent Queen Anne tower has a conical roof and a band of decorative fish-scale shingling. Also, there is a distinctive bell-cast roof dormer and an elaborate neoclassical porch. T h e house was built of stone and plastered to resemble smooth-coursed ashlar.^^ T h e changes recorded here in the valley's architecture were indeed sweeping, but they were certainly not complete. T h e older folk housing tradition lingered on, albeit with the inclusion of more modern decorative elements. T h e Graham house in Fairview is il-

-â&#x20AC;˘eSimulated brick and stone plastering was perva sive in the area; see Thomas Carter, "Cultural in Utah's Sanpete Valley," Utah Historical Quarterly 49 (1981): p. 68-77. Veneer: Decorative Plastering


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lustrative of such an up-dated older house type (figs. 23 and 24).-^^ Built around 1900, the house consists of a hall parlor plan attached to what may be the original single-cell section at the rear. At the corner, and integral to the 1900 design, is a fine Queen Anne tower with a flared conical roof and bands of shingling and rusticated stone. The unusual circular window is similar to that found on the Albert Christensen house and may indicate a common design source. T H E REBUILDING AND LOCAL HISTORY

Several conclusions about the architectural development of the Sanpete Valley may be drawn from this survey of late nineteenthcentury housing styles and types. First, since domestic building practices here closely approximate those found in other rural areas of the United States, it is evident that no particular "Mormon" style emerged in local house design. In fact, quite the reverse w as true, and " T h i s house appears to have been built about 1900 by George W. Graham. Plat records indicated that Graham received the lot in 1897 from his father's estate and probably built the house shortlv thereafter.

Figs. 23 and 24. The George W. Graham house, ca. 1900, Fairview. Photograph by Peter L. Goss. The hallparlor plan included a Queen Anne corner turret. The shaded portion denotes the original one-room with a lean-to house (8/28/84).

^S.S.S,S.S\S\\\SiWvJL-!Ai>i>^^g:

LIVINQ ROOM.


Rebuilding

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109

Sanpete architecture was characterized during the 1870s and 1880s by a wide variety of immigrant building forms and post-Civil War decorative styles. There were exceptions-some houses were designed to accommodate plural wives and thus become distinctively Mormon contributions to the landscape; and a certain time lag existed-often styles took some time in getting from the cultural centers of the East out to the Sanpete Valley. Yet, on the whole, valley carpenters were not unaware of fashion and worked hard to create functional and pleasing houses within the bounds of an essentially conservative designing tradition. Second, the survey demonstrates that after 1890 changes in architectural style came more quickly and became more substantive. The initial architectural complexion of the valley was firmly established in folk housing forms and the Greek Revival style. Picturesque ideas were in circulation by the late 1860s and early 1870s as isolated instances of the cross-wing house and more generally as Gothic Revival and Italianate stylistic trim applied to essentially symmetrical houses. By the late 1880s, however, a truly radical attack on existing practice was taking shape; and soon intricate, asymmetrical, and highly ornate Queen Anne, Eastlake, and Victorian Eclectic houses were springing up throughout the valley. During the period from 1890 to 1910 the architectural landscape created by the first settlers was dramatically and irrevocably altered. T h e valley was for all intents and purposes rebuilt during these years. Description allows the historian to see what was done, but description is not explanation. It is not enough to know that the architecture of Sanpete Valley changed significantly at the turn of the century and that certain building styles and types were replaced by certain other styles and types. The important question remains unanswered: why this change? It is possible to interpret the Victorian rebuilding as but another facet of the larger Americanization of Mormon societyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the change in architectural style, that is, symbolizing the Mormon acceptance of secular American values and housing forms. Yet the artifactual evidence does not support this explanation. Beyond building, as their leaders directed, "substantial houses" of brick and stone, there is no indication that Sanpete Saints demonstrated an interest in piecing together an architectural identity based on shared stylistic principles. Collective energies were directed elsewhereâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;for example, toward erecting the monumental temples


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that could more effectively serve as symbols of the Mormon western kingdom. Another available explanation for the architectural changes of the late nineteenth century is found in the end of isolation. The Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad pushed its tracks through Thistle Canyon into the Sanpete Valley in 1891. In 1893 the Sanpete Valley Railroad, a narrow gauge line that had been originally constructed in 1881 to connect the coal fields at Wales with Nephi, was changed to standard gauge and extended to Manti."i^ W. H. Lever, in his 1898 history of the county, noted with a touch of hyperbole that "the railroads opened the dormant channels of trade, established new telegraphic service and express delivery, and placed every colony [town] of the county on the great highway of commercial prosperity.'"'^ Certainly the arrival of the railroads served to stimulate the economy and bring valley residents closer to the outside world. Yet, without discounting its influence, it is important to remember that even before the coming of the railroad, mobility within the Mormon region was high. Freighting between Sanpete and Nevada and Salt Lake City had been a fact of local life since the 1860s, and imported goods and services were certainly not unknown. Before the completion of the Manti Temple in 1888 the Saints had traveled regularly to Salt Lake City to perform certain services and rituals important in the religion, undoubtedly bringing back news of the latest fashions. Before 1890 the valley was not completely cut off from the rest of the state; people there were indeed aware of developments in home economy and architecture. Although inherently conservative, Sanpete builders nevertheless demonstrated a willingness to experiment with the cross-wing house and the Gothic Revival style, and it seems likely that the railroad, rather than initiating a dialogue with the outside, stimulated and intensified a relationship that had been going on since the first days of settlement. The symbolic end of Mormon kingdom-building and the actual arrival of the railroad are factors that must be taken into account in any explanation of the Victorian rebuilding. It is impossible to deny that in 1890 the Sanpete Valley was ripe for change. However, one ingredient in the process, which may be seen as the catalyst for change, has consistently been ignored, and, rather simply, this was money. After 1890 Sanpete Valley residents were wealthy enough not ''^Lever, History of Sanpete and Emery Counties, pp. 42-44. ÂŤIbid., p. 36.


Rebuilding

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m

merely to contemplate change but to actually effect it. T h e money that financed the rebuilding came from a major upturn in the local economy precipitated by a boom in the sheep industry. The first Utah sheep herds were trailed west with the Mormon pioneers in 1847. T h o u g h the LDS church leaders encouraged the development of an indigenous woolen industry as part of a program of self-sufficiency and home production, the industry lagged behind expectations because herds remained small and of marginal breeding quality. After 1870 several factors contributed to the rapid expansion of sheep ranching in Utah. First, it was discovered that the state's climate and geography were ideal for establishing a summer-winter system of range management. During the summer herds could graze on the high mountain grasses and then, when winter snows arrived, the sheep could be moved down to the lower desert country. This system, coupled with the availability of vast tracts of public grazing land, made a significant increase in herd size possible. Second, in 1869 the Utah Territorial Legislature acted to aid the flagging sheep industry by abolishing taxes on sheep and appropriating public funds for the improvement of breeds. Third, the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869 opened up eastern markets to Utah wool and mutton. And finally, the general ending of Indian hostilities in 1870 opened up sizeable new sections of land for grazing. T h e take-off year for the industry was about 1870, but it was not until the late 1880s and 1890s that the full effects of the boom were felt in Utah communities.^^ A sense of how rapidly the livestock business expanded may be grasped from the figures for the size of Utah sheep herds. In 1885 there were about one million head of sheep in the state. By 1900 this number had jumped to 3,818,000.^1 T h e increase was particularly evident in the Sanpete Valley. W. H. Lever wrote in 1898, "In the production of wool and mutton this county leads, not only in Utah, but in the entire United States, no other county having so many as a half-million sheep."^2 x h e impact of the livestock boom on the valley's economy and life-style was significant, as Charles Peterson and Linda Speth have noted in their history of the Wasatch-Cache National Forest: "It is apparent that growth in the sheep industry ASee Everett H Mecham, " T h e History of the Sheep Industry in Utah" (Master's thesis. 50*. University of Utah, 1925); and Charles S. Peterson and Linda E. Speth, "A History of the Wasatch-Cache National Forest," 1980, MS. Utah State Histcjrical Society Library. 5'Peterscm and Speth, "A History of the Wasatch-Cache National Forest," p. 179. 52Lever, History of Sanpete and Emery Counties, p. 36.


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after 1890 was in many respects a matter of internal development. One way or another, this development touched the lives of thousands of Utahns and became a major source of wealth among them."^^ The Victorian rebuilding of the Sanpete Valley, then, must be viewed against the larger backdrop of social and economic change in the area during the turn-of-the-century period. As new wealth was injected in the Sanpete communities, residents channeled a portion of their incomes into house building. Because there was a long tradition of architectural experimentation in the valley, it was natural that contemporary Victorian stylesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the popular styles of the dayâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;were used for both new houses and remodeling of older ones. These styles symbolized financial success and an awareness of fashion just as surely as earlier classical and picturesque designs had done in their own time. Such evidence suggets that rebuilding, despite its proportions, may in fact represent more of a change in style than in content. T h a t is, it is possible to see the rebuilding as part and parcel of an existing cultural tradition, rather than the product of a new and foreign set of values. Victorian housing became popular in the Sanpete Valley for many of the same reasons it was accepted in other parts of the country. It was new, it was aesthetically satisfying, and it presented the family with comfortable, specialized internal living spaces. In short, the architectural changes that engulfed rural Utah during the late nineteenth century must be understood first of all in terms of specifically local economic conditions and, second, as part of a broadly changing pattern in the way Americans viewed the house as a functioning home. The study of Victorian architecture in Utah is just beginning, but if researchers are willing to probe beneath the level of style and avoid facile explanation, the results of this work should make a significant contribution to the collective understanding of life in Utah at the turn of the century.

'Peterson and Speth, "A History of the Wasatch-Cache National Forest," pp. 183-84


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History BOARD OF STATE HISTORY THOMAS G. ALEXANDER, Provo, 1987 Chairman LEONARD J. ARRINGTON, Salt Lake City, 1989 Vice-Chairman JAY M . RAYMOND, Salt Lake City Secretary DOUGLAS D. ALDER, Logan, 1989 PHILLIP A. BULLEN, Salt Lake City, 1987 J. ELDON DORMAN, Price, 1987 H U G H C . GARNER, Salt Lake City, 1989 DANE. JONES, Salt Lake City, 1989 DEANL. MAY, Salt Lake City, 1987 WILLIAM D. OWENS, Salt Lake City, 1987 AMY ALLEN PRICE, Salt Lake City, 1989

ADMINISTRATION JAY M . HAYMOND, ^c<jng Director and Librarian STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor DAVID B. MADSEN,State Archaeologist A. KENT POWELL, H i i t o n c Preservation Research WILSON G. M\KT\N. Historic Preservation Development PHILLIP F. NOTARIANNI, Museum Services CRAIG FVLLER. Administrative Services

The Utah State Historical Society was organized an 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, under state sponsorship, the .Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials: collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of titah's past. Tfiis publication lias been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended. This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title \'I of the C:ivil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.


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Roads Less Traveled

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF STANFORD J. LAYTON, M a n a g i n g MIRIAM B. MVKPHY, Associate

Editor

Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L . CANNON u.Salt Lake City, 1986 ARLENE H . EAKLE, Woods

Cross, 1987

PETER L. Goss. Sa/< Lake City, 1988 G L E N M . LEONARD, F a r m m g f o n , 1988

LAMAR PETERSEN,Sa/< Lake City, 1986 RICHARD W. SADLER, O g d e n , 1988

HAROLD ScHiNDLER.Sa/^ Lake City, 1987 GENE A. SESSIONS, Boun<j/u/, 1986

GREGORY C. THOMPSON, Sa/t Lake

City, 1987

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to p u b l i s h articles, d o c u m e n t s , a n d reviews c o n t r i b u t i n g to k n o w l e d g e of U t a h ' s history. T h e Quarterly is p u b l i s h e d by t h e U t a h State Historical Society, 300 R i o G r a n d e , Salt L a k e City, U t a h 84101. P h o n e (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive t h e Quarterly, Beehive History, a n d the b i m o n t h l y Newsletter u p o n p a y m e n t of the a n n u a l dues: i n d i v i d u a l , $15.00; i n s t i t u t i o n , $20.00; student a n d senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $10.00; c o n t r i b u t i n g , $20.00; s u s t a i n i n g , $25.00; p a t r o n , $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for p u b l i c a t i o n s h o u l d be s u b m i t t e d i n d u p l i c a t e a c c o m p a n i e d by r e t u r n postage a n d s h o u l d be typed double-space, w i t h footnotes at the end. Additional i n f o r m a t i o n o n r e q u i r e m e n t s is available from the m a n a g i n g editor. T h e Society assumes n o responsibility for statements of fact o r o p i n i o n by c o n t r i b u t o r s . Second class postage is paid at Salt L a k e City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 ( c h a n g e of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 R i o G r a n d e , Salt L a k e City, U t a h 84101.


HZSTORZCJLX^ a i 7 A R T E R Z . i r

Contents SPRING 1986/VOLUME 54/NUMBER 2

IN THIS ISSUE

n5

WILLIAM CHANDLESS: BRITISH OVERLANDER, MORMON OBSERVER, AMAZON EXPLORER ONE MAN'S AIR FORCE: THE EXPERIENCE OF BYRON DUSSLER AT WENDOVER FIELD, UTAH, 1941-46 HOUSEWIVES, HUSSIES, AND HEROINES, OR THE WOMEN OF JOHNSTON'S ARMY LETTERS FROM PARIS

. .

EDWINAJOSNOW

ROGER

AUDREY

D.

LAUNIUS

116

137

M. GODFREY 157

WILLIAM

C. SEIFRFE 179

BOOK REVIEWS

203

BOOK NOTICES

212

THE GOVER Wendover, Utah, ca. 1941. USHS collections.

© Copyright 1986 Utah State Historical Society


Books reviewed

J. ARRINGTON. Brigham Young: American Moses . . . F. Ro.s.s PETER.SON 203

LEONARD

ed. Cowboy Gathering.

Poetry:

H A L CANNON,

A

CAROL A. EDISON, ed. Cowboy

from Utah: An Anthology

Poetry STEVE SIPORIN

FRED R . GOWANS. Rocky

Mountain

Rendezvous: A History of the Fur Trade Rendezvous, 1825-1840 . . MERRILL G . RICHARD

A.

A Wilderness Besieged

Atlas of the Outlaw West GRACE MCCLURE.

Women

BURLINGAME

205

Yellowstone:

BARTLETT.

RICHARD PATTERSON.

204

. . D. GENE PACE 206

Historical

. . .

MURRAY

207

MILTON C . ABRAMS

208

ROBERT

A.

The Bassett

Time Machines: The World of Living History DAVID W.

JAY ANDERSON.

WALDEN

210


Swwww P i U W " *

**^.Âť

Wendover Field, Utah, looking east toward construction of first bomb group's billet in late 1941. Courtesy of Byron Dussler.

In this issue The men and women whose activities are examined in this issue seem to exemplify the poet Robert Frost's observation that choosing the road "less traveled . . . made all the difference." William Chandless, discussed in the first article, was one of only a handful of British travelers drawn to America's western frontier in the 1850s. He stands apart from even that small group for the length of his stay in Salt Lake City, his visits to outlying settlements, and his dispassionate writings about the Mormons and their practice of polygamy. Another atypical, albeit involuntary, visitor to Utah was Byron Dussler, stationed at Wendover Field during World War II. Refusing to let army regulations stand in the way of getting a job done. Private Dussler soon became Sergeant Major Dussler and an important cog in the smooth running of the base. His letters to relatives in Illinois are full of informative detail, insights, and humor. The women who accompanied Johnston's Army to Utah in 1857 have been largely ignored, but, as the third article suggests, the different path taken by these wives, laundresses, and others affected not only the troops but the larger Utah story as well. The final article in this issue looks at a group of artists who went to Paris to refine their skills. Their study abroad, unusual for Utahns in the nineteenth century, greatly enhanced our artistic heritage and demonstrated the opportunities and rewards to be found on less traveled roads.


William Chandless: British Overlander, Mormon Observer, Amazon Explorer BY E D W I N A J O S N O W

T H E BOOK IS EXCEEDINGLY LIVELY AND picturesque, combining pleasant reading with just observation, impartiality, and good sense." That is how Richard Burton, the nineteenth-century explorer Mrs. Snow lives in Honolulu, Hawaii.

Above: William Chandless, ca. I860. Courtesy of Cecil R.

Chandless.


William Chandless

117

who visited the Mormons in September 1860, described the book of William Chandless, a fellow English traveler who had spent November and December of 1855 with the Mormons. Jules Remy, a French naturalist who observed the Mormons in October 1855, read Chandless's book, A Visit to Salt Lake; Being a Journey across the Plains and a Residence in the Mormon Settlements at Utah (1857), and stated that Chandless's "observations are marked with justice and good sense."^ Present-day historians have similarly praised the Chandless travel narrative, citing it in a number of works dealing with the Mormon settlements or the overland experience in 1855. However, only Andrew Love Neff in the History of Utah attempted to describe and assess the man and his book in any detail. Without the benefit of any outside biographical information, relying on the travel account alone, Neff accurately concluded that Chandless was an "educated and prosperous Englishman" who wrote with "color and comprehension, sympathy and appreciation," telling a story "full of humor and pathos, of information and commiseration, a galaxy of humanistic pictures and personal portraits."^ This article goes beyond Neff to put both the Chandless account and the man himself in broader perspective. The Chandless narrative is distinctive in subject matter and point of view. While categorized as an overland account like hundreds of other records of the trek from the Missouri River to California, it is specifically what Neff calls "the classic narrative of the entire twenty years of ox-team freighting from the Missouri River to Great Salt Lake City."^ It is one of a dozen or so book-length accounts written by travelers about the Mormons during their first decade of settlement in the Great Basin. It is one of an even smaller number of accounts by a "Winter Mormon," defined by contemporary Mormons as a Gentile who wintered among the Mormons but did not join the church, and furthermore, it is the only lengthy account written by a British traveler in that first decade. Chandless boarded with a polygamous family in Salt Lake City. Indeed, his 'Richard F. Burton, The City of the Sainls, ed. Pawn M. Brodie (1861; reprint ed.. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 196,^), j). 226; Jules Remy and Julius Brenchley,/i Journey lo Great Salt Lake Cily with a Sketch of ihe History, Religion, and Customs of ihe Mormons, and an Introduction of the Religious Movement in the United States, 2 vols. (London: W. Jeffs, 1861), 2:,568. 2Andrcw Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847-1869 (Sail Lake C;ity; Deseret News Press, 1940), pp. 319-20. nhid. p. 319.


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book is best known as an outsider's inside view of polygamy. But the narrative is also exceptional in its description of the barter economy and British Mormon converts. In contrast to the negative image of the Mormons that prevailed in nineteenth-century novels, plays, periodicals, newspapers, and pictorial representations, Chandless, like some other early travelers, wrote sympathetically about the Mormons. Beyond this, he was articulate, perceptive, and witty.^ As well as analyzing the Chandless travel narrative and comparing it to similar accounts, this article brings forward for the first time biographical information about Chandless who, after publishing A Visit to Salt Lake, explored and mapped the southern tributaries of the Amazon River. These later accomplishments substantiate the characterization of him as an accurate and openminded observer, one deserving more attention than he has so far received. BACKGROLND

William Chandless's background is similar to that of other nineteenth-century British travelers in America—he was upper class, wealthy, and well-educated, with a bent for wTiting.^ Born November 7, 1829, William was the youngest of four children. His father, Thomas, was queen's counsel, the highest rank of barrister. William, like his two brothers and one sister, inherited money and property from his paternal grandfather. At school William showed an early facility in Greek, Latin, and writing. He continued his interest and achievement in classics at Trinity College, Cambridge, receiving a B.A. in 1852. He then began to study law, following the footsteps of his father, his uncle, and his brother. He received an M.A. from Cambridge in 1855. But he " h a d n o taste for the legal profession" and "possessing an ample fortune," departed the family path and made his own way as a traveler and an explorer.^ "•For a listing and analysis of tra\el accounts, inc hiding those of the 1860s, see Edwina Jo Snow, "Singular Saints: Ehe Image of the Mormons in Book-Length Tra\el Accounts, 1847-18,'J7" (M.A. thesis, Cieorge Washington University, 1972). For a disc ussion of "Winter Mormons" and "Winter Saints," the latter defined hy Hosea Stout as "those Emegrants [sic]\\bo sloj) here, join the church 8c marry wi\esand go to tfie mines in tlie Spring," see Brigham D. Madsen, (JOUIRush Sojourners in Great Sail Lake CUy: 1849 and 1850 {Sdh\:AkvCh\-.Vni\vys[\\o[ViAhV\vss, 198.^), pp. 1 16-17. For a listing of works discussing the "image" of the Moiiiions in \arious media see James B. Allen and Cilen M. Leonard, TheSlory of the Latter-day Sainls (Salt LakeCaty: Deseret Book C^ompany, 197()), pp. 6 18-49, and Gary L. Bunker and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Graphic Image, 1834-1914: Carloons, Caricalures, and Illuslralions (Salt Lake City: Uni\ersity of Utah Press, 198.^). •'Ric hard L. Rapson, BriIons View America: Trai'el Commentary, 1860-1935 (Seattle: Universitv of Washington Press, 1971), pp. 198-200. ''Ohituary, The Geographical Journal Including the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 8 (1896): 77-79 (tfiis is a new journal name beginning in 1893; the previous name was The


William Chandless

119

After leaving Cambridge, Chandless, like a number of other Englishmen, made a trip to the United States. Between 1836 and 1860, approximately 230 British travelers published accounts of their American tours; however, the Missouri River was as far west as most journeyed. Accounts including the plains, the Rocky Mountains, and California appeared in significant numbers only after the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869.^ In the middle of July 1855 Chandless found himself on the banks of the Missouri River at St. Joseph waiting for an upriver boat, his "intentions being to travel by water to Council Bluffs . . . and then turn eastward" to the Mississippi River. But an "accident or the w^him of an hour" caused him to change his itinerary, continue west, and cross the continent.^ The catalyst for this atypical trip was a wagon train bound for Salt Lake City and needing hands, however inexperienced. The idea of crossing the plains took Chandless's fancy. He applied for a job as a teamster and was hired on the spot. He posted "necessary letters" so that a letter of credit would await him in San Francisco; "threw off all smooth dress, and donned a woollen shirt and shooting jacket, still, as it seemed, fragrant of the last year's heather"; and made arrangements for his excess luggage. He was "ready to start when ordered," thinking there would be a "delightful novelty in working for less than a dollar a day, and mixing in a wholly untried and very miscellaneous society; one was sure to be amused, and likely to learn something too."^ Chandless was sufficiently diverted and enlightened by his sixand-a-half-month journey from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean to write a travel account when he returned to England in the fall of 1856. In 1857 the account was published by Smith Elder, a distinguished publishing house that, in the 1840s, had published the five volumes of Charles Darwin's Zoology of the Voyage of the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society); photocopy of part of the Chandless family pedigree chart kindly provided to author by Cecil Raymond Chandless, great nephew of William Chandless, who also provided a tape recording, June 1982; copy of the Will and Codicil of William Chandless, 22 May 1896 ; J. B. Lawson, Librarian, Shrewbury School, T h e Schools, Shrewbury, Salop, England, letter to author, 31 March 1981; John Venn and J. A. Venn, compilers. Alumni Cantabrigienses: A Biographical List of All Known Students, Graduates, and Holders of Office at ihe Unix'ersity of Cambridge, from ihe Earliest Times to 1900, Part II from 1752-1900, 10 vols. (Cambridge, 1922), 2:8. 'Max Bergei, The British Traveller in America, 1836-1860 (1943; reprint ed., Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1964), pp. 190, .51; Robert G. Athearn, Westward the Brilon (New York: C^harles Scribner's Sons, 19.53), p. 185. ^William Chandless, A Visit lo Sail Lake; Being a Journey across ihe Plains and a Residence in the Mormon Settlements at Utah (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1857), pp. 1, iv; or (1857; reprinted.. New York; A.M.S. Press, 1971), pp. 1, iv. (There is also an early Danish edition, VedSallsoen; et besog hos Mormonerne i Utah, trans. F.G. Serensen (Kjobenhavn: Forlaglaf ÂĽ. Woldife, 1858). 91bid., pp. 6-7, 325.


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Beagle. Contemporary London reviewers called Chandless the first Englishman to describe the Mormon settlements in any length or detail but condemned his rather favorable point of view towards the Mormons. ^^ A J O l RNEY ACROSS THE PLAINS

An 1857 London Athenaeum reviewer passed over Chandless's "clever and picturesque" narration of his plains' crossing to focus on the description of Mormon polygamy. Later readers, however, have better appreciated his distinctive record of a joint freighting and cattle venture. His account is, furthermore, a noteworthy overland narrative well exemplifying major characteristics of the overland experience set down by John Unruh in his excellent work, The Plains Across. Unruh described various overland enterprises.^^ Chandless depicted a livestock and freighting undertaking very likely connected with the Salt Lake City mercantile establishment, Livingston and Kinkead, since one of the owners mentioned by Chandless was "Mr. Kinkead" of "the Salt Lake firm." Chandless and forty other "cattle drivers" joined a venture consisting of thirty-eight freight wagons carrying 3,500-4,500 pounds each, three supply wagons, an office wagon, and over 400 head of cattle. There were five yoke of cattle to a wagon. T h e teamsters from the time they engaged had no more expenses. They were issued two blankets each and slept on the ground or in the wagons. They ate biscuits, bacon, and coffee supplemented only occasionally by fresh buffalo meat and rarely by fresh milk and vegetables. T h e duties were herding and watering the cattle, forming corrals, yoking up, driving, and cooking. A main duty of all was night watch. Chandless complained that "keeping guard half of every other night is hard work, and worst of all being hard at work from midnight to noon without any rest or a morsel of breakfast."^^ Unruh emphasized the overlanders' interaction with other groups in the West.^^ Indeed, Chandless depicted continuous interaction with Mormon emigrant and goods trains, the overland mail, Indians, General Harney's army, army deserters, traders at '"Leonard Huxlev, 7/;eHou5e o/Smi7/i ÂŁWcr (London: William Clowes & Sons, Limited, 1923), p. 22; New Quarterly Review 6 (1857): 394-99; Athenaeum, May 23, 1857, pp. 65:5-57. " J o h n David Unruh, The Plains Across: The Overland Emigrants and the Trans-Mississippi West, 1840-60 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979). pp. 391-95. '^Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, pp. 28, 8-21, 83. '^Unruh, The Plains Across, p. 27.


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trading posts, and settlers. T h e English teamster noted the comings and goings of his own train as men who were fired, left, died, or stayed behind because of sickness, were subsequently replaced by new hands. In describing the difficulties of the last hundred miles of the trail to Salt Lake, Chandless said, "the two other trains [Mormon emigrant trains] fared no better than ourselves, and companionship, even in misfortune, was pleasant; not to speak of a sort of tortoise race tacitly agreed on between us."^^ Unruh concluded that the extent of Indian attacks on overlanders has been greatly exaggerated and that Indian begging and thievery were the main nuisance. In addition, overlanders "were not above stealing from their colleagues."^^ Chandless's train experienced a number of false alarms of Indian attack. As if quoting Unruh on Indian retaliation, Chandless stated, " m u c h of their [the Indians'] hostility . . . has been caused by emigrants wantonly firing at natives, just for rifle practice, when they thought it safe; sometimes when it was not so." Although the train lost several mules to Indian theft near Laramie, Chandless recounted more thefts among the men themselves, including the theft of his blanket which he never got back and his gun which he did get back through the help of the probate court in Salt Lake City.^^ Rather than Indian attack, the main dangers on the trail for all overlanders were disease and accidents.^^ T w o men in Chandless's train died, probably of cholera, and others were ill, including Chandless. For about two weeks he lay on his "bed of coffee sacks," wearing the same clothes, drinking water "now and then." One morning he went by "many stages" 200 yards to the Mormon train to see their doctor. The doctor gave him "effervescing draughts" which took away his fever. Chandless attributed his recovery to this, to a bath ("many thought me stark mad to bathe, but cleanliness is a step not only towards comfort but towards health"), and to fresh buffalo meat "taken at first very moderately." After two more weeks, he recovered.^ ^ Unruh emphasized the "democratizing quality of overland travel"i9 but did not pay any attention to the interaction of various i'C:handless, A Visit 'Wnruh, The Plains 'fiChandless, A Visit " U n r u h , The Plains isChandless, A Visit i^Unruh, The Plains

to Salt Lake, pp. 113-14. Across, pp. 386, 194. lo Salt Lake, pp. 283, 96, 26, 58, 120, 22:5-26. Across, p. 408. to Salt Lake, pp. 56-62, 90. Across, p. 389.


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nationalities on the trail. Chandless, however, perhaps because he was "the solitary Englishman of the w^hole camp" and because he could speak French and Italian, w^as aware of the ethnic overtones of trail life. Among the hired hands were Irishmen, Frenchmen, Italians, Germans, a Mexican, and a Scotsman, as w^ell as Texans, Missourians, and other Americans. T h e men were allowed to group themselves into messes of ten â&#x20AC;&#x201D; one mess consisted chiefly of "professional teamsters, and entirely of Americans"; another was in the main "American mechanics"; w^hile Chandless's mess was the "relic of the rest," the "hotch-potch" of nationalities, although near the end of the trail the "Emerald Isle had . . . a decided pred o m i n a n c e . " One of these Irishmen was "little T o m , " the "character of the whole c a m p " and a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin. Chandless recounted that he and T o m sometimes "capped Latin verses by the campfire, to the intense astonishment of the rest of 'ours,' who had not given T o m credit for so much learning, and he would hold his head a little higher after such exhibitions."^o The "hotch-potch" of nationalities in Chandless's mess may have been friendly enough with each other, but, unlike their English trail mate, they were not friendly with their countrymen in the nearby Mormon trains. While visiting the Mormon trains Chandless found a couple of Piedmontese families, fifteen or sixteen together, with a wagon between them. When I spoke of them to the Italians of our camp, they expressed as niuch scorn as the Irish did at the Mormon Irishmen, and would not go near them. Perhaps it is a Catholic feeling; yet our Irish had half diopped their religion: one today said to me, 'T'm Catholic, but all religions are ways to heaven, except the Mormon; all their priests will go to hell."2'

The sentiments voiced by the Italian and Irish teamsters w^re not uncommon. Gentile travelers expressed negative feelings about the Mormons well before reaching the Mormon settlements. Furthermore, even though the Mormon "half-w^ay house" considerably eased the overland experience, as it did for Chandless, anti-Mormon stories prevailed in the western press. Unruh suggested such stories were a "tertiary force in bringing on the Mormon War." Some of the more bitter and extensively printed complaints about the Mormons were generated by overlanders who wintered with the Mormons, as Chandless did. Unruh wondered, "How justly and benevolently the 20C:handless, A Visit lo Salt Lake, pp. 20, 41, 47-49. 2'lbid., p. 37.


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Saints had in fact treated the overland emigrants—winter and summer—remains the unanswered question. Relatively few contemporaries attempted dispassionate assessments."22 Chandless's account may be numbered among these few. A RESIDENCE IN FHE MORMON S E I T L E M E N I S AT U I A H

T h e Chandless narrative can be appreciated as an overland trip eased by wintering at the Mormon half-way house. But the account is also noteworthy in relation to other early travelers' descriptions of the Mormon communities in the Great Basin. Chandless is one of a small group of travelers who published firsthand accounts of the Mormons in their first decade of settlement. Except for Jules Remy, Chandless and the other early visitors did not go to Salt Lake City for the express purpose of observing or writing about the Mormons. They were gold seekers, itinerant preachers, members of government surveys or expeditions, and territorial officials. Besides Chandless, the only other British traveler in the 1850s to publish observations about the Mormons, exluding Mormon converts and apostates, was William Kelly, a good-natured Irish gold seeker who spent several days in Salt Lake City in early summer 1849.^^ Chandless's journey to Salt Lake took three and a half months and was fraught with hardship. So it was for most of these initial travelers. A number, like Chandless, stayed at some length with the Mormons, spending time in the winter as well as the summer. And like him, some of these first visitors wrote positive assessments of certain aspects of the Mormon settlements, such as the imposing setting, the rapid development, and the industry, sobriety, health, and cleanliness of the Mormons.^^ ^^Snow, "Singidar Saints," p. 36; Unruh, The Plains Across, chap. 9, " T h e Mormon 'Halfway House,"' pp. 302-37, 336, 329. Madsen concluded thai winter "'cabin fever' . . . exacerbated differences only lightly felt during the short summer stopovers" (Gold Rush Sojourners, p. 124). ^•'William Kelly, Across the Rocky Mountains, from New York to California with a Visit lo the Celebrated Mormon Colony al the Great Salt Lake (London: Simms and M'Intyre, 1852). A British overlander who did not pass through Salt Lake Caty and who had a brief encounter with Mormon emigrants on the trail was Henry J o h n Ck)ke, A Ride over the Rocky Mountains lo Oregon and California with a Glance at Some of the Tropical Islands, Including the West Indiesand the Sandwich Isles (London: Ric hard Bentley, 1852). A British Mormon convert who published an overland account in 1854 and 1855 was Frederick Hawkins Piercy, Route from Lwerpool lo Great Salt Lake Valley, ed. Fawn M. Brodie (C:ambridge, Mass.: Harxard Uni\ersity Press, 1962). A British overlander who wintered with the Mormons and joined ihechuic h was John Hudson whose letters and journal aie published in Brigham D. Madsen, eel., A Forty-niner in Utah with the Stansbury Exploration of Great Sail Lake: Letters and Journal of John Hudson, 1848-50 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Fainier Trust Fund, 1981). Anotherrecently published journal is that of a British forty-niner, James Mason Hutchings, who passed through Salt Lake City: Shirley Sargent, ed.. Seeking the Elephant, 1849: James Mason Hutchings; Journal of His Overland Trek to California, 1848, and Letters from the Mother Lode (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1980). ^''Snow, "Singular Saints," p. 12.


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Later travelers differed in several ways. As it became faster and easier to get to Salt Lake Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;by mail stage in the sixties and then by rail after 1869â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the number of travelers and travel books increased. In the sixties at least five British travelers, including Richard Burton, passed through Salt Lake City and wrote about the experience. The later travelers tended to stay a shorter time and usually made their visits in the summer. In the main, they were professional journalists with every intention of publishing their overland adventure, including a chapter on the Mormons. Some of these later travelers also wrote about the same positive aspects as the earlier travelers. But, with the exception of Richard Burton, the later accounts are more stereotyped than the early ones.^^ Historians value travel accounts such as Chandless's for the historic detail recorded therein, for the outside perspective shed on native views, and for the values and preoccupations of the times that are reflected by the traveler himself. A drawback of travel literature, however, is that occasionally rumor is repeated as fact. Chandless made such an error in writing that Brigham Young had Chief Walker secretly put to death. This rumor was later repeated by Burton who cited Chandless. Chandless himself said there may be errors of fact or opinion in his book but that he introduced no "incident" unless it occurred.2^ Indeed, it is in the telling of personal incidents that his book has much charm and verisimilitude. The Chandless narrative seems relatively free of two other characteristics attributed to travel accounts: a tension between what travelers expected and what they actually saw and a tendency to embellish their experiences. Just as British travelers in Colorado found the West to be less raw and bawdy than expected, the travelers to Salt Lake City found the Mormons less depraved and lascivious than expected.27 Chandless, more than most travelers, seemed to realize that what little he had read of the Mormons before his trip was "not taken from personal, or anything like personal, observation." 251bid., pp. 129-35. Accounts published by British travelers in the 1860s include: William Abraham Bell, New Tracks in North America (New York: Scribner, Welford &: Ck)., 1869); Burton, City of the Saints; Charles Clarleton Ckjffen, Our New Way Round the World (London: Sampson, Law, .Son and Marslon, 1869); C^harles Wcntworth Dilke, Greater Britain (London: Macmillan and Ck)., 1868); William Hepworth I^ixon, New America (London: Hinst and Blackett, 1867). Dixon was editor of the Athenaeum, and his traveling companion, Dilke, was the son of the owner of Athenaeum (Athearn, Westward the Briton, p. 191). 26Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, pp. 184, iii; Burton, City of the Saints, p. 650. In fact. Chief Walker "died of a cold which had settled on his lungs." See B.H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Century I, 6 vols. (Pro\o: Brigham Young University Press, 1965), 3:464. "Athearn, Westward the Brilon, p. 7. Snow, "Singular Saints," p. 17.


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The Lion House was under construction and the Beehive House newly painted white when Chandless saw them in 1835. Photograph by David A. Burr, 1857. USHS collections.

Unlike Richard Burton, who included footnotes, an extensive bibliography, appendices, lengthy excerpts from both Mormon and non-Mormon sources, and numerous digressions comparing Salt Lake City to every exotic place Burton had previously visited, Chandless wrote "a narrative merely personal." He "read no books upon the subject" not wishing "either to borrow or controvert their facts or be impressed with their impressions." His object was to record "facts and incidents as they occurred" with little attempt to "theorize" or "generalize."^^ His account is concise, well-written, amiable, and literary enough with a scattering of classical and biblical allusions. It is a pleasure to read as well as a source of information. Like other firsthand accounts, Chandless's book has provided historians with details of the pastâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in this case, the winter of 1855-56, the "longest and severest" term of cold weather since the beginning of the settlement in 1847. T h e Englishman wrote that none of the 400 cattle in his train lived through the winter. In addition, he described the geography, natural resources, soil, buildings, roads, bridges, walls, irrigation method, crops, fuel, population make-up, and industries.29 In late November he made a brief walking tour of some northern settlements. Adding this jaunt to Chandless's journey to California via the Mormon corridor, readers today get glimpses of Weber, Ogden, Farmington, Cottonwood, Lehi, Battle Creek (now 2ÂťChandless, A Visit lo Salt Lake, pp. iii-v. 29Ibid., pp. 149, 143, 137-55.


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Pleasant Grove), Provo, Manti, Cedar Spring, Fillmore, Parowan, Cedar City, Las Vegas, and San Bernardino. Chandless reported on the state of culture in Salt Lake City. He gave a mixed review to the Social Hall theatrical productions, noted that the "city boasted one decent band which was called in upon all occasions of Church and State," and observed that "all the pianos you might count on one hand; everyone knows their number and present locality as well as an old Thames puntman does those of the big trout." He included some stanzas, written with "smoothness and ease," from Eliza R. Snow, "the Sappho of the Valley," and wondered if a "lofty genius" will be born to Mormonism, "penetrated with the spirit of the ancient Hebrews," taking as a motto "in exitu Israel," and thus finding "a worthy subject in the flight and emigration across the plains." A "new faith ought to produce its own historians, poets, and novelists," but the Mormons, although they did not despise poetry, were "afraid of anything fanciful, except their own fancies; and nothing great can spring up under a spiritual despotism."30 The "spiritual despotism," "unity of church and state," or "oligarchy working under and deadening the forms of democracy," Chandless felt to be the "very worst feature of Mormonism."^^ Other early travelers noted the unity of church and state, but perhaps because they had met Brigham Young and were uniformly impressed with him, they found some redeeming features in his leadership.^^ Chandless never met Brigham Young. He merely heard him speak, noting his affectation of "coarse and common language" and commenting that he was "in shrewdness and energy well fitted to be the head, though by no means the most intellectual or most eloquent in the 'Church."'33 Having studied law, Chandless took a particular interest in the Mormon courts, both civil and ecclesiastical. He noted that the Mormons discouraged litigation and relied on the bishop of the w ard as "a sort of county court judge" with a final appeal to Brigham. Regarding civil courts, he thought the Mormons showed "cool audacity and flagrant bad law" in giving the probate courts criminal 3oibid., pp. 223-24, 244-46. ^"Ibid.. D. 178. 'â&#x20AC;˘^Snow, "Singular Saints," pp. 70-72. Madsen notes that the good or bad opinions of Brigham Young expressed by the overlanders seemed related to whether or not they had met him (Gold Rush Sojourners, p.99). 33Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, p. 207.


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jurisdiction. T h e English visitor himself appeared before a Mormon probate judge in order to obtain a search warrant against the Irishman from his train who had stolen his gun. T h e revolver recovered, Chandless did not press charges. T h e judge permitted the thief to go free "on condition that he left the city before sundown the next evening." T h e constable, for his trouble in executing the search warrant and who "saw the currish nature of Moran, worked out of his fears twenty or twenty five dollars."^'^ Chandless is the only traveler who gave a description and analysis of the barter economy. He explained that the gold rush aided the Mormon economy in part by providing specie. However, trade with outsiders soon drained the specie from the Mormon settlements. T h e only source of specie at the time was money brought in by Mormon emigrants and the "salaries and etc. paid by the Federal Government of the United States." This lack of specie produced the direct interchange of commodities (including labor) and the circulation of promissory notesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the most valuable being orders for flour, sugar, coffee, hardware, butter, and orders on large stores with a variety of goods. The notes that were most likely to be discounted were orders for labor, chairs, hats, and shoes, and orders on small stores. T h e severest effect of the barter economy was on the poorest where "it comes rather to helping each other in a friendly way, and taking each from each what the other can best spare."^^ Chandless, like other British travelers in America at the time, was much interested in religion.^^ Unlike other travelers to Salt Lake, he did not characterize Mormonism as anti-Christian.^^ He obtained his information about Mormon doctrine not so much "from books (though from leisure hours among few but Mormon books, I am tolerably versed in their written theology) as from intercourse with the people and observation of its character." He pointed out the danger of "including in the general belief merely individual opinion." He attended service in the tabernacle "the very first Sunday," and thereafter he "rarely missed two out of three services: whether from curiosity, or principle, or habit, or association, or mere want of something else to do, I hardly know: perhaps a little of them all." He seems to have spent a good deal of time talking with his landlord "Ibid., pp. 187, 185,225-26. "Snow, "Singular Saints," p. 67. Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, pp. 215-21. ^^Rapson, Britons View America, pp. 19, 144. 3'Snow, "Singular Saints," p. 79.


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about religion. T h e English boarder said, "for many weeks my host made strenuous efforts to convert me, encouraged principally by my being the only unprejudiced Gentile he had ever met: and by contrast impartiality seemed partiality." Chandless found that "intelligent Mormons" were "rather given to speculation" on theological topics but had "more readiness than exactness in argument."^^ Chandless w^as particularly interested in his countrymen, the British Mormon converts. The London Athenaeum review of his book said, "Public curiosity is more exercised on Mormonism than on most other topics in our day," in part because it "is an AngloSaxon movementâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;originating in the States and fed with forces from England."39 In fact, in 1851 Mormon membership in England reached a high of nearly 33,000. Emigration of Mormon converts from England peaked between 1853 and 1856 when more than 11,000 sailed.40 Americans and British had differing views on the reasons for Mormon missionary success among the British. American travelers in Utah claimed that ignorant unchurched foreigners were easy prey for Mormon missionaries and that the English laboring classes in particular were more "amenable to authority" and were "less startled at innovations upon the common rules of morality, than the more astute, enterprising, and self-reliant Yankee.'"'^ On the other hand, the London New Quarterly Review claimed that Mormon missionaries falsely promised "a terrestrial paradise: land easily acquired, overflowing with milk and honey, with a delicious climate, a fruitful soil, and cattle in abundance." T h e Chandless account was useful, the reviewer continued, lifting comments out of context, in giving the lie to this vision of ease and plenty and describing the Mormon settlements as they really wereâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;plagued by drought, "locusts," severe cold, lack of wood, a "secret despotism" uniting "church and state," a barter economy, and of course, licentiousness and immorality of every kind.^^ As if responding to both the American and British stereotyped views, Chandless set down more thoughtful reasons for Mormon missionary success among the British, including the sincere belief, 38Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, pp. 1.56, 158, 205, 210, 240, 158-60. ^^Athenaeum, May 23, 1857, p. 655. "â&#x20AC;˘"P.A.M. Taylor, Expectations Westward: The Mormons and the Emigration of their Converts in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966), pp. 20, 145. ""Snow, "Singular Saints," p. 92. ^mew Quarterly Review 6 (1857): 394-97.

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wrought through suffering, of the missionaries; the "certainty" of belief offered; the preaching of a "new dispensation"; and the church as "one family," as well as the subtlety and guile of the missionaries and their attention to the poor—"no religion that requires great sacrifices can attract many of those who have much to sacrifice." Polygamy, he believed, was not an inducement, "but rather kept back from the generality."^^ In Chandless's mind the advantage to the poor British converts in emigrating was educational rather than economic—in Utah their children would have a "decent education, . . . no matter how poor they" were. He saw a similar advantage in the missionary system which "insures a considerable number of Mormons to have traveled and seen the world outside; no small benefit to those who are valleybred; otherwise their minds might become as narrow as the valleys they live in."^^ Unlike some other travelers, Chandless did not interview or socialize with Mormon or Gentile leaders. He was aware that his manner of traveling as a teamster for pay gave him an advantage in observing "if not quite the 'creme de la creme,' at any rate Mormon society in general." In particular, he described individual British converts, stressing the diversity of their situations and faith. He reported some discouragement among the newly arrived, mainly because they could not get work in their trade and "Salt Lake was not what they had expected." Some emigrants expressed a certain jealousy that Americans "hold all the chief offices in church and state.'"'^ Yet what Chandless chiefly noted about the British converts was the "strong feelings of friendliness in Utah between people of the old country." He described evenings spent at the cottage of a Welsh convert: when the children were all lulled to sleep we put out the candles—too expensive to burn long—and gathered round the stove, the open doors of which let a cheerful glow into the room; and then we told stories of America and England, and Bagdad and Faerieland; and between times the women would sing hymns with their clear sweet voices. Mormon hymns they were, yet not all devoid of pathos, at least in those evening hours; one, for instance, that spoke of those whom we should never see "till the resurrection morn." Who has not lost some dear one? and who, turning his thoughts homeward, across mountain, and prairie, and "Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, pp. 173-75. "Ibid., pp. 36, 173. «lbid., pp. v, 210-13, 154.


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Vincent Shurtleff was Chandless's host during his stay in Salt Lake City. USHS collections.

Atlantic, might not fear some loss yet unknown? Walking home on such evenings along the quiet streets, one could not think the Mormons altogether a "filthy, sensual people."^^

As Chandless recorded his firsthand acquaintance with British converts, so too he recounted his familiarity wTth a polygamous family. Some gold rush sojourners boarded briefly with Mormon families during the summers of '49 and '50 and "seemed uniformly well-satisfied" with Mormon hospitality and "civility.'"'^ For two months, Chandless boarded with the family of " S " (on one occasion called "Shorncliffe" but who was actually Vincent Shurtleff), a "worthy Saint and High Priest, the centre of a fair quartette of wives, just as a church spire is of the four pinnacles at the corners of the tower." Chandless described S., his four wives, their house, and children, in favorable, even affectionate detail."^^ His narrative stands out from other travel literature, in part, because of the depiction of a polygamous family. Also, his tolerant attitude toward polygamy differed from the prevailing attitude. T h e contemporary London reviews denounced the English observer's ÂŤlbid., p. 238. ^^Madsen, Gold Rush Sojourners, p. 43. ^^Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, pp. 248, 198-205. Vincent Shurtleff and his wives fit perfectly Chandless's description of S. and his wives.. See Frank Esshom, ed. Pioneers and Prominent Men of Utah, 2 parts (1913; reprinted; Salt Lake City: Western Epics, 1966), part 2, p. 1160.


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attitude toward polygamy, not his description of it. These reviews, which exemplify the typical nineteenth-century response to polygamy, quoted Chandless's chapters on polygamy almost in their entirety, but added that the details of polygamy "outrage every sentiment of purity, violate every feeling of virtue, and loosen every sacred tie by which the dear home life of England has for ever been regulated."^9 Chandless, intentionally or not, failed to add such a disclaimer to his writings about polygamy. Other sympathetic travelers who, like Chandless, pointed out that polygamy was not as abominable as generally thought, nevertheless stressed that polygamy was a step backwards in progress. And lest anyone might doubt their personal values, these other travelers also included their testimony about the sanctity of monogamous marriage.^^ Chandless, on the other hand, to one reviewer at least, left the impression that he was "rather favorably impressed with the convenience of half a dozen wives. '51 Most travelers believed that polygamy defiled the sanctity of the home and assumed that Mormon wives were to some degree miserable and degraded and that Mormon children were neglected and exposed to "the mysteries of the harem."^2 Chandless held more positive views about the condition of the Mormon women and children. He wrote, " T h e wretchedness of wives in Utah has been greatly exaggerated . . . h u m a n nature is apt to suit itself to necessities." He explained that women could escape an unhappy marriage through divorce which they could obtain "for very trivial causesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;disagreement with other wives, etc." while men could not obtain a divorce except for adultery. As to children, "polygamy, rightly or wrongly, is valued as a means of numerical increase," and Mormon children are highly valued and well cared for. T h e newspaper stories "about 'the terrible immorality, blasphemous language, and ungovernable temper of the rising generation in Utah,' I look upon as so much sheer nonsense."^^ ^'^New Quarterly Review 6 (1857): 399. Polygamy was an "intolerable challenge" to the nineteenth-century social order. It also provided those in the nineteenth century a rare opportunity to speak about sex. See Charles Cannon, " T h e Awsome Power of Sex," Pacific Historical Review 43 (1974): 44-45; and Lawrence Foster, Religion and Sexuality: Three American Communal Experiments of the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford Ihiiversity Press, 1981), p. 202. soSnow, "Singular Saints," pp. 17, 96, 102, 114, 149. ^^New Quarterly Review 6 (1857): 395. "Snow, "Singular Saints," pp. 97, 111-14, 149. Davis Bitton "Zion's Rowdies: Growing up on the Mormon Frontier," Utah Historical Quarterly 50 (1982): 185-86. "Chandless, A Visit to Sail Lake, pp. 191-93, 205. Foster concluded that getting a divorce was relatively easy for women but difficult for men (Religion and Sexuality, p. 334).


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Like some other travelers, Chandless included in his book the Mormon defense of polygamy.^"^ The defense Chandless heard rested, in part, on the assumption of the inferiority of women. He said Mormons speak of the subject of "plurality" before their wives without any restraint, argue the physical and mental inferiority of the female sex, and even touch on subjects too delicate, or too indelicate, to be heard without calling up a blush on the cheeks of any modest woman elsewhere. Sometimes the women would become very brusque with their husbands and half savage with myself, the innocent cause of the argument.^^

He added that although the "inequality of the sexes is a doctrine of their religious belief, as well as a rule of life," everyday life modified the theory in practice. "Solomon's heart, we know, was turned by his wives, and so are those of many less wise than he."^^ T h e Mormons also defended polygamy by citing the strict morality with which it was practiced. Chandless concluded, as did other observers, that the Mormons "are not a specially sensual people." Present-day historians have pointed out the "Puritanical" or "Victorian" aspect of polygamy. Richard Burton said Moslem "gloom" pervaded Salt Lake City.^^ Chandless, who was twenty-six and unmarried, seemed particulary aware of this atmosphere: Truth to tell, Utah is not a country of romance: . . . a wooing is commonly as short as Hiawatha's, and the girl says or has to say, "I will follow you my husband." Most men think anything of a lover-like deference to the fair sex a humilation of the superior sex . . . Love that is never sub rosa, will scarcely gain a roseate hue or the perfume of roses.^^ J U S T THE MAN FOR AN EXPLORER

Historians of the American West today know William Chandless as an observant but obscure British overlander. His name also occasionally appears in an entirely different contextâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in connection with the rivers and river tribes of Brazil.^^ Dale Morgan said the '^^Snow, "Singular Saints, "pp. 99-101. Chandless presented the Mormon defense of polygamy in the form of a dialogue between his host and himself. This may have been a gentle parody of the Mormon "defense" made in dialogue format which was "becoming popular in the church in the 1850s" (David J. Whittaker, "Early Mormon Polygamy Defenses," Journal of Mormon History 11 [1985]: 46). "Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, p. 241. 56Ibid.,p. 191. "Ibid. Snow, "Singular Saints," pp. 106, 150; P^oster, Religion and Sexuality, pp.207, 210, and 330 n. 72; Burton, City of the Saints, p. 481. ssChandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, pp. 259-60. "For example, Julian H. Steward, ed.. Handbook of South American Indians, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, 7 vols. (Washington D.C.: G.P.O., 1948), 3: 662, 686, 922.


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William Chandless in his later years. This photograph and the one below are both courtesy of Cecil R. Chandless.

Medicine case, drafting instruments, compass, and other items Chandless undoubtedly found useful on his travels in the Western Hemisphere.

overland journal, as well as being a record of the journey, the time, and the place, was a record of "a man's lifeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in some instances, all of that man's life we shall ever recover."^° T h e Chandless travel narrative, in addition to giving insights into a freighting and cattle enterprise and early Mormon communities in the Great Basin, also reveals characteristics of its author. These same characteristics are evident in the Englishman's river explorations in the Amazon basin. Relating the youthful travel account to Chandless's later pursuits increases understanding of the man himself. The Chandless family legend is that William, who never married, turned to exploration because he fell in love with a lady he ^^Dale Morgan, "The Significance and Value of the Overland J o u r n a l " in Kenneth Ross Toole, ed.. Probing the American West (Santa F"e: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1962), p. 33.


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could not marry—she being Catholic and already married.^^ Whether or not a lady played any role in his decision to become an explorer, an obituary lists qualities of character that suited the job: Apart from his classical attainments, he was a good mathematician and a keen observer. Generous, quiet, unassuming, and entirely regardless of self, his hand was ever open to unostentatiously assist others. T o these qualities he added great courage, caution, patience, tact, and love of nature—just the man for an explorer.^^

Although Chandless's early overland trip was motivated by a whim to cross a continent, his later explorations were purposeful and thorough. His facility of observation became scientific accuracy. After publishing A Visit to Salt Lake in 1857, he traveled extensively in South America. In 1861 he became an explorer in earnest when he took up residence in Brazil in Manaus, "the central city of the Amazon valley," and began to systematically explore and map the southern tributaries of the Amazon. His goal was the discovery of the "missing" river link between the eastern Andes and the Amazon. A continuous, navigable, water route would provide the means of transporting the riches of the eastern Andes, minerals and rubber, via the Amazon and the Atlantic to Europe.^^ From 1862 to 1870 he sent reports and maps of a number of rivers to the Royal Geographical Society in London. These reports include descriptions of animal and plant life, geological formations, and the various Indian tribes living by the rivers as well as detailed observations of the rivers.^"^ In 1866 the Royal Geographical Society awarded Chandless its gold medal for his exploration and mapping of the Purus River.^^ T h e Purus "had hitherto baffled all endeavors to trace its course" until Chandless ascended it 1,866 miles to its source, using astronomical and surveying instruments to map its entire length. Clement Markham, another South American explorer, said he "had seldom received a more admirable piece of geographical work than the minute and complete maps of Purus."^^ ^'Cecil Raymond Chandless tape. ^^Obituary, The Geographical Journal, p. 78. 63Ibid., p. 78; Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 10 (1866): 252-53. •^^Reports by William Chandless in The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society: "Notes on the Rivers Arinos, Juruena, and Tapajos," 32 (1862): 268-280; "Ascent of the River Purus," 36 (1866): 86-119; "Notes of the River Aquiry, the Principal Affluent of the River Purus," 36 (1866): 119-28; "Notes of a Journey up the River J u r u a , " 39(1869): 296-311; "Notes on the Rivers Maue-assu, Abacaxis, and Canuma: Amazons," 40 (1870): 419-32. •*Man Cameron. To the Farthest Ends of the Earth: The History of the Royal Geographical Society, 1830-1980 (London: Macdonald and Jane's Publishers Limited, 1980), p. 264. ^^Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 10 (1866): 103-4; ibid., 11 (1867): 106.


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As his overland account shows Chandless to have been a practical traveler with a flair for overcoming difficulties, so his river explorations indicate an indefatigable characteristic. A Visit to Salt Lake describes dress, diet, personal habits, and carefully considered decisions that contributed to the success of his journey. Unfortunately, the explorer purposely omitted "personal details" from his river reports.^^ It would be interesting to know how Chandless managed his expeditions since, according to a current scholar, he made his river explorations at "the worst possible time" for exploring—years of danger and discomfort. One difficulty was in procuring and keeping a crew of Indians for the canoes. Another was the constant danger of attack by hostile Indians.^^ On the Purus trip his Italian servant and some crew members left the main party and were all killed. On a later trip Chandless and his crew were attacked but not injured. His crew, however, refused to continue and he wrote, "I shall always look back with shame on our return." Still later, a traveling companion and his crew were killed. The explorer nevertheless continued with his men until stopped by rapids.^^ Chandless, who seemed never "very eager . . . for a return to the restraints of city life or civilized touring," died in London of "inflammation of the lungs" in 1896.^0 Chandless could see beyond racial or religious stereotypes, whether in writing about the Mormons or later about riverside Indian tribes. In A Visit to Salt Lake he offered criteria for judging American Indians: " T o judge fairly any race whose habits differ from your own and especially of an uncivilized race, you must look beyond the mere repulsive exterior, or even actions, to motives, feelings, and principles."^^ He applied this standard in writing about the Amazon Indians, such as the tribe at the very headwaters of the Purus whom he described at some length because, he said, "from their industry, simplicity, friendliness, good manners, and utter ignorance of the existence of a world other than their own little world, they interested me much."''^ •"'Chandless, "Ascent of the River Purus," p. 92. •"^Robin Furneaux, The Amazon: TheSlory of a Great River (Vondon: Hamish Hamilton, 1969), p. \\3; Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 10(1866): 106, 181,253. ^^Chandless, "Ascent of the River Purus," p. 104; Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 12 (1868): 340; The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 40 (1870): clxx. '^Chandless, A Visit lo Salt Lake, p. 302; obituary. The Geographical Journal, p. 77. "Chandless, A Visit lo Salt Lake, p. 97. '^Chandless, "Ascent of the River Purus," p. 112.


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Chandless was an independent traveler both in means and spirit. He undertook his explorations "entirely at his own expense"; he was not sponsored by the Royal Geographical Society as were Richard Burton and David Livingston in Africa.^^ He chose to go where few or no Englishmen had gone before, whether across North America or down the Purus. Yet his independence brought him future obscurity rather than notability. Although all his river reports were published in the journal of the Royal Geographical Society, his name is not found in later books about the accomplishments of the society because he was not sponsored by it.^"^ He may have been the first Englishman to go certain places, but they were not the sort of places to bring him far-reaching repute. One can confidently infer that his account of the Mormons was not widely appreciated by his contemporaries. Although his extensive river explorations were recognized by his peers, he did not find a river link between the Andes and the Atlantic. Instead, the result of his expeditions was "rather to destroy the hopes" that a commercially navigable route existed. Even the Purus, deep and free of rapids, had no commercial importance, because, as Chandless showed, it was "exceedingly tortuous." It is, in fact, one of the most crooked rivers in the world.'^^ T h e Brazilians named a tributary of the Purus the Chandless River "in honor of its explorer,""^^ but this river today is much the same as he found it a hundred years ago—in the midst of impenetrable rain forests. Since there is no metropolis on the Chandless River with inhabitants to look back with interest on the observations of an early visitor, the English traveler and explorer will probably continue to be primarily associated with A Visit to Salt Lake. Even so, Chandless may yet become somewhat better known and appreciated for the contribution he made to Utah history.

"'"•Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 11 (1867): 106; C^ameron, To the Farthest Ends of the Earth, pp. 275-79. '"•Chandless is mentioned in passing in Clements R. Markham, The 50 Years Work of the Royal Geographical Society (London: John Murray, 1881), p. 149; not mentioned in Hugh Robert Mill, The Record of the Royal Geographical Society: 1830-1930 CLondon: The Royal Geographical Society, 1930); and mentioned in one sentence in C^ameron, To the Farthest Ends of the Earth, p. 215. ^^Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 10 (1866): 106; Encyclopedia Brilannica, 11th ed. (1910), s.v. "Amazon," 1:786. ''^Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography 6 (1884): 402. The Proceedings and the Journal were combined in 1879; thus the new name.


One Man's Air Force: The Experience of Byron Dussler at Wendover Field, Utah, 1941-46 BY ROC.KR D. LAUNIUS

X HE SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN f i g h t i n g m a n has been a subject of intense interest in recent years.^ T h e p u b l i c a t i o n of Dr. Launius is chief, Office of History, Headciuarters, Ogden Air Logistics Center, Hill Air Force Base, Utah. He wishes to express appreciation to Robert Van leperen, graduate student. University of Utah, for providing much initial information concerning Byron Dussler and his career at Wendover Field, Utah, and to Byron Dussler for granting permission to use the material he provided, for answering questions, and for his interest in recovering the history of Wendover Field. ' For examples, see the work of Peter Karsten, " T h e New American History: A Map of the Territory, Explored and Unexplored," American Quarterly 36 (1984): 389-418; David Lundberg, " T h e

Above: Pvt. Byron Dussler at Fort Douglas, summer 1941, before he was sent to Wendover Field. All photographs are courtesy of Byron Dussler:


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numerous accounts of the lives of common soldiers for such periods as the Revolution, the Civil War, and the Indian wars has greatly enhanced our understanding of these individuals.^ One of the most neglected areas of scholarship, however, concerns the experiences of the common soldier in World War II. This study seeks to illuminate this area as it relates to one master sergeant in the U.S. Army Air Force who was stationed throughout the war at Wendover Field, Utah, and left a remarkable series of letters written to two second cousins describing in detail his assignments, friends, enemies, and general army life.^ "Wendover was a profound experience for me," recalled Byron Dussler in April 1983. "Sometimes I tho[ugh]t of i t a s a prison where I was confined for an indefinite time during w hich I had very little liberty."^ At other times, however, he enjoyed the experience immensely. Dussler was born on a farm near Atwood, Illinois, in the central part of the state, in 1908, leaving his home for the first time, for an extended period, when drafted into the army late in June 1941. He resigned from his position as a clerk in an Atwood store, completed six weeks of basic training, and was sent along with thirty-six other draftees to a newly activated airdrome at Wendover, Utah. Wendover Field was one of several newly established training bases then being constructed throughout the United States in anticipation of conflict against fascist nations. Military leaders had found the desert area adjacent to the little town of Wendover, on the Utah-Nevada border, to be ideally suited for development of American Literature of W^ar: The Civil War, World War I, and World War II," American Quarterly 36 (1984): 373-88; Peter Karsten, ed.. Soldiers and Society: The Effects of Military Service and War on American Life (Westport, Cc:)nn.: Greenwciod Press, 1978). ^As examples of this see Bell I. Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb: The Common Soldier of the Confederacy (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1943); Bell I. Wiley, The Life of Billy Yank: The Common Soldier of the Union (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1952); T. Harry Williams, Hayes of the Twentythird: The Civil War Volunteer Officer (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965); Jack D. F"oner, The United States Soldier between Two Wars: Army Life and Reform, 1865-1898 (New York: Humanities Press, 1970); Don R.'\ckey, Forty Miles a Day on Beans and Hay: The Enlisted Soldier Fighting the Indian Wars (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963); Charles Royster, A Revolutionary People at War (Chapel Hill: University of North C^arolina Press, 1978); Victor Hicken, The American Fighting Man (New York: Macmillan Co., 1969). ^The Wendover Files of the Ogden Air Logistics Center's Office of History contain copies of a seriesof letters written by Byron Dussler to two second cousins. Lulu Hartwig and Josephine Ivey. Both were physicians and shared an office. Dussler remembered addressing the envelope to "Drs. Hartwig 8c Ivey" although his salutation was less formal, to "Lulu and Jos." They were only two of the many individuals to whom Dussler wrote during his years at Wendover. He did not keep any of the letters sent to him and did ncjt bother lo make cc:)pies of those sent. It came as a surprise when he met these ladies after the war, and they presented him with a stack of his letters. Later he made a transcription of these letters that ran 184 pages. It is from a copy of this transcription, given to the Office of History by Byron Dussler, that all quotations in this essay were taken. ^Dussler to Robert Van leperen, April 1983, copy in Wendover Files.


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bombing and gunnery ranges; it was far enough from population centers, close enough to transportation lines, and had good enough climate for aerial operations to be a desirable site for flight training.^ In all, some 1.8 million acres made up Wendover Field proper and its air crew training range. Most of this was acquired on September 20, 1940, when the U.S. Army Air Force gained from the Department of the Interior 1.56 million acres. The service acquired another 14,068 acres from the State of Utah, Tooele County, the Western Pacific Railroad, and a few private firms a short time later.^ Construction of the base's facilities, on the south side of the town of Wendover, began in November 1940. Workers built temporary barracks covered with tar paper, two paved runways, taxiways, and an aircraft ramp. T h e second phase of construction, completed in mid-1941, provided four sixty-three-man barracks, also covered with tar paper; a mess hall; officers' quarters; an administration building; a communications office; two ordnance warehouses; a dispensary; three ammunition storehouses; a bombsight storage building; an electrical plant; and a base theater.^ These meager facilities, all of which were considered temporary, greeted the first personnel assigned to Wendover Field, two officers and ten enlisted men comprising a bombing and gunnery range detachment. Officially activated on July 29, 1941, this detachment arrived at the field on August 12, 1941.Âť Other personnel arrived soon thereafter. Byron Dussler was one of these, moving with thirty-seven other draftees from Fort Douglas, outside of Salt Lake City, to Wendover in September 1941 as part of the growing bombing and gunnery range detachment. His first impression of the area surrounding Wendover Field reveals much about the man, showing that he was literate, relatively well-read, and thoughtful:

TJnited States Air Force Historical Division, "Brief History of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956 " p p 1-2 Research Studies Institute, Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala.;/IFLC Wendover Range Complex (Hill Air Force Base, Ut.: Ogden Air Material Area, 1968), pp. 23-24; " T r a i n i n g Camp for the Atomic Age: Wendover Field," Aerospace Historian 20 (Fall 1973): 137; History of Wendover Army An Base Installment I, 1 January 1939-7 December 1941 (Wendover Field, Utah: Office of History, 1942), pp 1-3- O N Malmquist, "More T h a n $52,000,000 Spent on Tooele County War Plants, Salt Lake Tribune, Sunday Magazine, July 11, 1943, p. 4; Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander "World's Largest Military Reserve: Wendover Air Force Base, 1941 -1963," U^fl/i Wij/onca/Quar<er/y 31 (1963): .325-26. 6See note above; Roger D. Launius, The United States A ir Force in Utah: The Case of Wendover Field (Fort Douglas, Ut.: Fcjrt Douglas Military Museum Monograph Series, 1985), pp. 3-4. '"Brief History of Wendover, " p. 3; Arrington and Alexander, "World's Largest Military Reserve," p. 327. ^History of Wendover Army Air Base, pp. 1-2; Byron Dussler, " T h e Wendover Experience," United States Air Force in Utah Historical Record 1 (April-June 1984): 1, 4.


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Dussler's contingent boarding trucks at Fort Douglas for trip to Wendover Field, August 1941. Wendover, Nevada, and State Line Hotel and Casino in far center from Wendover Field, fall 1941. We were sent to a bombing range on the desert about seventy five miles west of Salt Lake City. T o reach the bombing targets we drove where there weren't any roads. T h e salt flats are quite level, but mountains are visible in all directions. T h e low flat surfaces of sand and salt glare in the sunlight, and on them nothing grows. On sandhills, where the salt has been bleached out, scraggly clumps of sage brush hold each hillock. What fantastic mirages one sees. Coleridge's Kubla Kahn [sic] comes to life. I saw an enormous lake, with islands in it of orange colored rocks rising abruptly from the water. On the shores reeds and rushes grew, but all the colors were wrong. Only in dreams could one see such an unnatural place. Of course, it was unapproachable; it always receded into the distance, or else, disappeared altogether. I saw distant trees, but as we drove toward them, they vanished.^

Once at Wendover, Dussler was assigned to a detail involved in building and maintaining ground targets for bombardment groups ^Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, August 6, 1941, Wendover Files.


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that would train on the expansive weapons range nearby. He spent several days, he wrote, "filling flares with kerosine which outline the night targets, and spreading used crankcase oil in an enormous circle to outline a day target"; but soon he was placed in charge of a maintenance detail tending the coal furnaces of the makeshift buildings on the base. Because of his job as chief of the furnace firing crew, Dussler received the nickname "Casey" after the famed engineer. Casey stayed with him throughout the war and became something more than a nickname. It was almost an alter ego. Few on base knew his real name, and later he even had a nameplate on his desk that read "MSgt Casey.''^^ As soon as Dussler was assigned to Wendover Field rumors began to circulate that since the United States was not at war all draftees over twenty-eight â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Dussler was thirty-three â&#x20AC;&#x201D; would be released from active service. Throughout the fall of 1941 he tried to determine the truth of this rumor and hoped for the possibility that he would be mustered out of the army because of it. He hinted at his disgust with military conventions when discussing this possibility in a letter to his cousins dated September 26. "Every night the train goes through Wendover with men going home with their over-28discharges," he wrote, but "here we can find out nothing."'^ A few days later Dussler held a meeting with other draftees having the possibility of being discharged. "We nominated one of our group to see our first sergeant," he wrote, "but the sergeant said he was busy and merely stated, at present it's thumbs down, terminating the interview with the same gesture." Dussler nosed around a bit more, however, and found out that the necessary paperwork for their discharges was "gently reposing in somebody's basket quietly gathering dust."^^ Eventually this paperwork was completed. The army released Dussler from active duty at Fort Douglas on November 29, 1941. He arrived at his home in Atwood, Illinois, on Saturday, December 6, 1941, the day before the attack on Pearl Harbor. Of course, following the Japanese attack, the United States entered World War II and mobilization commenced. Dussler was recalled to active duty and reported to Fort Sheridan, near Chicago, Illinois, where he remained

'oibid., August 6, 1941; .September 26, 1941. "Ibid., September 26, 1941. '2Ibid., Octobers, 1941.


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only a short time before being sent back to his old unit and job at Wendover Field.^^ Dussler's return to Wendover was more reminiscent of a conquering hero than of a soldier being transferred. He reported to his old first sergeant, learned he was once again in charge of the fire crew, and was told to report to a Lieutenant Thomas, known to all the draftees as Lieutenant "Rock-A-Bye" because of a peculiar tottering stance. T h o m a s told him that everyone was delighted he was back. " T h e place hadn't been warm since I left two months before," he told his cousins. He then saw the base commander, Capt. D. G. Smith, who interrupted his salute "with a hand shake," Dussler said, "and made me a corporal on the spot."^"^ Dussler did not remain in charge of the furnace crew long. Throughout the spring of 1942 Wendover's personnel were involved in readying the base for training of B-17-equipped bombardment groups, these growing activities requiring the expansion of the headquarters contingent. Consequently, many of the personnel assigned to other duties were brought into the headquarters to handle the administrative jobs that seemed to increase almost daily. Early in April 1942 Dussler was reassigned as a clerk in the headquarters of the 315th Army Air Force Base Unit, the organization that managed all Wendover activities, consolidating morning reports. He was clearly delighted with the new responsibilities. His letter to his cousins on April 5 is telling. "I feel like Cinderella must have felt," he wrote. "Yesterday I was chief chimney sw^ep and today I rode to the railway depot in a staff car to deliver a report which must be in the mail. I haven't quite recovered from the shock of getting this job after sweating it out for two weeks, I had entirely given up hopes, w^hen all at once it happened."^^ A month later he was promoted to sergeant, and in June he was assigned responsibility for the base's payroll. It required long hours of tedious work that eventually took its toll, especially because of the large numbers of personnel that had to be serviced when the bombardment groups began training at Wendover during April 1942. Because of the strain of meeting these commitments, Dussler '^Interview with Robert Van leperen, January 21, 1985; Dussler to author, December 24, 1984, Wendover Files. '"â&#x20AC;˘Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, February 22, 1942. '^Ibid., April 5, 1942; Helen Rice, History of the Ogden Air Materiel Area, Hill Air Force Base, Utah, 1934-1960 (Hill AFB, Ut.: Office of History, 1963), p. 263.


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Left to right: Dussler's aunt; Dr. Lulu Hartwig, a cousin; Dussler's mother; Dr. Josephine Ivey, a cousin. The many letters Dussler wrote to his two cousins provide a graphic account of his military service.

was hospitalized for exhaustion in August 1942 and then sent home for two weeks to aid his recovery.^^ He stayed in that job for several months, all the while angling to get the position of base sergeant major, the highest ranking enlisted job at any army post and one that carried substantial respect and authority. On October 21, 1942, he was successful in this quest, after the previous sergeant major had arranged a transfer to a combat unit.^^ Dussler never could understand why his predecessor had transferred out of such an important and powerful job to risk his life. His opinion was that those who could only shoot should fight and those who had administrative skills should do that. At no time during his army career did Dussler have any real desire to enter combat.'^ He enjoyed his new position as base sergeant major enormously. Dussler wrote to his cousins that it had many benefits, not the least of '^Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, May 24, 1942; June 6, 1942; Rice, History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, p. 263. "Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, October 21, 1942. 'sibid., August 30, 1942.


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which was a lessening of his wT^rk load, his own telephone, and control of all appointments to anyone in the headquarters. He described some of the benefits of this position in a letter to his cousins in October 1942: I have a crew of enlisted men who man message center, distribution, special orders, mimeograph, general files and trial judge advocate's office. All mail and wire messages come to my desk after being removed from envelopes. I read them and route them to their proper dej)artments, and answer what I can myself. All answers and new correspondence are routed across my desk for final check.'^

Dussler confided not long after beginning work as sergeant major that he felt like "Alexander the Great, w ith no more worlds to conquer." He also noted, "It's like sitting on a throne all by myself. T h e fellows who used to tell me to 'go to hell' now say 'yes sir'." That is, all but one. One old associate from his pre-sergeant major days always greeted Dussler with a lusty, "Hello, exjanitor.''^^ While sergeant major, Dussler developed to a fine art a disgust for most of the officers assigned to the airdrome. He saw them essentially as either young punks without sense enough to recognize their own inadequacies or older soldiers without ambition, ingenuity, or connections. An air base headquarters unit in time of war, he reasoned, was not exactly w^here the cream of the officers' corps would be stationed. He was essentially correct; most exceptional officers were serving in combat units. A feel for his general attitude toward the Wendover officers can be gained from his discussion of a new private in his office that was excused from early morning roll call, calisthenics, KP, and other disagreeable assignments. Dussler could not see why this particular private got special consideration, as he was one of the least productive and most "thick-headed," to use Dussler's term, of the men in the squadron. Finally he learned that he was the brother-in-law of the squadron adjutant. "He has been in the army a few weeks," Dussler complained, "and has already started his application for officer's candidate school." Although, he quickly added, after considering the private's general uselessness, "I think he is fine officer material."^i Dussler endured what he thought was continuous nonsense from officers. As base sergeant major, however, he was in a position '9Ibid., October 25, 1942. 2<'Ibid., November 4, 1942. 2ilbid., December 4, 1942, May 8, 1943.


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to deal with officers as was no other enlisted man. He did not grant accepted military courtesies and got away with it. "Somehow," he reflected in a letter to his cousins on August 22, 1942, "I feel a little guilty with all my stripes as I consider myself the most unsoldierly person that ever got into the military service." He added, "I hate the army. I can't stand drill. It irks me to have to salute an officer. I do not 'sir' them when I talk to them. It is merely 'yes' and 'no' and I try to make my conversation as civilian as possible."^2 He also found ways of gaining revenge on officers that he particularly disliked. On one occasion in April 1943 Dussler took revenge on his squadron commander and adjutant after thay had in his estimation, "been pretty heavily passing out extra duty to my boys in headquarters." Not long thereafter the base commander had an unpleasant assignment for an officer and asked his adj utant to assign responsibility. Louie F. Wise, the first lieutenant to whom Dussler was directly responsible, then asked the sergeant major to handle the job. "As quick as a flash I nominated our squadron adjutant," Dussler wrote, "and he was forthwith elected." Later, he tormented the squadron commander by assigning him, at Wise's direction, the responsibility of writing a tedious report for the base commander on a training class being conducted at Wendover, and Dussler, as the individual reviewing all documents sent to the command section, returned the report for expansion and revision.^^ Byron Dussler did not dislike all officers, and with a few, like Lieutenant Wise, became good friends. In 1942 when Wise first arrived at Wendover he endeared himself by admitting that he did not understand his job and telling Dussler that the two would work together as partners.^^ Dussler relished the way Wise delegated so many jobs to him, allowing the sergeant major to solve most of the office's problems. In most instances Wise acted merely as Dussler's endorsing officer, a rubber stamp, never complaining about not being fully in control of affairs.^^ However, by December 1943 Wise had made captain and left Wendover; he was replaced by a young officer Dussler despised. T h e only virtue of the transfer, according to Dussler, was that the replacement was "new to the job and as green as grass and that's the way I like them, so I can break them in to suit 22Ibid., August 22, 1942. 23Ibid., April 6, 1943. 2qbid., December 4, 1942. "Ibid., February 17, 1943; February 18, 1943; February 19, 1943; February 20, 1943; April 15, 1943.


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me." Dussler continued, "He does everything I tell him and what more can I ask. I go through all the mail first and show him only what I want him to see. I usually pick out something that requires enough work to keep him busy and give it to him as an assignment."^^ Dussler was able to get away with these attitudes and actions in large measure because of his ability to get results on the job. He was, by all accounts, an exceptionally capable NCO. No doubt, Dussler's ability to circumvent the bureaucratic labyrinth to get work done quickly placed him in good graces with both his superiors and his fellow draftees. For instance, an officer telephoned the adjutant's office complaining about his inability to requisition a 2.5-ton truck for the afternoon and had been given a half-baked excuse by the motor pool supervisor. Since Lieutenant Wise was not in, Dussler called over to the motor pool and had the truck for him in a matter of minutes.27 Additionally, on August 20, 1943, an enlisted man came into the headquarters and asked for an emergency furlough. "I fixed him up in fifteen minutes flat," Dussler bragged, "whereas, if he had gone through his orderly room he probably would be delayed for another day.''^^ Dussler admitted that to get the soldier's emergency furlough, however, "I made generous use of forged signatures." He was not hesitant to cut corners to get his work done. And, interestingly enough, his superior did not seem to mind, provided no one up the chain of command complained.^^ Dussler, of course, rationalized his approach to doing his job by maintaining that the war necessitated prompt actions and everyone benefited. Wendover had grown from the tiny contingent Dussler had been a part of in 1941 to some 12,500 military and 2,000 civilians by 1943, and the bureaucratic necessities of managing such a large airdrome prompted many to allow him to disregard official procedures if he did not do so too flagrantly and was efficient. Moreover, Dussler believed many of the regulations and directives were unnecessary and needed to be ignored or thrown out entirely. He constantly berated others who did things that appeared foolish or nonproductive, even if they were according to regulation.^^ 26Ibid., July 28, 1943. 2'Ibid., April 15, 1943. 28Ibid., August 20, 1943. 29Ibid., April 14, 1943. ^oibid., January 7, 1943, and January 16, 1943; Arrington and Alexander, "World's Largest Military Reserve," p. 334.


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"G.l. party" in 1943. Every Saturday bunks were removed and the barracks scrubbed. Most early buildings were covered with tarpaper, right. By 1942 barracks were constructed more substantially, as in center.

> -^^asm,!*^**^

\^-

He complained, for example, that when one of his clerks had two straight days of KP, one of which involved moving from one mess hall to another and took about fifteen hours of work, he was so tired he missed the early morning roll call and was punished severely for his lapse. Dussler matter of factly wrote, "I fail to see the justice of this."^^ He thought this a much too rigid approach. There are several complaints about "tin soldiers" in Dussler's letters. Nor were his feelings any less kind toward incompetency among the enlisted force. He recalled two incidents of soldiers on leave. "Some dummy in Los Angeles," he wrote to his cousins on February 20, 1943, "wired for an extension on his furlough, but failed to give an address to which reply could be made. Another request came by telephone from a little town in Louisiana," he reported. "When I attempted to answer 3'Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, December 22, 1942; July 28, 1943.


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collect and approve, my call was refused." Such ridiculousness made Dussler boil.^^ As an organization operated by the Second Air Force, Wendover Field's primary mission throughout World War II was the training of aircrews for B-17, B-24, and B-29 bombers, as well as a limited number of fighter pilots. During the war no less than twenty-one heavy bombardment groups underwent training at Wendover, each participating in a four- to six-week program at the base. T h e 306th Bombardment Group was only the first such unit assigned for training at Wendover, arriving April 6, 1942; and the last was the 509th Composite Group, whose first elements departed Wendover for the Pacific on April 26, 1945. In between, several other units came and went, each taxing the base's and by extension Dussler's headquarters function. For instance, so active was Wendover Field during 1944 that its personnel were constantly managing the simultaneous training of at least two complete bombardment groups. Most of the time, Dussler remembered, it was a mad scramble to satisfy all the needs of those assigned to the base.^^ Dussler's world of paperwork, reports, and military inefficiency was far removed from the intense combat of World War II. Bombardment groups came and went, and Dussler mentioned a few of them upon occasion, but wartime censorship prohibited discussing in unofficial correspondence the activities of combat units. It seemed to Dussler that the war was truly far away for the soldiers at Wendover Field. His letters sometimes showed despair that his service at Wendover was somehow pointless. He wrote to his cousins not long after being reassigned to the desert base: " T h e war is the most remote thing on earth to us; we scarcely talk about it. Each day, Sunday included, is a repetition of the preceeding [sic] day." Later to a friend who asked him about the war, Dussler satirically replied, "I suppose they will let us know when it's over, won't they?" 32Ibid., February 20, 1943. 33Rice, History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, p. 263; 2849 Air Base Group, Civil Engineers, "Ogden Air Materiel Environmental Assessment for AFLC Test Range Complex," February 18, 1972, Office of History, Ogden Air Logistics Center; History of the Wendover Army Base and 315th Base Headquarters and Air Base Squadron, 7 December 1941-31 December 1944 (Wendover Field: Office of History, 1945), p. 1-3, 9; "Brief History of Wendover," p. 5-8.; Arrington and Alexander, "World's Largest Military Reserve," p. 328-30; Dussler, "Wendover Experience," pp. 1, 4; "Wendover Army Air Field, 1941-1977," U nited States Air F orce in U tah Historical Record 1 (April-June 1984): 4; "Wendover Field: T h e War Years," 1975, KSL Television Documentary Film, Salt Lake City, Utah; Michael Amrine, The Great Decision: The Secret History of the Atomic Bomb (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1959), pp. 59-61. ^â&#x20AC;˘'Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, February 22, 1942; January 18, 1944.


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At the same time, Dussler recognized the importance of Wendover as a training base and its place in the overall war effort. As base sergeant major he learned about many incidents of "personal heroism" among those working at the base. For instance, one of the most persistent problems at Wendover during the war was the lack of housing for the large numbers of military and civilian personnel who had moved into the area. Because of the base, Wendover grew rapidly during World War II from a few hundred to over 20,000. The tiny community was totally unprepared to house such large numbers, and the government was forced to construct new housing and support facilities. Even this was not enough. Dussler reported one instance where a woman came to him as base sergeant major in virtual desperation "to ask whom she should see to get a place to live. She was working at the sub-depot and was living in the back end of a truck." She had been at the base for several months and had been shoved from one office to another without any success in obtaining housing. In the middle of her meeting with Dussler she suddenly stammered, "I-I-I'm g-g-getting d-d-damned t-t-tired of this t-ttreatment." Dussler assisted her in finding a place to live. Later, he reflected on the situation: Oh! If only one could remedy all the misfortunes that happen to unfortunate people. Their problems are doubly acute because they are so helpless. 1 admire these people, who when war comes, live on the desert like soldiers under the most harrowing circumstances. Shame on those in society who contribute to the war effort by sponsoring benefit dances.3^

Later he reported on what he called "the motley crowd of soldiers, civilians, wives, girlfriends, all stranded at Wendover. I looked at them and thought of how many lives are turned topsyturvey by the war." Then he mused, "Will this [war] last for endless time?"3^ The war was difficult for Dussler and others stuck in the desert at Wendover. Even if one was patriotic beyond normal bounds, the long days away from civilization with no apparent feeling of accomplishment had to take its toll. Dussler, most of the time, hated the place. "If "Ibid., February 7, 1943; Arrington and Alexander, "W^orld's Largest Military Reserve," p. 327; "Brief History of Wendover," p. 4; Basic Information for Master Planning Purposes, Wendover Field, Utah, May 1946, Office of History, Ogden Air Logistics Center; interview with Brigadier General Paul W. Tibbets, Jr., by Arthur Marmor, September 1966, Oral Histories, USAF Historical Research Center, Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala.; James Les Rowe, Project W-47 (Livermore, Calif.: Ja A Ro Publishing, 1978), pp. 2-4. ^^Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, January 23, 1944.


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The State Line Casino was a favorite place for servicemen to relax after duty. Here Pvt. Eldor Bernine, in civilian clothes, tries his hand at roulette.

I were to tabulate all the good and bad at Wendover," he wrote in April 1942, "it would be like this: Good

Bad

Weather Beer Sleep

No sheets Chow 6:15 rising 10:00 bed check double bunks everything else. ^7

T o fill the long hours Dussler and many of his friends frequented the State Line Hotel and Casino, which, according to Dussler, was "a desert rendezvous for travelers, gamblers, and other professional people of license," that had "a spirit and color that makes one feel the pep and tang of mischief."^^ T h e troops also held "beer busts" where the goal was to get drunk as quickly and cheaply as possible for as long as possible.^^ Dussler defended both extravagances by telling his cousins that there was little else to do. One of Dussler's favorite drinking buddies was Arthur W. Roberton, a sergeant known to all by his nickname, "Flash." Indeed, everyone knew their comrades by nicknames: Dussler was Casey, Lieutenant Thomas was Rock-A-Bye; and a Private Harris was called Iron Head. Roberton was a close friend who admired Dussler greatly. T h e two were inseparable. For instance, when Dussler was placed in "Ibid., April 11, 1942. 38Ibid., April 18, 1942. "Ibid., April 19, 1942; Mav 21, 1942; July 9, 1942; .September 14, 1942; December25, 1942; Januarv 8, 1943; January 10, 1943; January 23, 1943.


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Arthur H. Roberton, better known as "Flash," photographed at Wendover in 1942.

the hospital for exhaustion in 1942 Roberton visited him virtually every day.^^ Roberton even had himself assigned as Dussler's assistant in base headquarters. This was not an entirely satisfactory arrangement, however. Dussler complained that Roberton was a poor typist and not the quickest at analyzing a situation and acting appropriately. "He is a good flunky tho[ugh]," Dussler reported: He opens doors for me, steps aside and lets me enter first, and I believe he'd shine my shoes if I would ask him. . . . Some of the old acquaintences [sic] on the [bombing] range crew have noticed this situation and kid us. They say Casey took Flash under his wing so that when we get sent to Africa, and Casey gets tired of marching across the desert, he can call on his man Friday to carry him on his back.

Dussler admitted that there was some truth to their assessment. "I'm afraid I do, sometimes, evaluate people by what they are worth to ' '4 1

me. ^^ One of the areas that Roberton asked for advice from Dussler concerned relations with women. For some reason the ladies found him irresistible. As an example: a woman Roberton had been seeing ^"Ibid., May 29, 1942; .Se|)tember 7, 1942. ^'Ibid., May 9, 1942.


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before he was drafted kept writing him love letters and promising to visit him, hinting that they could run off to Las Vegas and get married."^2 After Roberton talked to Dussler about his situation, the sergeant major wrote to his cousins, "She wants to marry him so badly that she lost all control of her tongue." He then diagnosed what he thought was Roberton's basic problem: Poor Flash! He likes to start an affair but never wants to finish it. It is the same old story every time and I have to listen to it. Boy meets girl. A pleasant evening is planned and Roberton expects that to be the end. Then comes the deluge of letters. Every girl is ready to throw overboard every male she has ever known.^^

Dussler remarked in several letters that he was bored from listening to the details of Roberton's love affairs, but he seemed to enjoy living vicariously through his buddy's escapades. For instance, he took delight in the situation of Roberton visiting his first sergeant's girlfriend in Denver on his way back from furlough. It was only a short visit, but the first sergeant's friend, after one meeting, broke up with him to go with Roberton. Dussler reported with obvious delight the drunken brawl that took place in the State Line Casino when Roberton and the sergeant met afterward. But Dussler consoled his friend when the woman from home that Roberton had been going with found out about his indiscretions. He received a letter from her that said simply, "Wish me luck, I married Bill." T o help Roberton through his melancholy, Dussler took him to the State Line Casino where they enjoyed a wild evening. Roberton soon forgot all about his lost love.'^'' Later he barely missed the opportunity to become a recruiter for WACs in Denver, a position for which he thought he was uniquely qualified. When this did not materialize, he transferred to the European Theater of Operations where he worked in classification in England until the end of the war."*^ In January 1944 a new phase in Byron Dussler's military career at Wendover Field began. A new base commander came in and replaced the key staff personnel of the newly organized 216th Air Base Unit with his own appointees. One of those reshuffles involved Dussler, who was reassigned to the Directorate of Flying Training. At last he was a part of the central mission of the base. "I'm going to find «Ibid., May 16, 1944; May 29, 1942; October 25, 1942. «Ibid.,.September 14, 1942. ^nbid., January 19, 1943. «Ibid., October 14, 1943; Octciber 29, 1943.


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out all about combat flying," he told his cousins, "by reading about it." One of the unique aspects of this position was that all his clerks were black women assigned to the WAG detachment of the 216th Army Air Force Base Unit (Colored). "I'm sergeant major to a colored office force, and I like them," he exclaimed. "I hope they like me.'"'^ This situation was very educational for Dussler; he had never been closely associated with black workers before. He was from rural Illinois, where few blacks lived, and since the army air force and all other services were segregated he had not had much contact with blacks there. Indeed, Dussler's workers were members of the only black unit stationed at Wendover during the war, and the number of blacks in this organization never numbered more than a hundred. Consequently, headquarters personnel treated the black unit as something akin to a leper colony. Blacks had very few privileges. They were in fact segregated at all base functions and were housed in r u n d o w n barracks far removed from the a i r d r o m e ' s central buildings.''^ Dussler realized quickly that the four WACs he had working for him were not ordinary army air force clerks; they were really quite exceptional both in their capabilities and their outlooks toward the military. He made these observations about them in a letter dated January 8, 1944: Mrs. B., very black and a typical African, was a social science teacher in a Georgia High School. She is now a private first class and on KP regularly. Private First Class S. is the mother of a married daughter. She told me she used to have a column in a daily newspaper and is frequently writing articles for periodicals. She came into the Army because, like others in her organization, she thought it was the patriotic thing to do. Another, Corporal D. was a kindergarten teacher from Indiana. Corporal A. says she is an old maid. She is as slow and deliberate as a snail, and I worry about her, fearing she will never get her work done, but she always does.

Clearly, these women were not run-of-the-mill soldiers; they were better educated than most clerks Dussler had been associated with.

"Ibid., January 2, 1944. " T h e services did not begin desegregation until after the end of World War II. The standard accounts of this issue for the air force are Alan L. Grojnnan, The Air Force Integrates, 1945-1964 (Washington, D.C.: Office of Air Force History, \91i),dnd kVsinM.Osurc, Blacks in the Army Air Forces During World War II: The Problem of Race Relations (Washington, D.C:.: Offic e of Air Force History, 1977). Vox a discussion of race relations at Wendover Field see History of the Wendover Army Air Base and 315th Base Headquarters, passim.


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and they served in the army air force only because they wanted to assist their country in the war effort.''^ Although the women w^anted to serve their country, Dussler recognized that his clerks' lives at Wendover were far from enjoyable. Their segregation from the rest of the base population was upsetting. He wrote, "They don't like it, but they are in the Army and stuck.'"^^ Dussler also believed he was stuck. "I w^onder why I was made sergeant major to a colored force?" he asked, as if it were a punishment. "I wonder if this is a demotion, the result of politics, or is it a job that someone thought I was fitted for?" As it turned out, in the reshuffling of personnel to make room for the new^ base commander's assistants, Dussler, as a master sergeant, received the only open billet for his rank available at the base. Had he cultivated the right officers, Dussler might have engineered some type of arrangement in a more prestigious office, but as it was he had to take what he received.^f* Dussler felt sorry for his black subordinates. He noticed one in particular who seemed to be lethargic on the job, presumably because of her shabby treatment at the base, and encouraged the others to act the same way. "I can see she has little love for whites. Perhaps, she is justified in this lack of affection," he noted, but Dussler recognized that for all her loafing, this WAG was a better clerk than many he had supervised while base sergeant major. Interestingly, he recognized and commented in his letters that "They are really no different from the whites I know." In their social position, he thought, he would probably act even more maliciously.^^ Dussler also experienced something of the racial inequalities of the United States when one of the WACs asked for and received a two-day pass. She told him she wanted to visit Salt Lake City and, to use her words, "see the Mormon things." T h e n she realized that the trip on the bus "would necessitate staying overnight." She then turned back the pass, telling Dussler somewhat sadly, "I wouldn't have a place to stay." Before desegregation of public facilities and without a black population to warrant hotels catering to blacks, the WAG was afraid to make a trip to Salt Lake City. T h e injustice of this

â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘^Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, January 8, 1944. ^9Ibid. ^^Ibid., January 12, 1945; interview with Robert Van leperen, July 18, 1985. 5'Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, January 23, 1944.


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bothered Dussler, who wrote, "What a tragedy it must be to be born black."52 Dussler remained in the Flying Training Office until the end of 1944. His black WACs were transferred along with the other members of their detachment to Sioux City, Iowa, on April 5, but he continued with a new crew. By the time of the WAG transfer, however, the training activities at Wendover were beginning to slow down. With the allies on the offensive and the end of the war in sight, fewer people were stationed at the airdrome and fewer bombardment groups underwent training.^^ indeed, by the fall of 1944 the only training being conducted at Wendover was that of Col. Paul W. Tibbets's 509th Composite Group, which was devising and testing delivery techniques for the soon-to-be constructed atomic bomb. Even before the completion of this unit's training, Dussler's office was all but closed down and the majority of its personnel reassigned. Dussler and a few others remained in the office to complete some final reports, but he expected to be sent to another base upon completion of that assignment late in 1944. Such was not the case. Instead, in January 1945 he moved back to the base headquarters as personnel sergeant major, charged with the increasingly important responsibility of mustering soldiers out of the army.^^ Although he had been busy before, soldiers' discharges began to consume most of Dussler's time after Germany surrendered in early May 1945. "I did not know VE Day could cause so much work," he complained to his cousins on May 18. "I've been stuck in the office every night until about ten. I have a pile of policies pertaining to discharge and it is becoming in size like a mail order catalog."" He reported similar problems three months later, after the surrender of Japan: T h e war is over but not for me. I am busy sending to separation centers all 38 years old and those high point men who fit in quotas. We had no celebration except free beer. We heard the noise and confusion over the radio. I worked the next day as usual. T h e end of the war made not one particle of difference to me. T h e war has always been very remote to me, and when it ended my routine was not disturbed.^^ "Dussler to Van leperen, April 2, 1985, Wendover Files. 53Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, March 26, 1944; April 2, 1944; May 9, 1944; September 7, 1944; Decembers, 1944. "Ibid., January 5, 1945, and January 15, 1945; "Admission Specialist, MOS-502," The Salt Tablet (Wendover Field, Utah), August 30, 1945, p. 3. "Dussler to Hartwig and Ivey, May 18, 1945. sqbid., August 20, 1945.


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The work of discharging part of the largest military force in American history began to pile up after the surrender of Japan. Dussler barely had time to reflect on his role in the war effort. He recalled in his letters that he remembered vaguely Colonel Tibbets, whose 509th Composite Group trained at Wendover during the winter of 1944-45, after learning he had gained fame by dropping the first atomic bomb on Hiroshima. Otherwise, his only comments were that "it looks like I am going to be the only one who is going to be discharged twice from Wendover Field (once before, 29 November 1941)."" On October 14, 1945, Byron Dussler w^as sent to the separation center at Boise, Idaho, where he was mustered out of the army air force. This act alone improved his attitude toward the military, but it did not end his tour at Wendover Field. Three days later he returned to the Utah desert base as a civilian and continued his separation work. Master Sergeant Casey became Mr. Casey. His skills were too great to be lost, so the Second Air Force, his unit's parent command, approved his continuation until the rush of discharges followTng the war had been processed.^^ Dussler worked at Wendover throughout the winter of 1945-46, receiving high praise for his efforts. Finally, in March 1946 his work there ended. He wrote as an epilogue to a long career at Wendover: "As I pack to leave I think of the words of the mass I used to listen for: Ite. Missa est. Go. It is finished."^^ Byron Dussler's air force had been one filled with paperwork, bureaucracy, and internal politics. It was one that Dussler hated and one that he loved. When the war ended, however, he did not abandon government service. Instead, in 1946 he entered the permanent civil service and went to Japan as a civilian clerk with the United States Army of Occupation. In 1950 he returned to the United States and his home in Atwood, Illinois, where he continued in federal service two more years at an army signal depot. When a petrochemical complex opened a few miles from his home, Dussler left civil service and worked there until his retirement at age sixty-two. He still lives in Atwood.

"Ibid., September 3, 1945. 58Ibid., September 29, 1945; October 14, 1945; November 19, 1945. ^^Byron Dussler, "Ej)ilogue," March 1946, Wendover Files.


Housewives, Hussies, and Heroines, or the Women of Johnston's Army BY AUDREY M. GODFREY

near Fort Bridger in 1857, when bad weather and delays forced encampment, were three women — representative of many — Louisa Canby, Elizabeth Gumming, and Mrs. Marony. Louisa was the wife of Col. E.R.S. Canby, a career military man who would later establish Fort Bridger as an army post. Louisa had followed him on each tour of duty and A M O N G THOSE WINTERING WITH JOHNSTON'S ARMY

Mrs. Godfrey lives in Logan, Utah.

Stagecoach Inn, Camp Floyd State Park, was built in 1858 by the Carson family as a hotel near the military camp. Ca. 1960 photograph was taken before its restoration. USHS collections.

* it-MfSW »*•> m^,^^ lp|i»»,i

*--**4««to,^i«a4i^tt4^ ,dM,^^^^ ' - ^ l ^ i ^ i t


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would continue to do so throughout her life. Elizabeth, a civilian, was the wife of the new territorial governor Alfred Gumming who was being escorted by the army to his new office in Utah Territory. And Mrs. Marony, the wife of Sgt. Patrick Marony, would become a laundress and cook for Lt. Jesse Gove. All three women had left Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, the previous July as part of the largest concentration of army troops in peacetime to quell the rebellion of the Mormons.^ Why had these women chosen life with the army rather than the comforts of nice homes and the settled life of a community? They were neither wanted nor encouraged to accompany husbands. Special permission from company commanders had to be given for them to be included in the expedition. And later women who chose to marry soldiers could only receive housing on the post through these same leaders. Army regulations, while not forbidding enlisted men to marry and include their wives in their tours of duty, made life difficult for those who did by not recognizing their wives' presence or by denying privileges unless the spouses became laundresses or cooks. Officers' wives, however, could travel with husbands if they chose to do so and received permission.^ Army life was not an experience to encourage this female entourage. T h e ladies would encounter cold, boredom, physical hardship, dust, and primitive living conditions. But on they came, joined by Indian women, prostitutes, actresses, servants, peddlers, barmaids, and girl friends during the years the army occupied Utah. Some would become, or already were, laundresses and cooks for the military. But they all had in common the love of, or service for, some member of Johnston's Army or the desire to make quick money. T o find out who some of these women were and why they came, and to reconstruct what life was like for them as they marched to and settled on the army post of Camp Floyd in Utah Territory, is a difficult task, for few personal writings have been found. Their story must rely, for the most part, on references to them in diaries and letters and some few citations in official records. Archaeological excavations at Camp Floyd have uncovered such things as perfume 'B. H. Roberts A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Century I, 6 vols. (Salt Eake City: Deseret News Press, 1930), 4:453, quoting Horace Greeley who had visited Camp Floyd. ^Elizabeth B. Custer, Boots and Saddles; or. Life in Dakota with General Custer (New York: Harper and Row, 1885), p. 120; Patricia Y. Stallard, Glittering Misery: Dependents of the Indian Fighting Army (San Rafael, Calif.: Presidio Press, 1978), p. 16.


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bottles and delicate buttons, definitely feminine articles, and more clues should come as the work progresses. Sutlers' records indicate the presence of women, although it is difficult to pinpoint a female population merely from soldiers' purchases. For instance, many yards of fabric of various kinds were bought, but they may have been purchased for polishing guns, shoes, and belt buckles, or for sewing by someone else's wife into male apparel, or as gifts to be sent back home. However, enough dress hoops, women's gloves and shoes, and other womanly articles were sold to suggest that there were many women at Camp Floyd. It is probable that few women came in the first group of forces. Elizabeth Gumming tells of saying good-bye at Salt Lake City to only four women she had traveled with, most likely Mrs. Canby, Mrs. William Burns, Mrs. Samuel S. Carroll, and possibly Mrs. E. B. Alexander, all officers' wives.^ T h e Utah Expedition comprised eight companies of the Tenth Infantry under Col. E. B. Alexander, two batteries of the Fourth Artillery, the Fifth Infantry, six companies of the Second Dragoons, volunteers, and various civil authorities. Col. Albert Sidney Johnston subsequently became the commander, and the force became known by his name. T h e government had amply provided for 8,000 persons for a period of twenty months. These provisions included rations for 200 women, most likely laundresses.^ Twenty-five hundred men were in the original group; if the ratio of one laundress to every nineteen and a half men was adhered to, there were roughly 120 women along in that capacity.^ Laundresses would not normally have been included among the "ladies" mentioned in writings of the time. T h a t term was reserved for officers' wives in most cases. Reveille was not later than dawn, with the march beginning two hours later. After marching one hour there would be a ten-minute rest and at each succeeding hour a pause of five minutes. Men of the battery walked every alternate hour, and all were expected to walk uphill or downhill.6 T h e women, undoubtedly, found places with their husbands' particular group. 'Ray Canning and Beverly Beeton, eds. The Genteel Gentile: Letters of Elizabeth Cumming, 1857-1858 (Sah Lake City: Tanner Trust Fund, Marriott Library, University of Utah, 1977), p. 85n.lO. ^Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Utah (San Francisco, 1890), p. 528. \Stallard, Glittering Misery, pp. 58-59. ^General Orders of the Department of Utah lor 1857, 1858, and 1859, Special Collections, Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo.


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Two women in labor were reported by an army surgeon during the march, "both primapara" or with their first child. In each case, the delivery occurred in a wagon en route, a novelty at that time in obstetric practice, according to the surgeon. T h e first labor was routine and the mother recovered rapidly, but the second was "remarkable for its duration, a period of sixty hours." T h e delay was attributed to a rigidity and narrowness of the pelvis, the age of the mother, and her excessive "nervous mobility."^ Strong feelings were expressed by some soldiers against the women who chose to accompany them. William Drown, a bugler in Company A of the Second Dragoons, found himself assigned to aid Lizzie Tyler, the wife of 1st Lt. Charles Tyler. As they neared the j u m p i n g off place for Utah on their way from Fort Riley, Drown recorded: A number of officers' ladies [are] along, and they expect the same attendance upon the march as they receive at home in quarters. Their tables, bed-clothes, chairs, and bedding must be exactly so. Knives, forks, spoons, cups and saucers, preserves, ladles and dishes are packed up every morning by the servants (while the companies are standing waiting in the hot sun). . . . There is one comfort, however, we have in going into a hostile country â&#x20AC;&#x201D; we are sure of leaving the silk and satin aristocracy behind.

He complained of the time needed to bring them wood and water and to pack and unpack their needs, ending with "God bless the ladies! I say, and keep them out of the way of the hostile savages; but as long as they travel with troops they must necessarily be attended to, as they cannot attend to themselves."^ Jesse Gove, captain of Company I of the Tenth Infantry, was equally apprehensive about the women in his company. In fact, he told 2d Lt. Samuel S. Carroll that if he brought his wife she would have to take care of herself as he needed Carroll's constant attendance to his duties. He warned Mrs. Carroll also that she must not expect her husband to be away from his company "to the neglect of his duty in a single instance." Mrs. Carroll stayed behind, joining the company again as they left Camp Scott. By journey's end, however, Gove paid tribute to her: "Mrs. Carroll I like very much. She takes the

'Richard H. Coo\\ds^v, Statistical Report on the Sicknessand Mortality in the Army of the United States (Washington, D.C:., 1860), p. 285. "Theodore F. Rodenbough, comp.. From Fi'erglade to Canon with the Second Dragoons (New York, 1875), pp. 206, 208.


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trip with a good deal of sense, and her little Katy is a picture of health and good nature."^ William Drown, too, while still begrudging somewhat the things he was asked to do for the ladies, found himself secretly pleased when Mrs. Tyler praised his excellent work in fixing her shoe. Hampered by the destruction of their supply wagons by the Mormons and the difficulty of advancing in the snow and cold, the expedition went into winter camp near Fort Bridger, naming their encampment Camp Scott after Gen. Winfield Scott. T h e camp was sheltered by bluffs that rose abruptly a few hundred yards' distance from the bed of a stream. One soldier, describing it shortly before it was abandoned, said, T h e view from the mesa, three miles from camp, was one of the most beautiful I ever saw. In front of and below us ran Black's Fork divided into five streams winding through a meadow half a mile wide. O n the largest island thus formed was the camp, a soldier city. Its streets and public square were regularly laid out and covered an area of fifty acres. In rear the stone wall of the old trading post, Bridger's Fort, above and below herds of cattle, horses and mules, with here and there a few lodges of Indians.10

T h e civilians of the expedition, including Elizabeth Cumming, were camped about a half-mile from the military and named their new town Eckelsville after the new chief justice of Utah Territory, D.R. Eckels. Housing was, for the most part, in a yet untried tent named after its inventor, Henry Hopkins Sibley, who was with the expedition. It resembled an Indian tepee with an iron tripod support. When the tent was closed a fire could be lighted beneath the tripods, a draught being created by a circular opening in the top. Some augmented this shelter by digging a depression the diameter of the tent's floor space and banking up dirt around the bottom of the tent on the outside. Others found a way to enclose a sod fireplace in the tent wall, though most were heated with sheet iron stoves. Floors were covered with animal skins, carpet, blankets, or canvas. Elizabeth Cumming lived in a "suite" of five tents filled with some furniture and was comfortable most of the time. On November ^Otis G . Hammond, ed.. The Utah Expedition, 1857-59 (Concord: New Hampshire Historical Society, 1928), p. 10. '"George P. Hammond, ed., Campaignsin the West, 1856-1861: Journal of Col. John Van Deusen Dubois (Tucson: Arizona Pioneer Historical Society, 1949), p. 67.


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15 she recorded that it was very cold and complained of not being able to wash for many days. But for the most part her accommodations were most certainly better than those of the wives of enlisted men. In his report on conditions at Camp Scott in December 1857, assistant surgeon Robert Bartholome said the tents were comfortable, but "It is hoped that the Quartermaster's Department, with its accustomed liberality, will, at an early date, authorize the issue of these tents [Sibley] to laundresses and servants of officers, as the health of these individuals is surely entitled to some consideration."^^ In December temperatures fell to twenty below zero. John Phelps, who kept a weather diary, recorded thermometer readings of nine degrees at sunrise to midnight readings of four degrees, while daytime temperatures were in the twenties and thirties for the most part. At times high winds made it feel even colder. Phelps also mentioned fog, which left a congealed shine on the trees, and nightly displays of the "Zodiacal light."^^ In this wintery setting the inhabitants of the tent city found ways of alleviating the dreariness. Timber was hauled by hand through the snow to construct pavilions with regimental flags flying above them where dances were held. A canvas theater became the setting for a Privates' Ball. And individuals visited and celebrated Christmas and New Year's in tents of acquaintances and friends. John Phelps reported having eggnog made from eggs laid by chickens brought on the expedition by an officer's w^ife. T h e Canbys, Burnses, Cummings, and others enjoyed wine together on Christmas day. Elizabeth Cumming noted, however, that there were infrequent visits between the women, "As ladies, of course, do not care to walk about in a camp, unattended, and as it interferes with a sociable impulse to seek a protector everytime one would visit, we see each other very little but send frequent and polite messages â&#x20AC;&#x201D; books, some treasure of a couple of turnips and such like."^^ As winter wore on these treasures would become even more important, for rations were cut because of shortages. Work oxen were killed and food was bought secretly from Mormon peddlers even though the army forbid it because of the disaster created when the army's supply train was destroyed by the Mormons earlier. Salt was especially missed. Brigham Young sent some but it was refused. "C:oolidge, Statistical Report, p. 298. ' T o h n Phelps Diary, tUah State Histc^rical Society Library, Salt Lake City. '^Canning and Beeton, Genteel Gentile, p. 28.


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Elizabeth Cumming, wife of Territorial Gov. Alfred Cumming, was one of the genteel women accompanying Johnston's Army. Courtesy of Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah. Camp Scott, near Fort Bridger, where Johnston's Army wintered on its way to Utah. Photograph by David A. Burr, USHS collections.

However, some did not seem to suffer from these shortages. Lieutenant Gove enjoyed the talents of Mrs. Marony as she created delicacies from canned tongue and served salad, biscuits, butter, hot coffee, and milk toast. Her husband was able to transfer into Gove's company to enable her to work for the lietitenant. Her son Johnny often came with her, and Gove thought it refreshing to see a little


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child. Gove said of her, "Everyone in camp thinks . . . I have a prize. She is certainly one of the best women in the army."^"^ Indian women of the C u m u m b a h tribe living near Camp Scott were hired for other reasons. Money or clothing would buy their services. Several Indian women were reported as having contracted venereal disease as a result of their association with the soldiers.^^ But the army surgeon found the women to be models of industry. He said they were prolific and manifested as "much affection for their offspring as the most devoted of civilized mothers." He observed that they were more athletic and vigorous then the men of their tribe but were "far from approaching any elevated standard of beauty." One wonders what their views were of the army. Other women mentioned in journals or letters of those at Camp Scott were Mrs. Martin who was "as flat as a tailor's press board, both before and behind"; Mrs. William Burns and her daughter Mab; Mrs. Carroll and her daughter Katy; and Mrs. Charles Mogo. Mab Burns or Katy Carroll may have been the little girl remembered by Henrietta W. Wilson: One day when Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston's army came through [Ogden], one of the officer's wives spied the doll, [brought by an aunt from England] and persuaded Mrs. Wilson's mother to trade the doll for a piece of material to make her daughter a dress. This material was like the material with which we make our overalls at the present time.^^

In the latter part of October, Mrs. Mogo, who had been living in Salt Lake City with a child, desired to join her husband at Camp Scott. Charles Mogo, who had first come to Utah as a teamster, was later employed by the surveyor general and engaged in various business pursuits in the territory. An escort of four men brought Mrs. Mogo into camp, accompanied by a letter from Brigham Young, dated October 28, 1857, inviting any who wished to return to Salt Lake in the "conveyance" which had transported her. None accepted the invitation.^^ The Mormons made other suggestions relative to the camp women. Gen. Daniel H. Wells of the Mormon militia advised Colonel Alexander "that if he had ladies in the camp to put them in a 'TIammond, Utah Expedition, p. 157. '""Roberts, Comprehensive History, 4:459. "'Henrietta Fmmett W^ilson, Pioneer Personal History, typescript. Special Collections, Merrill Library, titah State University, Logan. "Roberts, Comprehensive History, 4:306.


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train by themselves, as he did not wish to injure them.^^ And the Deseret News oi October 14, 1857, included a poem by Eliza R. Snow from the ladies of Utah " T o the Ladies of the United States Camp in a Crusade against the 'Mormons'" which read in part. Why are you in these mountains, Expos'd to frosts and snows. Far from your shelt'ring houses â&#x20AC;&#x201D; From comfort and repose?'^

Its critical verses undoubtedly were contained in copies of the Salt Lake paper sent to Alexander "to enliven the monotonous routine of camp life" and were directed at Mrs. Canby and Mrs. Burns, according to Gove.^o Much could be written about Louisa Canby who was the epitome of the best of the military wives. T h e sutler at Fort Bridger, after Colonel Canby took command there, called her "the idol of the army." She was a cultured, educated woman who enjoyed a large library of books and magazines sent by friends. She had a brief illness during that first winter but withstood the rigors of the march admirably and rode horseback from Bridger to Camp Floyd, although she had had the comforts of an army ambulance before arriving at the winter encampment. She was known for her amiable personality and often entertained the officers, cooking them delicious meals and occasionally visiting their tents with her husband or a female companion. Her culinary skills were challenged at Camp Scott. She wrote home how gladly she had eaten wild garlic when it started under the snow early in the spring of 1858. She bought eggs at $1 a dozen and butter at $1.50 a pound and then distributed the food among the sick of the regiment. These special kindnesses were noted throughout her life by soldiers who served under her husband.21 During November 1857 Col. Randolph Marcy headed a rescue expedition to New Mexico to obtain supplies and draft animals for the army. His guide was a well-known mountaineer named T i m Goodale whose Indian wife, Jennie, underwent the hardships of the journey with him with "astonishing patience and fortitude." Jennie has been described as "a good-looking" woman "about 25 years old, 'sibid., 4:305. ^Weseret News, October 14, 1857. ^^Hammond, Utah Expedition, p. 81. 2'MaxL. Heyman, ]r.. Prudent Soldier: A Biography of Major General E. R. S. Canby, 1817-1873 (Glendale, Calif.: A r t h u r H . Clark C:o., 1959), pp. 109, 106, and various entries in Hammcjnd, Utah Expedition.


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who spoke good English and was neatly dressed and a clean housekeeper." She had a pet colt which was the first animal to be killed for food after the company became bogged down in snow. "She cried very bitterly when the colt was killed, as it had always been her pet; but she realized the necessity of the sacrifice, and was consoled" upon the promise of a replacement on arrival in New Mexico.22 The long winter finally ended, and the troops began the last phase of their journey to Utah in a June rain. Drown observed their difficulties: I really pitied the poor women of the Tenth, coming into camp on foot, wet as they could be, without a tent to put their heads in, and were then obliged to march all the way back; [across a bridge, as it was too wet and slippery to bring the wagons over to their camp] but, as I have said before, women have no business marching with a regiment."^^

It was at this point several women joined the force who had wintered at Camp Laramie, including, probably, Mrs. Carroll. If the women had looked back at their winter encampment they might have been impressed by the scene described a year later in the Atlantic Monthly: " . . . a few tents which remained unstruck glittering like bright dots on the wing of an insect. . . while stacks of turf chimneys, lodge poles, and rubbish marked the spots where the encampment had been abandoned."^^ And so they entered, finally, the abandoned city of Salt Lake, their arrival punctuated by the regimental bands.^^ The Tenth Regiment marched past Brigham Young's home with banners flying and drums beating. T h e Third Regimental Band halted in front of the home and played several national airs, then moved on to the home being occupied by Governor and Mrs. C u m m i n g where they were ordered to play " T h e Star Spangled Banner," which they did grudgingly as they felt the new governor was consorting with the The army ambulance was the conveyance most often used for officers' wives. A light spring wagon designed to transport the injured or ill, it had two long benches that could be made into bunks and was covered on the top and sides with canvas. The side co\erings could be rolled up and fastened to leave the interior open. Two carriage lainps were placed just abo\e and back of the driver's seat. It was jKdled by two or four mules and sometimes bore the letters tl S and or a large green Maltese cross. The museum at ÂĽon Bridger has a blue silk dress bodice that belonged to Louisa Canby. "Col. R. B. Marcy, Thirty Years of Army Life on the Border (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1866), pp. 233-34; LeRov R. Hafen, ed.. The Mountain Menand the Fur Trade of the Far West, 10 vols. (Glendale. Clalif.: Arthur H. Clark Co., 196.5-1972), 7:152. -'Rodenbough, From Everglade to Canon, p. 229. -^Roberts, Comprehensive History, 4:444. " J o u r n a l History of theC:hurch of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, July 2, 1858, LDS Church Library-Archives, Salt Lake Catv; Henrv S. Hamilton, Reminiscences of a Veteran (Concord, N.H.: Republic Press Assn., 1897), p. 106.


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Mormons. The troops took a whole day to pass through the city. John Young, a nephew of the Mormon leader, was hiding in one of the houses and observed some of the officers uncover their heads as they marched through the deathlike silence. One of these was most likely Lt. Col. Philip St. George Cooke of the Second Dragoons, who had led the Mormon Battalion and had special feelings for the Mormons. Young said, " T o us western mountain boys, the solemnity of the march was oppressive, and glad relief came to our strained feelings when we saw the soldiers' campfires kindled on the other side of the Jordan."26 (The army spent their first evening in the valley camped on the flats beyond the Jordan River in the area of what is now Twenty-first South and Redwood Road.) Thirty miles away a broad valley of sagebrush surrounded the small town of Fairfield. Settled in the early 1850s by the Carson family, William Beardshall, and John Clegg, its few inhabitants were about to be invaded by Johnston's Army, not in a military sense, but by the loss of their quiet daily life. Some residents would move away as camp followers and rough elements set up saloons, hotels, and gambling houses in an area of the town three blocks long.^^ One soldier estimated that three million adobe bricks would be needed to construct the army quarters.^s There would be three to four hundred neatly built structures on streets r u n n i n g north and south. At the rear and parallel to the streets of the camp would be homes built for officers and staff. Behind them quarters for the bands, sutlers' stores, and huts of the camp followers would be scattered. There would be a theater, a social hall, and various other public buildings. By December 1858 the post was described as a large town . . . well laid out, with wide streets . . . , it is divided by a small stream from Fairfield, the population of both places must be over five thousand, in the limits of the Camp is only the Army and its employees but the population of the other side is composed of Saints, Gentiles Mountaineers Greasers, Loafers Thieves, Black Legs, Rumsellers Lager Beer Brewers and the Lord knows what else; every house is [a] Grog shop â&#x20AC;&#x201D; or a Beer-shanty.^^ -'â&#x20AC;˘'"The Move South," Kate B. Ciarter, comp., Heart Throbs of the West, 12 vols. (Salt Lake City: Daughters of tItah Pioneers, 1939-51), 10:256. ^ T m m a N. Huff, comp.. Memories That Live: A Centennial History of Utah County (Springville, tit.: Art Cily Publishing C;c)., 1947), p. 26. 28"Soldiering on the Frontier," letter of C. F. Ck)uld dated September 1858, in Annals of Wyoming 35 (April 1963): 83. 29"Charles A. Scott's Diarv of the lUah Expedition, 1857-1861," ed. Robert F. Stowersand lohn M. Ellis, Utah Historical Quarterly 28 (1960): 175-76.


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This grouping of colorful residents made up a wild, ramshackle area known as Frogtown, or Dobeytown. R. W. Jones recounted: Went to F"rogtown just over Cedar river and put up at the only Hotel, the mount vernon. Hard place. Frog town has a thousand or more inhabitants all gamblers or whore[s], houses adobe or holes dug in the ground covered over with cloth, or covered wagon bodies set on the ground, or some other fancy fixin. July 2 . . . In the evening I passed through Frog town, and saw women with their families living, some in holes in the ground covered over; Some in pens, made of sticks on end, and other sticks wove in as wicker work covered with tent cloth other in rock houses, hardly larger than play houses; and others in covered wagon-bodies, setting on the ground . . . such . . . is woman's love.^''

These terrible places in which the w^omen lived were not unusual to those who followed the military. Katherine Gibson, writing some years after the Utah period, said the women coped by holding "themselves above their environment." She felt that the privation and shared hardships drew army people closer "than many brothers and sisters." Husbands did not seem terribly sympathetic to their plight, telling them such things as, "You will have to learn to do as other army women doâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;cook in cans and such things, be inventive and learn to do with nothing.'"^^ Even when household goods were available the frequent moves and inadequate moving allowances and conveyances made it difficult to assemble and transport the items. So they did learn to do with nothing. Eve Alexander's table was made of wooden planks placed across saw horses, with a trunk for a chair, bed, ironing board, and bench. Other standard items were army blanket carpets and packing box bureaus covered with calico.^^ Patience Loader, who married a sergeant in Johnston's Army, John Rozsa, recalled her first home at Camp Floyd. One of John's lady friends had fixed up a room for them. When she took Patience to see it the first time she said, . . . this room has been prepared for you and we have made it as comfortable as we could. . . . she began to tell me that Mr. Rozsa got the table and two benches and bedstead made by the carpenter all of plain lumber no paint on them on a straw bed two pillows and Some good warm blankets then she Showed me my cupboard it was made of three boards nailed together three shelves with a curtain in front she slipt the 30R. W. Jones Diary, July 1-2, 1859, Utah State Historical Society Library. "C:uster, Boots and Saddles, pp. 3-5; Stallard, Glittering Misery, p. 12. '^Sandra L. Myres, "Romance and Reality on the .\merican Frontier: \'iews of Army Wives," Western Historical Quarterly 13 (1982): 419.


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curtain aside and Said see the contents of your cupboard this is all we could get there was six new tin plates two tin cups she said thees two cups and saucers a lady loaned to Mr. Rozsa as there was none in the store to buy as we thought you would feel bad to have to drink your tea out of a tin cup . . . there was one pound of allspice one of Cloves and one Cinnamon one of pepper and some salt coffee . . . tea . . . sugar there was no floor only a dirt floor a wagon cover served for a carpet in front of a blazing fire on the hearth a new bufalow robe was spread and a lovely large camp chair covered with red cloth was standing on the robe this was a preasant to me from Mr. John Kalapsery an Ungarian friend of My husband . . . and he also made me a present of a hue durham cow '^^

By the standards of most frontier posts Patience was very lucky to have friends provide so much comfort to welcome her. T h o u g h Cedar Valley was described as being pretty, surrounded by high mountains with snow on their crests year 'round, the soil was light, and the particular bane of the inhabitants as the population of people, animals, and wagons grew was the dry season which brought dust. Frequent and violent whirlwinds, sometimes six or seven at once in different directions, would rush through the camp. Then, according to Henry Hamilton, All hands would hasten into the houses and close the doors, for if we failed to do this, we would be almost strangled before it passed. Sometimes a washerwoman would not have time to get her clothes from the line, and in an instant all would be high up in the air, whirling around at enormous speed."^^

T h e wind typically began blowing at seven or eight in the morning and would continue until visibility was reduced to scarcely ten feet. About three in the afternoon it would begin to subside, leaving the nights calm and clear. Some dubbed the storms "Johnsoons" in honor of the post commander. One recruit complained if you put your foot down "in this adominable [sic] country it raises a cloud of dust." While another described a pillar of dust "a mile high" and within the camp limits no vegetation growing, only "dust, dust, dust." Probably many echoed Lafayette McLaws who said in April of 1859, "Dust Horribleâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all hate the place."^^ '^Reminiscences of Patience Loader, pp. 104a, 105, 105a, typescript, Sjiecial C:ollections, Lee Library, BYU. 'TIamilton, Reminiscences, pp. 109-110. 'Tames Stewart, " T h e Cannoneer," Recollections of Service in the Army of the Potamac (Washington, D.C:., 1890), pp. 394-95; C:oolidge, Statistical Report, p. 301; Fhomas G. Alexander and Leonard'J. Arrington, "Clamp in the Sagebrush: Clamp Floyd, Utah, 1858-1861," Utah Historical Quarterly 34 (1966): 13; William Lee, Notes on a Journey across the Plains, Aprd 11, 1858, to October 1859, p. 19, tvpescript. Special CloUections, Merrill Library, USU; Jones Diary, July 2, 18.59; Lafayette McLaws Papers, April 27, 1859, Utah State Historical Society Library.


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Considering the uncivilized locale and the equally unsuitable living conditions, a great tribute is due to the women who followed army husbands to such outposts. Far from civilization, they sought to make life bearable. Social activities revolved around entertainment the post could provideâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;parties, dances, drama clubs, dinners, etc. The most popular entertainment, as far as written accounts reveal, was the theater. In 1858 Sgt. R. C. White organized a dramatic company among the soldiers and built a theater of pine boards and canvas. His scenery was painted with make-do items such as beet juice, mustard, and "other commissary delicacies."^^ His company became known as the Military Dramatic Association, and he recruited actresses from Brigham Young's Salt Lake Theater. The most interesting of these actresses was Mercy Tuckett who had accepted a two-year Mormon mission call to perform in the Bowery and later in the Social Hall in Salt Lake City. When Johnston's Army came her family was living in Spanish Fork. Her brother Phillip had organized a dramatic company in which she often acted, and she accompanied it on a tour to Camp Floyd where she was an instant success. Tributes described her musical voice, piquant style, and charm.^7 Mercy, w^ho had occasionally let her children perform, left her husband after the troupe disbanded and moved to Nevada with her two brothers and their families. She took the youngest child with her and left the two older ones with their father, who divorced her on the grounds of desertion. Mercy's move did not sever her army ties. Richard White went to California after his discharge, then joined Mercy's brothers' new troupe in Nevada, and two years later married Mercy. They had one child who died in Folsom, California. The Valley Tan, which reported Camp Floyd new s, followed the successes and failures of the desert theater. Mercy was joined on stage by Miss and Mrs. Whitlock, Mrs. Westwood, Mrs. Longee, Mrs. Kelting, Mrs. Lynde, and other talented thespians. Lucy Stevenson danced there during the fall of 1859, and the newspaper enthusiastically noted: "It is something in the desert to find a danseuse who possesses the advantage she does, and we hail her visit with pleasure."^^

'^H'alley Tan, November 12, 1858. "Ibid., December 2, 1858. 3ÂŤIbid., September 28, 1859.


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Camp Floyd, looking west toward the commanding general's quarters. J. H. Simpson expedition photograph, January 1859, National Archives.

In January 1859 two actresses, Mercy Tuckett and Mrs. Longee, refused to appear in any more dramatic productions on the post. It seems that the Military Dramatic Association wanted to present an anti-Mormon song that the actresses felt was very objectionable and "decidedly vulgar." A parody of "Root, Hog, or Die," it ridiculed the Mormon prophet Joseph Smith and the current church president Brigham Young. T h e Valley Tan reported that although all were anti-Mormon, the association "had not enough tack [sic] to know the difference between principle and interest."^^ T h e furor was so intense that the theater was closed for a time. Nevertheless, the theater enjoyed success and served as entertainment for many. One evening Gen. and Mrs. M. S. Howe attended with "other ladies" and seventy-five laundresses of the Fifth and Seventh Infantries. William Lee thought it a "well gotten up affair." He described the drop curtain embellished by a representation of Camp Floyd with a regiment at dress parade saluting. He called the decorations "well designed, but badly executed" and thought that the orchestra was a very good string band. Another theatergoer took a

'sfbid., January 25, 1859.


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rather dim view of the whole thing, calling the plays "most vulgar and degrading" and those who attended them "motley."^o Other entertainment included an Ethiopian Opera Troupe, a circus (organized by the soldiers), a German singing club, a Masonic lodge (the first to be organized in Utah), a billiard hall, horse racing, parades, various classes such as nature study, Shoshone language instruction, and Bible study, lectures, and balls. Lectures were sponsored by the Temperance Society which numbered 250 to 300 members and which drew a large attendance every Sunday evening. Worship was held every Sunday in the theater by Capt. James H. Simpson of the Corps of Topographical Engineers. Father Keller had a brief stint as a religious leader also and took occasion to record twenty-six baptisms and three marriages (another indication of female population)."^^ Balls were held in the Temperance Hall. The first one saw seventy ladies in attendance who "expressed themselves delighted with the order and decorum that prevailed." At another dance a week later, given by the Fifth Infantry, only nine ladies w ere present. So the men took turns polkaing and waltzing together when they couldn't have a feminine partner, "making believe one is a lady . . . in a rather dull way." John Wardell felt the greatest drawback of the dances was the "paucity of the fair sex, without whose presence nothing can be carried on with eclat."^^ In quiet dinners in various homes others obtained diversion. Charles A. Scott was highly entertained by his dinner companion, Mrs. Ogden, who discoursed on batter puddings and their creation. Yet, he found himself so awkward at the table that he "managed to upset a bottle of pickled beets staining the snow white table cloth with the crimson vinegar which could not have been more crimson than my face.'"^^ Diversion took many forms. On April 7, 1860, the excitement of the day was the arrival of the first mail from California by Pony Express. People stood on the w^alls of the fort looking southwest ^""The Utah War Journal of Albert Tracy, 1858-1860, " ed. J. Cecil Alter and Robert J. Dwyer, Utah Historical Quarterly 13 (1945): 76; Lee Notes, p. 28; Harold D. Langley, ed.. To Utah with the Dragoons; and Glimpses of Life in Arizona and California, 1858-1859 (Salt Lake Citv Universitv of Utah Press, 1974), p. 121. ' ^'"Charles A. Scott's Diary," p. 175; Jerome Stoflel, " T h e Hesitant Beginnings of the Claiholic C:hurc h in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 36 (1968): 52, 52 n. 12. ^2John Bates Wardell to Col. Daniel Ruggles, December 14, 1859, Special Collections, Lee Library, BYU; "Utah War Journal," p. 79. ^'"C:harles A. Scott's Diary," p. 175.


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toward Five Mile Pass. A shout went up as a black speck appeared in the distance, rapidly enlarging as the rider drew closer.^^ Entertainment of another sort was available in Frogtown and other areas around the fort. William T h o m a s remembered a house of ill repute located just below the potato-vegetable pit of the camp, and there were dance hall and painted girls in saloons nearby. Another soldier called these establishments "hog ranches" and described the women as "the most wretched and lowest class of abandoned women." An eastern traveler said the women lived on the outskirts among the "Gentiles" as they were "too strong for the Saints."^^ Elizabeth Harris, though married, was one of these women. She had threatened once to kill her husband and was heard to call him "an Irish loafing s.o.b." Michael Mahon said she had once begged him to take her away from camp. Another time, while sitting on Mahon's lap in her home at Camp Floyd, she said she had given her husband twenty dollars to get him out of the house because she "expected her husky Pat Higgins that night.''^^ Richard Ackley remembered a pretty girl who took up with a fellow named Cloud "in very comfortable circumstances." She later went with another man to New Mexico where she became very common and was subsequently sold in the Plaza at Las Vegas for about forty dollars. Her parents frequently wrote her to come home but with no result."^^ One of the camp followers named Annie Lee used to frequent Mormon dances held in Fairfield. Her employment made it possible for her to have nicer clothes than those worn by the Mormon girls. This and her good looks made her attractive to the Mormon men, and she never lacked for dance partners. Jealous, the Mormon women banded together and took her out back one evening, took off her dress, and each in turn wore it for a dance. Finally, the woman was cast out. Because she had associated with the Mormons she was no longer desirable to her Frogtown companions. Later, she was " " F h e Establishment of C:amp Floyd, in Kate B. C:arter, td.. Our Pioneer Heritage, 20 vols. (Salt I ake C:itv: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1958-77), 2:26. t^Garth N Jones, ed.. In the Shadow of the Tall Mountain (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young Universitv Press, 1979),pp. 119-20; Ckorge A. Forsyth, TheSlory of a Soldier (N,w York: I). Appleton 8c Co., 1909), pp. 140-41; Richard F. Burton, The City of the Saints; and Across the Rocky Mountains to Cah/ornzfl'(New York, 1862), p. 446. ÂŤW^ N. Davis, Jr., "Western Justice: FheC:ourt at Fort Bridger, Utah'Ferritory," Utah Historical Quar<er/v 23 (19.55): 11.5-17. n MO4M "Richard Thomas Ackley, "Across the Plains in 1858," Utah Historical Quarterly 9 (1941): 219-20.


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reportedly seen wandering the streets of Salt Lake City and finally made her way to San Francisco.''^ As a minority, among men who sometimes forgot their hard life in drink, women were sometimes molested by the ruffians of the troops. Court-martial records indicate several instances of rape and of entering women's quarters. Patience Rozsa, alone at home while her husband was away with his company, heard a man trying to break in. She went out another door and got a male friend to stay in the home until her husband returned. The intruder made several further attempts to enter the home. Later, Patience found he had a grudge against her husband for having punished him for bad behavior.^^ There was sadness, too. Ellen Foy, the daughter of a private at Camp Floyd, became engaged to Frank Mullins of the Fifth Infantry. Mullins, who was being transferred to New Mexico, endeavored to get the family to follow him. En route to New Mexico, Ellen changed her mind about marriage. As the couple sat in a tent together, Mullins drew a pistol and shot her through the neck and then shot himself through the heart. Both died instantly. Those who knew them were shocked, for Frank was considered "a fine specimen of a m a n " and Ellen an exceedingly nice girl who w^as much respected.^o The tragedy of Mountain Meadow revealed other women associated with the army such as Mrs. Black. The wife of an ordnance sergeant, she was given the assignment of accompanying the child survivors of the massacre and three children of a man who had died in Utah to Fort Leavenworth where relatives would meet them. Also attending the children would be four women from Salt Lake City, Ann Eliza Worley, Sally Squire, Hester Elvira Nash, and Elizabeth Mure.^i One of the most appreciated groups of women w ith Johnston's Army, as with other troops, were the laundresses. Tributes abound in writings of army men as to their character and performance. Women were first allowed to accompany troops as laundresses in a ratio of four to each one hundred men. Over the years the ratio was changed "Cileaned from a Deseret News account (date unknown) by Kenneth W. Godfrey. "C:ourt-Martial Rec()rdsofC:amp Floyd, Special C;ollections, LeeLibrarv, BYU; Ck'neral Orders of the Department of Utah, December 31, 1859; Remini.scences of Patience Loader, pp. 108-12. ^"DaleF. Ciiese, ed.. My Life with the Army of the West: Memoirs of J. E. Farmer, 1858-1898 {SmUa l e : Stagecoach Press, 1967), pp. 29-30; De.seret News Weekly, October 17, 1860. ^'U.S., C;ongress, House, House Ex. Docs., vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 1193, 35th Clong., 2d sess., 1858-59; U S C:ongress, Senate, Forney to Major Whiting, June 28, 1858. pp. 63-69, in .SVna/f'tv Doc h 36th C o n e ' 1st sess., 1859-60. '


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to one for every nineteen and one-half men. Lt. Col. Philip St. George Cooke of the Second Dragoons noted that there were three or four with each of his companies. Under army regulations, "Laundresses were carried on the tables of organization, drew daily rations, were assigned quarters, furnished fuel and bedding straw, and accorded the medical services of the post surgeons."^2 These women were generally the wives of enlisted men and usually appointed by the captain of each company. Sometimes the appointment was not solicited nor appreciated. One day J o h n Rozsa came home and told Patience she was now the "acknowledged" company laundress and would be allowed government rations but would have to take her share of the wash every week and see it was properly done. Every Monday she would be brought her apportioned batch, and on Friday it would be picked up. Patience said, Why am I expected to do all that washing. I told him that I never had been used to do but very little washing in my life and was not able to work so hard. He told me that I did not have to do that washing that he would do that himself if we could not hire some women to come and wash for us but he told me that if there was any of the men Marr[i]ed in the company that was the rule for those Marr[i]ed folk to attend to the washing . . . and every Man Shall pay them one dollar pr Month for one dozen pieces and government furnishes all the soap.^=^

So every wash morning John got up at one or two o'clock to get the wash done by nine. After several months a woman was found who would do it for $2.50 per day, and later a woman boarded with them and received $20.00 to wash and iron two days a week and be free the other days to work for others. Later, when Patience's health improved, she helped with the ironing but never did wash. An account book records washing fees paid to laundresses as $4.50, $2.25, and $7.50. By comparison, fees of $22.50 for sawing wood, $14.00 for carpentering, and $13.25 for general work were paid to men. So women had the same problem then as now as far as receiving equal pay was concerned.^'' Payment of another sort was most probably appreciated, for the laundresses, as well as the women servants of officers' families, furnished the female element in the enlisted bachelor's social circle. "Rodenbough, From Everglade to Canon, p. 186; Rules and Regulations of the Army, 1813, American State Papers, Military Affairs V, 1:436. "Reminiscences of Patience Loader, pp. 106-7. 54Radford Account Book, January to June 1859, Utah State Historical Society Library.


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The women may have lived on "Soapsuds Row," but at a ball they were queens: "With their uniformed husband or lover on one arm and an infant or two in the other, the w^ashers would make an entrance exceeded only by their flamboyant dancing." And they were remembered. George A. Forsyth described them as being "ever ready for a fight" but "kind at heart if rough in manner, always ready to assist in times of distress. Often . . . the officers' wives would have found a hard life if they had not been at hand, and they were ever ready with a help that can not be paid for with money." He called them "honest, upright and most thoroughly reputable and respectable women in all relations of life." Albert Tracy made it a practice to send a bottle of wine to his two laundresses on his wedding anniversary. And Forsyth says they were the honored guests at dances, theatricals, and other entertainments. They also attended parties in the men's quarters, "for let it be known that no woman, old or young, beautiful or homely, has ever yet entered a garrison without having a wooer at her feet if her stay was reasonably l o n g . " " And what of the Mormon girls? Many men besides John Rozsa married local young ladies. Most of the men remained in Utah after their discharges, converting to their wives' religious faith and contributing to the communities in which they lived. These marriages came about in spite of the fact that Mormon leaders often preached against the soldiers and of the necessity of women arming themselves against them, and in spite of what the soldiers boasted they would do to the Mormon girls when they arrived in Utah and what they actually tried to do.^^ Several women from surrounding towns visited Camp Floyd, some to peddle pies and produce, some to purchase items at the sutler's store, and probably some to see the sights. One came to see her husband who was imprisoned there. Albert F. McDonald had been charged with murder, arson, and treason and was incarcerated at the camp. His twenty-eight-year-old wife Elizabeth visited him in June 1859. She first had to apply for a pass to Col. Pitcairn Morrison of the

''Tohn R. Sibbald, " CampY oWowcr % \\\," American West, Spring 1966, j). 66; Forsyth,.S'/cjry o/a Soldier, pp. 1 13, 134; "Utah War Journal of Albert Tracy," pp. 7, 67. 'â&#x20AC;˘"John R. Murdock, leader of a freight outfit bound for Salt Lake in 1857, reported hearing soldiers on their way to Utah brag of wintering sumptuously in Utah where the women "are thick as blackberries." Others expected Mormon women to j u m p into their arms when they arrived. One officer, while passing through Nephi, Utah, on duty, became the temporary guest of a prominent family and tried to obtain the services of the matron of the house with a large sum of money. See Roberts, Comprehensive History, 4:250 n. 19, 458.


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Seventh Infantry in whose quarters her husband was being held. After her departure the colonel saw that Albert received library books, bed coverings, some boards to put under the straw he slept on, and a camp chair in which to sit. Elizabeth's visit brought results but was difficult for her. T h e following day she gave birth.^^^ During the short life of Camp Floyd many women crossed the prairies to join their husbands. Most of them were officers' wives. Travelers such as Richard Burton recorded visiting their camps as they made their journey. The wives of Lt. Gurden Chapin, Lt. James Dana, Capt. Gabriel Rene Paul, Lt. Augustus H. Plummer, and Peter Tyler Swain were among them. Then, with the outbreak of the Civil War, the occupation of Utah ended as troops were needed elsewhere. On April 20, 1860, the Deseret News reported: The weather here during the past few days has been quite pleasant, thus affording every facility for the advancing with the preparatory arrangements for the removal of the troops . . . . There is a general feeling of congratulations. . . . at the prospect of leaving, as they call it "this God-Forsaken country."

In May a number of companies left for New Mexico, and "a very large contingent of the camp followers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; including women and gamblers that had infested Camp Floydâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;left with these detachments."^^ It would be some time before traces of the existence of this huge army would be erased. Some military property was sold at ridiculously low prices. The Salt Lake Theatre and the first cotton factory (built at Parowan) used materials from the post. Priscilla M. Evans, whose husband worked at Camp Floyd, was the recipient of a doorknob, a lock, and a stepstove that became "the wonder and admiration" of her neighbors. William Thomas said the day the army left he found "a big log house jammed full of carpets, rugs, and fine furniture" that the army wives had had to leave behind.^^ Household furnishings were not the only marks left by these gallant and brave ladies who endured what Martha Summerhays later described as "glittering misery." T h e days spent in sewing, reading, writing letters, reading letters, baking, and caring for husbands and children were not inconsequential. George D. Clyde, "Autobiography of Elizabeth Graham McDonald, LDS C:hurc h Library-Arc hives. ^^Roberts, Comprehensive History, 4:539. ^^Remembrances of Priscilla M. Evans, Utah State Historical Society Library; Jones, In the Shadow, p. 119.


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Ml

iiiiiiliiiiMiii|i!;

Gate into Camp Floyd cemetery near Fairfield, Utah, looking south. U.S. Army photograph by William P. Stephens, USHS collections.

former governor of Utah, in transmitting the deed for Carson's Inn at Fairfield to the state of Utah, suggested the 100-year old-building and land surrounding it (the area of Camp Floyd) were part of Utah's heritage. And an early writer suggested that women's presence in the frontier West was a mission of refinement second only to that of religion.^^ They also set an example of loyalty and love for husbands and lovers. One woman's explanation for enduring life with the army was, "I had cast my lot with a soldier, and where he was, was home to me." Patience Rozsa felt it was her duty to accompany her husband and expressed her willingness to follow him anywhere and share in whatever hardships he might experience. Some felt a need to provide comfort and cheerful surroundings for their soldier spouses. Perhaps, then, this loyalty was their greatest legacy.^^ But there is much more to learn from them. Unlike the soldiers they followed, "whose existence has been faithfully preserved in regimental histories and order books" and in reminiscences, the women of the frontier army may well be a "lost battalion."^2 Efforts to uncover and make known their lives have revealed them to be remarkable women. This account of their short existence in Utah Territory helps to create a more complete picture of the Utah Expedition.

â&#x20AC;˘iOMartha Summerhays, Vanished Arizona (C:hicago: Lakeside Press, 1939), p. 9; Isabella L. Bird, A Lady's Life in the Rocky Mountains (New York, 1890), p. 286. s'Sibbald, "C:amp Followers All," p. 56; Reminiscences of Patience Loader, p. 112. "^^Sibbald, "C:amp Followers All," p. 56.


Letters from Paris BY W I L L I A M C. S E I F R I T

artists in Paris during the 1880s and '90s changed Utah's artistic development for decades to follow is scarcely arguable. The knowledge, skills, approaches to

T H A T THE STUDIES ENGAGED IN BY U T A H

Dr. Seifrit is a historian in Salt Lake Caty. This article is part of a larger, unpublished manuscript. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Vern G. Swanson, direc tor of the Springville Museum of Art, in providing copies of the Hafen and Fairbanks letterscited herein, and the assistance of Will South, curator of the IJountiful-Davis Art Center, in providing copies of Harwood's unpublished letters.

Students and staff of the Academic Julian, 1890-91. John Hafen, from left in back row, and John B. Fairbanks, seated right with umbrella, have been identified by researchers. Courtesy of Vern Swanson.

second


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artistic production, and the entire Parisian experience enriched the artists individually and Utah's art history generally. Beginning with James T. Harwood's and Cyrus E. Dallin's study at the Academic Julian^ in 1888, and continuing in the 1890s with the arrival of John Hafen, John B. Fairbanks, John Willard Clawson, and Lorus Pratt, and still later by Edwin Evans and Herman H. Haag, these artists provided a cultural enrichment to the territory possibly unequaled before or since. The latter six of these eight artists were able to study in Paris in part because of a subsidy given by the Mormon church. T h e genesis of this unique financial arrangement will be examined later. The appeal of study in art centers away from Utah began as early as the 1870s when Lorus Pratt studied privately in England. Cyrus E. Dallin was studying sculpture in Boston in April 1880; Marie Gorlinski began a three-year course of study in painting in Europe in 1882; and during the winter of 1882-83 John W. Clawson attended the National Academy of Design in New^ York City and took honors for his work. By 1887 James T. Harwood had completed two courses of study in San Francisco's California School of Design.^ Other Utah artists dreamed of studying with the then acknowledged masters of drawing and painting. For example, in 1883 John Hafen wTote to his friend Harwood: I have a desire to go to San Francisco in preference to New York. T h e recommendations from reliable sources are overwhelmingly in favor of the former school at least for a landscape painter. Now James all that is left for me is to coax you to rig up and come with Lorus [Pratt] and I. About 3 or 4 hundred dollars will be all you need as you go west . . . I would so much like to have you with us and I cannot bear the idea otherwise. Education in our profession means independence, happiness, and usefulness.^

Within a few years Paris would become the dream destination for these artists. ' " T h e Academiejulian, where most of theUtahnsstudied, hadcome intobeing when theofficial sc hools had been overwhelmed by the influx of foreign students in the last decades of the [nineteenth] century. It was started as a business proposition by Julian, who provided a hall, mcxlels and paintercritics." James L. Haseltine, 100 Years of Utah Painting (Salt Lake C:ity: Salt Lake Art C;enter, 1965). 2Inter\iew with \'ern Ci. Swanson, December 17, 1985; "For Paris," Salt Lake Daily Herald, August 29, 1882, p. 8; Rell Ci. Francis, Cyrus E. Dallin: Let Justice Be Done (SpringxiUe, Ut.: Springville Museum of Art, 1976), p. 7; "Lcxal," De.seret Evening News, June 22, 1882, and May 21, 1883; "Cileanings,"Sa/< LakeEiiening Chronicle, Mav 25, 188.^; "Art Notes," Deseret EveningNews, October .SO, 1885, and October 26, 1886.^ 'Hafen to Harwood, September 17, 188.S. Hand-copied transcript from holograph in Harwood family scrapook. See author's note above. All spelling and punctuation in cited letters appear as written.


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Most of the Utah artists to study in Paris in the late 1880s and early '90s were active correspondents with family, friends, and sponsors. Scores—perhaps hundreds—of their letters are extant. Hafen and Fairbanks were probably the most prolific letter writers. Nearly every letter provides some insight into the experiences the Utahns were having. Prom comments on the prices of foodstuffs and housing to the intense interest in art shown by the French to the rigorously demanding requirements for entering some of the art schools to the self-revelatory estimates of their own artistic shortcomings and, occasionally, the small successes and advancements made by each—all reveal a broadening of personal horizons and a heightened artistic consciousness. Harwood had already established a reputation as an artist of merit when he decided to go to Paris for further study. He had exhibited some landscapes and still lifes at the Salt Lake Easel and shown other works in the second annual Utah Art Association exhibition. In an 1888 interview he announced his plan to go to Paris and then held a studio sale or auction to earn additional funds before his departure.^ Harwood described his initial reaction to Paris in a letter to Harriet Richards, whom he later married. He and some friends, including fellow art student Guy Rose of California, visited the Ecole des Beaux-Arts and a park: We leisiirely walked through beautiful walks with lovely trees, flowers and fountains, with beautiful statues placed artistically around. It seems like nothing is spared to make things perfect here. T h e buildings are more than I can describe and the streets are so clean that at night they reflect like a mirror.

He also described what may have been the stereotypic meal for art students: Instead of taking our supper at a restaurant Marvine proposed to have it in our room, so we l)ought a loaf of bread about a yard long—yes it was that if not more. Then some coffee, sugar, sardines, butter, cheese and something in a glass can which wasn't very good. And I tell you it was a jolly meal and there wasn't enough bread so [Guy] Rose and Pape went out for some, and got it all right—But they eat so much they were very restless at night.

But Harwood had gone to Paris to study art, and he told Harriet, ^"The Easel," Salt Lake Evening Chronicle, May 5, 188.S, and February 20, 1881: " T h e Art Show," Deseret EveningNews, May 29, 1884; "Utah Art," ibid., June 9, 1888.


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I feel so very ambitious sweet one—I feel as though I could exist ten times better than I could before I came. I am so anxious to get to work. I want to draw for a whole year before I paint and then paint hard for a whole year and I think I will accomplish something.^

By September 12 Harwood had been accepted into the Academic Julian. Admission to either the Julian or the Ecole des Beaux-Arts entitled a student to sketch from life from 8:00 A.M. until noon with a nude model from Monday through Saturday; afternoons, evenings, and Sundays were free. Some students elected to continue sketching weekday afternoons from models draped or in costumes, w^hile others chose to study and sketch art in the Luxembourg Palace or the Louvre. Still others, including Hafen and Fairbanks, occasionally went to the French countryside for sketching. During the winter as many as sixty students would crowd around a live model, easel to easel, in an unventilated studio. The tobacco smoke and ribald comments frequently disturbed the Utahns to the point that they left the atelier and sought artistic opportunities elsew here. Several weeks after his admission to the Academic Julian, Harwood met, quite by chance, Cyrus E. Dallin who had come to Paris a week or so after Harwood had arrived. They soon renewed their friendship. T h e two artists had shared an exhibition in Calder's music store in Salt Lake City some years earlier, an exhibition at which Dallin claimed that Harwood was the only one who sold anything.^ Eight months after their reacquaintance Dallin noted: "I see young Harwood quite often, and am glad to say he is making very good progress in his art, in fact he is doing remarkable well.""^ On Thanksgiving Day, November 28, 1868, Harwood and Rose celebrated at home with steaks and their own coffee: "Rose didn't know how to say grace, neither did I—but we both agreed that we felt just as thankful as the longest prayer made through the day would express. After the feast we had an hour fencing. . . ."^ Harwood continued at the Julian until the summer of 1889 when he prepared to take the examination for entry into the Ecole des " T h e auction of J. T. tiarwood'soil jjaintings, drawings and sketches will be held at 8 o'clock on Thursday evening, at 62 w.. Second Soutli Street. Fhere are 104 paintings, many of them of high merit, besides sketches, etching plates, art magazines, etc." Deseret Evening News, June 19, 1888. ''Harwood to Ric hards, .September 11, 1888. •^The exhibition referred to by Dallin was almost certainly the second annual Utah Art Association exhibit. See "Fragments," Deseret Evening News, May 24, 27, 1881, and note 4 above. '"A lUah Boy in Paris," Salt Lake Herald, May 28, 1889, p. 8. ^Harwocxl to Ric hards, November 28, 1888. Harwood had been titking fencing lessonsand was in turn instructing Rose.


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Beaux-Arts. His account of the three-week examination reveals the highly competitive nature of art study at that school: T h e examination is very hard. All are packed in one room and have to hold their work with the knees and one hand and draw with the other, the top of the sketch resting on an upright bar. After drawing the examination includes history, architecture, anatomy, perspective and modeling. T h e questions in history are given when all are placed, guards being stationed to prevent cheating, and the questions are taken from all the way between 2700 B.C. and 1889, A.D., soyoucan't very well look the matter over in the morning before. Then in architecture, when all are assigned to their places in boxes or stalls, the subject is given; this one was 'Christ at the foot of a Doric column in a chapel.' We had from eight a.m. till two p.m. to finish, hmch (which of course we had to pay for) being served to us like horses . . . . It is a very exciting affair. One feels like an ancient galley-slave with his guards over him.

T h e keen competition was heightened by the knowledge that every Frenchman who passed the examination would have two years' compulsory military service waived; for every foreign national like Harwood who passed, one French national would go into military service. Three to four hundred art students began the examination on June 24, and on July 17 when the results were posted, Harwood joyfully noted that he was the twenty-ninth of only seventy-five newly admitted students: I am now furnished by the French government with free schooling for two years, with professors in painting, anatomy, history and other branches who are equal to any in Europe. It is a very great honor to be a member of the Beaux Arts, for they have privileges which others do not. . . .

Harwood began to draw in earnest at the Beaux-Arts: My Prof., Benjamin Constant, told me one day that I had drawn long enough to go into painting. That pleased me very much, as I had wanted to start but felt a little timid about it. T h e next week we had a very interesting boy as a model and I went in for color with all my might. It brought very encouraging criticisms, and at the end of the week a fellow took a notion to it and bought my first painting.^

The criticisms referred to by Harwood were given twice weekly by visiting professors and were very harsh. T h e absence of a negative comment was regarded by the students as implicit praise: Criticism in a French studio is far different from that which one receives at home. T h e first idea of the French master seems to be to make the student fully realize that he knows absolutely nothing. That it is a ^"Utah Artists in Paris," Deseret Evening News, August 21, 1889.


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presumption on his part even to ask for a criticism . . . . Only such criticisms are made on three days of patient labor as "look at the model, you are working from imagination," "bad in movement." "bad in construction," "entirely too pretty," "look for the character," and the highest praise ever given is "not bad."'"

Matters were also progressing well for Cyrus Dallin. While still a student at the Julian he received a commission from an American dentist, Thomas W. Evans, to execute a memorial statue: I have a bronze model of an equestrian statue at the [Paris] exposition which I am to put up in the city of Paris. T h e subject is Lafayette, and is given to Paris by a rich American who lives here, and he has commissioned me to do the work, so you see that in one sense all goes well with me . . . I will be the only American who will have a statue in Paris."

So, the first two of what would later become a small band of "Utah boys" had arrived in Paris and achieved, each in his ow^n way, some degree of success. Harwood and Dallin went to Paris in the apparently true belief that they could obtain the best instruction there, even though both had received earlier formal training and enjoyed some public successes. Meanwhile, other motivation for Paris study had been moving to the surface of artistic and ecclesiastic thinking in Utah. Sometime in the late winter or early spring of 1890 Lorus Pratt and John Hafen discussed the idea with George Q. Cannon. On Marc:h 25 Hafen informed Cannon what a year's study in Paris would cost: "I have since investigated this matter and found that it cost Mr. J. T. Harwood of Lehi (who has taken a year's course in Paris) a little over [one] thousand dollars per year. This included fare both ways, board and lodging." Hafen gave credibility to his estimate by adding that Harwood "is economical and not addicted to any bad habits that I know of, that is, such as are expensive." At the heart of Hafen's plea for assistance from the church leader was his concern for the Salt Lake Temple: What are we going to do, biother Cannon, when one [our?] beautiful temple in Salt Lake City is ready to receive inside decorations? Who is there amongst all our people capable to do anything like near justice to artwork that should be executed therein? I must confess that it is impossible for me to see any other or more consistent course to pursue in this matter than to give two or three young men who possess talent to '"Henry Russell Wray, "Art Study in Paris," Salt Lake Herald, June 19, 1892, p. 13. " " A Utah Boy in Paris."


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John Hafen, left, and Cyrus E. Dallin, right, were among the first Utah artists to study in Paris. USHS collections. this direction, a chance to develope the same, in a way Bro. [Lorus] Pratt suggested in our conversation with you.

Hafen continued in this vein, expressing devotion to church and God and h u m b l i n g himself. He told Cannon that if it "should ever fall to my lot to receive assistance . . . and then return the same by decorating our beautiful temple or other necessary work . . . I would esteem it the highest honor and the crowning point of my ambition."^^ Hafen could not have been unaware that much temple painting and decorating had already been done; Danquart Weggeland had executed a "grand allegorical painting" for the Logan Temple and had also worked in the St. George Temple in 1881. In 1883 Weggeland and William Armitage did painting in the Logan Temple. William C. Morris did work in the Manti Temple in 1" i2Hafen to Cannon, March 25, 1890, Special Collections, Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo.


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and Weggeland and C. C. A. Christensen produced murals there in the same period.^^ It is reasonable to conclude that Hafen was suggesting to the First Presidency that a new, fresher approach to mural painting for the temples was needed and that advanced training in Paris would provide him and other new-generation artists with the skills necessary to accomplish that purpose. Hafen introduced one of these new artists, J o h n B. Fairbanks, to Cannon in the following terms: . . . he is talented, earnest and industrious and above all is a devoted servant to the cause of God. Why I bring him to your notice, is, if I should be one of the honored ones selected to enjoy the privelages of an education and Bro. Fairbanks should be barred out, I should look upon it as a calamity . . . I would rather share one year with him and divide it between us, so that each could have a six month chance, than to leave him behind.

By April 25, 1890, Hafen, Pratt, and Fairbanks had determined that the three of them could study and work in Paris for a year for approximately $2,160. This sum was not to be divided equally; Hafen noted in his letter to Cannon that Pratt and Fairbanks thought they could support their families on their own, w^hereas he could not. Whatever specific financial arrangements were made, the important point remains that the First Presidency was willing to underwrite the cost of formal training for these three artists.^^ Hafen, Pratt, and Fairbanks found themselves in Liverpool on July 12, 1890. Hafen described the voyage to his wife Thora: I will tell you a little of ocean life. Second cabin bunks are in a little room about as long as our pantry and a little wider[;] in this space there are 4 bunks or beds large enough for a person each. These little rooms smell so strong because of dampness that it is very disagreeable. Breakfast at 7 A.M. Porage, beaf potatoes and bread. Dinner from 11 A.M. to 2 P.M. Beaf rice potatoes, bread soup and some kind of pudding.

i^The Logan Temple painting was described in "Local," De.^ere/ Ei'eningNews, August 6, 1878: " T h e most imposing feature, however, in the ornamentation of the room, is the grand allegorical painting, on the wall, at the back of the speaker's stand, which reached from the settee to the lower edge of the cornice abcne. It is an illustration of the ancient fable of the Scythian king, inculcating the doctrine and necessity of union, in the minds of his two sons; one of whom has a bunclle of sticks, bound together in the attitude of vainly trying to break them over his knee, while his brother, with a similar bundle of sticks, takes them one by one, and readily shatters them into pieces. "tJnderneath the figures, in large, plain letters is the motto: t^nion is Strength. ' T l i i s fine piece of work, as well as the frescos on die ceiling is die product of the skill of our local artist, Mr. Dan Weggeland." See also "Talk," Deseret Evening News, August 29, 1881; Fragments," ibid., August 10 and October 11, 1883, January 5, 1884, and March 23, 1888; interview with Richard G. Oman, December 16, 1985; and Richard L. Jensenand Richard G. Oman, C. C. A. Christen.sen: Essays and Catalog (Salt Lake; City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1984), pp. 57-62. '<Hafen to Cannon, March 25, 1890, April 25, 1890, Lee Library, BYU.


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Supper could [cold?] meat and bread [;] with all meals there is coffee and tea. Everything is poorly cooked.'^

After about ten days in England in the care of Liverpool Mormons, touring museums and galleries and attending meetings with other Saints, Hafen and Fairbanks departed for Paris on July 24. On their first full day in Paris they received a happy visit and some disappointing news: Early this morning C. E. Dallin came to see us . . . . He located us in the art quarters, and now we begin to dive in at F'rench . . . . Friend Dallin will leave for Boston soon and Harwood is gone to Switzerland. Dallin told me that he, Harwood, would not return [to Paris] so we may be left to ourselves, excepting J. W. Clawson.^^

Hafen and Fairbanks lost little time in establishing their home base in Paris; they rented an apartment with bedrooms, a kitchen, and space suitable for use as a studio. Hafen also plunged right into art work: I expect to go out in the country about 20 miles with friend Dallin this coming week and stay a few days to sketch. I can send all the paintings [home] I want without duty by getting an order from the American Consul here; we can also be admitted to the Louvre to sketch statuary by getting an order from the same officer.^^

By August 1890 Hafen was deeply immersed in his art studies and adjusting to life in a foreign city. T h e little Utah band was reduced by one when Dallin left for Boston, but his departure offered an opportunity for the remaining artists: We bought all of his things for our use. He was very kind to us and saved us a great deal of trouble and expense. This evening we hired one of those French hand carts to haul the furniture from friend Dallin's. I got in the harness and Johnny [Fairbanks] and Lorus [Pratt] pushed. In the room with the furniture was a little painting of stillTife with the following words written on the bottom of it, " T o friend Hafen with regards from C. E. Dallin." He also gave me his portfolio and an anatomical cast of a man.

With this letter Hafen began sharing with his wife more details of what life was like in the Julian: Today I commenced to work from life. I will tell you how matters are conducted here. About every Monday morning men and women models come and show themselves with the object of being engaged . . . . This is '^Hafen to Hafen, July 12, 1890. See author's note above. "'Hafen to Hafen, July 22-25, 1890. Cllawson was accompanied in Paris by his family. "Hafen to Hafen, July 26, 1890.


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Pencil on paper drawing by John Hafen, 1891, of a domestic scene in "Chilleurs." Courtesy of the Springville Museum of Art. done by the man or woman entirely stripping off all their cloth[es] (one at a time of course) and get on the platform in full view of all the students, when the model will go through various posses after which a vote from the students will be called . . . . One model stands for the same pose every day in the week from 8 AM to 5 PM poseing 3/4 of an hour and resting one quarter of an hour alternately . . . . Of course, as might be expected the females are a very tough set generally and some of the students not a whit better . . . . I have acted continually in harmony with the promptings of the Holy Spirit, and . . . I can look upon and study those models without the slightest feelings of embarrasment.'^

Hafen was frequently torn by the demands upon his time: drawing at school, sketching in the suburbs, taking French lessons, receiving private tutoring, and finding moments to write home. During the early a u t u m n and winter of 1890 his artistic progress, with that of Fairbanks and Pratt, was mixed or irregular. He wrote on August 10: "It seems by what I hear that our drawing begins to draw some attentions and remarks inclined to be encouraging. Especially in my favor." Less than a week later he told Thora: '^Hafen to Hafen, August 8, 1890. A month and a half later, on September 26, Hafen was pleased to tell his wife that the model had an excellent figure, but, more important, "She would not allow any fooling with her."


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I have all and everything to learn in drawing; I know nothing at all. I know how I used to correct Herman [Haag?] in his drawings now the professors go for me here worse than I did for Herman. None of the Utah painters know how to draw the big toe of a foot. Even Willie Clawson is no where at all, he feels his nothingness just as much as I do. Johnny is steadily advancing[;] he works hard. I think he makes a decidedly better showing than Lorus. ^^

The artists became enamored of a small village, Auvers-sur-Oise, northeast of Paris. Hafen made frequent day trips to sketch and draw there. Fairbanks and Pratt were much elated over the place and want me to come and stay a week over there with them. I feel well satisfied in following my promptings. T h o u g h the course I pursue is different than my two companions, yet they begin to see the wisdom of it and are falling in line with me.

Of his own, nearly solitary experiences in Auvers, Hafen wrote: What makes me go to the village to sketch is because Mr. Brown an artist whom Dallin made me acquainted with is out there and he is a good painter and is kind to me so I learn from him . . . . I am sketching an old church, the architecture of which is eleven hundred years old. I am making mostly studies[;] none are salable pictures as yet. I am beginning anew as it were, a kind of experimenting, just as 1 have always wished to do.20

Hafen's trips into the countryside led to an event possibly familiar to present-day travelers abroad. He had been drawing in "Chilleurs" for a few days, sketching an old windmill on canvas, when two soldiers demanded to see some identification that Hafen was unwilling or unable to produce. By pantomime he persuaded the soldiers to allow him to collect his gear and walk back into the village. The trio attracted a large following: I soon noticed that all the men, women, children, cats, dogs, donkey etc., were out in the street. I suppose there was not more live stock left in the houses . .. the Mayor . . . was also out with the r e s t . . . one of the soldiers stepped up to him and held a short conversation . . . . T h e Mayor seemed to think there was nothing in the matter. However we got to my aunt's place, as soon as she noticed us through the window she came to my "rescue." She had a good laugh at the soldiers and they apoligised and made the most graceful bow to me I ever had the honor of catching. Well, boys by the star spangled banner if they didn't take me for a Prussian spy!!^'

'9Hafen to Hafen, August 10, 15, 1890. 2''Hafen to Hafen, August 31, 1890. 2'Hafen to J. B. Fairbanks, October 29, 1890. "Chilleurs" cannot be identified on present-day maps of France.


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Although Hafen, Fairbanks, and Pratt (and possibly Clawson) were dependent upon each other for emotional, psychological, and spiritual support, matters did not always run smoothly, according to Hafen: Both Johnny and I have had a rather hard time to get along with Lorus. By the time we were on the ocean I began to realize that it was no use to argue with Lorus . . . . But Johnny not being so well acquainted with him . . . would often . . . get into a dispute with him. You know how good natured Johnny goes at it . . . . Johnny got into a dispute with him one morning about a principle of perspective . . . my opinion was asked and I gave it, but that didn't stop it. So matters rested . .. Johnny going to school. Lorus and I [went] to the Louvre On our way there Lorus brought up the subject and I tried to convince him of the folley in thus wasting time. He blamed Johnny saying that his position was false and he was going to stick up for the truth. I . . . landed on him with rather straight l a n g u a g e . . . and a short quarrel followed. We both felt ashamed . . . he asked my forgiveness and I forgave him on condition that he would never engage in disputes any more on any subject. All has been peace ever since.22

Edwin Evans arrived in Paris during December 1890 and shortly after entering the Academic Julian described his experiences to Danquart Weggeland. Evans had been suitably impressed by the art he saw^ in galleries in New York, London, and elswhere in England, but he claimed to have been stricken dumb by what he saw in the Luxembourg Palace and the Louvre: "This is the first place that I have struck that I have not passed some remarks or criticism; but these paintings are so far beyond expectation that I could only stand viewing them in blank amazement." Evans had quickly caught the spirit of art prevailing in Paris during the 1890s: T h e public gardens are filled with sculpture, and in the public buildings also, in every design of architecture, sculpture has its share. Everybody takes a great interest in art. The air is full of it, and show windows are lined with it. Passers-by will stop and examine small illustrations that are hanging out on the sidewalk that our people would think nothing of if placed in show windows over there; but such is their love for it.

Evans's routine including drawing at the Julian six days a week; studying anatomy, French, and history in the evenings; and spending much of Sunday with the other Utah artists, holding "Sunday school in the morning and meeting in the afternoon, in which Brother 22Hafen to Hafen, September 6, 1890.


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Clawson and his family join with the four of us . . . enjoying the benefits granted through our most holy faith." Describing for Weggeland the varying skills of his classmates, Evans was pleased to note: "There is one thing sure in my caseâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;I have not learned anything that will have to be undone, as some say they have, and they all say the best for a beginner to do is to come here."^^ By 1890 recognition began coming to some of the Utahns: . . . Mr. Clawson was warmly complimented by one of the foremost students in the school . . . and at a late weekly exhibition, on which occasion each of the several hundred students presumed to make a picture in oil of a given subject... Mr. Clawson's painting was given the post of honor, being marked No. l.^^

This was no isolated incident. In early 1891 Hafen told his wife that "Bro. Pratt has succeeded in making a drawing last week good enough to take into the concour[s]. Johnny and Edwin say it was an excellent drawing." He then explained what the concours was and by implication how important it was to have one's drawings so noticed: A concour[s] consists of the best drawings selected each week out of the school until one month is up; then, judges decide which out of those is No. 1 and No. 2 etc., generally numbering 8 or 6. T h e balance are not numbered but put on exhibition which takes place once a month.

Pratt's initial success was so important to the Mormons that they celebrated wildly: "Last night Lorus treated us to an oyster supper in honor of his last weeks success. We ate 7 dozen raw oysters between us four and some raisons and nuts."^^ A charming exchange of correspondence occurred when J. Leo Fairbanks apologized to his father for not having written sooner. T h e delay was caused by the eleven-ycar-old's effort to compete for prizes in an art competition sponsored by the Juvenile Instructor. Leo copied the published review of his entry and sent it to his father: We received from Leo Fairbanks of Payson, a drawing of a horse and dog, which show that he is a real artist, although only eleven years old. We shall publish his picture in a future issue, and give our readers an idea of what excellent artists we have among our young folks.2*^

" " Y o u n g Utah in Paris," Deseret Eiiening News, December 22, 1890. 2i"Local," Salt Lake Herald, December 27, 1890, p.8. "Hafen to Hafen, January 25, 1891. 26J. Leo F'airbanks, January 13, 1891. See aho Juvenile Instructor, December 15, 1890, p. 778; a woodcut of Leo's drawing was published in the //, January 18, 1891, p. 68. Leo's mother later reported that her son wept over the poor representation ol hisdrawing made by the engraver. See Lillie Fairbanks to J. B. Fairbanks, February 8, 1891. See author's note above.


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The response was typically loving, instructive, and proud: My Dear Son Leo, With pleasur I excuse you for not writing when you have been engaged in such a good cause. I was more than pleased to hear from you and of the success you have had in your drawing. You must not forget to draw with squares and angles and you will meet with better success than if you draw the forms round at first. I am glad that Bro. Cannon is taking the course he is in encouraging young artists. I hope you will do your best and get some more of your work in besides getting the prize . . . . I read your letter to some of the students [and] they think you are getting at it early and are sure to succeed if you stick to it.^^

J. B. Fairbanks was probably the first, and perhaps the only, one of the LJtah artists to witness a demonstration of photo-locomotion in Paris when he attended an evening at the American Club rather than the Julian Ball at which latter event the presence of "the demasmonds" (demi-monde) had been assured. I attended a lecture at the American club last night, One of the finest things I ever saw and heard . .. there were magic lantern illustrations of horses, oxen dogs, cats, elephants cammels, monkeys, men, women, babies, ect, all showing the different positions when walking, troting, pacing, running, ect, then he had a kind of machine which puts them in motion, every motion wasgixen just as natural as life its self. He showed the difference of the true position and the false (which is often given in pictures.)2s

Utah's Parisian art community members, each struggling with his own difficulties, must have had their outlook brightened by George Q. Cannon's letter of March 7 in which he stated, "We have decided to send you $500., which we direct to Brother Pratt, to be used for the benefit of you all, and we shall remit more in a short time."^^ Even with their ever-present financial difficulties eased, the work proceeded slowly, especially for Fairbanks. "My criticism this morning was as favorable as any I have had I think, but I realize that I have much to learn yet before accomplishing what I desire. I still hope to get a drawing upon the wall." Possibly Hafen and certainly Pratt had each sent in a painting to be juried for the Salon, and Fairbanks expressed hope that they would be accepted.^° Meanwhile, John Hafen was experiencing his own angst: ^'J. B. Fairbanks to J. Leo Fairbanks, February 2, 1891. 28J. B. Fairbanks to Ijllie Fairbanks, February 13, 1891. 29Cannon to John Hafen, March 7, 1891. 30J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, March 21, 1891.


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In regard to my intended Salon painting I can not say anymore than last time, I wrote, unless it is to say that I don't understand how it is going to end now that the time is so near at hand it looks impossible to finish in time. But I can not go in trusting the God who overrules all things for our best good . . . . Every day this week I worked at it all day until this afternoon when I quit as there was nothing in me.^'.

T h e struggle of the artists to have drawings selected for the concours, much less the Salon, occupied them throughout the spring of 1891. Fairbanks was especially torn between the need to have his work favorably noticed and maintaining a humble spirit: . . . J. H's drawing has been chosen for the concore I am very pleased to state. That is two out of our number. Now if the Lord will help me I will be pleased. I am pleased any way but it will please me more. T h e boys all thought my last weeks drawing would go in but I am not good enough yet for that, it appears, but if I can get in in the next two weeks I will be satisfied. No I will not for I want one of mine to get on the wall, if it is the will of God, but if it is not his will then I desire not to get one on the wall.^^

The Utahns generally praised each other's work; and from time to time each would acknowledge some improvement or progress in one or more of the others. When such progress was noticed by an artist outside the Utah group, it was truly something to write home about: "Last week Mr. Woodberry an artist from Boston told me that one of the best artists in school said it was marvelous [the way] those mormons were improving, when they came they could not draw at all but now thay are going right along."^^ Clawson, Hafen, Evans, and Pratt had drawings chosen for the concours; that left only Fairbanks without a work chosen that year. Fairbanks tried to conceal and then rationalize his disappointment: . . . I think if others win prizes why not I, but when I consider where I started I feel that I have no reason to be discouraged and yet at times in spite of myself I can not but feel a little peculiar to think I am the only one from Utah who has failed to get a drawing in the concour[s]. Still I could not help it[.] I did my best, it is not because they have studdied harder than I for I have studdied as hard as I could. Well I will lett this matter rest now . . . .^^

He was not the only one keenly disappointed at his failure to have a sketch chosen for the concours. When Lillie received his letter 3iHafen to Hafen, March 14, 1891. 32J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, April 2, 1891. 33J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, April 12, 1891. ^^J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, April 27, 1891.


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she responded: "I was washing. I felt so bad that my tears mingled with the suds. O, I felt so bad. You spoke of the good news, of all the others being chosen, it was not very good news for me."^^ Meanwhile, Hafen had returned to Auvers for sketching and sightseeing and had written off his Salon effort: " T h e painting I worked on for the Salon looks silly to me now . . . . T h u s it goes . . . .^^ Hafen had decided to go to Switzerland during the summer recess and asked Fairbanks to accompany him; the latter agonized over the prospect. He complained to his wife about the expense of such a venture and what a prolonged absence from Paris might do to his progress. She replied: "You may never have the chance again, and when you are so near . . . I would like you to see Switzerland, and get sketches, you will not be losing your drawing . . . . She also advised him that Herman Haag was going to join them in Paris and that his studies were paid for, in part, by his brothers to the amount of some nine hundred dollars.^^ In late May 1891 Fairbanks was still attempting to determine his artistic future. T h e failure to place a drawing in the concours weighed heavily upon him, but, as he told his wife: " . . . I have no reason to be discouraged. I have been blessed. I have improved. Bros. Pratt and Hafen have each been working at art many years. Bro. Evans is a gifted young man and especially in drawing I think."^^ On May 26, 1891, Hafen advised Cannon that he thought he was ready to return to Utah to begin an art career. He proposed traveling through Switzerland before sailing for America, and asked for additional money: I will need three hundred dollars more, means to carry me through, which (with my share of the 500 which was sent us lately . . .) will make $466 . . . I have greater expenses in the course of study I pursue than my brethren. They use only charcoal and paper (they only draw in school). I use paints, canvases, stretchers and moddles, etc., which is more expensive than the former. I have only about 12 francs left so I will borrow from my brethren until some can be sent me.^^

Fairbanks resumed sketching at "Chilleurs" where he met a Mr. Schultz who gave him criticisms while they both sketched. The tone of Fairbanks's letters became markedly more relaxed the longer he "Lillie Fairbanks to J. B. Fairbanks, May 10, 1891. 36Hafen to Hafen, April 17, 1891. "Lillie Fairbanks to J. B. Fairbanks, May 20, 1891. 38J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, May 27, 1891. 39Hafen to Cannon, May 26, 1891.


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Oil painting by John Hafen of his mother's home in Switzerland, 1891. Courtesy of the Springville Museum of Art.

stayed at "Chilleurs." He was relieved to be away from Paris and the "corruption that there is in school."^° Hafen stayed with Fairbanks and Schultz for a few weeks, and the trio had an apparently productive and enjoyable time together. They did attract some attention, however: Last night after supper we were still talking . . . at the table when one of the girls of the Hotel who was standing on the out side asked me to open the window. I did so and there were four other young women standing there. They wanted me to sing, after a while I sang Johnny smoker. It tickled them very much. We have an engagement to sing again tonight.

On another occasion two young French boys followed Fairbanks and Hafen out for a day's sketching: "They just wanted to hear us talk." A few days later, on a rainy evening, the three artists went walking: We took an umbrella, J H and I took our sketching umbrellas. They are made of buff cloth and are about twise as large as an ordinary one. We could see heads at every door and nearly every window. T h e people seemed very much amused. When we got outside the village we started to run a race. J. H. wooden shoes came off and he stepped in the mud with his socks. In a few more steps Mr. Schultz's came off also.'"

Shortly thereafter Hafen returned to Paris to prepare to go to Switzerland. Fairbanks had decided against joining him. In Paris, Hafen met J. T. Harwood, his fiance, and her family, and savored loj. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, May 29, 1891. 41J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, June 7, 14, 1891.


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J. T. Harwood and his wife in their Paris apartment admire fowl that "posed" for the artist and was later cooked and eaten by the couple. Courtesy of Will South.

Harwood's comments about his (Hafen's) painting: "I find out through James that I am in the same box as he is in style of painting. He expressed his pleasure at the complete change that has come over me in my style of work and assured me that I would be astonished at the difference when I got home.'"'^ In a belated response to Hafen's letter of May 26 to the First Presidency, Cannon wrote to him in Bern: Please find enclosed a check for $300., the amount which you have desired to enable you to settle up your affairs and to return home. . . . [We hope] that you will find that the advantages which you have had through your residence in Paris will prove of great value to you in your future artistic career.^'^

His return to Utah was duly noticed in the press: Mr. Hafen returns well pleased with what he has accomplished in his studies in Paris. While there he was under the tutelage of several of the greatest painters, among them Ben Constant and Jules Lefevre, who "Hafen to Hafen, June 17, 1891. " C a n n o n to Hafen, July 11, 1891.


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received Mr. Hafen and his two student companions from Utah, Mr. Lorus Pratt and Mr. J. B. Fairbanks, cordially and dismissed them with words of highest commendation and encouragement.^^

Hafen's study abroad was the briefest of all those who went to Paris from Utah, and there would be hints later that he regretted his early departure. However, his presence in Utah afforded him the opportunity of working with the First Presidency and the architects on plans for the general decoration of the Salt Lake Temple and the special requirements for certain ceremonial rooms. Meanwhile, the artistic environment in Paris had changed markedly. Fairbanks told his wife: "Bro. Evans and I talked till 12.30 o'clock. It seems quite lonesome now [with] J. H. gone. Bros. Pratt & Haag have moved nearer the school so Bro. Evans and I are here alone." Fairbanks also had his decision not to accompany Hafen to Switzerland validated: "I got a letter from John. He said don't come to Switzerland to sketch, there is nothing here, our own mountain homes are better than this country [I].'"'^ Fairbanks spent the bulk of the summer sketching and drawing in and around "Chilleurs"; this was probably the happiest time of his entire French experience and the most productive as well: I consider that my time spent has been very profitably spent and I will be well prepared for another winter of hard work in school. I think I have learned more here than I could have done in school for I have been out studying nature, and I have had my professor [Schultz] with me all the time . . . . I think I have helped him, in getting out, to work. He says it has been the most profittable summer he has ever spent in s k e t c h i n g . . . . I should think in all I have made 125 or 130 [sketches].'*^

Some of the most remarkable correspondence deriving from the experience of Utah artists in Paris came from Lillie Fairbanks. For example, when she happened upon John Hafen shortly after his return to Utah, she told her husband about her reaction: We met in the foto gallery. I tell you I felt that I came near to you, when receiving [your] letter,, and then seeing John. He dont look as well with his beard, as he does with out it. Well John you will want to know how I felt, well I was glad that it was not you, and that you have concluded to stay longer, that sounds funny for a wife to talk like that, but if we start out to do any thing what is the use of stopping when half done. If there is any honor or credit atached I think I knead some of it . . . . " O n e of Our Artists," Deseret EveningNews, August 28, 1891, p. 8. ÂŤJ. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, July 5, 19, 1891. â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘fij. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, August 23, 1891.


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She went on to advise Fairbanks that several months earlier she had had a quarrel with his mother about his going to Paris initially and about staying longer than first planned. While encouraging him to stay until he felt satisfied that he could be a successful artist, she poignantly voiced her own emptiness: Well I have had to live alone a good deal. I hope the time is not far distant when I can live with you, and have a companion to share my Joys and sorrow, I don't like to live a lone any better than any one else. I don't apercerate being my own boss. I am afraid I will get so used to it, that, I will be trying to boss you, but I guess you will be willing to come and wont be afraid of me.^^

In September Fairbanks reiterated his commitment to staying as long as he could and learning as much as he could. He also suggested that John Hafen may have erred in returning when he did: . . . he would like to have stayed but he felt that he could not afford to stay. I feel that I cant afford to go home. Yes Lillie I think John is missing it very much. I dont know^ whether he thinks so or not. Talk about being advanced in art why Lillie the very best of us has barely got started. Even Willie Clawson feels as though he knew nothing. I have no doubt that Harwood advised Hagg to come to Paris and it is the best time for him to come while we are here but he is not so far advanced but what Harwood could take him much farther. Herman does some . . . good drawing, but nothing extra.

Fairbanks went on in that vein and then made one of the most perceptive and revealing statements in all his letters: "I find that I have come to begin the study of Art and not to finish it. I do not expect to finish my study of art on this earth."^^ Interest in the progress of the five "church artists" still in Paris remained keen in the minds of church leaders. T h e artists had applied for additional funds, and the matter was presented to the Quorum of the Twelve: We then considered the situation of the young men (Lorus Pratt, John Fairbanks, Herman Haag, E. Evans and Willard Clawson) who are studying art in Paris, France, and need some assistance if they remain to complete their course. It was voted to send them $500 to assist them in their labors and studies.''^

The artists did not always write home just for money. In September 1891 they had at first asked permission to enter works in "Lillie Fairbanks to J. B. Fairbanks, August 31, 1891. ''^J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, September 3, 1891. "â&#x20AC;˘^Abraham H. C^annon Journal, September 10, 1891, photocopy of holograph, Utah State Historical Society Library, Salt Lake City.


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the upcoming Utah Territorial Fair and then withdrew their request because of anticipated delays in clearing customs.^^ By late December Fairbanks had begun making tentative plans to return to Utah the following summer. Although he could not have been fully aware of it, his decision was a timely one. T h e Mormon church may have been beginning to feel the early symptoms of what would become a worldwide economic depression by 1893. In January 1892 Fairbanks and the other artists were down almost to their last dollar: "When the money came we had about $1.00 each, I dont know what we would have done if it had not come when it did."^^ Money was a concern at home as well. Fairbanks advised Lillie: "I have written to bro Cannon for $30.00 per month while I stay for you. So if I stay you will be provided for and if you are not provided for I will return." Lillie was not willing to be dependent on largesse from the church; she had been living cheaply and supporting herself, in part, by making and selling corsets: John you say you will write to Canon, well I dont think you had better write to him, for I think I can live along all right until fall . . . . I have $50.00 on hand. I sold $150.00 worth of corsets. I made from 75C to 1.95 on each. I had to pay freight and of cores I sold more of the ones that I made 75C on . . . .

Lillie's faith in and support of her husband were indeed remarkable. Her letter continues: I have not got all my hay in yet but I think I will be all right. I think I will canvass [solicit orders for her homemade corsets] a little this summer and by . . . saving I can get along all right. I would rather you had that extra pay, from Cannon, than me. I would rather you had it, to complete you in your studies. I would like you to stay the summer, if it is any benefit to us both . . . but no longer than fall can I consent to.^^

However, a few weeks later she reconsidered matters: John I feel different . . . than I did in my last letter, about the money affair, for if they [the F'irst Presidency] can furnish Evans and wife, with means, and Prat and wife, and Herman [Haag], then I think I am as worthy as they. We have more children, more in [the] family than eny of them, then have to do with less, and be so saving, and scheam, and work, and who thinks eny more of me, or you, for it. . . .^^ ^â&#x20AC;˘'"The Approaching Fair," Deseret Evening News, September 21, 1891, p. 5; "Territorial Fair News," ibid., .September 24, 1891, p. 5. " J . B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, December 20, 1891, January 27, 1892. ^2J. B. Fairbanks to I^illie Fairbanks, P>bruarv 6, 14, 1892; Lillie Fairbanks to J. B. Fairbanks, February 23, 1892. "Lillie Fairbanks to J. B. Fairbanks, March 20, 1892.


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Lillie was indeed a strong woman; without her emotional support, her honesty in the expression of her feelings, and her unexceptioned faith in her husband, one might doubt that Fairbanks could have stayed in Paris for more than a year. Lillie frequently urged her husband to invest in a camera, a "codac," to photograph scenes he enjoyed or that were artistically inspirational. She also, naturally enough, wanted visual souvenirs of scenes he had described to her. Then, a much more practical motive appeared when she suggested that he "take views of the . . . friscoe paintings" and other decoration inside buildings, "for that is what will be required of you, and what you was sent for . . . ."^^ Fairbanks would soon learn that her advice was most timely. In a letter telling Lillie of Harwood's success in being the first Utah artist to have a painting accepted for the Salon, he went on to note: I got a letter from John Hafen saying that the temple would soon be ready for the painters [and] that he was going there soon to make arrangements to begin work. T o think of us doing work in the temple has given all of us the blues to some extent. We feel so incompetent the longer we stay the more we feel that way.^^

These feelings of inadequacy must have been heightened by news from Hafen and George Q. Cannon. Fairbanks reported: We received a letter last week from John Hafen asking us to send in some sketches, for the temple decorations, one Subject the Garden of Eadin the other the lone and dreary world. T h e one who sends in the best sketch will be given the contract to do the work with the privilege of inviting his brethren to help. We also received one a short time since from the First Presidency, stating that they would like to have those of us who feel qualified to come home and work this fall and winter in the temple . . . .^^

The letter from the First Presidency advised the artists (Clawson, Pratt, Fairbanks, Evans, and Haag) that John Hafen would be given some works to do immediately, "but [we] shall reserve other important rooms until we hear from you concerning your intentions, whether you intend to remain longer than next fall or to return at that time."^^ T h e message to the artists was clear: the Salt Lake Temple was to be dedicated in April of the following year, and the ceremonial rooms would have to be ready. "Lillie Fairbanks to J. B. Fairbanks, April 12, 1892. " J . B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, April 17, 1892. 56J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, May 1 1, 1892. ^'First Presidency to J. W. Clawson, etal., April 18, 1892, Special C^ollections, Lee Library, BYU.


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FROM^ HAJJ v^0jD '. I t i l l H ^ I S

Painting by John B. Fairbanks in the collections of the LDS Church Museum was made by the artist after his return from Paris.

Fairbanks and presumably the other artists who were to work in the temple began preparing themselves for the project. Plans and specifications of the ceremonial rooms were sent to Paris, and Fairbanks reduced the time he spent at the Julian and devoted more time to sketching landscapesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;frequently in the company of an artist named Rigelot. On July 27, 1892, Fairbanks wrote his last letter from Paris, advising his wife of his plans to travel to a few cities in France and England, to spend a little time in New York and two days in Chicago, and then to be off to Utah.^^ Of the other artists, Harwood, Pratt, Clawson, and Haag all returned to Utah during the summer of 1892. Haag had requested and been sent additional funds in two installments, "owing to the stringency of the church finances." Edwin Evans received an additional $350 at the direction of the First Presidency in September 1892. T h a t sum was probably used by him to reach a suitable stopping point in his studies and to provide means for returning to Utah. By December 1892 he was established in a studio in Lehi, Utah.59 What identifiable results came from the expenditure of time, money, and effort by the eight artists and their several sponsors and

58J. B. Fairbanks to Lillie Fairbanks, May 23, June 3, July 27, 1892. ^^"Happenings Hereabouts," Salt Lake Herald, June 10, 1892, p. 8, and "Personal Items," ibid., July 29, 1892, p. 8; George Reynolds to Haag, November 12, 1892, First Presidency Letterbooks, reel 21, LDSClhurch llibrary-Archives, and Reynolds to Evans, Septembers, 1892, ibid; ' T h e Lehi Artist," Sa// Lake Herald, December 20, 1892, p. 5 (citing tlie Lehi Banner).


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supporters? Obviously, Cyrus Dallin's reputation continued to grow; his statue of Brigham Young and the equestrian Signal of Peace were exhibited at the Utah building during the Columbian Exposition of 1893. T h e latter work was purchased by the city of Chicago for placement in a park.^o Clawson, Evans, and Harwood had paintings accepted for the Columbian Exposition. Several rooms in the Salt Lake Temple were painted by the returned artistsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the Creation, Garden of Eden, Lone and Dreary (or Telestial), Terrestrial, and Celestial rooms and possibly a sealing room.^i This work was done by Fairbanks, Pratt, Evans, and Hafen, the latter being nominally in charge. Following two years of relatively informal collegiality and two exhibitions, seven of these eight Utahns who had studied in Paris formed the Society of Utah Artists.^^ This organization became one of the prime promoters of art in Salt Lake City until 1899 when the legislature created the Utah Art Institute. T h e two organizations coexisted until the 1930s when the SUA gradually became extinct. Art education in the public schools, academies, and institutions of higher learning received more intense attention. T h e Latter-day Saints College established an art department with Herman H. Haag in charge. Hafen, Fairbanks, and Evans were responsible for the art department at the Brigham Young Academy in Provo; and the University of Utah established an art department with Harwood and Haag as the principal faculty members.''^ What began initially as the desire of Dallin and Harwood to obtain advanced instruction and of the Mormon church to have professionally executed work done in the temples produced results that no one could have foreseen. T h e experiences of the initial group of Utah artists in Paris stimulated artistic productivity and artistic consciousness that altered for the better the development of Utah's artistic heritage.

ef'Brief and Breezy," Salt Lake Herald, November 3, 1893, p. 8. 6i"Dedicated to the Lord," Salt Lake Herald, April 7, 1893, p. 6. ^^Society of Utah Artists, Minute Book, holograph. Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City. Dallin was not a member. 63"Local," Deseret Weekly, December 23, 1893, p. 16; ' T h e B. Y. Academy," ibid., June 2, 1894, p. 757; "An Art School," Deseret Evening News, September 18, 1894, p. 4.


Brigham Young: American Moses. By LEONARD J. A. Knopf, 1985. xviii + 522 pp. $24.95.) Many years ago Leonard Arrington decided to utilize the vast Brigham Young collection in the LDS historical archives to write a definitive biography of Mormondom's most controversial leader, Brigham Young. All previous biographies of Young have suffered from the unavailability of the Young papers. Consequently, authors are condemned as either unbridled apologists or hateful critics. Professor Arrington set out to correct this historiographical dilemma and write a critically objective account of Young's life. At the time, he held the position of LDS archives historian and was considered "safe" insofar as access to the LDS archives. Arrington researched nineteenth-century Mormon history for decades and was eminently prepared for the task at hand. His first book, Great Basin Kingdom, is so important that Arrington's position in western history was secured. However, a critical biography of Brigham Young is an impossible task because of the nature of the reading constituency. Young is not an obscure individual, and most readers' opinions are set in concrete prior to the reading of the book. Readers want Arrington either to elevate Young above the rumors and innuendos that surround his thirty-year presidency or to show that Young was a powerhungry, lustful egomaniac. It is a "nowin" situation, as early newspaper reviews oi Brigham Young: American Moses indicate. Those who want a

ARRINGTON.

(New York: Alfred

vivid confirmation of Young's role in the Mountain Meadow or Morrisite massacres are disappointed. Conversely, readers who seek knowledge that Young was inspired by God in every decision feel Arrington has denied the truth. For those who seek a definitive analysis of the excesses of polygamy or an expose of Young's financial machinations, there is little. T h e true believers who want historical confirmation of miracles and the wisdom of Solomon are left wanting. Arrington has carefully chosen a middle course based on a careful reading of primary sources and a summation of recent secondary publications. Utilizing Young's personal journals, account books, and letters, as well as his colleagues', the author produces a detailed account of Young's life and his leadership. Arrington is able to d e m o n s t r a t e why Y o u n g can be viewed as both charlatan and prophet. He could be mean and vindictive, yet tender and caring. Indeed, this volume's major contribution is to put Young in the mainstream of midnineteenth-century America. He belongs with Stanford, Huntington, and Vanderbilt as well as with religious leaders. He was a builder of the nation. Finally, Arrington's biography illustrates that Mormon archives should be open and used. A church that has survived for a sesquicentennial has n o t h i n g to fear from historians. Young is a historical figure and not the basis for c u r r e n t L D S faith,


204 consequently Leonard Arrington's biography is not designed to destroy or promote faith. It is a good history, written for a national audience, and is

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well worth the effort. F. Ross PE I ERSON Utah State University

Cowboy Poetry: A Gathering. Edited and with an introduction by H A L CANNON. (Salt Lake City: Gibbs M. Smith, Inc., 1985. xvi + 210 pp. Paper, $9.95.) Cowboy Poetry from Utah: An Anthology. Compiled and edited by CAROL A. EDISON. (Salt Lake City: Utah Folklife Center, 1985. xvi + 127 pp. Paper, $9.95.) Not long ago I walked into a specialty used bookstore in Boise, Idaho, and asked the owner if he had any old books of cowboy poetry. He looked surprised. "What's all this fuss about cowboy poetry lately? Do you really consider that junk, poetry?" And even more recently, when I broached the subject of an Idaho collection of cowboy poetry with the piiblications director of a university press, I ran into actual angerâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;he was incensed that people were paying attention to this "doggerel" instead of the "complex" poetry which "deserves" attention. I was equally incensed at him and quoted the cowboy poet in Elko who said, disparagingly, that modern poetry has three rules: no rhyme, no sense, and no meaning. Clearly, a r t i s t i c l a n g u a g e still arouses passion in the "electronic age" in which we live. I am happy and excited to find that literature can be a cause argued with feeling by everyone from working people, like cowboys, to booksellers and professors of language. If these books on cowboy poetry did nothing else but revive the debate (both within and without the academy) about what is good in poetry, that would be blessing enough. But Cowboy Poetry: A Gathering and Cowboy Poetry from Utah: An Anthology do much more. The literary academy long ago recognized the poetic accomplishment of the British ballads, and the ballads

have been the unending subject of literary studies ever since. Cowboy poetry is the closest thing to a folk ballad tradition in the American West today, and perhaps its deceptive simplicity will also take the academy centuries of explication to unravel. Meanwhile, cowboys and others, with the added h e l p of C a n n o n ' s and Edison's anthologies, will continue to lo\c an art form born of their own language and raised to excellence by their own artists. We can judge for ourselves. Thanks to both Cannon and Edison (and many others who worked on the groundbreaking project from which these volumes derive), a great deal of historic and contemporary cowboy poetry is now readily available to readers. Cowboy poetry, though an orally performed art, has a long history of publication (like the ballads), going back to the end of the nineteenth century. Most books of cowboy poetry, however, are long out of print and difficult to find. I suggest that these two books should be read together, for the flaws of one are the strengths of the other. Cowboys Poetry from Utah is most n o t a b l e for its essays, especially "Cattle Ranching in Utah" and "A Definition of Cowboy Poetry." The definition chapter is one of the first attempts in print to grapple with the fundamental issues surrounding this genre. Edison claims that "the only


Book Reviews and Notices real difference between the nineteenthcentury American cowboy and the folk poet...is that the cowboy poet, as a result of his place in modern history, often composed and transmitted his expression of the cowboy culture on paper for a reading public. As a result, he was not necessarily anonymous and his work more quickly reached a much larger audience than it would have solely through oral transmission [p. Oral transmission, then, is but one conduit through which the folk group reshaped an individual's literary creation. T h e printed, copied, and often scribbled page was and is another channel. Nevertheless, it seems to me that the oral performance for other cowboys (the folk group) is still an essential ingredient of the tradition; but many of the poems collected in Cowboy Poetry from Utah apparently do not circulate among working cowboys nor are they performed orally. The weakness of this anthology is that some of the poetry only imitates the vernacular cowboy style without any evidence of having traveled the cowboy circuit. T h e strength is in the book's careful essays. Cowboy Poetry: A Gathering is stronger in the authenticity of its collected verse but weak on background material: it lacks a full-fledged folkloristic introduction to the genre. Among the approximately seventy poems, we

205 find both the anonymous and authored classics, like " T h e Zebra D u n " and Bruce Kiskaddon's " T h e Cowboy's Dream," as well as many new poems in the traditional style by today's working cowboys and buckaroos. There is an occasional misplaced poem that would be more appropriate in a literary quarterly. My regret is that this beautiful book with such fine selections contains little that will enlighten readers as to what makes Cowboy Poetry distinctive from a literary collection of western poetry. This problem is somewhat mitigated by the excellent bibliography of cowboy poetry at the end, a real service to scholars, cowboys, and anyone who wants to read more from the tradition. Both volumes were designed and illustrated with impeccable character. Cowboy Poetry from Utah contains evocative d r a w i n g s by F. Euray Anderson and photographs of the poets. Cowboy Poetry: A Gathering combines illustrations taken from cowboy poetry books of the 1930s and '40s. My recommendation is to read them both. Read together, the two books give a good notion of the rationale, the quality and the expressiveness of cowboy poetry.

STEVE SIPORIN

Idaho Commission

on the Arts

Rocky Mountain Rendezvous: A History of the Fur Trade Rendezvous, 1825-1840. By FRED R . GOWANS. Reprint ed. (Layton, Ut.: Gibbs M. Smith, Inc., 1985. 239 pp. Paper, $9.95.) This useful book fills a lond-standing gap in basic information concerning the fur trade in the American West. The idea of the rendezvous was in the category of genius, another of the many exactly right ideas at the right time with which the American econo-

my has been blessed: a great trade fair held in a central location in the furgathering country, begun and finished in a single season. T h e amount of capital required was reduced to a fraction by the quick turnover; the need for the costly and burdensome perma-


206 nent fort was eliminated; the need for a protective army was at least greatly diminished. A major disadvantage was that because of geographical realities, it could not be carried on in many places. Indeed, Gowans's summary deals with the one small general area— including bits of Wyoming, Idaho, and Utah—where the major American rendezvous did take place. A comparison with the activites in other natural gathering places such as Michilimackinac and Santa Fe, and with the brigade system in the Pacific Northwest, would be worthwhile. This study, which makes a big advance on other summaries, reveals the continued lack of firm information concerning such matters as routes, locations, leadership, financing, competition, and Indian cooperation and opposition, but it sheds considerable light on all of these. Brief summaries by the author of the additional information provided on such confusing issues as the frequent changes in the structure of the fur companies and of the finances involved in the trade would have been of value. T h e narrow margin of profit for those actually

Utah Historical

engaged in the perilous operations increases one's admiration for their fortitude. T h e device of using quotations from eyewitnesses provides many of the details necessary to round out the story and warns that there may not be enough of these to make the story complete. T h e number of those written by missionaries gives insight concerning their influence in taming frontier violence and increasing settlement, which hastened the end of the fur trade period. T h e effects of the factors that caused the decline of the fur trade, such as the new silk industry, changing customs and fashions, and increasing settlement, are shown in the reduced efforts and dwindling profits. Through tracing a number of these important aspects of the rise and fall of the fur trade, this account makes an important contribution to the overall continuing investigation of the influence of the fur trade in the "westering" of the nation. T h e demand for a reprint indicates the importance of this book. MERRILL G . BURLINGAME

Montana State

Yellowstone: A Wilderness Besieged. By RICHARD A. versity of Arizona Press, 1985. xvi + 437 pp. $24.95.) Richard A. Bartlett's Yellowstone: A Wilderness Besieged complements the a u t h o r ' s previous work, Nature's Yellowstone (1974), which traced Yellowstone's history to 1872. By designating Yellowstone as America's first national park in that year, the United States Congress initiated an experiment in preservation that departed from the time-honored traditions of exploitation and spoilation. Bartlett's purpose, which he fulfills admirably, is to describe how this legislative experiment has fared since Yellowstone achieved national park status. In

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BARTLETT.

University

(Tucson: Uni-

d o i n g so, Bartlett addresses many important themes, yet he primarily tells the Yellowstone story by focusing on people, most notably tourists, concessionaires, and the park superintendents. T h e a u t h o r describes n u m e r o u s forces that have besieged "Wonderland." T h e sheer number of tourists (recently about 2.5 million annually) has strained park resources. T h e products of technological innovation— guns, automobiles, trail bikes, motorboats, and s n o w m o b i l e s — have threatened the environment. Poachers


Book Reviews and Notices have wastefully destroyed animal life. Railroad, mining, and irrigation interests have sought, unsuccessfully, to break the park's geographical integrity. Concessionaires have placed business concerns above public interests. Congress, typically preoccupied with other matters, has been slow to provide adequate oversight and funding. Bureaucrats, even when competent and sympathetic to Yellowstone's needs, have too often been shackled by political restraints. Fortunately, concerned individuals, conservationists, members of Congress, and United States presidents have taken a serious interest in protecting Yellowstone. Their efforts have helped offset the myriad challenges the park has faced and have kept Yellowstone intact and worth visiting. Bartlett provides a solid case study of park administration by democratic government. He describes the administration of Yellowstone by the Interior Department from 1872 to 1886, by the United States Army from 1886 to 1918, and by the National Park Service, a bureau of the Interior Department, from 1918 to the present. T h e author gives the military high marks for its accomplishments in Yellowstone but suggests that the Interior Department could have handled park management without the army's policing efforts. He argues that the National Park Service evolved from "a refreshing newcomer in Interior to just another stodgy, elephantesque bureau" (p. 295). His discussion of federal oversight in Yellowstone deepens

207 our understanding of the relationship between Washington and the American West. Far from describing a self-contained wilderness area largely immune from outside influences, Bartlett skillfully portrays a Yellowstone that has reflected national trends. He relates developments in Yellowstone to population growth, technological advance, business practices, antimonopoly sentiment, political conditions, governmental policies, railroad and mining development, tourism, boosterism, architecture, reclamation, public relations, the aesthetic conservation movem e n t , P r o g r e s s i v i s m , the G r e a t Depression, the two world wars, affluence, and vacationing patterns. This ability to link the park's history to broader historical issues increases the book's accuracy and importance. T h e author devotes relatively little space to the post-World War II period. He correctly argues that studying the recent past poses problems for historians, but still one wonders if greater attention could not have been given to the more recent decades, at least to the 1950s and 1960s. Bartlett's meticulous research and balanced, expressive writing combine to produce an excellent historical study, the finest to date on Yellowstone, and one that contributes positively to both western and general American history. D. GENE PACE

Alice Lloyd College Pippa Passes, Kentucky

Historical Atlas of the Outlaw West. By RICHARD PATTERSON. (Boulder, Colo.: Johnson Books, 1985. viii + 232 pp. Paper, $14.95.) Looking over some recent publisher lists, I was struck by the constant output on outlaws of the American West. T h e public seems to have almost a morbid fascination with these varied

elements of the western scene that included a few "Robin H o o d " types, a lot of plain opportunists, more than its share of drug addicts and alcoholics, and substantial numbers of just


Utah Historical

208 plain psychopaths! Yes, and those strange few who worked alternately on both sides of the law! Richard Patterson gives us yet another book, but a distinctly different book, on the subject. State by state he lists the towns and some rural sites that were the scenes of dramatic outlaw encounters with other outlaws and with the citizenry. He covers the whole region from the eastern fringe of the plains to the West Coast. In so doing, his coverage is of necessity brief. Patterson has done an immense amount of reading and some interviews with aged informants and, evidently, with many local history and folklore buffs. Working largely from these secondary and oral source materials, his accounts will often vary sharply from what the hard documentary meat of history in many situations might reveal. Serious readers will be well advised to consult Miller and Snell's Gunfighters of the Kansas Cowtowns and Ramon Adams's Burrs under the Saddle, not included in his otherwise fine bibliography. Region by region, Patterson obviously had to make some choices about what places and what outlaws to The Bassett Women.

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include. Some of my favorites would be Charlie Parker, the Wyoming payroll bandit who gave western Nebraska a classic comic-opera serial in which no one got hurt, or the enigmatic Jack Sully of south central South Dakota. But the book is generally well balanced, very well written, and attractively done u p by its publisher. Every fan of the western outlaw legends will want a copy. T h e major and strange omission is that fascinating motley crew of halfbaked cattlemen and hired outlaw guns that staged the Johnson County Invasion in 1892. As T i m Slessor said of their picture on a BBC program a few years back, the often-published photo of the group included "More baddies than ever assembled in one place." Still, Patterson is to be congratulated on his effort, his organizational and writing skills, and his ability to inoculate the reader with the "outlaw fever" that brought many of us into a more serious study of western history.

ROBERT A. MURRAY

Sheridan,

Wyoming

By GRACE M C C L U RE. (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1985.

xvi + 229 p p . Cloth, $25.00; paper, $1 0.95.) farmed there â&#x20AC;&#x201D; people such as the Brown's Park, k n o w n first as Bassett women and their men. McBrown's Hole, remains isolated with a Clure's book gives us some historical few ranches scattered about, giving perspective and insights into the lives little indication of the sometimes of the settlers, correcting our vision of r o m a n t i c a n d sometimes violent it as a place that served only outlaws. events that have transpired there since The Bassett women are portrayed as the trapper days of the 1880s. Its hisreal, in many ways heroic, and altory has been dominated by legendtogether believable. ary figures such as the fabled Wild Bunch and its most famous character. The author's sources gi\ e credibility Butch Cassidy. T h e Park served as a to the account, but it was not the hide-out and base of operations for documentation that impressed me so many years which has obscured the much as her apparent mastery of the accounts of those who came and stayed materials cited and her acknowledgeas residents and who ranched and ment that she had speculated as to


Book Reviews and Notices motives and the inner thoughts of her characters based on "a certain amount of logic and an ecjual amount of intuition." By the time I came to "the Requiem" I was enthralled by Josie and Ann Bassett. T h e concluding chapters on "Queen Ann of Brown's Park" and "Old Josie" were painful reading, like attending the funeral of a close friend or relative. I had come to think they were indestructible. Ann's ashes carried in the trunk of Frank's car and Josie's aging, death, and burial in her beloved Brown's Park were poignant reading experiences. Josie was recognized as a "Jensen neighbor," and her funeral was conducted by the Mormon church; Amy played the organ, Dothe and her h u s b a n d sang, a M o r m o n b i s h o p presided. Flossie was almost buried in her pants because a dress seemed inappropriate. Enough, perhaps even too much, has been written about the "Wild" and the "Chew" bunches and the various outlaws and outlaw trails in and about the Park. Enough has been written about Matt Rush, T o m Horn, Butch Cassidy, and Isom Dart. It is now time to appreciate Herb Bassett, husband of Elizabeth and father of Ann and Josie, Uncle Sam Bassett, and other men who played a role in the life of the Bassett women. Grace McClure not only knows her principal subjects; she also understands the setting in which they lived. This is made apparent by the information she so artfully sets within her narrative. T h e book is complete with details about ranching, cattle, range lands, the forests, the rivers, and the geography of the area. She mentions that cattle can be maintained only on land that is no more than two and a half miles from water, rendering thousands of acres of grassland unusable for a lack of it. During this period of history the only real authority in the region rested with the cattle barons

209 who were challenged by the smaller ranchers. T h e enactment of various enlarged homestead acts and their corruption by cattlemen led understandably to the situation which obtained in the area. T h e barons and the ranchers overgrazed. There were under these conditions first grass, then sagebrush, and finally cedar. So we are introduced to the Forest Reserve, created under Theodore Roosevelt, to preserve and foster timberland by protecting it from overgrazing. T h e introduction to the book is an admirable summary of the history of the area, describing the Wyoming basin as the last frontier in cattle country which extended as far south as Texas and as far east as Kansas and the Dakotas. Perhaps something more should be said aboiit the men in the lives of the Bassett women. A. H. " H e r b " Bassett was an unlikely partner for his wife Elizabeth. He is described as a "little old maid of a man." His education was a little better than most, and he was a competent musician on the piano and \iolin. T h e author says that the incongruity of his marriage was only equaled by the incongmity of his later migration west. He was religious but not puritanical, gentle, good humored, and one to avoid arguments. Whatever his weakness, the story of the Bassett women would never have unfolded save for his willingness to accede to the will of others, such as when he was persuaded by Sam Bassett to forget California and settle in Brown's Park with him. They were unlikely associates. Herb clung to his library and his religious beliefs. In those times the Bassetts were considered to be well educated but never shared Herb's interest in religion. He disliked disputation but could not avoid talking with Sam about his atheism or agnosticism. Sam is quoted as saying the Bible "seems like a fiddle to me, ready to play any tune you want it to."


210 T h e r e were other men of some consequence: Charlie Ranney, Josie's second husband; Elbert Bassett, who took his life when his p r o b l e m s seemed too burdensome; Isom Dart, a master cowhand; and Madison "Matt" Rush, Ann Bassett's sweetheart and president of the Brown's Park Cattle

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Association. There were others in the procession of men who aj^pear in this account, but this is the story of the Bassett women, and it is admirably well done. M i E i O N C . ABRAMS

Logan

Time Machines: The World of Living History. By J.\Y ANDERSON. (Nashville: American Association for State and Local History, 1984. 217 pp. $19.95.) T h e r e is s o m e t h i n g for b o t h scholars and laymen in this survey of " T h e World of L i v i n g H i s t o r y , " where twentieth-century folks have "escaped" into the past to discover facets of ages long gone. In this book Anderson examines the broad spectrum of the living-history movement, which began on a small scale in the late 1800s. Jay Anderson has had extensive involvement in various living-history programs. For example, he was in charge of research, interpretation, and collections at Living History Farms in Des Moines, Iowa. For three years he visited n u m e r o u s programs in the United States and Europe and taught a variety of relevant classes, including the annual Fife Folklore Conference at Utah State University. He is currently the director of the Jensen Living Historical Farm being developed by Utah State University. T h e first section of this book deals with living-history museums, farms, and communities. These various programs concentrate on interpreting the past for visitors. This educational aspect of living history began in Europe when Arthur Hazelius organized in Sweden the first open-air museum. It featured native customs and folklife, such as traditional bands and Lapps herding reindeer. Hazelius's emphasis on activities and demonstrations has been ignored by many of the later open-air museums in Europe. However, his concepts spread to North

America at Colonial Williamsburg in Virginia, Old Sturbridge Village and Plimoth Plantation in Massachusetts, Living History Farm in Iowa, the Fortress of Louisburg in Nova Scotia, and Old Fort William on the Canadian shores of Lake Superior. T h e second part of Anderson's survey describes living history for research purposes. He starts with " T h e Taste of H i s t o r y " â&#x20AC;&#x201D; e x p e r i m e n t i n g with making Pilgrim beer. Several projects in experimental archaeology are covered, including the construction of a Stone Age house by Hans-Ole Hansen. His efforts led to the creation of a major research center in Denmark. Later the Butser Farm in England was begun to reconstruct an Iron Age farm of about 300 B.C. T h e work of Peter Reynolds at Butser Farm is a good example of the value of living history to scholars, for his results suggest that prehistoric southern England was more heavily cultivated than previously thought. While purists criticized Colonial Pennsylvania Plantation, which Anderson directed from 1972 to 1976, visitors showed great support for the hands-on approach to the past. T h e author's example of living history includes sea voyages using traditional ship designs and navigational methods: T h o r H e y e r d a h l ' s wellknown Kon-Tiki, Tim Severin's Saint Brendan expedition across the North Atlantic in 1976, the canoe Hokule'a voyage from Hawaii to Tahiti, and the 1957 sailing of Mayflower II.


211

Book Reviews and Notices Time Machines deals finally with the play aspect of living history, mainly groups that reenact past battles and military life-styles or who enjoy the life-styleof the mountain men and get involved in trapping and camping out using historical methods. Anderson praises the cooperative efforts and the emphasis on authenticity of many of the groups. Why living history? Participants have meaningful learning experiences involving their senses as well as their intellect, and they approach in some way what it meant to be a pioneer woman or a Stone Age farmer. There is probably no better way than living history to answer some questions about the past. What are the obstacles in making a workable reed boat? What does it feel like to work with draft a n i m a l s and make your own log cabin? Living history answers give a sense of the texture of the pastâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;what it felt like, not just an intellectual understanding of history. Since experimental archaeologists are also frustrated by traditional techniques, they sometimes try living history. Anderson does not ignore the criticisms and limitations of living history. He agrees that it is impossible to experience wholly the values and beliefs of past generations. This reviewer doubts that there is any way for a twentieth-century person to really believe in ancient gods while making ancient tools. Living history seems

best suited to exploring material culture. Second, some medical aspects of the past would be difficult to experience. Participants are not going to be bled to relieve their illnesses. Some living-history projects have ignored the filth of the past while others have ignored past conflicts, such as slavery or political disagreements; and since the projects usually represent an indepth, synchronic slice of time, they often fail to show how the present evolved from the past. In s p i t e of these l i m i t a t i o n s , Anderson makes a strong defense of the living-history movement. This is an excellent book that examines the substantial professional issues surrounding living history. Another of its strengths is the vivid description of the impact of living history on individualsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; the culture shock, for example, when one tries to live a past life-style. Included also is an excellent appendix with descriptions and addresses of relevant living-history museums, organizations, books, articles, magazines, and vendors of authentic, traditional equipment and clothing. T h e book has motivated this reviewer, raised in Iowa, to visit the L i v i n g History Farms in Des Moines. Most readers will want to visit Utah State University's living-history project here in Utah as well. DAVID W . WALDEN

Brigham Young

University


Book Notices Thomas Robinson Cutler: Pioneer, Sugarman, Churchman. By JESSE ROBINSON SMITH. (Salt Lake City: Eden Hill Publishing, 1985. xviii + 220 pp. $15.00.) Born in England in 1844, Thomas Robinson Cutler emigrated to Utah with his family twenty years later. They settled near the mouth of Little Cottonwood Canyon, where Thomas stayed only for a short time before moving to Lehi. There he turned an aptitude for business into a prosperous living as storekeeper, freighter, and merchant. He also left his mark as a community leader in other ways, serving as ward bishop for nearly twentyfive years, overseeing construction of the Lehi Tabernacle, and building one of the most splendid mansions in Utah Valley. It may well have been as early supporter and business official in Utah's sugar industry, however, that Thomas made his most lasting contribution. On the scene during construction of the Lehi Sugar Factory and incorporation of the Utah Sugar Company in the early 1890s, he was soon appointed as one of the company directors. During the next ten years, as the sugar beet industry proved its economic viability, Thomas led the company's expansion into northern Utah and southern Idaho. T h e dynamics of that venture and the subsequent emergence of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company are described and analyzed well through several chapters of this book. Although written by an admiring grandson, this study is a definite cut

iy^i^^cyM^

above most family-sponsored biographies. It is well designed, well organized, and supported by a surprising amount of original resource material. Short chapters on Thomas's family, his travels, and his prison experience (for unlawful cohabitation) provide additional insight into the man's values, personality, and achievements. Thomas retired as general manager of the U-I Sugar Company in 1917. By that time he had helped organize or develop a dozen other commercial enterprises in Utah, including life insurance companies, hydroelectric plants, and banks. He died in 1922 at age seventy-seven. The Making of a Cowboy. By VERN C. MORIFNSF.N. (New York: Vantage Press, 1985. 158 pp. $11.95.) Written by one of Utah's cowboy poets, this lively reminiscence recounts his experiences as a young cowhand in northern Arizona, southern Utah, and mideastern Nevada in the 1920s. Travels in America from the Voyages of Discovery to the Present: An Annotated Bibliography of Travel Articles in Periodicals, 1955-1980. By

GAROED L .

COEE. ( N o r m a n :

University of O k l a h o m a 1984. XX + 291 pp. $48.50.)

Press,

T h i s highly specialized bibliographic aid features fifteen entries for Utah, ten of which are from Utah Historical Quarterly.


U T A H S T A T E H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History BOARD OF STATE HISTORY THOMAS G. ALEXANDER. Provo, 1987 Chairman LEONARD J. ARRINGTON, Salt Lake City, 1989 Vice-Chairman J A Y M . HAYMOND, Salt Lake City Secretary DOUGLAS D. ALDER, L o g a n , 1989 PHILLIP A. BuLLEN.Salt Lake City, 1987 J. ELDON DoRMAN, Price, 1987 H U G H C . GARNER, Salt Lake City, 1989 D A N E . JONES. Salt Lake City, 1989 D E A N L . MAY, Salt Lake City, 1987 WILLIAM D. OWENS. Salt Lake City, 1987 AMY ALLEN PRICE, Salt Lake City, 1989

ADMINISTRATION JAY M . HAYMOND. Acting Director and Librarian STANFORD J. LAYTON, Afanagmg Editor DAVIDB. MADSZN.State Archaeologist A. KENT POWELL, H i 5 t o n c Preservation Research WILSON G. M\RT\N. Historic Preservation Development PHILLIP F. NOTARIANNI. Mu5eum Services CKAIGYVI^LHR. Administrative Services

T h e Utah State Historical Society was organized an 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly a n d other historical materials: collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic a n d prehistoric buildings and sites; and m a i n t a i n i n g a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past. This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended. This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.


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THE GREAT


UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN0042-143X) EDITORIAL STAFF STANFORD J. L.WTON. Managing MIRIAM B. MVRPH\. Associate

Editor Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L . CANNON u.Salt Lake City, 1986 ARLENKH. KAKLK, Woods Cross, 1987

PETERL. Goss.Salt Lake City, 1988 G L E N M . LEONARD,Farmmg^on, 1988

LAMAR PETERSEN, Sa/< Lake City, 1986 RIC:HARDW. SADIVR, Ogden,

1988

HAROLD ScHiNDi.ER.Sa/^ Lake City, 1987 GENE A. Sh.ssioNs, Bountiful, 1986 GREGORY C. THOMPSON, Sa/f Lake City, 1987

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. T h e Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City. Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter lipon payment of the annual dues: individual, $15.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $10.00; contributing, $20.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space, with footnotes at the end. Additional information on requirements is available from the m a n a g i n g editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion by contributors. Second class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.


H X S X O R Z C A I . aiXA.RTERI.-S-

Contents SUMMER 1986/VOLUME 54/NUMBER 3

IN THIS ISSUE

215

OUT OF THE DEPRESSION'S DEPTHS: HENRY H. BLOOD'S FIRST YEAR AS GOVERNOR

R. THOMAS QIUNN

216

L. FLANAGAN

240

LEONARD J. ARRINGTON

245

E. BUNNELL

265

WAYNE K. HINTON

268

FRED R. GOWANS

286

WfLLiAM A. WtLsoN

288

A LABOR INSPECTOR DURING THE GREAT DEPRESSION

BARNEY

UTAH'S GREAT DROUGHT OF 1934

DEPRESSION MEMORIES THE ECONOMICS OF AMBIVALENCE: UTAH'S DEPRESSION EXPERIENCE IN MEMORIAM: EUGENE E. CAMPBELL, 1915-86

HELEN

IN MEMORIAM: AUSTIN E. FIFE, 1909-86 BOOK REVIEWS

291

BOOK NOTICES

301

T H E C O V E R Retaining Wall, 1934, by Ranch S. Kimball, litho crayon, 11 1/2" x 15 1/2". Kimball (1894-1980) made eighteen pastel drawings and one litho crayon drawing documenting Civilian Conservation Corps activities in Utah. Photograph of drawing courtesy of the Utah Arts Council.

© Copyright 1986 Utah State Historical Society


Books reviewed Afj.EN KEN f POWELL. The Next Time We Strike: Labor in Utah's Coal Fields,

1900-1933

. . . JAMES S. O L S O N

291

RICHARD C . ROBERTS a n d RICHARD W .

SADLER.

Ogden:

Junction

City

. . .

LowRY NELSON. In the of His Dreams: Memoirs

ROGER D . LAUNIUS

292

Direction STEVEN L . OLSEN

293

SAMUEL W . TAYLOR a n d RAYMOND W . TAYLOR. The John Taylor Papers: Records of the Last Utah Pioneer. Vol II: The President . . . JEAN R .

PAULSON

294

JESSIE L . EMBRY a n d HOWARD A.

eds. Community Development in the American Past and Present Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Frontiers DOUGLAS CHRISTY,

GERALD D . NASH. The

D . ALDER

296

American

West Transformed: The Impact of the Second War

West:

World

NEWELL G . BRINGHURST

298

CLYDE A. M I L N E R II a n d FLOYD A.

eds. Churchmen and the Western Indians, O'NEIL,

1820-1920

NORMAN J. BENDER

300


In this issue That the Great Depression affected Utah more severely than most states is incontestable. Yet, for all its impact, the depression has inspired only a handful of local historical works, and few of them are accessible to a wide audience. This issue of Utah Historical Quarterly presents three sharply focused articles and two highly personal recollections of the depression in a beginning attempt to shed light on one of the most significant events of the twentieth century in Utah. The opening piece by Thomas Quinn looks at the problems facing Governor Blood (shown above with FDR) during his first year in office. The economic stagnation seemed almost overwhelming, but he proved equal to the challenge. Strict economy at home and tireless lobbying in Washington brought results, and the gloom began to brighten. Leonard Arrington's article on the 1934 drought underscores the role of nature in exacerbating an already desperate farm situation: the low rainfall was unprecedented, the heat record-breaking. Well conceived water projects drafted in Utah and funded by the federal government and finally some rain late in the year began to restore hope to farmers. Although Utah has tiadilionally mistrusted federal i m o h e m e n t in its affairs, Wayne Hinton reminds us that state officials eagerly sought federal aid for everything from roads to dams to school buildings during the depression and that those efforts were supported by an overwhelming majority of the citizens. Nevertheless, attitudes remained ambivalent and later contributed to the false notion that Utah eschewed federal aid. Sandwiched between these major statements of depression themes are the reminiscences of a road supervisor who parceled out relief work on an impartial basis and of a young married woman who found solutions to domestic shortages. These personal accounts complement the traditional historical studies and hint at the wealth of material on the depression waiting to be retrieved.


Out of the Depression's Depths: Henry H. Blood's First Year as Governor BY R. T H O M A S Q U I N N

Governor Henry H. Blood signing a bill requiring the licensing of plumbers. Man at extreme left is unidentified. The others are, left to right, Lester Bills, Angus Scott, and Bill Bywater. USHS collections.

2, 1933, A SOLEMN CROWD OF UTAHNS assembled on Capitol Hill to witness the inauguration of their seventh governor, Henry H. Blood. T h e natural chill of that winter day was worsened O N

JANUARY

Mr. Quinn teaclies history at Mount Ogden Middle School, Ogden, lUah. This article was extracted from his master's thesis, ' T h e Governorship of Henry H. Blood: The Critical Years, 1933-34" (llniversityof Utah, 1967).


Blood's First Year as Governor

217

by a cold fear in the minds of those present and those who heard via radio the installation of their new state officials. Utah's and the nation's economy were desperately out of control. A fourth of the country's work force was unemployed; many of the remainder were laboring at reduced wages or were employed only part-time. In Utah alone 33,000 families were on relief. By the early months of 1933 the bottom of the economic barrel had been reached, but there did not appear to be any means for the nation to extricate itself.^ The dull " c r u m p " of the seventeen-gun salute fired by the Utah National Guard as Blood finished taking the oath of office must have sounded to some who were there like the shots fired at a funeral. Could this silver-haired, rather frail looking, sixty-one-year-old man ease their pain by his words today or his actions in the months to come? Standing behind a flag-draped rostrum. Governor Blood spoke in a clear, flat voice. As a lifelong student of history, Blood knew that far lesser shocks than the present ones had often resulted in violent revolution. He was also aware that such incendiary thoughts were being bruited about among some at that very moment. Thus, his opening remarks emphasized that the inaugural ceremony marked the "peaceful and willing" transfer of power from one group to another, typifying "the very genius of representative government and indicating its safety and strength." He then launched into a review of the economic scene in Utah: My fellow citizens, the new administration...faces economic conditions, the seriousness of which the slate has never known....Our people...have been plunged into deepest adversity. Agriculture is in helpless and almost hopeless distress. Basic farm commodity prices in recent weeks have receded to levels never before reached in modern times. Our mines are nearly all closed. T h e price of silver has reached an all-time low, while other metals have suffered similarly. Manufacturing and business...feel the loss of purchasing power. Stagnation exists in financial circles. Shrinkage of values is rendering private and public income uncertain. Unemployment stalks the city streets, and reflects its shadow on rural life. Men's hearts are failing them for fear, and no one can tell what the future has in reserve.

The order in which Blood surveyed the economic condition of the state reflected his rural boyhood and his adult commercial interests connected with agriculture as farm problems were listed â&#x20AC;˘ Detailsof the inai.guralceremonyareinSa/<Lfl/t.Tr,fcun.Janitary:^19:ÂŤ; the textof Blood's inaugural address is in State of Utah, Messages of Governor Henry H. Blood to the Twentieth Leg^lature of the State of Utah and Inaugural Address, 1933 (Salt Lake City, 1933), pp. 33-46.


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first, followed by mining, business, and finance. Urban unemployment came last in the litany. His remarks on purchasing power are worth a moment's pause. During the early years of the depression, before its causes had been thoroughly analyzed by economists, not many saw underconsumption as the real source of trouble. More than once in the year to come, Blood would express his belief that lack of purchasing power was a prime factor, both in bringing on the depression and for its continuation. Having presented the dreary economic picture, Blood next took up the subject that no doubt held the greatest interest for his audience: the course on which he intended to set state government. His goal was to reduce the tax burden imposed by state and local government. T o do so, the people must cooperate; they must not ask for additional services as they had in the past. Legislators must not come to the session due to convene the next week with proposals for expanding government functions. If state government reduced its activities to a minimum, Blood hoped that the good example set would cause cities and countiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;which levied most taxesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to do likewise. Blood warned that the general fund was going to end the 1931-33 biennium with a substantial deficit; and, if state revenue continued to fall, the state treasury would be unable to bear the strain of the usual outlays, let alone any new burdens, unless additional sources of revenue were found. T h e governor's program was obviously not one of spending the state out of trouble. Some aid from the federal government was expected. Blood said, for direct relief, for silver, and for agriculture. T h e governor did not dwell on federal programs, however. It would be several months before he and, for that matter, Roosevelt himself realized how extensive the New Deal antidepression measures would be. As Blood's inaugural address drew to a close, he optimistically predicted: "Utah will come back." There were few, if any, outbursts of joy occasioned by what he had said or proposed; the speech itself lacked emotionalism. It presented a cool, sympathetic, and practical statement of things as they were and were likely to remain. Blood spent the following weekâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;night and day, he said l a t e r preparing his message to the Twentieth Legislature, due to convene in regular session on Monday, January 9, 1933.2 2 Blood to George Q. Knowlton, January 17, 1933, Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City.


Blood's First Year as Governor

219

T h e Democratic caucus named the officers and appointed the committees, as that party controlled both housesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;51 to 9 in the lower and 13 to 7 in the upper. As a forecast of the economy-mindedness of the legislators, the caucus combined the posts of sergeant-at-arms and chaplain, thus saving five dollars per day. The Tribune called it "the most important" legislature since statehood and predicted it would "face problems calling for decisive, even hard-boiled action." T h e governor, addressing the legislature in joint session, said nothing to dispute that idea.^ As in his inaugural speech, the theme throughout was one of spartan economizing.^ Blood reviewed the ominous financial situation of the state treasury. According to his estimate, the general fund deficit for the 1931 -33 biennium, ending June 30, would be nearly $2 million. T o meet this shortfall, he urged the legislature to authorize a $2 million bond issue. As a new source of revenue, he proposed a selective sales tax on nonessential items for support of the state school fund. He did not suggest a rate, and at this time he did not connect the sales tax with what was to become its prime purpose: providing funds for relief. A campaign promise of some legislators, Blood noted, was to abolish the income tax filing fee; but, he warned, if that were done, the cost of administering the income tax might exceed the revenue from it. In 1932 the filing fee brought in $199,000, while the income tax revenue was only $134,000. T h e governor next presented a plan he hoped would result in a more efficient and more economical organization for state government. He proposed that the legislature create a joint committee of nine men, three from each house and three appointed by himself, to spend the next four weeks studying the present system of organization in order to recommend ways of combining some departments, eliminating others, and reducing costs in general. T h e report of this Committee of Nine was to be quite influential with the legislature. With twenty-five banks having failed in Utah since 1929, the governor's proposal to strengthen the banking commissioner must have aroused keen interest. He called for legislation that would determine the extent of court supervision of the bank commissioner, provide the commissioner with a trained staff, and allow for greater 3 Salt Lake Tribune, January 1, 3, 7, 1933. * See Messages of Governor Henry H. B/ood...7 955, pp. 3-34, for text of Blood's first message to the legislature, discussed in the following paragraphs.


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efficiency in the liquidation of banks that had failed. He reminded his listeners that " T h e major activities of the Bank Commissioner should be to prevent disaster, rather than to take charge when it is too late to save the institution." He also asked that the bank commissioner be allowed to pledge the assets of a closed bank to the Reconstruction Finance Corporation in return for a loan to enable the institution to reopen. Blood reviewed a list of measures to be introduced (though not by him) to the legislature that included a five-day, thirty-hour week for those employed on public works; a minimum wage for men and women; child labor laws; and old-age insurance. He cautioned that these proposals needed to be weighed against possible administrative costs. Twelve thousand families in Salt Lake County alone were on some form of relief. Blood reported. Federal funds had helped, but he feared that this aid would be jeopardized unless state and local governments increased their efforts. He did not specify to what extent state and local efforts would have to be expanded, nor did he suggest a source of revenue for the recommended increase. Coming to the end of his message, Blood surveyed the general economic scene, describing the depressed state of agriculture, mining, manufacturing, and business. Without suggesting remedies, he asked the legislature to "assume a friendly attitude...and render wjiatever assistance can be properly given" to farmers faced with mortgage foreclosures; and he recommended that Congress be memorialized in silver's behalf. Beyond that he did not go. He ended with an appeal to legislators to avoid "partisanship, sectionalism, and community advantage." The governor's message was well received by the Tribune, which editorially called it "forceful" and "courageous." T h e newspaper especially approved of Blood's "rigid" economizing to permit the state to balance its budget in the future and "reestablish the government on a firm financial" basis. Although the Tribune accepted Blood's request for a $2 million bond issue, it warned the legislature not to get into the habit of resorting to bonds to pay expenses not met by regular sources of revenue.^ Analyzing the governor's message decades later, one is struck by its conservative orthodoxy in fiscal matters, its lack of inventiveness 5 Salt Lake Tribune, January 13, 1933.


Blood's First Year as Governor

221

in social welfare areas, and its somberness of tone. No doubt, however, the message, both in what it did and did not contain, reflected Henry Blood's philosophy of government. He did not see state government as the righter of economic calamity. He was not an experimentalist in putting the pieces back together; rather, he was a conservator of what was left after the fall. There was little in the address to revive the spirits of the jobless and destitute. He did not propose a public works program, a mortgage moratorium, or any other device that might lift the cloud a little. T h e proposals on minimum wages, pensions, etc., were not his, and they were capped by a warning about their possible cost. Taxpayers would appreciate his promises of economy, but those able to pay taxes were obviously in relatively better shape than those who had no worry about taxes because they owned no property and had no income. T o one educated in an era of expanding government service, deficit spending, and increasing social welfare legislation. Blood's program may seem somewhat pedestrian and cautious. Judged in the light of his times, however, the message was about what was expected: the governor cannot fairly be faulted for failing to be ahead of times or for not being somebody else with different concepts. The Committee of Nine issued its report on February 10; its proposals were far-reaching and, to some, painful. Salary cuts averaging 15 percent for state employees were called for; suspension of the state's junior colleges and the branch agricultural college at Cedar City was advised; a doubling up of some positions was urged, e.g., the state banking commissioner would also serve as director of the securities commission; the abolition of some departments, such as the State Building Board, was advanced; and changing some salaried positions to per diem posts limited to $200 per year was proposed. Other specific proposals were all aimed at reducing expenditures to a recommended $4,634,600 for the 1933-34 biennium (in contrast to requests for $6,168,488). The governor, the report suggested, should be given broad power to slash departmental spending at will if, as feared, the $4.6 million estimated revenue proved optimistic.^ ^SVdie oiVvdh, Report of the Committee on Reorganization andOperation of Stale Government, February 10,1933. A copv of this report is in Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933, Legislature file. Pleased vailh this report. Blood promptly asked the legislature to create another committee to examine all levels of government from the slate level down to local school districts and report back to the Twenty-first Legislature in 1935. See Salt Lake Tribune, March 12, 1933.


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These recommendations from the Committee of Nine formed the backbone of much of the financial legislation passed during the session. T h e proposal to give the governor wide authority over the budget was expanded so greatly that the newspapers, without malice, tagged it the "Dictator bill." It empowered the governor to increase or reduce expenditures, take money from one department and give it to another, spend as much money as his judgment dictated for relief, suspend schools for ninety days or any other state activity for an indefinite period, and reduce any payroll. The "Dictator bill" swept through both houses easily, passing the Senate unanimously. One senator declared that the measure violated the state constitution "forty ways" but voted for it anyway.^ Public reaction to the vesting of such enormous power in the hands of the governor was favorable. T h e Tribune said the confidence was not misplaced. T h e editorial doubted that Blood would ever need or use most of the powers given to him but thought it was a sound idea to be prepared for any contingency. T h e newspaper praised the governor for his "courageous attitude in inviting these additional burdens to himself... regardless of the penalties attached."^ Granting the governor power to act as his own budget committee was motivated by fear that state revenue would not match appropriations. This had already occurred in the 1931-32 biennium and had necessitated the $2 million bond issue, action on which was imperative. Tax anticipation notes of $1 million were due on January 31. T o meet them the bonds would have to be sold immediately after their issuance was approved by the legislature. If either house failed to pass the measure by a two-thirds majority the bill would not become law until sixty days after passageâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;long after the due date of the notes.^ T h e Neslen Emergency Bond bill was passed by the necessary majority in the House, but in the Senate all the Republicans voted nay.i° T h u s , though the bill passed, the money was still out of reach. This partisanship is notable, as it was the only discoverable time during the session when the "loyal opposition" dug in its heels and declined to be accommodating. ' Salt Lake Tribune, March 2, 4, 3, 1933. 8 Ibid., March 3, 1933. 9 Ibid., January 30, 1933. '0 Blood to Preston G. Peterson, January 27, 1933, Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933.


Blood's First Year as Governor

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T h e threat to the state's credit rating was met successfully anyway. Blood reached into the state road sinking fund, withdrew a million dollars in certificates of deposit, and traded them to the institution that held the tax anticipation notes. T h e deficit in the road fund was to be covered when the bonds were sold.^^ The other new revenue proposal, the sales tax, introduced later in the session as H.B. 218, caused great dissension. Originally, the sales tax had been suggested as a source of money for public schools; but Blood and some legislators soon saw it as a means of raising money for emergency relief, and many of them wanted it used exclusively for that purpose. Blood insisted, however, that at least a small part of the sales tax income go into the general fund. On this point and that of the rate a battle ensued that lasted up to the final hours of the session. On March 9, just three days before adjournment. Blood sent a special message to the lawmakers urging them to act quickly on the sales tax. He predicted that the "generous" federal relief funds would be endangered unless the state showed its "ability and willingness" to assist.^2 Most of the legislators agreed, but many resisted setting the rate at the 1 percent figure the governor believed was the minimum rate that would provide something for the general fund, too. The legislators favored a .5 percent rate. The day before the session was to end, a joint committee visited Blood's office to declare that both houses had agreed that no money from the sales tax would be allowed to go into the general fund and that the rate would be set at .5 percent. Blood must have been extremely persuasive, for when the group left they had agreed to a compromise on the rateâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;.75 percentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and that anything over $500,000 could be placed in the general fund to cover possible deficits. The agreement was adhered to by both houses.^^ The Twentieth Legislature adjourned on March 12, having passed 120 bills.^^ virtually all the proposals Blood had made to the legislature were incorporated. T h e bond issue and the sales tax were there. A new Committee of Nine had been created to investigate " Salt Lake Tribune, January 27, 1933. '2 This untitled message to the legislature, March 9, 1933, is found in Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933, Legislature file. 'â&#x20AC;˘' Untitled memorandum, March 11, 1933, in ibid.; Salt Lake Tribune, March, 13, 1933. I'' Salt Lake Tribune, March 13, 1933.


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government from the state level down to the school districts. The gasoline tax was still devoted exclusively to road construction and maintenance. T h e income tax filing fee had not been abolished. The powers of the bank commissioner had been clarified and expanded, and the governor had also had his authority over the banks greatly increased. No doubt both the legislators and Governor Blood were glad the session was over. It had been tiring for all—maybe too tiring, for somehow during the rush to adjourn a slip had been made that would necessitate the calling of a special session. The legislature had failed to set the state tax levy.^^ With the lawmaking session over, the governor turned to budget-cutting. Until passage of the "Dictator bill" that gave the governor authority to cut departmental budgets. Blood could only request that expenditures be kept down; armed now with real power, he could compel obedience—and he did. He ordered every state agency to submit detailed lists of planned expenditures for the last quarter of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1933. Those that did not come to him already pared to the bone he personally slashed, bringing spending down 20 percent or more.^'' Layoffs and dismissals were the order of the day. Secretary of State Milton Welling discharged all twenty of his employees; all investigators for the Department of Agriculture, the State Tax Commission, and the Public Utilities Commission were released; and eight juvenile court judges—all Republicans—were dismissed and replaced with eight Democrats who also were to serve as probation officers at no increase in pay. A vacancy in the State Road Commission was filled by the governor's appointment of Attorney General Joseph Chez to the position, thus saving $3,000 in salary.^^ Of slightly more than one hundred formerly salaried positions filled by the governor's appointive power, only some twenty that year carried a regular paycheck; the remainder became per diem posts with a $200 a year limit. Blood's own staff was tiny in relation to the amount of work to be done. It consisted of George Sutherland as secretary and factotum, a stenographer, and a driver-handyman. The state had only 602 employees in April, and the number was further •Mbid., March 23, 1933. 16 Ibid., March 31, 1933. 1' Ibid., June 15, 27, 6, March 2, 1933.


Blood's First Year as Governor

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reduced. Survivors could look forward to an average of $90 per month. pay.^^ The governor declined to support the State Fair for 1933 and 1934. He also rejected a request that Utah place an exhibition in the Chicago Century of Progress Exposition.^^ These and many other expense-paring acts were considered essential. Roughly half of Utah's property owners had failed to pay their 1932 property taxes. Revenue to the state from the corporation tax and the income tax for 1933 ran $82,000 behind the April 1932 figure; of those who had filed a return for the latter levy, only 8.2 percent, or 6,044, had incomes sufficient to pay any state income tax atall.2o T h e red in the state's budget reflected great suffering by the citizens. Hundreds of them wrote to the governor appealing for help. Tragic stories, often scrawled in pencil on odd bits of paper, crossed his desk daily from men, women, widows, the elderly, and the young. Blood answered virtually all of them with advice when possible and commiseration in all instances.21 As the Utah State Legislature neared the end of its two-month struggle to cut appropriations and as Governor Blood became immersed in reducing state activity to a minimum, the federal government was about to launch a program diametrically opposed to that undertaken in Utah. That the national leaders would find themselves on such a free-spending course was as great a surprise to most of them as it was to the people of the nation who, while praying for release from the grip of the depression, were unsure of the means of deliverance. Late on the afternoon of March 2, Blood had sent an urgent message to the legislature asking for authority to declare a bank holiday. T h e abrupt request, the governor explained, was not due to any suddenly worsening conditions of Utah's financial institutions; they could handle normal demands. But, as the governors of all the surrounding states had officially closed banks under their jurisdiction, Utah would have to follow suit to prevent out-of-state iÂŤ Ibid., February 11, 1933; Blood to F. H. Cboney, governor of Montana, August 18, 1933, Governor Blotxl's Correspondence, 1933; Salt Lake Tribune, April 4, 1933. '9 Blood to E. S. Holmes, Utah State Fair manager,! July 9, 1934, Governor Blood's Correspondence, State Departments, 1933-34; Blood to R. C. Davis, president, Century of Progress, January 21, 1933, Governor Blood's Cbrrespondence, 1933. 20 Salt Lake Tribune, June 3, April 4, 1933. 2' Ibid.


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deposit withdrawals and to avert local runs. T h e legislature complied quickly and by 8:30 P.M. Governor Blood had signed the proclamation declaring a five-day bank holiday starting March 3.22 Public reaction was ambivalent. Bank runs were forestalled, but individuals and businesses found it difficult to function without cash. Editorially, the Tribune applied its favorite eulogium to the governor, calling his "timely" action "courageous."23 On March 4â&#x20AC;&#x201D;inauguration day in Washingtonâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Roosevelt issued an executive order, effective March 5, declaring a national bank holiday. Blood wired approval to the president. Then, always a stickler for legal niceties, the governor issued another proclamation to extend Utah's holiday to coincide with the nationally declared moratorium; and when the latter was extended to March 10, Blood issued still another proclamation.2^ Called into special session on March 9, the new Congress received an emergency banking bill that offered government assistance to reopen banks with liquid assets and to reorganize those without. T h e bill was passed the same day. In Utah the state banks were examined by Blood and Banking Commissioner John Malia who applied the federal criteria with some adaptations. By March 14 all Utah banks, both state and nationally chartered, were open again. T h e speed with which this was accomplished was due, Malia explained, to the fact that Utah had already "been through the fire" with banks defaulting, and those that had survived through 1932 were "sound."2^ The successful culmination of the bank holiday for Utah and the nation was the first of many such successes that accrued to Roosevelt. T h e New Deal looked to be more than j ust a slogan; it might become a reality. Governor Blood encouraged Utahns to support the president. During the first few days of FDR's term. Blood declared the following Sunday as a day to "conduct appropriate exercises in a spirit of patriotic devotion...." He called upon Utahns to show their complete willingness to support every move undertaken by the president for the "amelioration of the present deplorable economic conditions."2^ 22 Salt Lake Tribune, March 3, 1933. 23 Ibid. 2Mbid., March 6,8, 1933. 25 William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932-40 (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), p. 43; Salt Lake Tribune, March 10, 13, 12, 1933. 26 Salt Lake Tribune, March 9, 1933.


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As the famed Hundred Days began to peel from the calendar, with almost every day bringing new legislation and new hope, the governor continued to further the cause of the New Deal. When Utah's legislature adjourned on March 12, Congress was just getting into gear. With FDR and his Brain Trust feeding the mill, it ground fastâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;if not fineâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and the bills flowed to the president's desk to be signed and dispensed like loaves of bread to the hungry. There was something for everyone. Among the measures that affected and/or benefitted Utah most were: the Federal Emergency Relief Act (FERA), the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), and the Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA). These basic pillars of the early or first New Deal were quickly formulated to grapple with the two initial and most pressing of the three "Rs": Relief, Recovery, and Reform. These major facets of the New Deal diamond were still in the rough when Governor Blood announced on April 12 his decision to journey eastward to examine the federal stonecutters at work a n d possibly to stake out Utah's claim to the gem being prepared. Congress was beginning its second month, and legislation already enacted or under discussion was fostering hope but some confusion, too. Blood intended to get a clearer view of what was happening.27 One of the first results of the New Deal had been detrimental to Utah as far as Blood was concerned. Federal road funds due Utah had been cut off, bringing to a halt the state's prime employer of the unemployed. Washington explained that the president was pooling all appropriated but unspent road funds to form a nucleus for financing the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC).28 Blood, who had been chairman of the State Road Commission prior to his election as governor, intended to fight not only to release Utah's road funds but also for a continuation of the program and, if possible, for its expansion. The National Industrial Recovery bill, being debated in April, held out a promise to Utah, too. Its public works section might provide Utah with much money. Blood had already prepared a list of projects that might qualify, and when he left for Washington he took with him proposals costing more than $57 million that included state buildings, sewage plants, irrigation and reclamation works, and 2Mbid., April 12, 1933. 28 Ibid., March 29, 1933.


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Secretary of War George H. Bern, the first Utahn to serve in the Cabinet, helped Governor Blood meet with President Roosevelt. USHS collection.

highway construction. All the projects. Blood said, would "contribute to the permanent needs and future development of the state," ultimately pay for themselves, and provide many jobs during their construction.29 During his four weeks in Washington the governor saw many officials, including the president, sat in many meetings, and achieved mixed success. He quickly discovered that the Public Works Administration (PWA) was not interested in individual projects at that time but was, instead, still trying to arrive at a total figure for public works that would be adequate for the entire nation. Therefore, the governor submitted his $57 million program for Utah's share and went on to other business.30 With the help of Secretary of War George H. Dern (Blood's predecessor as governor), he saw President Roosevelt and plugged for Utah's public works program, the silver interests, and highway construction. Blood became the most deeply embroiled and achieved his greatest success with his highway proposals. On his arrival in Washington the governor had found New Deal officials indifferent to 29 Ibid., April 22, 19, 1933. 3" Blood to Samuel H. Kimball, June 5, 1933, Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933.


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Road construction crew in Price, Utah, 1938. Road work provided men with jobs during the depression. USHS collections.

many

highway construction both on its own merits and as a means of providing employment. T h e proposed federal budget for 1933-34 allocated little for road construction.^^ Blood, drawing on contacts made while president of the National Association of Highway Officials, organized a lobby on the spot and paid a number of visits to the budget director and other officials. With the Utah governor as spokesman, the lobby was able to wring a promise of increased funds for highway construction. T h e group also beat back an attempt to place highway construction under the control of the PWA whose boss, Harold Ickes, wished to allocate the monies on a basis of population. By keeping control of the federal road program in the hands of the U.S. Bureau of Roads, which had a different method of parceling out the funds. Blood estimated that Utah's share was increased by 50 percent.^2 In a second meeting of the governor with FDR, the president confirmed that Blood's requests and suggestions would be acted upon favorably. The Tribune's Washington correspondent said that federal officials were "frank to admit that Governor Blood's knowledge of highway problems and his influence with the administration were of inestimable value" in achieving success with the road Salt Lake Tribune, April 22, May 6, 1933. Ibid., April 26, 28, 1933.


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program. Utah received $4,194,709 for highway construction in 193334; and, in addition, the money due Utah but not delivered for the preceding biennium was released.^3 While in Washington, Blood also investigated the CCC and was pleased that 4,000 young men would soon be at work in Utah on conservation projects. He especially liked the provision that the CCC recruits would be from families on relief and that part of their pay would go to their families. His request that some of the CCC boys work on flood control along the Wasatch Front was deferred until a policy decision was reached on whether work could be done on private land.34 When Governor Blood returned from Washington and its scenes of hectic but purposeful activity on May 4, he found the pot bubbling in Utah, too. Attorney General Chez had announced that the governor would have to reconvene the Twentieth Legislature. Queried en route home by a reporter. Blood was caught off guard and indicated his uncertainty; and, even if a special session had to be called, he did!not intend to ask the legislature to consider repeal of the state constitution's prohibition clause as some had suggested.35 On reaching the State Capitol, Blood immediately asked Chez for an opinion on whether the State Tax Commission had the power to set the tax levy. Constitutionally, Chez insisted, the legislature only must fix the mill rate. That seemed to settle the first question: there would be a special session. An answer to the second questionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; would the agenda include consideration of the repeal of state prohibition?â&#x20AC;&#x201D;was long in coming. Pressure on Blood to answer affirmatively came from the Utah State Bar Association, the Democratic State Central Committee, the Tribune, and other sources. The LDS church and other prohibition exponents were equally adamant that the question not be brought up.36 In early June, Blood proclaimed July 10, 1933, as the date of the special session. Unwilling to accept responsibility for including the prohibition question on the agenda, the governor asked that the legislature take care of the mill levy and "consider any other matter which may be brought by the Governor to the attention of the 33 Ibid., May5, 6, July 7, 1933. 3Mbid., April 22, 19, 1933. 3Mbid., May 7, 1933. 36 Chez to Blood, May 8, 1933, Ciovernor Blood's Correspondence, Salt Lake Tribune, May 20, 21,23, June 10, 1933.


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Legislature in Special Session." He then let it be known that if the members wanted to take up prohibition they could petition him to that effect, and he would accede. This placed the onus on the legislators and put Blood in the position of merely bowing to popular will. The Tribune applauded his decision, caviling only at its being "belated," and confidently predicted that the legislators would act favorably on the liquor question as there had been a "remarkable change" in attitude since the regular session.37 Attorney General Chez decided that if the special session acted to allow Utahns to vote on the state constitution's prohibition of liquor, the vote could be held in 1933 rather than 1934 by a change in the general election laws that heretofore had permitted general elections only in even years. By moving the state referendum u p to 1933, both it and the Twenty-first Amendment to the U.S. Constitution could be disposed of at the same time and at a savings in cost.38 The "wets" were delighted with the idea; and when the Democratic Caucus met, a petition was circulatedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to Republicans, tooâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; asking the governor to include both the state liquor question and the change of election dates on the agenda.^^ Knowing now for certain just how eager the lawmakers were to take u p the liquor issue. Blood cannily held off submitting it until other measures of greater importance to him had been acted upon. These other matters that intruded on the legislature arose out of developments in Washington. Congress had passed the NIRA, and its terms required state legislative action to permit Utah to participate fully in both of its main antidepression features, the PWA and the NRA. T o provide that help. Blood asked for legislation that would (1) authorize him to appoint advisory boards to coordinate state-federal action in the administration of the NRA and the PWA, (2) provide for such actions as would be necessary for the state or any of its political subdivisions to meet any requirements of the NRA or the PWA, and (3) provide the necessary financial support to enable Utah to make use of the federal funds and to provide for unemployment relief and for the support of the state government."^o The increase from a .75 to a 2 percent sales tax, which Blood now began to fight for, was only partially for the benefit of the general 37 Salt Lake Tribune, June 9, 10, 1933. 38 Chez to Blood, July 17, 1933, Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933. 39 Salt Lake Tribune, July 7, 1933. 40 Ibid., July 11, 1933.


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fund. T h e revenue hike would be primarily used to qualify the state for its full share of FERA aid and PWA funds. Since PTRA relief dollars were to be matched in part by the states, the governor had every intention of seeing that Utah did the best it could. Another portion of the sales tax revenue would be used to qualify Utah for PWA funds. The PWA would pay 30 percent of a project's cost and loan the project's instigators the remaining 70 percent at low interest; the principal was to be met over twenty years from the selfliquidating aspects of the projects themselves. The interest. Blood determined, would come from the sales tax. Opposition to raising the sales tax was strong, with the chief antagonists in the House. They resisted every effort to j u m p the tax to 2 percent right up to the final day of the special session. Delaying tactics, in fact, caused the session to drag on for almost thirty days. The House wanted to boost the sales tax to 1 percent and to raise any additional revenue needed from increases in the corporation franchise and utilities taxes, or by imposing a new tax on chain stores, or by selling bonds. The nature of the alternative proposals and the House's refusal to move quickly brought down the wrath of the Tribune, which castigated its "stalling" and blasted the "eccentric bills" introduced by "agitators."^^ Governor Blood appeared icily perturbed, as reflected in the tone of a message sent to legislators as they entered the third week of deliberations: "I beg leave you will not think I am overstepping the bounds of respectful propriety when I inform you that the eyes of the people...are upon this Legislature, and your constituents have a right to expect you to complete your work without further delay." He also quoted from a news dispatch in which Harry Hopkins threatened to cut off federal funds to any state that did not provide money of its own for relief.^2 The obvious need for relief funds and PWA projects, the governor's insistence, the Senate's refusal to consider any increase other than the sales tax, and the heat of the summer ultimately combined to force the House to acquiesce. The tax was set at 2 percent, with such a rate estimated to bring in about $2 million a year. The Tribune remarked, half mistakenly, that the tax was an 4' Ibid., August 2, July 31, 1933. 42 " T o the Twentieth Legislature of the State of titah in Special Session, July 29, 1933," Governor Blood's C^orrespondence, 1933, Legislature file.


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"emergency" levy and would, no doubt, be repealed as soon as conditions improved.^3 T h e fight over the sales tax had created much heat, but it did not impede the passage of other major legislation. Once the liquor question was before them, both houses quickly approved the joint resolution by the required two-thirds majority; the question of retention or repeal of state prohibition would be submitted to the public, with the governor empowered to set the exact date for the vote. Legislation was also enacted that would keep the state dry— except for 3.2 beer—after January 1, 1934, even if the state's dry provision was stricken from the constitution. This would give the state time to decide on policy and set up machinery to conrol hard liquor.'^'* T h e PWA aspect of the NIRA was also reflected in state legislation. Boards appointed by the governor would sift through proposed building projects. The state, municipalities, and school districts were authorized to form corporations for the purpose of borrowing from the federal government, to enter into contracts with government agencies, and to lease from the PWA projects built by it. The interest payments on loans negotiated by towns and school districts were to be paid by the local political unit if possible, but where necessary the state would underwrite payments from the sales tax.45

The legislature had armed the governor with all the powers he had thought necessary to combat the depression on the state level. These powers, for the most part, were to be used as auxiliary supports of New Deal legislation. T h e governor's role was really that of an expediter rather than innovator. As expediter. Blood created a host of boards to correlate state and federal activities. He named Robert Hinckley, Ogden businessman, to head an expanded Public Welfare and Emergency Relief Board. This group acted as a clearinghouse for requests for funds submitted by county relief committees and distributed to them the available federal and state monies. This board, the Public Works Committee, and the governor decided on an 85-15 percent split of the sales tax revenue, with the larger portion going to direct relief and the smaller to public works' interest payments. Some critics urged that all the « Salt Lake Tribune, August 2, 4, 1933. " I b i d . , August 3, 1933. « Ibid., July 10, 1933.


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sales tax money go to relief, but Blood insisted that public works projects also be furthered to provide jobs and cut down on the relief rolls—which in August 1933 stood at 20,000 families. This, by the way, was a drop of 38 percent from the winter high earlier in the year. A combination of higher private seasonal employment and the various public works projects, notably road construction, had partially blunted the sharp edge of the depression."^^ T h e thousands who remained on relief still had to be cared for, and the sales tax supplied the state with its prime weapon. It was not popular with many Utahns (who, inevitably, called it "Blood money"), and the governor was forced to defend it more than once. In a September press statement. Blood said he had heard that merchants were apologetic or caustic when collecting the tax; the governor appealed to businessmen to "immediately impress [on] all...that their duty is to support every movement intended to relieve [the] suffering of those unable to provide for themselves.'"^^ By the end of the year the sales tax had brought in $660,893— almost all of which went for relief. T h e FERA provided an additional $2,186,702. T h e latter figure represents only money that passed through state hands. Several hundred thousand dollars more went directly to individual Utahns who became temporary employees of the Civil Works Administration. The CWA, also under the direction of Harry Hopkins, was created in the fall of 1933 to get the nation through the winter when it became obvious that the PWA was not stimulating enough jobs and the FERA was not providing large enough payments to those on relief. By dealing more directly with the people, it partially bypassed state and local relief boards. It also furnished work, not handouts. By December, 10,000 Utahns were on the CWA payroll and were receiving $133,430 total weekly wages.''® T h e legislature had also enacted legislation to allow Utah to combat the depression by means other than relief doles, which were meant to boost consumption. Controlling production was another avenue that, with the creation of the National Recovery Administration, Utah traveled. Governor Blood, as did most everyone at first, placed high hopes in codes that would encourage harmony among « Ibid., September 9, August 31, 28, 29, 1933. " Untitled press statement, September 13, 1933, Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933; Salt Lake Tribune, September 9, 1933. 48 Blood to Greeley, Colorado, Chamber of C^ommerce, December 29, 1933, and untitled press statement, December 29, 1933, both in Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933; Salt Lake Tribune, December 6, 1933.


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related business interests and between management and labor. Upon passage of the NIRA he had endorsed the NRA, saying: "This is no time for an unfair minority to continue its self-seeking policies; it is the time for courageous action on the part of employers and industries generally." He believed prosperity could be enjoyed by the whole people if the president's plans were carried out.'*^ Blood appointed members to the Utah State Recovery Administration, and this group worked closely with the federally appointed Utah Recovery Committee of the NRA. Blood served as joint chairman of an executive committee drawn from both organizations. National codes covering interstate business and industrial trade associations were rapidly adapted to Utah's intrastate needs. Enforcement of the state codes was delegated to citizens committees in the various communities. How these local groups would handle violations was rather vague, but in extreme cases they could appeal to the state courts. T h e governor signed the first state code, which covered Utah's coal industryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;then rocked by labor strifeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;on September 26 and by the end of the year had approved sixteen more.^^ Blood had reluctantly vetoed as unconstitutional a bill declaring a moratorium on mortgages passed by the regular session of the legislature. Since then. Congress had enacted the Home Owners Loan Act (HOLA) which provided federal funds to refinance home loans. The HOLA was deluged with applications and could process them but slowly. In the meantime, Utah home owners had their backs to the wall. In August, Blood called a meeting of Utah's bankers and loan company officers and persuaded them to voluntarily grant a ninety-day moratorium, during which time Utahns could apply for federal refinancing and receive replies.^^ The move was successful, and by the end of the year HOLA had forestalled mortgage foreclosures for 353 Utah families at a cost of $881,000. Farmers benefitted from the mortgage moratorium, too, and received a similar refinancing service from the government via the Farm Credit Act. Historically, Utahns had experienced chronic water shortages. Although 1933 was a fairly dry year in Utah, it gave only a hint of what was to come. Blood hoped that the PWA would help in the 49 Untitled and undated [June] press statement, Ckjvernor Blood's C^orrespondence. 1933. ''""Minutesof Joint Committee, August 19, 1933, in ihid.; Salt Lake Tribune, July 10, September 27, Decembers, 1933. See Helen Z. Papanikolas, "Unionism, Cxjmmunism, and the Great Depression: The Carbon County Coal Strike of 1933," Utah Historical Quarterly 41 (1973): 254-300, for details of the labor unrest. " Salt Lake Tribune, August 2, 1933.


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Deer Creek dam site on the Frovo River. This Bureau of Reclamation project was approved in late 1933 through the lobbying efforts of Governor Blood. USHS collections.

construction of dams and irrigation systems to alleviate this perennial problem. His expectations were bolstered when two dams, Pineview and Hyrum, were approved by the PWA in August. That same month, the State Emergency Committee on Public Worksâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; which Blood set up with himself as an ex officio member and William R. Wallace, a Salt Lake businessman and former Chamber of Commerce official, as chairmanâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;began sifting through other requests from cities, counties, school districts, and the state. The projects ranged from sewers to tunnels and from roads to reclamation projects.52 One of the first decisions reached by the committee was to ask the governor to return to Washington and shepherd the Utah projects through the intricacies of the PWA bureaucracy. Blood set out on September 26 with a $40 million portfolio of requests, including $17 52 Elwood Mead, commissioner, U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, lo Blood, August 30, 1933, Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933; Salt Lake Tribune, September 27, 1933.


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million in reclamation projects for Moon Lake, Sanpete County, and Deer Creek.^3 His chief antagonist was PWA director Harold Ickes. During the eight weeks Blood was in Washington they confronted each other oftenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;too often for Ickes, who confided to his diary: A delegation from Utah, headed by Secretary Dern, and including ...Governor Blood...came into nag again about some reclamation projects for their state. This group has been hanging about Washington for more than three weeks. At intervals they come to see me, then they go to see Colonel Waite (Ickes's second in command), and then they go over to the White House. They seem to be proceeding on the theory that they can just wear down our resistance and get what they want.^^

Blood and Ickes looked at the problem differently. Blood put a high priority on his reclamation proposals, first, as a means of employment during their construction, and second, as essential to Utah farmers who often faced drought conditions. On the other hand, Ickes, supported by Secretary of Agriculture Wallace, viewed most reclamation projects as inimical to one of the major aims of the New Deal: to reduce crop surpluses. T o these men more water meant more production, and more production would add to the existing surplus of commodities that were keeping farm prices down.^^ Blood haunted the PWA offices, trying to make people there see it his way. At first, Ickes and the PWA board put him off with promises of consideration "soon." But soon never came. Ickes finally told Blood that he had no intention of approving the reclamation projects for Utah unless FDR personally told him to do so. Blood accepted the challenge and went to see the president, who was busy. Blood was persistent and spent one entire day cooling his heels in a White House waiting room without seeing the president. Roosevelt, aware that Utah's governor was there, asked Dern what the problem was. Dern explained, and FDR arranged for Blood to see Ickes one more time. At that meeting, with the presidential blessing bestowed, Ickes reluctantly promised to approve at least part of the reclamation requests. A few weeks later $4.5 million was granted to the Deer Creek and Moon Lake projects. "May God bless you and yours," Blood wired Roosevelt when the announcement was made.^^ 53 Salt Lake Tribune, August 8, September 27, 1933. 54 Harold L. Ickes, The Secret Diary of Harold L. Ickes: The First Thousand Days, 1933-36 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), p.l 14. 55 Salt Lake Tribune, October 1, 3, 1933. 56 Ibid., October 27, November 4, 8, 9, 17, 1933; Blood to Roosevelt, November 17, 1933, Governor Blood's Correspondence, 1933.


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T h o u g h the governor's efforts to win acceptance of the reclamation projects by the PWA was the most frustrating and time consuming, delays in processing other requests submitted to the PWA added their strain to the governor's patience as well. Utah had put in a bid for $1.5 million for construction of such edifices as a home economics building at the Utah State Agricultural College and a library at the University of Utah. At one point, the PWA even "lost" the applications for these projects, but Blood "found" them. T h e "soon" gambit was used frequently, too. Determined not to be put off, he became thoroughly nettled. Usually an even-tempered and soft-spoken man. Blood, after one particularly unsatisfying meeting with the PWA board, snapped: We are facing an emergency in Utah....You promised action in four or five days; that program (state buildings) has been before you now for thirteen days....With intelligent handling, there is no reason why that program should not have been acted upon in an hour or two, yet thirteen days have been allowed to elapse.

A week later the governor got the approval he sought, and the colleges and other state agencies got their new buildings.^^ Most of a $12 million city, county, and school district collection of requests were also held upâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but for once not by the molasses-slow PWA. These proposals were submitted but laid aside at the governor's suggestion until a decision affecting them was rendered by the Utah State Supreme Court. Constitutionally, political subdivisions were limited in their bonding capacity, and many such limits had already been reached. T h e question before the state's highest court was whether the legislation passed by the special session lifted the bonding lid. T h e new laws specifically authorized political units of the state to enter into long-term contracts with the federal government for loans to construct public works. Taking these loans from the government would have the same effect as being indebted from bond sales, but the difference was that the state government guaranteed to pay the interest charges from the sales tax revenue. T h e court did not pass on the subject until Blood had returned to Utah, so he could do little for the projects while in Washington. When the decision did come it upheld the constitutionality of the special session's enactments. This could have started the PWA wheels rolling again, but Ickes kept on the brakes. On December 6 he 5' Salt Lake Tribune, September 27, October 1, 12, 18, 1933.


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announced that Utah's other PWA fund requests would receive no further consideration until next year. According to his calculations, Utah had already been granted 270 percent of her share of the PWA's $3.3 billion kitty.^s T h e keeper of the FERA's money was much more amenable than Ickes. Harry Hopkins saw Blood during his sojourn in Washington and was sympathetic and helpful. He was impressed with Utah's efforts to help itself with the sales tax proceeds and, when informed by Blood that relief needs still exceeded income, proposed that the FERA would make up any deficit between Utah's spending for direct relief and what was actually required. He also approved a special grant to help needy students at the state universities by paying them through the winter at twenty-five dollars per person.^^ Blood found time to join a delegation representing western sugar beet interests that paid a call on Secretary Wallace to lobby for high production allotments. Noncommital but friendly, Wallace showed proper concern for the beet growers' welfare. Blood, by way of the press, passed on the word that he was certain that Wallace would come u p with a satisfactory program in the near future.^^ Returning to Utah after an eight-week absence,the governor announced "I [am] confident of having accomplished the things I went to Washington to d o . " He recounted his easy success with Hopkins and his hard-won partial victory over Ickes. He even sympathized with PWA bureaucrats who were handling about 550 applications per month.^^ In truth. Governor Blood's time in the nation's capital had been well spent. Additional relief monies, more CCC camps, the $1.5 million for state buildings, and money to start on the reclamation projects were on their way to Utah. T h e total granted was far less than the figure requested, but there was hope for more in the future; and, with the reclamation projects, at least,there is little doubt that they would not have been approved except for the stubborn persistence of the governor. T h e energy and initiative Blood displayed during his first year in office helped to set the state on a firm path toward recovery. Difficult years lay ahead, but the somber picture he had painted at his inaugural was slowly brightening. 58 59 60 6'

Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid.,

September 15, December 15, 6, 1933. October 7, 1933. October 27, 1933. November 13, 1933.


A Labor Inspector during the Great Depression BY BARNEY L. FLANAGAN

W H E N YOU GO T O A ROAD WORKER WHO IS SWINGING along, whistling blithely while toting a ninety-six-pound bag of portland cement in each hand, and say to him, "Sorry, buddy, but you can't work here," you have to have a pretty good reason. When he tosses each bag onto a waist-high pile by the mere flip of his wrist and forearm, brushes off a pair of big strong hands, and says, "Who the hell says I can't?" you had better have an answer ready, and it had better be good. T h e American worker was never finer than he was in the dark days of the Great Depression when he asked for nothing more than parity with his fellow workers—no favors, no gravy—just parity. He showed clearly that he could take the bitter with the sweet in stride just as long as he felt that he was being treated no worse than the others. When the chips were down and the babies crying, the American worker grew rebellious only when he got the idea that he was being shown some form of unfair treatment. T h e big fellow who was tossing bags of cement around was typical. My job as inspector for the Utah State Highway Commission's hiring committee put me in touch and kept me in touch with hundreds of families who were destitute or nearly so. Homes without furniture—because the family could not keep up the p a y m e n t s were common. Beds consisting of blankets—sometimes a mattress— on the floor were not uncommon, and in more than one home the old-time wooden orange crate served as chair and table. The hiring committee was a product of the pre-New Deal effort to meet the economic crisis. In mid-1932 the Congress appropriated money for accelerated federal highway aid programs in an effort to alleviate distress in some areas at least. T o keep the road contractors from filling the work crews with friends and relatives, the regulations issued from Washington provided that all hiring must be done from lists supplied the contractor by a hiring committee. T h e work week was cut to thirty hours to spread the work a little further. Utah went Mr. Flanagan lives in Washington, D.C.


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one step beyond that and requested the road contractors to use a man for thirty hours only and then replace him with someone else. This meant that a worker would have a chance to earn a little less than fifteen dollars (thirty hours at forty eight cents an hour) and then give way to someone else. T h e contractors agreed to this restriction but declared that the responsibility for enforcing it must fall upon the inspector of the hiring committee. T h a t put a double burden on me. First, I had to make sure that the men who were on a contractor's payroll on a specific job had been chosen from the list provided by the committee. Then, I had to "wash u p " a man who had his pittance of thirty hours and replace him with another from the list. I would get the daily work record of each man on five to six highway crewsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;close to 200 persons considering that the contractors had a gang in the morning and another in the afternoon. My wife and I would go over these slips each evening, listing the hours worked by each man. T h a t took considerable time each night, but the next day I would have in hand the records needed to sort out those who had worked their allotted hours. It was in this capacity that I met the man who toyed with heavy sacks. My routine was to go through each road gang in my territory twice a day, morning and afternoon, because most contractors worked one shift five hours before lunch and another shift five hours after lunch. It was on one of my morning rounds that I met this man Smith, which, by the way, was his real name. The contractor who had put him on the job illegally faded away when he saw me coming through the gang. I told Smith, politely but firmly, that he could not work there because he was not on the list provided by the hiring committee. As he walked past me, he leaned over and said softly, "I'm goin' to put you in the hospital for this." Then he went over to the fire which is part of highway operations during cold weather. I contintued my journey through the gang, finding four or five others who did not belong there and chasing them just as I had Smith. I will admit that I was not at all cheerful when I got through the gang, for Smith was still standing there by the fire, apparently waiting for me to finish my chore before he started his operations on me. I figured that there was no use ducking the issue, so I went over to the fire and took my place on the side opposite him. He was silent for a minute or so and then said, "You don't play favorites, do you?" "I do not," I replied. "In this job it is necessary to hew to the line."


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"I knew there were several others on the job this morning who did not belong there," he said. "When you chased me, I thought you were picking on me for some reason. I was mad. When I saw you chase the others, I knew you were treating us all alike. That's all I care about, but I do hope that one of these days I can get on the job for a few days." On a couple of occasions in the ensuing months, there were murmurs from dissidents that I should have my "block knocked off." But Smith rose to the occasion. "I have appointed myself to do Flanagan's fighting for him," he said, "before you lick him, you lick me." During two construction seasons I had no difficulty in walking right through groups of 500 to 700 workers gathered around the place where the hiring committee met. No one was after my scalp. The men had learned that there were no favorites. That's all they asked. For a long while I doubted the wisdom of giving a man thirty hours' employment and then replacing him with another who would get thirty hours and be replaced by another man. But as fall went into winter, I began to see some point to it. There were not nearly enough road jobs to keep the unemployed busy. Other work programs were slow in forming. T h e dinky thirty hours a man got gave him a big lift psychologically. He knew he had not been forgotten. Even those who were not fortunate enough to get the meager employment felt better because they knew that some effort was being made, and this knowledge was a big help while the other work programs were being formulated and put into operation. The creation of the hiring committee put the contractors on the spot with former employees. We helped the contractors to some extent by an agreement that said, in effect, "for every six of the men we send you, you may put on one of your own men as a sort of 'key man.' " T h e 'key men' worked thirty hours a week but were permitted to come back week after week. But when old road workers kept pressing, the contractors often gave in and said, "O.K., go to work, but when Flanagan comes around he'll run you off the job." This was rather rough on me, but it was worth it. The committee made no bones about the run-of-the-mill nature of the hiring list. Sometimes there would be a road worker listed and right next to him a ribbon clerk. Some men earned their money; some did the best they could, but their shovels got heavy long before the day was over. The contractors played along with us. They pushed the good men a little harder and were tolerant of poor ones. Once in a while a contractor


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would tell me about a particularly hard job he had for the next week and ask for the best man we could get. In those instances the hiring committee acceded to the wish and listed the best available. There were few telephones in the homes of the working class. Those who had had them preferred to use their dwindling savings for food instead of convenience. That meant that among my other duties I had to scurry up help personally if the need was urgent and the contractor could not wait for the mail to bring the listed workers in. One day I witnessed a heart-warming exhibition of fortitude. I knocked at a door and a feminine voice asked me to come in because she could not come to the door. I went in and saw a bare front room. In the kitchen was a young mother giving her baby a bath. T h e tub was on an apple box that doubled as a table. An orange crate and an old stove completed the kitchen furniture. There were a few dishes in a wall cupboard. The young lady saw me looking around and suggested that I tour the other two rooms. Another apple box with a pillow in it was evidently the baby's bed. The family bed was on the floor. The creditors had taken everything except her smile, her good nature, and her optimismâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and her clean floors. There was not a complaint nor a tear. She was happy when she heard her husband could get something or other that they wanted for the baby. That was the most destitute home I visited during those times, but I saw many almost as wanting. But I did not ever find a dirty home, nor a home in which there was dissatisfaction or complaint. Transportation was often one of the difficulties for these thirtyhour men. Many had lost their cars along with their furniture. The jobs were from three to ten miles from towns, but the men somehow found ways of getting to the job. One day I thought I was doing a man a favor by telling him when his shift ended, that he had completed twenty-eight hours and that he need not come back the next day. I simply did not think it would be worth coming ten miles to work two hours and get ninety-six cents. He didn't say anything at the time. About 8 P.M. the fellow showed up in my backyard. I happened to know that he lived five miles from my home. He asked if he could not come out the next day and get the ninety-six cents to which he was entitled. He told me he had walked all the way from his home and planned on walking back. That's how much he needed the money, and that is what he was willing to do to get itâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;walk ten miles and work two hours, plus find some way to get another ten miles to work and the same ten miles back.


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I assured him that he could get his two hours on the job, and I gave him carfare home. Next day when his two hours were up, I washed him u p just as I did anyone who had completed his time. I hated to do it, but any deviation from the hard and fast would have opened the floodgates which I rather prided myself on keeping closed. He, also, became one of my boosters and stood u p to be counted once or twice when someone made what he considered unfitting remarks. I will always remember and take off my hat to the man who knew what ninety-six cents would do for his family and was willing to make a triple effort to get it. So I salute an old friend, Marti Salotti, wherever he is. One day I had just gone through a group of men working on a road construction job and culled out half a dozen who had not been secured through the hiring committee. One fellow named Dave Rice, who had been sitting on a stack of lumber watching the proceedings, invited me to come over and sit down. He came to the point quickly. "See those two men on the far end of the longitudinal float (a hard-labor device used in smoothing new concrete in those days)? Well, they are both enginemenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;work about eight months of the year and earn more than $2,000 a year each. I can't run an engine or do anything but hard work. I work about six months a year and usually get about $90 a month. Now you have given one of those fellows my job. What right has he to have his own job in busy times and then in slack times get the only thing I know how to do?" I had no answer for Dave Rice, but I did see that he got on the hiring list and got a job for the rest of the season. When policies were being formulated in the early days of the Employment Security Administration, the lesson Dave Rice taught me was put into effect. No skilled man was ever offered an unskilled job under my administration as long as there were unskilled men available to do it. T h a t was not coddling the skilled man or kowtowing to the unions. It was merely applying common sense as set forth by Dave Rice. My work during the early days of the Great Depression as labor inspector, secretary of the highway hiring committee, or whatever name the job might have had, was preliminary to a program close to my heart for many yearsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;unemployment insurance or, in its larger meaning, employment security.


Utah's Great Drought of 1934 BY LEONARD J. ARRINGTON

WPA workers lined this irrigation canal near Orem, Utah, to conserve water. WPA photograph, courtesy of National Archives.


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W H E N ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE CONDUCTED an 1806 military exploring expedition that crossed present-day Nebraska, Kansas, and Colorado, he referred to the region as the Great Sandy Desert and compared it with the African Sahara. Fourteen years later Maj. Stephen H. Long, an army engineer, explored the area east of the Rockies in a more systematic and comprehensive way and produced a map that labeled the area the Great American Desert. The absence of trees, the sparseness of vegetation, the apparent sterility of the soil, and the long, hot summers led subsequent visitors to support the appellation, and it continued to be called the Great American Desert until the Civil War.^ T h e next major explorer, however, J o h n Charles Fremont, who traversed the area in 1842 and again in 184344, discovered to the surprise of many that livestock could subsist on the grasses of the region, and he ventured to hope that farmers might succeed in growing crops. Farther west, he warned, between the Rockies and the Sierra, in the Great Basin, was the true desert, with rainfall that sometimes dropped to less than five inches per year. As explorers and settlers came to realize in the years that followed, there were cycles in the amount of rainfall. During the late 1870s and early 1880s, for example, the rainfall was above average, and tens of thousands of persons moved into the upper, central, and lower Great Plains, as the area came to be called. This was followed in the late 1880s by a period of drought, dust storms, blizzards, and grasshopper plagues. When the wet cycle returned, dry farming techniques were developed, windmills were installed, and droughtresistant plants were introduced. T h e region once more prospered, and there was widespread belief that the problems had been overcome. These happy hopes, however, were shattered by the dust storms and drought of the 1930s. In more recent years, of course, the expansion of irrigation, the spread of air conditioning, the improvement of transportation networks, and the continued development of plant breeding and farming techniques have made the Great Plains the largest producer of wheat and beef in the world. No one would imagine that it was once called the Great American Desert.^ Dr. Arrington is Lemuel Redd Professor of Western History at Brigham Young University, a member of the Board of State History, and a Fellow of the Utah State Historical Society. This article was orginally prepared for the David E. Miller Memorial Lecture at the University of Utah, April 17, 1985. â&#x20AC;˘ See W. Eugene Hollon, The Great American Desert: Then and Now (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966.) 2 See W. Eugene Hollon, "Great American Desert," in Howard R. Lamar, ed., The Reader's Encyclopedia of the American West (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1977), p p . 461-62; also Walter Prescott Webb, The Great Plains (New York: G i n n & Co., 1931).


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Although the Great Basin region has not been quite so fortunate, the early Mormon settlers were delighted to find that the heavy snowfall in Utah's Wasatch Mountains drained each spring into creeks that could furnish water for irrigation into the spring and early summer. With the eventual extension of high-line canals and reservoirs water could be supplied for irrigation during the dry latesummer weeks as well. Thus, in most years farmers and ranchers in Utah have been able to grow even late-season crops such as fruit, potatoes, and sugar beets. However, precipitation remains uncertain. The normal precipitation for most of the state is about thirteen inches per year. If we define drought as being a period when precipitation is less than 75 percent of normal, the Great Basin, or some part of it, has experienced drought on the average of three years out of ten.3 And there were two years in recorded history when it was only about 35 percent of normal, 1856 and 1934. In those years there had been little snowfall in the mountains during the previous winter. Hardly more than a third of the normal crop was produced, and thousands of animals died for lack of forage. This paper focuses on the catastrophe of 1934.^ The climatological data tell us that never before in United States history had so little rain fallen over so wide a territory during an entire growing season as in 1934.^ Moreover, according to U.S. Weather Bureau reports, although most dry years are preceded by years of adequate rainfall, this was not true in 1934, for the preceding four years were abnormally dry in many parts of the country. The year June 1933 to May 1934 was the driest on record in most midwestern and Great Plains states (Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Nebraska, and the Dakotas), and the seasonal snowfall in California, Colorado, and Utah was about half of normal and in Wyoming about one-third of normal. In New Mexico there was hardly even a drift of snow on the northern slopes at the higher elevations. During the spring and early summer of 1934 (April through July) the rainfall in eight states (Nebraska, Missouri, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Kansas, Michigan, and Colorado) was the lowest on record; in Utah the rainfall during the ' U.S., Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, The Western Range: A Great but Neglected Natural Resource, 74th Cong., 2d sess.. Senate Document No. 199 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1936), pp. 138-39. * See Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958), p p . 148-56. 5 J. B. Kincer, "Data on the Drought," Science 80 (August 24, 1934): 179.


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same period was only 51 percent of normal. Utah Lake contained only one-third of its normal volume of water, and the actual shoreline was two and one-half miles inside the traditional outer border. Bear Lake was fourteen feet below normal. There was also record-breaking heat. Although Utah was surely not "the vast simmering caldron" that sometimes described the Great Plains, the average temperature even here was four degrees above normal and two degrees above the previously warmest year of record. Temperatures at St. George on July 27 and 28 reached 112 degrees, and the mean of the daily maximum temperatures at St. George for the entire month of July was just short of 104 degrees. Even the temperatures at normally cold spots like Woodruff were three to five degrees above normal. The Weather Bureau reported that nothing remotely approaching the severity of this combination of heat and dryness appeared in its annals.^ T h e general annual precipitation for the entire state of Utah in 1934 was just above nine inchesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;four inches below the average for the preceding forty years. T h e annual precipitation at Hanksville was just over two inches. Month after month the Weather Bureau reported "the warmest of record." By May the drought had become so severe that irrigation was restricted. Some grain was cut for hay or abandoned, and the first alfalfa cutting was the lightest of record.'^ T o understand the seriousness of the situation one needs to keep in mind that Utah was far more dependent on agriculture in 1934 than it has been since the build-up of industry and the service trades after World War II. The state's agricultural economy was already in a depressed condition when the Great Depression of the 1930s began. High grain prices during World War I had encouraged Utah farmers to plow up thousands of acres of rangeland for winter wheat. The failure of the government to check the decline in grain prices after World War I caused a farm depression from which Utah had not recovered before the stock market crash of 1929.^ Then, Utah's economy being primarily dependent on farming and mining, the ruinous drop in farm prices and the stagnation of the metals industry 6 Ibid. Also Robert H. Hinckley to Harry Hopkins, April 27, 1934, Utah FERA file. Record Group 69, National Archives, Washington, D.C. ' U.S., Department of Agriculture, Climatological Data: Utah Section 36 (1934): 37. ' Thomas G. Alexander, " T h e Economic Consequences of the War: Utah and the Depression of the Early 1920s" in Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander, A Dependent Commonwealth: Utah's Economy from Statehood to the Great Depression , ed. Dean May, Charles Redd Monographs in Western History no. 4 (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1974), p p . 57-89.


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caused thousands to suffer even more. Personal income in 1933 was approximately 51 percent of what it had been in 1929, already a low figure. Farm income had dropped from $69 million to only $30 million. Some 43,000 persons, 25 percent of the state's work force, were unemployed, and 36,000 families and single persons were receiving relief of some kind by the end of 1933. Utah's relief situation in relation to p o p u l a t i o n was fully as bad as that of many of the industrial states in the East and Midwest where idle factories had created unprecedented industrial unemployment.^ In this debilitated condition Utah sustained the blow of 1934. T h e drought came at the worst possible timeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a natural disaster on top of a human-caused disaster. Utahns might well have complained, "It never rains but it pours." But somehow the metaphor seemed inappropriate. T h e nation, of course, had already embarked on a program to combat the effects of the depression. President Herbert Hoover had established the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) in 1932 to lend money to large banks, railroads, and other large corporations that were essential to any climb out of the slough. Utah had received $12 million in repayable funds from this agency during 1932-33. With the assumption of the office of president by Franklin D. Roosevelt in March 1933, he and his associates, with the nearly u n a n i m o u s approval of Congress, had established, in the spring and early summer of 1933, several agencies to combat the depression: Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA). With the help of grants from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, this agency assisted states and municipalities in their relief efforts. FERA expended $3,889,095 in Utah during the 1933-34 fiscal year, which amounted to $7.66 per capita. Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), which provided work and a modest income for 250,000 jobless young males in reforestation, road construction, the prevention of soil erosion, and national park and flood control projects. T h e CCC expended $4,742,681 in Utah during the 1933-34 fiscal year, which was $9.34 per capita. Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), which was intended to eliminate the farm surplus by paying farmers to reduce the production of surplus crops until "parity prices" could be attained. This agency expended $506,297 in Utah during fiscal 1933-34, or $ 1 per capita. ^Leonard J. Arrington, Utah, the N ew Deal, and the Depression of the 1930s (O^den, Ut.: Weber State College Press, 1983); Arrington, " T h e New Deal in the West: A Preliminary Statistical Inquiry," Pacific Historical Review 38 (1969) : 311-16; Don C. Reading, "A Statistical Analysis of New Deal Economic Programs in the Forty-Eight States, 1933-1939" (Ph.D. diss., Utah State University, 1972).


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Farm Credit Administration (FCA), which extended short-term and medium-term loans for agricultural production and marketing. Some $3,162,625 was extended to Utah farmers in the form of credit in 1933-34, which was a little over $6 per capita. Public Works Administration (PWA), which matched local and state funds to construct roads, public buildings, and other projects. PWA granted $1,687,513 to Utah during 1933-34 and loaned another $430,000 for a total of $2,117,513, or a little over $4 per capita. Civil Works Administration (CWA), which functioned during the winter of 1933-34 as an emergency unemployment relief program to put four million jobless persons to work on federal, state, and local makework projects. A total of $4,440,056 was expended in Utah by CWA, which was $8.74 per capita.

All told, these programs, during the fiscal year from July 1, 1933, to J u n e 30, 1934, expended $18,858,267 in Utah, approximately $37 per capita. Not a very sizable amount, but certainly welcome, and unquestionably helpful in stemming depression and want. It represented a little over 10 percent of the state's income during fiscal 1933-34.10 T h e key agency in dealing with the immediate problems created by the depression was the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, created in May 1933, with an appropriation of $500 million. Half of this amount was allotted as direct relief to state and principal relief agencies, and the rest was distributed on the basis of $1 of federal aid for every $3 of state and local funds spent for relief. Work relief projects were established by state and local bodies, and FERA supplied the authorized funds through the state's relief administrator. T h e national FERA administrator was Harry Hopkins.^^ Appointed to administer FERA in Utah was Robert H. Hinckley. Descended from a prominent pioneer Utah family and one of thirteen children of a poorly paid geology teacher at Brigham Young Academy, he graduated from Brigham Young University, taught at North Sanpete H i g h School, and moonlighted as an automobile dealer and pioneer in commercial aviation. Active in Democratic politics, he was elected to the state legislature and served as mayor of '" Arrington, Utah, the New. Deal, and the Depression of the 1920s. Splendid short reviews of Utah's experience during the Great Depression are in S. George Ellsworth, Utah's Heritage (Santa Barbara and Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith, 1972), p p . 419-41; and J o h n F. Bluth and Wayne K. Hinton, " T h e Great Depression," in Richard D. Poll, ed., Utah's History (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1978),pp. 481-96. See also Frank H . J o n a s , "Utah: Sagebrush Democracy,"in T h o m a s C. Donnelly, ed.. Rocky Mountain Politics (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940), p p . 11-50. â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘ Utah Emergency Relief Administration: T e n Month Report (January-October 1934), in FERA Records, Record G r o u p 135, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N.Y.


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Robert H. Hinckley directed FERA program for Utah. Courtesy of Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah.

Mount Pleasant. He then took advantage of an opportunity to establish a large automobile dealership in Ogden, where he moved in 1927. He had become acquainted with George H. Dern when the two were in the legislature together. Later, as governor, Dern first appointed him to the Board of Regents of the University of Utah and then, as the depression deepened in 1931, asked Hinckley to be a member of the Volunteer Relief Committee. In 1932 Hinckley persuaded Henry H. Blood, chairman of the State Road Commission, to run for governor to replace Dern. After Blood took office he appointed Hinckley to visit the counties and enroll young men and teachers in the CCC. When Roosevelt established the FERA in May 1933, Hinckley was Blood's choice to direct the FERA. Forty-two years of age at the time, Hinckley proved to be, in the words of one national FERA official, "one of the finest and most socially-minded state administrators (in the nation)."^^ '2 See Wain Sutton, ed., Utah: A Centennial History, 3 vols. (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1949), 3:458-59; Robert H. Hinckley, "I'd Rather Be Born Lucky thanJRich": The Autobiography of Robert H. Hinckley, with the assistance of Jo Ann Jacobsen Wells (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young IJniversity Press, 1977); and Benjamin Glassberg to Aubrey Williams, March 27,1934, Utah FERA Files, National Archives.


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A better appreciation of the impact of the 1934 drought can be had by following the sequence of events as they occurred. The drought was, of course, a national phenomenon and was especially severe in the Great Plains states. High winds had swept across Nebraska in mid-November 1933, depositing dirt in the East from as far north as New York to as far south as Georgia. A second great storm, April 9 to 12, 1934, blew dust from the Dakotas to Florida. There were additional "rollers" in April that culminated in the storm of May 9 to 12, 1934, a great black blizzard that blew an estimated three hundred million tons of soil from the Great Plains to the East and Atlantic Ocean. These storms created what came to be known as the Dust Bowl, a devastated area that included large sections of Oklahoma, Texas, Colorado, and New Mexico.^^ That Utah was experiencing the same phenomenon was first publicly noted the middle of April. On April 16, 1934, for example, the Deseret News ran a lead article headlined "Drought Hits All Utah, Say Church Heads." T h e article began, "Nearly all parts of Utah are suffering from a water shortage and the outlook for maturing crops in many sections is unfavorable, according to reports made by the general authorities of the L.D.S. church attending quarterly conferences and other meetings...over the weekend."!'* On the basis of this and other reports that came to him from a variety of sources. Governor Blood made a quick tour of central and southern Utah and found the "unprecedented" water shortage to be "terrifying."!^ T h e winter of 1933-34 had been the warmest on record, the accumulated snowcover on the state's watersheds was the least on record, and the summer flow in the streams on most of the watersheds would be only 25 to 50 percent of that in 1933. Blood convened a meeting of the state's water experts to formulate a suitable program. All agreed that they must solicit emergency financing from the FERA and that a strong case for the request must be prepared. The governor issued a proclamation expressing the seriousness of the situation and urging each citizen to conserve every drop of water. He also announced the appointment of George Dewey Clyde, irrigation '3 See Donald Worster, Dust Bowl: The Southern Plains in the 1930s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), p. 12; and Paul A. Bonnifield, The Dust Bowl: Men, Dirt, and Depression (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1979). 't Salt Lake Tribune, April 15, 18, 1934. '5 Salt Lake Tribune, April 25, 1934. The background of events is discussed in Rolfe Thomas Quinn, " T h e Governorship of Henry H. Blood: T h e Critical Years, 1933-34" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1967), esp. p p . 95-107.


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engineer with the Utah State Agricultural Experiment Station in Logan, as state water conservator and authorized him to make a study of Utah's water prospects for the 1934 growing season.^^ In a report made a week later, Clyde asserted that he had made a hurried study of the nine leading agricultural counties in the state during the first few days of May and had talked with representatives of canal companies, irrigation enterprises, community leaders and individual farmers.^^ He found that the prospective supply of water for irrigation in 1934 was about 35 percent of 1933 and in several counties only 25 percent. The perilous prospect was heightened by the fact that the supply of water in 1933 was only 70 percent of normal. The available water for certain irrigation companies with rights of late priority would not exceed 10 percent of normal. There was little holdover water in the larger reservoirs and none at all in the small ones. Although the irrigation season usually began on May 1, the absence of groundwater and high absorption of the runoff had forced many farmers to begin irrigation on April 1, thus extending the irrigation season thirty days. Normally, water distributors did not resort to the use of storage water until after July 1, but already by April 15 storage supplies had been drawn upon so that late priorities would receive no water at all. Clyde went on to say that the water holes on the ranges were drying up, and many of the springs that had never been known to go dry were already dry or drying up. The forage on many of the spring ranges was, to use one man's expression, "as scarce as the stubble on an old man's chin." Because they had to trail long distances to water, the stock were tramping out much of that. Moreover, culinary supplies for farmsteads and villages were "extremely deficient," and many farmers were already in a position of hauling in their household water. Communities were enacting ordinances to prohibit the sprinkling of lawns. In most years, Clyde wrote, four million acre-feet were diverted into Utah's irrigation canals each year. Looking at 1934, it was doubtful that as much as one million acre-feet would be available for diversion. Clyde reported that the people were voluntarily doing everything in their power to spread existing water supplies as widely as 16 Quinn, " T h e Governorship," p. 98; Salt Lake Tribune, April 27-29, 1934. 17 George D. Clyde to Robert H. Hinckley, May 5, 1934, as reproduced inS. R. DeBoer, "Reportof Drouth Emergency in the State of Utah for 1934," a report for the Utah State Planning Board, in papers of Henry H. Blood, folder on "Drouth Relief in Utah," Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City.


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Oak Park Dam was one of many water projects in Utah. photograph, courtesy of National Archives.

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possible. They were cleaning out springs, combining their streams, rotating between laterals, lining their canals, and m a i n t a i n i n g their ditches and headgates to prevent seepage. "Some are even going so far as to eliminate certain areas from production," he wrote, "in order that they m i g h t produce a crop with the water supply that is available." Nevertheless, the situation was extremely critical. Probably only one crop of alfalfa would be harvested, and it was doubtful that corn, potatoes, sugar beets, and fruit could be matured because the supply of water in late summer would be negligible. He estimated that not more than 25 percent of the usual crop could be matured. He suggested that something had to be done to keep the orchards and other perennial crops from dying, even at the expense of a n n u a l crops, and that livestock feed must be matured in order to take care of existing herds during the next winter. More effective utilization of existing water was important, he concluded, but even more urgent was the need for additional water. T h i s might be obtained by p u m p i n g from groundwater basins and drains, by clearing out the water in springs, and by lining ditches or p i p i n g water over porous formations. T h i s would require a certain investment, but if it could be done quickly, the percent of crops that could be produced m i g h t be raised to 50 percent and the anticipated


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$5 million loss because of the water shortage might be trimmed by at least $3.6 million. Clyde's report, duly endorsed by Governor Blood, provided the basis for an urgent telegram from Robert Hinckley to Harry Hopkins on May 8: Careful engineering drouth survey of state reveals desperate situation remediable only by immediate action. Prospective supply irrigation water now carefully estimated at fifteen to twenty-five percent of normal. $600,000 made immediately available would save $3,600,000 in crops this year and protect orchards and small fruit and alfalfa fields for future years, at the same time keeping 10,000 families now selfsupporting off relief rolls. Also would save culinary supplies in many communities. This grant will be used on approximately 100 projects in all counties for the development of supplementary water and the conservation of existing supplies. Estimate 55 percent of this for labor, 45 percent materials, including rental of heavy equipment. This is real rural rehabilitation and at the same dme should help industrial employment in fruit and vegetable packing plants and sugar factories this fall. Estimates thoroughly checked by competent hydraulic engineers and by irrigation engineer of Utah Agricultural College appointed by Governor as water conservator. All projects to be approved by State Engineer, Extension Division of Agricultural College, and Chairman Utah Water Storage Commission.^^

Hopkins presented "this Utah matter," as he called it, to Roosevelt the very next morning, and as Hopkins reported it, "the President wants to do what is wanted." T h e next day, thirty-six hours after the telegram had been sent, a news story, simultaneously released from Washington and Salt Lake City, announced the approved grant of $600,000. This was in addition to "regular" relief funds. Apparently this early Utah appeal precipitated an immediate decision by the president to institute a national drought relief program, one that came to constitute a major activity of the New Deal during the next four months.^^ In announcing the news Governor Blood said he would appoint that day "a non-partisan and wholly impartial board of control consisting of representative engineers and water experts" who would review the list of ninety or more projects drawn by state administrator 18 Hinckley to Hopkins, telegram, May 8, 1934, Utah FERA File, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library. Punctuation and paragraphing supplied. The follow-up White House documentsare in die same file. 19 The White House release on die Utah grant is dated May 10, 1934, and is in the Utah FERA Files, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library. See also Deseret News, May 10, 1934; Q u i n n , ' T h e Governorship," p. 97.


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Robert H. Hinckley and his staff. Blood then promptly appointed an emergency drought relief committee consisting of William Peterson, the sixty-year-old director of the Utah Agricultural Extension Service in Logan, as chairman; T h o m a s H. Humpherys, the state engineer; and William R. Wallace, chairman of the Utah Water Resources Board. Peterson, a Republican, was born in Bloomington, Idaho, in the Bear Lake Valley, and was a graduate of Bear Lake Stake Academy, Utah State Agriculture College (USAC, now Utah State University), and the University of Chicago. He had served as a professor of physics and geology at USAC, worked with the U.S. Geological Survey, and been a member of Utah's Water Storage Commission and the Utah State Road Commission. Having served on Herbert Hoover's Commission on Conservation and Administration of the Public Domain in 1930 and 1931, he was well acquainted with people in both the federal and state governments, as well as those at USAC, who could help judge the merits of projects proposed to overcome the drought.^^ Humpherys was one of the earliest irrigation engineering graduates of the USAC, and Wallace, whose English parents had walked across the Plains from the Missouri River to the Salt Lake Valley before he was born, had been an early graduate of the University of Utah and was a long-time Democratic National Committeeman. Old enough to have accompanied his parents on a visit to Brigham Young, and one of Utah's most noted men of affairs, Wallace was director of Utah National Bank, ZCMI, Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, Bennett Paint and Glass, and Ridge and Valley Mining Company. He was regarded as "the father of Utah reclamation. "21 With all due speed, Peterson, Humpherys, and Wallace sifted through the many proposals made for increasing and conserving Utah's water and approved a total of seventy-one projects in twentyeight counties. Of the $600,000, $551,569 was appropriated for irrigation projects, $18,950 for stock watering projects, and $29,481 for culinary projects. A considerable share of the funds went to Utah County, but there were also sizable allocations in Sevier, Weber, Uintah, Cache, Sanpete, and Iron counties. Among the approved 20 Information on Peterson can be found in J. Cecil Alter, Utah: The Storied Domain, 3 vols. (Chicago: American Historical Society, 1932), 2:514-15; Sutton, Utah: A Centennial History, 3:402-403. 21 Information on Wallace can be found in Men of Affairs in the State of Utah (Salt Lake City: Press Club of Salt Lake, 1914), p.59; Noble Warrum, ed., Utah since Statehood, 4 vols. (Chicago: S.J. Clarke Publishing Co., 1919), 2:226.


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projects were p u m p i n g the seepage from the North Jordan canal back into the canal from the Jordan River lining of the Salt Lake and Utah Canal, installation of a p u m p i n g plant at Pelican Point to p u m p water from Utah Lake to save 60,000 acres of crops in Salt Lake County, and extension of the Strawberry Reservoir outlet so the dead water could be drained. Several dozen projects were set up to dig artesian wells and improve ditches by rip-rapping and concrete. Most of the allocations were for projects costing $1,000 to $5,000 each. Meanwhile, the drought was becoming worse. The Deseret News for May 11 and 12 carried separate dispatches from six towns: Scipio: "Most of the grain is burned up and alfalfa is making little growth. T h e watering place where local cattlemen summer their stock on the forest reserve is dry. This is the fifth year of drouth in this place." Kanosh: T h e county farm agent has organized farmers to battle grasshoppers which are savagely devouring crops that the drought has missed. "Hot winds and the lack of sufficient water are combining with the pests to take all the hay and grain in local fields." Mount Pleasant: The farmers have met to present data to George Dewey Clyde showing their need for federal aid. " T h e alfalfa is burning in spots in the west fields and also on the bench lands...." Richfield: "All users are warned by city officials to immediately check their plumbing for leaky pipes, faucets, water closets, and hydrants." Individual inspections will begin in ten days and where waste exists "the supply will be turned off until repairs have been made." There will be a closer check on violations of the scheduled sprinkling hours. Ephraim: Meetings are being held with Clyde to study the feasibility of increasing the water supply by p u m p i n g and other means. Emery: T h e grass and forage are showing signs of burning on the range. "Very little snow is found in the tops of the mountains. There is a shortage of water in all sections. T h e springs are entirely dry on the spring range and those of the intermediate range are reduced to mere seepages. Conditions are very serious for stockmen. The farmers are very much concerned and have planted but small crops. Water gauges in the canals that have carried ten inches of water have been reduced to two and one-half inches. As these reports continued to come in and as the governor's emergency committee expended its $600,000 and still had more than


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one hundred additional worthy projects for which it had no funds. Blood and Hinckley lobbied FERA officials in Washington for additional financing. By the end of June they were able to obtain an additional appropriation of $400,000. Most of this was devoted to increasing domestic water supplies which were alarmingly low. All told, over the period of a little over three months, the committee had allocated $1,000,000 to sink 276 wells, develop 118 springs, line 183 miles of irrigation ditches, and lay 98 miles of pipeline. Some 652,428 acre-feet of irrigation water had been supplied, 270,148 head of livestock had been watered, and 173,115 people had been supplied with culinary water.22 Utah's efficiency in obtaining and spending the FERA and drought relief money impressed Harry Hopkins and his associates who not only declared Blood to be one of the most able governors but employed Hinckley to direct the FERA program in the eleven western states and later elevated him to assistant FERA administrator in Washington. The drought, of course, was a national disaster, and by June the U.S. Department of Agriculture had adopted a program to prevent the starving of cattle and sheep by purchasing them and distributing the meat free of charge to the unemployed. In 1933 the government had established the Federal Surplus Relief Corporation to do this as a relief measure. Now, however, the urgent problem was one of protecting the livestock industry by removing animals from the use of the range, assuring stockmen a reasonable market for their animals, and at the same time making sure that the usable meat went to families in need. During the summer and fall of 1934 the government expended $112 million in the purchase of more than eight million animals, three-fourths of which were beef cattle. Although the national program inevitably became embroiled in political controversy, the program in Utah seems to have been efficiently and economically administered. Local veterinarians, deputized by the government, inspected the cattle or sheep a rancher wanted the government to buy and calculated the payment. Those unfit for consumption were shot on the spot and buried, the rest were shipped to a packing house or, if there was a backlog, to pastures outside the drought area, where they awaited their turn on the 22 Quinn, " T h e Governorship," pp. 100-101; "Record of the Disposition of Projects by Governor's Emergency Drouth Relief Committee, as of June 14, 1934," Blood Papers, Utah State Archives.


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c h o p p i n g block. . . . Needy families could go to a cattle kill and cart home the meat that was not diseased, although it might be tough eating.23

In many cases, of course, stockmen offered only their cullsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; "gaunt, scrawny, bony looking," standing "almost lifeless, with their heads down and their tails between their legs like whipped dogs." Nearly all were "beyond hope of saving, hovering near starvation. "24 Approximately 126,000 cattle and 206,000 sheep were slaughtered under this program in Utah. For these, the government paid a flat price of $2 per animal for sheep, $4 to $5 for calves, $10 to $15 for yearlings, and $12 to $20 for cattle two years and older. Stock was purchased from 18,920 different Utah farms and ranches. Stockmen sometimes complained that government bureaucrats were stingy ("they'd pinch nickels till the buffalo squeals"), but it was a buyer's market; most of the animals were of advanced age and g a u n t and could not have been sold except at distress prices. T h e total payment for cattle in Utah was $1,755,458, for sheep $411,024.2^ One u n i q u e concession was granting permission to the Indians on the Uintah and Ouray Reservations the right to distribute 1,500 beeves, one to a family, so the family could jerk the meat and dry it as they had traditionally done buffalo meat in earlier times.2^ In order to preserve the scarce forage in the state. Governor Blood issued an order on J u n e 24 halting the s h i p p i n g of hay or feed from the state. It was also against public policy, he declared, to ship hay or mill feeds from one district to another within the state.2^ About two hundred Uinta Basin farmers abandoned crops on their upland farms and turned stock into their grain and alfalfa fields to salvage what little remained from the long, parching dry spell and moved to river bottom areas that in normal years were flooded in times of high water.28 C o m m u n i t y after community continued to report suffering during J u n e , July, and August. In Bountiful many homes were without water for several days.29 23 Worster, Dust Bowl, p. 113; C. Roger Lambert, " T h e Drought Cattle Purchase, 1934-1935: Problems and Complaints," Agricultural History 45 (1971): 85-93. 2'' Russell Porter, " D r o u g h t Produces Lean Kine of Egypt," N^u; York Times, August 2, 1934, p . 6: Worster, Dust Bowl. p. 113 25 The Western Range, p p . 408-9; Worster, Dust Bowl, p. 114. 26 Deseret News, July 3, 1934. 27 Deseret News, J u n e 25, 1934. 28 Deseret News, July 3, 1934. 29 Deseret News, July 31, 1934.


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The masonry for this irrigation ditch in East Mill Creek, Utah, was done by WPA workers. WPA photograph, courtesy of National Archives.

Utah's officials energetically lobbied to get the Public Works Administration to act on important long-run solutions to the drought problem. Requests for the Deer Creek, Pineview, and other reclamation projects were justifiably labeled "urgent." Such projects would provide lucrative contracts for the construction industry, provide work for the unemployed, and permit a more efficient use of Utah's water resources.^'^ T h e first Pineview Dam contract was signed on May 31, the second on August 21; ground-breaking was held on September 29, and the dam was finally completed in June 1937.^^ As for the Deer Creek Dam, water from the Provo, Duchesne, and Weber rivers was to be stored in Deer Creek Reservoir and ^o Deseret News, August 16, 1934. Governor Blood's astute maneuverings to obtain the necessary consensus to construct the Deer Creek-Utah Lake Reclamation Project are described in Q u i n n , " T h e Governorship," p p . 107-17. ^1 Leonard J. Arrington and Lowell Dittmer, "Reclamation in Three Layers: T h e Ogden River Project, 1934-1965," Pacific Historical Review 35 (1966): 16-34; Deseret News, May 31, August 21, October 8, November 29, 1934.


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supplied to Utah Valley farmers and to Salt Lake City, making possible the growth of Utah Valley agriculture and of Utah's largest city. T h e project was inaugurated in 1934 and completed in its preliminary form in 1941 .^2 Other lesser, but still important, projects were launched at Hyrum, Sanpete, and Moon Lake near Duchesne. Nearly half the population of Utah was benefited directly or indirectly by these reclamation projects that were initiated in partial response to the 1934 drought.^^ But the discussion of these long-term measures only helped to lessen the impact of the drought. T o end it would require rainfall. That was more difficult to bring about. The Coyote Clan of the Hopi Tribe held three snake dances for rain in Hotevilla in northern Arizona on August 24.^4 These dances, which culminated in an eight-day ceremony, were not more successful than the incessant prayers for rain in Mormon ward houses and in other religious edifices. Plants continued to wilt, even the grasshoppers were starving, and there seemed to be little reason to hope for a reprieve. Finally, in early November a few rainstorms came. T h e ranges and pastures benefited; the germination of fall grains was stimulated. By Thanksgiving, Utahns had reasons for gratitude. Although Utah still had 30,000 unemployed persons on relief and prices and incomes were still low, the people, as was their custom, were prepared to give thanks. The mayor of Logan was thankful for the "pure culinary water" made possible by the installation of a new 24-inch steel pipeline in Logan Canyon. Beaver was thankful that, despite the drought, there had been enough water for culinary use, for irrigating all the city lots, and for keeping the city electric plant running. There had been a large yield of fruit, especially raspberries; there had been good health; the government had taken the cattle so that it would not be necessary to see them starve and die; and Washington had rained a few drops of federal money to provide relief to support the needy and to keep the tax money coming into the county treasury. For all of this they were grateful. St. George was thankful for the assistance to the unemployed through the CWA, FERA, and drought relief programs; for the 32 See Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arrington, Water for Urban Reclamation: The Provo River Project, Utah Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin, Utah Resources Series 29 (Logan, 1966); also Ogden Standard-Examiner, September 29, 1934. 33 Deseret News, January 16, 1935; Salt Lake Tribune, January 17, 1935. 3^ Deseret News, August 16, 1934.


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D R O U G H T RELIEF THROUGH THE FARM CREDIT ADMINISTRATION BY C O U N T I E S I N U T A H , 1934-35

County

No. Families N o . Farms No. Loans

Beaver Box Elder Cache Carbon Daggett Davis Duchesne Emery Garfield Grand Iron

Juab Kane Millard Morgan Piute Rich Salt Lake San Juan Sanpete Sevier Summit Tooele Uintah Utah Wasatch Washington Wayne Weber Source:

1,209 3,835 6,225 3,908

90 3,088 1,717 1,480

447 2,327 2,399

408 81 1,631 1,201

439

924 491 176 591 524 255

2,147

1,287

543 413 379

257 255 274

46,143

3,552

900 428 1,645 2,059

735

581

3,594 2,403 2,124 2,176 1,994 10,639 1,205 1,569

1,742 1,054

545 705 1,391 4,004

390

496 765 292

12,459

2,040

76 85 108 80 33 39 321 140 41 20 187 115 6 117 22 20 62 422 81 792 186 123 95 249 372 81 33 9 32

A m o u n t of Drought Relief, 1934-35 $23,401 64,495 62,925 52,682 16,032 20,512 65,996 25,029 30,655 17,815 92,518 40,519 13,479 49,658 17,860 5,062 82,144 200,915 14,393 318,915 62,640 52,636 33,290 66,146 193,820 59,417 13,693 20,657 35,229

Ofhce of Government Reports, Statistical Section, Report No. 10, Utah, Vol. I, Washington, D . C , 1940, pp. 1-29.

installation of water systems in many communities; for the livestock sale to the government "which enabled our farmers and stockmen to get rid of hundreds of scrub, inferior, aged, and poor animals"; for the assistance of Home Owners Loan Corporation which refinanced hundreds of dwellings; and for the work of the CCC. T h e mayor of Ephraim was thankful "that the great depression did not cause the closing of the elementary schools, the high schools, and Snow College"; that "the much-talked-of revolution among the different


263

Utah's Great Drought of 1934 FEDERAL EXPENDITURES AND LOANS IN U T A H , FISCAL YEARS 1933-34 AND 1934-45 Program or Agency Federal Emergency Relief Administration Agricultural Adjustment Administration Civilian Conservation Corps Bureau of Public Roads Public Works Administration (grant) Bureau of Reclamation Civil Works Administration Total Non-repayable Reconstruction Finance Corporation Farm Credit Administration Public Works Administration Home Owners Loan Corporation Total Repayable Grand Total Source:

1933-34

1934-35

$3,889,095 506,297 4,742,681 3,321,012 1,687,513 85,711 4,440,056 $18,672,365 4,326,685 3,162,625 430,000 18,934,065 $26,853,375 $45,525,740

$13,364,011 2,011,876 5,206,377 2,753,060 1,342,148 1,661,932 0 $26,339,404 113,250 13,313,098 1,072,500 3,255,828 $17,754,676 $44,094,080

Ofhce of Government Reports, Statistical Section, Report No. 10, Utah, Vol. II, Washington, D . C , p p . 1-3. These figures do not include such small on-going programs as agricultural research and extension. Forest Service, U.S. Employment Service, and Veterans Administration. Nor do they include expenditures of state and local agencies when these participated financially in the stipulated programs.

social units of the country did not take place"; and that "domestic and political felicity have been obtained as a result of the action of government organizations in a fight to keep u p the spirit of the citizens." San J u a n correspondents were especially grateful for roadway improvements, the purchase of cattle and sheep, and "the locating and p r o m o t i n g of new sources of good water supply from springs and additional well construction." Salt Lake City, in the words of the president of the Chamber of Commerce, was grateful for drilling programs and for the Deer Creek reclamation project that would deliver water to approximately 100,000 more residents. T h e mayors of other citiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Heber City, Provo, Ogden, Park City, Roosevelt, Tooele, Cedar City, Kanosh, Brigham City, Panguitch, Kanab, and the cities of the Uinta Basinâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;expressed a similar gratitude.^^ In short, despite the unprecedentedly low harvest of fruit, vegetables, grain, and alfalfa, the timely and effective action of 35 These messages of gratitude are in the Deseret News for November 29, 1934.


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Governor Blood and the various state and federal committees and agencies had lessened the suffering. Important ingredients were the expeditious responses of Blood, the effective organization put together by Robert Hinckley, and the cooperative spirit of the people. One national FERA troubleshooter expressed it succinctly: "It was a great pleasure to finally fall into a state where there was no bitterness, no quarrelling, and all that goes with it. In addition—to add to this picture of paradise—the governor. Governor Blood, is by all odds one of the finest state executives that I have met. I told him that he must be an accident."36 T h a t same spirit permeated the people of the state who, in the spirit of their pioneer ancestors, subdued self-interest in the cause of meeting the dual crisis of depression and drought. Above all, they established a principle that happily is still with us—that federal and state governments, as agents of the people, have a responsibility to provide relief from disaster and, insofar as possible, maintain the economic health of the nation and its constituent parts.

36 Benjamin Glassberg to Aubrey Williams, March 27,1934, in Utah FERA Field Reports, Recoid Group 135, National Archives.


Depression Memories BY H E L E N E. B U N N E L L

O U R EXPERIENCES DURING THE G R E A T DEPRESSION were toughening, spine-stiffening experiences that left lasting impressions, but not scars, on our lives. We were never hungry or cold or homeless or desperate for anything we could not do without. We struggled and "made do," as a majority of people did, but we had youth and health and young love on our side. Although we had lots of experiences we have related to our children to impress them with our fortitude, we remember those years as good ones, laying a strong foundation for our marriage and future life. We were married in the fall of 1932, both of us leaving school at the end of winter quarter. Our goal was to get Omar^ back to the University of Utah as soon as possible. That road had many detours, but he did graduate in June 1935, five days before our second child was born. We didn't think of school a year at a time, just a quarter. It took about $300 to keep us for that long. T h e Rotary Club would lend us $150; we had to have the rest. Of course, jobs were scarce. By patching up used cars and performing other odd jobs for his dad's foundering automobile business, selling Fuller brushes, and raising sugar beets a couple of summers, Omar was able to earn the money. Actually, the most profitable work he had during that time was not raising sugar beetsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a New Deal program that really helped us. I don't remember what we paid for rent, but we could buy a week's groceries for five dollars. That did not provide a varied menu and was probably lacking some nutrition, but we made do. If we had bacon for breakfast, I saved the grease to make gravy (Big White, we called it) to put on bread for the next meal. We had some chicken my mother had given me and helped me bottle and also a case of corn we had canned together. The corn had not been sealed properly and all of it spoiled. Although I was pregnant and retched at every sniff, I didn't throw a can away without giving it a good smell. And the chickenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Omar had a friend who was a little hard up, too, who would show up about dinner time every Sunday until the chicken was gone. Mrs. Bunnell lives in Price, Utah. 1 The author's husband, Omar B. Bunnell, has represented Senate District 27 in the Utah State Senate since 1965.


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T h e story that has made the rounds more than any other about those days was about Omar shoplifting a small can of chili powder. We couldn't get home for Thanksgiving one year and, of course, had no money for holiday food. We did have beans and tomatoes and fifteen cents for a pound of hamburger. I hope we will be forgiven for that little infraction that made a Thanksgiving chili dinner a little bit more palatable. We lived in crummy places, at least once sharing our apartment with cockroaches. Our baby slept on two chairs pushed together or in the wicker baby buggy which also hauled home the groceries. But Omar finally got that degree, along with a letter in wrestling, a trophy for being a champion Rocky Mountain Conference debater, and membership in two honorary fraternities. His first job as a college graduate was working for the State Welfare Department handing out relief. He remembers that a single person got $10 a month, with a man and a wife getting $16 and a few extra dollars for each child. His salary was $ 18 a week. A week's salary paid the rent on the little three-room house we had just moved into. Five dollars would still buy a week's groceries. Coal was cheap and furnished fuel for both heat and cooking. A neighbor girl would tend our babies all afternoon or evening for a dime that would take her to a movie. And I could make my baby a dress for thirty-five cents and one for myself for a dollar. We had a few essential pieces of secondhand funiture, curtains given to us by a friend's mother, and finally a crib. Little Sister now got to sleep in the wicker baby buggy. Three of our four children were born during the depression years. I had no prenatal care, not even seeing the doctor before the birth. With at least the second child my diet was lacking in many essentials, and I had some problems that could have been serious but worked out all right. A doctor would come to your home for $35. The first one who came from Helper to the farm four miles east of Wellington and stayed through the afternoon took out most of his pay in trade at the garage. T h e second doctor never did get paid. He moved from Helper not too long after and never sent us a bill. We were too broke to look him up. Dr. Demman was paid in installments. Those were certainly years when knowing how to "make do" was a matter of survival. I cooked and canned and sewed and made over, turned collars and put hems up and down, relined coats, and patched sheets. Instructions to my sister to "double the recipe and use one egg" became a family joke. Using up the annual supply of


Depression Memories

267

venison was also a family tradition, but no joke. It was a minor crisis if you got a run in your stocking or a child lost a cap or a mitten. Those habits of skimping and saving do stay with us and, I suppose, become eccentricities when, no longer necessary, we still save scraps of soap and used foil and retrieve discarded notebooks from the trash when we discover there are a few unused pages. Such behavior has provided my family with lots of teasing material. But during the recent energy crisis I felt pretty smug. I already did all the things that were supposed to help us cope. Many people had it harder than we did and suffered anxieties we didn't feel. Our parents, for instance, had a lot more to lose. Omar's father worked from dawn to dark trying to keep an auto sales and repair shop open, going further in the hole each month. His mother, a proud and ambitious woman, was always reminded of those austere days on her first granddaughter's birthday. My parents finally had to leave the farm in 1934. Four children, a couple of months' supply of canned food and farm produce, and $ 1,000 were all they had to show for five years' hard work on the farm and twenty-three years of married life. They headed for the Northwest and what they hoped would be better times, my mother and sisters crying all they way. People who depended on work in the mines really had it hard. I didn't know many of them at the time, but I visit with a friend now who lived through those years in Hiawatha. Her husband worked twelve to fourteen hours for four dollars a day. He was glad for one day's work a week. She says there were many times when their cupboard was bare and that if she wrote to her mother, her mother had to send her the stamp. She never had any cash, not even two cents. No one thinks of those depression days as happy times, but in retrospect they were not all bad. We all learned things about work and self-sufficiency and pulling together and appreciation and making the most of what we hadâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;things that have stood us in good stead these past fifty some years.


Consumers, Utah, 1936. The area faced extreme hardship when the coal mines closed down during the depression. Dorothea Lange photograph, courtesy of Library of Congress.

The Economics of Ambivalence: Utah's Depression Experience BY WAYNE K. H I N T O N

D U R I N G THE 1976 BICENTENNIAL MILLIONS OF American

and British television viewers heard Alistair Cooke proclaim that during the depression of the 1930s the Mormons were the only farmers who steadily refused all help from the federal government. That persistent and inaccurate notion not only distorts reality but also denies the complexity of the economic dilemma created by the Great Depression. Many western and southern states had a traditional resentment Dr. Hinton is professor of history at Southern Utah State College, Cedar City.


Utah's Depression Experience

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of federal intervention. For them the problem was how to minimize federal control and at the same time take advantage of federal dollars to achieve economic recovery from the most devastating depression in the nation's history. Utahns faced with this problem chose federally assisted recovery, provided the assistance met their perceived needs. As the Hoover brand of voluntarism failed, appeals for state and federal aid multiplied. It was no longer widely believed that private charity and local government aid would suffice. Many came to accept the assumption that public spending should be applied "to act like a booster p u m p in the lagging economic flow."^ T h e New Deal was the political and economic response to those beliefs and demands. Major trends and forces in history have often developed differently in different states and localities of the country. In a nation as large, diverse, and complex as the United States this is, of course, to be expected. T h e New Deal of the 1930s was one of America's most vast and far-reaching movements. Its impact upon different states and localities seemingly varied widely. Utah's economy during the 1930s can be examined for both its unique and common strands. Although President Franklin D. Roosevelt was a believer in the virtues of state experimentation and permitted states considerable freedom in their approach to economic problems, there always lurked in Utah resistance to perceived intrusions from the federal government. Utahns were suspicious of encroachments on states' rights because of their historical perspective. Fully 65 percent of Utah's 507,847 citizens were Mormon in 1930.2 Mormons had long professed independence and self-reliance and had gone to Utah seeking to minimize outside contacts and intervention and federal government restrictions. When the pioneers arrived in Utah in 1847, their leader, Brigham Young, immediately began a drive for economic selfsufficiency. Although Utah's 84,990 square miles of territory are not well adapted to agriculture, those pioneers nonetheless began building an economy based on agriculture. Additionally, Brigham Young preached the need to lay a manufacturing base for the economy of the kingdom. As resources permitted, Utahns commenced Weseret News, May 9, 1933. 2U.S., Bureau of the Census, Vital Statistics Rate in the United States (Washington, Part II, p . 50.

D . C , 1930),


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small manufacturing operations and the mining of industrially useful resources, particularly lead , iron ore, and coal.^ Precious metals were also present in Utah, and the completion of the transcontinental railroad in May 1869 encouraged the development of this additional ingredient which was to remain important to Utah's economic fortunes. The railroad also served to reduce the insulation the early Mormon pioneers had sought from outside interference. The resultant attempts to reform Mormonism by the influx of non-Mormons or gentiles, with able assistance from the federal government, led ultimately to a successful "Americanization" of Utah.When federal officials became sufficiently convinced of the Mormons' adherence to more traditional American political, marital, and economic patterns, Utah was admitted to statehood in 1896.^* T h e early years of statehood witnessed the establishment of a viable two-party system in the state and the integration of Utah's economy into national patterns. For the most part, those were prosperous times in Utah. The mining of precious metals, lead, copper, and coal proved profitable. During World War I the demand for agricultural products and metals became particularly great, and from 1914 to 1918 Utahns prospered as never before. The Armistice of November 1918 ended the war and brought a cut in defense spending along with a resumption of European agricultural production. As a result, by 1919 Utah was declining into a serious economic depression. The slide was led by a 54 percent drop in the production of gold, silver, copper, lead, and zinc. T h e Utah Copper Company began closing down mills in 1919 and by 1921 had entirely ceased production. Nearly 6,000 men were laid off in the Bingham mine. T h e mine and mill towns of Arthur, Magna, and Garfield lost over half their populations. By 1922 the mining industry was beginning to experience a gradual recovery that peaked in 1925 and then declined again until 1928 when there was a brief revival. Utah's mineral production in 1929, for the first time in the postwar period, exceeded that of 1917, but in less than a year it was cut in half by the Great Depression.^ 3Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (1958; reprint ed., Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966), is die best single source of Utah's early economic development. â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘Gustive O. Larson, The "Americanization" of Utah for Statehood (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1971), is a good account of the crusade to bring conformity to Utah. ^Thomas G. Alexander, ' T r o m War to Depression," chap. 23 of Richard D. Poll, ed., Utah's History (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), p. 465.


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O n Utah's farms the economic outlook was even bleaker than in the m i n i n g industry. T h e postwar depression hit the farms somewhat laterâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;not arriving until the winter of 1920. Once it hit, the farm depression was deeper and more tenacious than the slide in the m i n i n g industries.^ Plagued by recurrent d r o u g h t and low prices, farmers in many parts of Utah sold their acreages and left for the urban centers of the Wasatch Front or left the state seeking more secure employment. Because Utah's industrial economy was still young, without set patterns or great resilience, the state did not participate fully in the postwar recovery. T h e economy remained in the doldrums, and there was little prosperity in the 1920s in Utah. Meanwhile, eagerly optimistic Americans elsewhere who were participants in the Coolidge prosperity invested feverishly in upwardly spiraling stocks. When the stock market crash of October 1929 signaled the onset of the Great Depression, Americans everywhere came to realize what many Utahns, particularly miners and farmers, had endured throughout the twenties. Even t h o u g h misery may love company, the new condition brought Utahns little or no comfort, for they suffered severelyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;worse than did most Americans. Utah was firmly tied to international economic conditions through its emphasis on m i n i n g and agriculture. In both sectors d e m a n d was low through the twenties and even lower in the thirties. Also, severe drought struck the state in 1931 and again in 1934. Income per capita fell from $537 in 1929 to$237 in 1933. In 1932 unemployment in the state reached 36 percent."^ T h e pall of discouragement spread. T h e state had not developed a manufacturing economy sufficient to attract an influx of population. Rather, p o p u l a t i o n growth had been sustained largely by a high birthrate and low death rate that placed Utah first in the nation in excess of births over deaths.^ T h e unusually high birthrate made it necessary for those w h o could find jobs to feed and educate proportionately higher numbers of youth than in most states. T h i s burden also contributed to Utah's general poverty. By the eve of the November general election in 1932 faith in local self-sufficiency had generally evaporated. T h e campaign promises of 6 Ibid., pp. 466 and 472. ' Utah Economic and Business Review, Measures of Economic Change in Utah: 1847-1947 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1947), p . 23. 8 U.S., Bureau of the Census, Vital Statistics Rate in the United States (Washington, D . C , 1940), Part II, p. 50.


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Franklin D. Roosevelt for a New Deal may have been vague, but to the majority of Americans and Utahns they offered some promise of a solution to the nation's economic problems. Utah lacked a tradition of strong, positive government, and officials were unprepared to assume new responsibilities. Limited state revenues made officials think twice before shouldering new burdens. Furthermore, the depression did not seem an opportune time for expensive experimentation. Henry H. Blood, Utah's governorelect, had campaigned for thrift in the operation of state government.^ His attitude reflected a persistent conservative inclination embodied until 1932 in Sen. Reed Smoot, Utah's enduring symbol of the stand-pat, business-oriented conservatism of the Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover years of national Republican ascendency. This inclination emphasized reducing taxes and appropriations. Utahns sought the mutually exclusive aims of self-determination, economy, and recovery. Something of these aims would have to be sacrificed. Governor Blood in his inaugural address stressed that he would look to Washington for federal assistance. â&#x20AC;˘'^ Some degree of local autonomy would therefore be sacrificed to keep state expenditures low by seeking recovery through federal programs, whatever they might be. This approach proved very frustrating to some of the unemployed who began to demand state relief from the legislature which was meeting in its regular session during the lame-duck interlude before the national inaugural on March 4, 1933.^^ The lUah legislature was obsessed with budget balancing, and little relief legislation emerged. The state was unwilling and unable to finance an unemployment compensation plan that did not include federal help. As Utah's legislative session concluded, Congress convened on March 9, 1933, to consider emergency legislation. During the hundred days from March 9 to June 16 Congress enacted fifteen significant pieces of legislation ranging from the Emergency Banking Act of 1933 to authorization for the Tennessee Valley Authority. Most of the relief and recovery measures known as the first New Deal were put in place in this remarkable session. Neither the Agricultural Adiustment Act (AAA) nor the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), the two key recovery measures of the early New Deal, 5 Deseret News, November 2, 1932. '0 Ibid., January 3, 1933. " Ibid., March 3, 1933.


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produced initial controversy in Utah. That was in one sense remarkable, for the AAA by-passed state officials and established federal authority at the grass-roots level. However, its economic potential seemingly outweighed this political reality. T h e AAA objectives vitally concerned one of Utah's two major economic sectors, and the programs of controlled production and crop subsidies were to play a large role in Utah's economic recovery. Farmers were "near jubilant" over the efforts of the administration to give them tangible assistance.12 By October 1934 Utah farmers were receiving prices under the federal government's hay program that were 100 percent above the prices of twelve months earlier.^^ From the AAA's passageonMay 12, 1933, until January 1, 1936, Utah farmers received over $10,000,000 in direct payments from AAA, and returns for farm produce in the state rose more than $10,000,000 above the level of 1934.1^ Utah's farmers maintained that the AAA provided for "economic as well as political democracy."^^ Once the new federal legislation was passed, state governments had to decide whether and to what extent they wished to cooperate with the newly enacted New Deal programs. During a special session of the Utah State Legislature convened July 10, 1933, the New Deal won state legislative approval. Public approval had seemingly preceded the legislative action, as most people recognized the existence of a genuine emergency more devastating than any they had ever experienced. Utahns shared in the general national enthusiasm to sign up industry and commerce under the National Recovery Administration's codes of fair competition and to secure "consumers' pledges" to buy only from firms exhibiting the NRA's blue eagle insignia. By August 1, 1933, about 700 Utah firms had accepted the NRA codes, and by August 5 the state's supply of the NRA blue eagle emblems was exhausted.16 Section 7a of the NIRA with its labor provisions almost immediately affected Utah's primitive union organizations. Union activity increased from twenty-seven union affiliates with a membership of 965 in 1933 to seventy-one affiliates with membership of 5,926

'2 Tracy Welling, executive secretary of the Utah State Farm Bureau, to Gov. Henry H. Blood, September 15, 1934, located in the Governor Blood papers, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City. 13 Deseret News, October 16, 1934. lUbid., January 9, 1936. >5 Ibid., December 3, 1935. 16 Ibid., August 5, 1933.


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Blue NRA eagle, symbol of compliance with fair competition codes, was displayed by hundreds of Utah businesses.

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WJE DO OUR PART

in February of 1935. ^^ The state approved a 2 percent sales tax to help fund Utah's participation in the federal NIRA programs.^^ On March 21, 1933, President Roosevelt requested a massive infusion of federal relief of three kinds: a job corps called the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), direct cash grants to the states to provide relief payments for needy citizens, and public works projects. On March 31 Congress approved the CCC, which ultimately put 2.5 million young men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five to work planting trees, clearing camping areas, and building bridges, dams, reservoirs, fish ponds, and fire towers. On May 12 Congress passed the Federal Emergency Relief Act (FERA), which authorized $500 million in aid to state and local governments. The proposed plan for public works became Title II of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA). It established the Public Works Administration (PWA) with a fund of $3.3 billion to build roads, sewage and water systems, public buildings, and a host of other projects. The purpose ' ' Dee Scrup, "A History of Organized Labor in U t a h " (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1935), p. 12. 18 Deseret News, August 2, 1933.


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of PWA was to prime the economic pump—to stimulate consumer buying power, business enterprise, and employment. During the consideration of these relief bills. Governor Blood made two trips to Washington, D . C , and spent a total of three weeks lobbying to secure public works projects and federal funds for Utah.^^ His lobbying effort was consistent with public opinion in the state. A majority of Utahns approved the purposes and the content of the CCC, PWA, AAA, NIRA, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Home Owners Loan Corporation, federal—with emphasis on the federal—welfare aid, and other New Deal programs. For example, the Civilian Conservation Corps, which involved large expenditures of federal money, was relatively popular in Utah, perhaps partly because no state matching money was required for participation. Additionally, CCC seemed to provide an opportunity for creative experimentation. Within Utah where so much land is part of the public domain and where so many acres are uninhabited there were numerous possiblities to develop and perfect projects in conservation and reclamation. In 1937 when President Roosevelt began budget cuts with the thought that the private sector was healthy enough to continue the recovery, Utahns were concerned that 19 Salt Lake Tribune, April 15, 1933.

Road project on West North Temple, Sah Uake City, April 1933, provided relief work for the unemployed. USHS collections.


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two CCC camps in the state were in danger of elimination. A lobbying effort led by the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce succeeded in retaining these camps.20 T h e resultant addition of $50 million to the CCC for the fiscal year won wide praise and ready acceptance among Utahns.21 On March 3, 1933, all banks in Utah were closed on Governor Blood's order. Upon passage of the emergency banking act, solvent banks were reopened. T h e Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation was then set up to insure banks that desired and qualified for coverage. By December 30, 1933, every bank in Utah had qualified for FDIC benefits, and the act setting u p the corporation was being widely praised.22 By December 1934 the total resources of Utah banks showed an increase of $11 million over December 1933.23 T h e Public Works Administration established by the NIRA aroused local enthusiasm with its promise of jobs and public works. T h e Blood administration demonstrated energy and resourcefulness in going after PWA funds. In October 1933 Blood made another trip to Washington to secure as much aid as possible for his state. Some felt his "untiring efforts brought home the bacon."24 Blood had gone to Washington because several interests in the state were advocating a faster payment of relief funds by Secretary of Interior Harold Ickes.2^ Despite concern about their administration, Utahns were calling PWA recovery programs, "the closet thing to Christianity ever promulgated. "26 In its first year of operation the PWA approved projects for Utah amounting to $27,500,000.2? The biggest disapp o i n t m e n t c o n t i n u e d to be the slow pace of cautious PWA administrator Harold Ickes to issue contracts and money. Another New Deal relief measure to gain wide approval in Utah was the emergency cattle and sheep purchase program necessitated by the drought of 1934. Overall, this program was executed remarkably well by the FERA. T h e animals purchased were mostly culls, many of them diseased. This livestock could not have been sold at regular markets for enough to meet even transportation costs. Likely, many 20 Deseret News, April 6, 1937. 21 Ibid., June 16, 1937. 22 Ibid., January 4, 1934. 23 Ibid., January 18, 1935. 2^ L. R. Anderson to Governor Blood, November 18, 1933, Governor Blood Papers. 25 Deseret News, September 7, 1933. 26 Ibid., January 9, 1934. 2'Ibid., August 21, 1934.


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CCC workers in Davis County, March 1936, constructed using a derrick to move large rocks. USHS collections.

retaining

wall

would have died during the winter, and retention would have reduced the already scarce feed needed by more healthy livestock. T h i s program not only benefited livestock producers and their creditors, but it also provided work and some commodities for persons on relief. By mid-April 1934 the drought had reached critical proportions. Water storage levels were one-fourth the previous year's amounts.2^ Governor Blood wired Washington urging special federal action to help Utah.29 By early May $600,000 in special grants from federal relief funds were made available to the state. Cutting through red tape, the award was made just thirty-six hours after all the request forms and reports were filed. Relief work was underway in Utah just four days later.^o -'ÂŤ Il)i(l., Apiil 11, 1931. 2ÂŤ Ibid., April 21, 1931. 30 Ibid., May 12, 1934.


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As the drought intensified, Governor Blood banned all hay and mill feed shipments from the state. By June plans for the slaughter program were being implemented. Initially, the program was for cattle only, but it was enlarged to include sheep and goats. A total of 155,000 cattle and 250,000 sheep were slaughtered in Utah at a cost to the federal government of $2,000,000.^1 Some felt another 75,000 head of livestock should have been slaughtered and wondered why "a program well started and generally approved" should not be carried to a successful conclusion.^2 T h e FERA, which carried out the slaughter program, had been established by Congress in May 1933 and given $500 million to be dispensed through state relief agencies. Harry L. Hopkins, the director, insisted that the unemployed needed jobs, not handouts. In November 1933 Hopkins persuaded President Roosevelt to create a Civil Works Administration (CWA), and within a month it put over four million Americans to work. T h e cost of the CWA—$1 billion in less than five months—frightened Roosevelt; the agency was abolished, but an expensive public works program was continued throughout 1934 under FERA. As CWA cut back its public works in preparation for being phased out, its work was praised in Utah. There was a feeling that the "spirit of CWA should never end—the government should stand ready to spend money for the employment of idle labor."^3 By April 1934, the FERA had taken over the unfinished CWA projects. T h e Utah administrator of the FERA, Robert H. Hinckley, became director of the western states FERA, appointed to the post because he was considered one of the few western officials aware of the responsibility of state governments in the realm of welfare.^^ Initially, the FERA was praised as "one of the government agencies set up by the present administration that is beyond criticism. . . ."35 However, following the November 1934 Democratic election victories Roosevelt committed himself to the Hopkins approach which would return "unemployables" to the care of state and local agencies, while the federal government continued the task of public works projects for many of the rest of the unemployed. 3' 32 33 34 35

Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid.,

December 4, 1934. October 2, 1934. January 27, 1934. June 1, 1934. June 13, 1934.


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\ if H^ lletMre and Al'lrr Nie»$' In Thr«i}« »f Ml i l l li* lf}ieii<l

Kioters .St«>rm ERA Quarters OfS.LCooiitv

II.V lli-«f»riaii

Hums Ui S. I /jH> ^laitagfisifnt

In IfHsiia t.;»M'

r«T.

The FERA office at 2290 Highland Dr., Salt Lake City, was mobbed by 200 angry citizens on August 21, 1935, when relief payments were cut. Man at left is Deputy Sheriff R. C. Jackson after the struggle. Salt Lake Tribune photograph.

Utahns who had generally applauded the federally run and financed Civil Works Administration resented its abrupt termination. As the FERA proceeded, a feeling grew that FERA agents meddled in state affairs. T h e demand for state funds was also resented. If states did not contribute a fair share, the FERA could cut off funds or even assume direct control of relief administration. Utahns were reluctant


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to shoulder the welfare responsibility. By November 1, 1935, all relief of unemployables was to become a local responsibility as Roosevelt ordered the federal government to "quit the business of relief."36 When Utah assumed relief payments monthly assistance was cut by 50 percent, causing riots at the FERA headquarters in Salt Lake City that necessitated police intervention and the arrest of eight of the two hundred or so demonstrators.37 Welfare appropriations by the state remained modest and were made grudgingly. Only with great reluctance did Utah face up to the need for long-term state spending for relief and welfare. Such programs seemed far more acceptable when funded by federal dollars. Much of the first New Deal appeared to provide disproportionate assistance to southern and western states. The programs seemed to offer an imaginative and acceptable attack on the problems of Utah's two major economic interestsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;farming and natural resources, including mining. Under the programs of the first New Deal, Utah ranked high among the forty-eight states in per capita federal expenditures and in receipt of federal loans.38 The Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC), FERA, CWA, PWA, and CCC funds expended were very beneficial and appreciated. Prior to 1933 Utah had experienced a major decline in economic prosperity and personal income and had demonstrated a great need for federal assistance due to the inability of the state to raise revenue on its own. T h r o u g h the benevolence of the New Deal, Utah experienced a rather remarkable recovery from 1933 to 1935. Christmas retail sales in Utah for 1933 were the best in five years.^^ The Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce joined other Utahns in sending telegrams of appreciation to President Roosevelt and Utah's congressional delegation.^o In his New Year's Day message Governor Blood predicted a happy coming year under the New Deal. Salt Lake City and County Commissioners pointed to the success of the New Deal and to the bright prospects for thriving economic times.^^ The New Deal was hailed as "a preserver of American principles" by a convention of 150 of Utah's business and industrial leaders.^2 36 Ibid., August 22, 1935. 3' Ibid. 38 Leonard J. Arrington, " T h e New Deal in the West: A Preliminary Statistical \i\ouiry," Historical Review 38(1969): S]4. 39 Deseret News, December 23, 1933. 40 Ibid., December 22, 1933. 41 Ibid., January 1, 1934. 42 Ibid., January 17, 1934.

Pacific


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Undeniably, the surge behind the New Deal had sj)rung from economic crisis and was centered in Washington, D.C. At a relatively minimal financial cost to Utah, the New Deal had succeeded in improving economic conditions within the state. Employment had increased 10 percent, state and local tax collections had gained significantly, and business was reported up between 50 and 100 percent. Per capita income in Utah had made significant gains toward attainment of the national average.^3 Although under ordinary circumstances historical events might hav e predisposed many Utahns to resent outside interference, the programs of the first New Deal had been rather well accepted. It should be noted, however, that because most of the first New Deal programs had been federally funded and administered, the state's social services remained rudimentary as of January 1935. More revolutionary changes were soon to come with the second New Deal which would require greater state effort, commitment, and compliance. Up until this point only bolder critics had surfaced to denounce the New Deal. The geiieral feeling in LUah was that the early New Deal programs were beneficial and had come with minimal local and state funding. In the spring and summer of 1935 Utahns, along with other Americans, found themselves almost totally preoccupied with keeping abreast of the sweeping reforms of the second New Deal. Major reforms of this new wave of legislation included public works under the Works Progress Administration (WPA), Social Security, and labor reform legislation. T h e WPA, authorized in May 1935 and placed under the direction of Harry Hopkins, was the keystone of the new legislation for a majority of Utahns. It offered a multitude of projects to the state from public buildings to the writers and artists projects. There were opportunities provided for respectable, federally financed jobs to all who were classified as employable. This agency found a warm reception in Utah, both for the jobs it provided and for the considerable number of buildings and other structures it erected. Hopkins gave orders to employ 15,000 heads of families in Utah by November 25, 1935.'^'^ By the end of November the state's monthly WPA payroll exceeded $ 1,000,000.^^ In the first year of its existence,

43 Ibid., December 7, 1934. 44 Ibid., November 1, 1935. 45 Ibid., November 29, 1935.


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WPA workers in Utah built, repaired, or improved over 700 miles of roads. They erected or repaired 150 public buildings, installed sanitary systems and flood and erosion control projects, constructed 98 miles of sidewalks and paths, built 9 miles of curbs and gutters, placed 11 miles of guardrails on mountainous roads, built and expanded many recreational facilities, worked on insect, plant, and disease eradication, and distributed more than 4,000 garments and 590 tons of foodstuffs to needy persons."^^ Without the Works Progress Administration Utah would have continued to suffer severe unemployment. ^^ Despite the popularity of WPA, other programs of the second New Deal seemed to represent a shift away from a perceived southern and western perspective of the first New Deal toward an eastern and midwestern bias. T h e new programs appealed more to low-income and ethnic minority groups in cities. Utahns could identify with and appreciate the AAA and the CCC and welcome federal money for irrigation, highway, and conservation projects, but they were less favorably disposed toward collective bargaining, minimum wage laws, and heavy urban relief spending. Those who had enthusiastically accepted much of the first New Deal were more suspicious and grudging in their acceptance of these new reforms. The Social Security Act of August 1935 contained a national old-age insurance program and a retirement benefits system, both of which were mainly a federal operation. However, the act did involve the state administration in providing matching-fund programs to care for the blind, the disabled, and dependent children. The unemployable poor were also to be cared for by the states. In a special session of the legislature in the summer of 1936, Utah became the seventh state to pass an unemployment insurance bill meeting all the requirements of the Social Security Act. Heber R^. Harper, regional director for the Social Security Board, later labeled the Utah bill as the "model law to date."^^ By this action Utah had qualified for all portions of the Social Security program, and it became the first state to receive all the benefits of the Social Security Act.^^ It might, therefore, be concluded that Utah continued in its enthusiasm for the New Deal. That, however, would be a false assumption, for the 46 Ibid., April 10, 1937. 47 Ibid., November 30, 1936. 46 Ibid., August 28, 1936. 49 Ibid.


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enthusiasm was now more reserved. Utah's cooperation came begrudgingly and at the expense of whatever party unity existed among Utah Democrats. T h e legislative battles in the August 1936 special session widened the growing gap between New Deal Democrats and conservative Democrats and gave a degree of renewed strength to Utah's dispirited Republican party.^^ Democrats continued to dominate state politics for several more years, but the party was torn by factionalism. As time went on, and as comparatively good economic times returned, greater political reactionism set in. When Utah regained comparative prosperity, it was largely due to New Deal generosity.^^ Governor Blood had emphasized from the beginning that Utah would look to Washington for aid and direction. The federal government had heeded the call and played a major role in the state's recovery.^2 ^^ least one Utahn felt that "the voice of God was heard in Roosevelt's. . . ,"^3 byt other Utahns were beginning to demand more loudly a reduction in public spending and public debt.^"* Several factors provided support to a widening belief that final recovery was at hand.^^ Roosevelt shared that belief and the desire for a balanced budget.^^ T o aid in the effort, calls went out for Utah to take the initiative in halting federal spending.^^ As efforts to balance the budget proceeded, some Utahns expressed opposition to reductions in federal programs in Utah. Governor Blood believed cuts in federal programs would place a greater burden on the states. He maintained that employment statistics in Utah indicated that the private sector was not yet strong enough to replace federal public works projects. State taxes had been kept low, state appropriations were low, and $8,345,000 of state indebtedness had been retired between 1933 and the end of 1940.^^ He nevertheless argued that Utah was using all available state funds and could not hope to support a jobs program of the magnitude of some of the federal programs.^^ From March 1933 until January 1937 the 50Wayne K. Hinton, ' T h e New Deal Years in Utah: A Political History of Utah (1932-40)" (Master's thesis, Utah State University, 1963), p p . 125-27. 51 Deseret News, August 27, 1936. 52Ibid., January 4, 1937. 53 Ibid., December 4, 1937. 54 Ibid., January 14, 1937. 55Ibid., October 3, 1935. 56 Ibid., January 4, 1937. 5Mbid., January 14, 1937. 58 Hinton, ' T h e New Deal Years," p. 175. 59 Salt Lake Tribune, April 19, 1937.


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federal government had expended a total of $158,216,132 in Utah.^o Through 1939 the federal expenditures in Utah amounted to $342 per capita, ranking Utah twelfth among all states in per capita spending of federal money.^^ Utahns who sought a balanced federal budget decided that it should come at someone else's expense, certainly not at the expense of reductions in Utah's favorite programs. For example, Gus P. Backman, secretary of the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce, a group advocating a balanced budget, journeyed to Washington to lobby for federal approval of a number of Utah projects.^2 Industrialists, state officials, and civic organizations strove desperately to maintain federal programs in Utah. T h e Chamber of Commerce directed communications to all the western state Chambers of Commerce requesting support in a campaign to prevent a reduction in federal aid to highways.^3 Governor Blood requested additional federal assistance for public works, and city and county officials continued to submit requests for new WPA projects.^'* T h e Deseret News, one of the first adamant voices within the state to demand reductions in federal expenditures, also had a favorite program that it did not want cut: budgets were not to be balanced by reductions in the National Youth Administration (NYA) funds, for "nothing better can be done for ambitious young people "^^ Ironically, Utahns who professed independence, self-reliance, and dedication to free enterprise, and who wanted m i n i m u m federal restrictions and a balanced federal budget, admitted through their lobbying efforts the need for extraordinary relief measures. T h e New Deal has been seen as ushering in the welfare state and exalting the accumulation of national power at the expense of the states. Hard times forced Utah, and other states as well, to economize drastically, to inaugurate welfare policies, and to search frantically for revenue to pay costs. The New Deal prompted Utah to approve unemployment compensation and to cooperate with many new federal agencies. The state responded as quickly to New Deal federal programs as other states, being the first to have in place all parts of the Social Security system. Even though Utah was not regarded as a 60 Deseret News, April 2, 1937. 61 Arrington, " T h e New Deal in the West," p. 314. 62 Deseret News, May 10, 1937. 63 Ibid., November 30, 1936. 64Ibid., January 14, 1937. 65 Ibid., September 12, 1936.


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Construction workers near gate chamber of the outlet tunnel of Pine View Dam on the Ogden River, 1935. USHS collections.

labor state, it became one of five states to approve a statewide labor relations bill modeled on the Wagner Act.^^ State and local officials in Utah remained cost-conscious in the expenditure of state and local revenues and usually followed conservative fiscal policies. Whenever federal money was available, however, Utah was ready to go after its share. T h e Great Depression had struck Utah with paralyzing power and caused Utahns to look to Washington. Despite some objections to federal power and public spending, the state continued to look to Washington until prosperity had returned. Utahns who professed to want limited government embraced more readily programs run by the federal government than those with shared responsibility. They were most critical of programs requiring matching funds because the state claimed to be hardpressed to raise the matching amounts. So, the crisis of the depression produced the economics of ambivalence wherein some aspects of the New Deal were attractive, while other actions and policies were repugnant. Utahns could rake in the federal largess with one hand and, when they felt irritated by agencies such as the FERA, strike at the federal bureaucracy with the other. They could also advocate reduced federal spending, but their actions belied their protestations. Hinton, " T h e New Deal Years," p. 175.


In Memoriam: Eugene E. Campbell, 1915-86 PASSING OF EUGENE E. CAMPBELL on April 10, 1986, brought to an end the career of one of Utah's most distinguished historians. Along with his numerous contributions as teacher and author in American Studies, he has long been recognized as one of the foremost scholars of Utah history. Dr. Campbell received his bachelor's and master's degrees from the University of Utah and obtained his doctorate from the University of Southern California. He joined the history faculty of Brigham Young University in 1956 and during the next twenty-four years was a major influence in the growth and development of both the history department and the university. His counsel and wisdom were recognized and sought after both by his colleagues and by the administration. His influence as a mentor was enormous. In addition to the thousands of students he taught as undergraduates, over sixty master's degrees and nearly two dozen doctorates were obtained under his scholarly direction. Among the graduate students at Brigham Young University he engendered feelings of deep respect and gratitude for a professor who always had time to listen and who sincerely cared about their interests and needs. He was born on April 26, 1915, in Tooele, Utah, to Edward and Betsy Ann Bowen Campbell. Growing u p in this small Mormon farming community was always a source of pride to Dr. Campbell because of the rich heritage it represented to him from ancestors who had helped settle the area. With the completion of his studies at the University of Utah and his marriage to Beth Larsen on August 11, 1939, his training and professional activities began to shape and mold the academic skills of this unique teacher. His graduate work was interrupted by World War II, in which he served as a chaplain in Germany. This experience had a profound impact upon his own philosophy of life. T h e five children that came into the Campbell home became the center of their parents' lives. His concern and love XHE


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for his own carried over to the classroom and to the graduate committees on which he served. Dr. Campbell's credentials as a scholar are equally impressive. He authored and co-authored several books, including: The United States: An Interpretive History, Fort Bridger: Island in the Wilderness, Fort Supply: Brigham Young's Green River Experiment, and The Life and Thought of Hugh B. Brown. He was one of the associate editors for Utah's History and a consulting editor for Utah: A Guide to the State. At the time of his death he was preparing a text dealing with the 1846-69 period in Mormon history. In addition to his many books. Dr. Campbell also authored more than a dozen articles published in a variety of journals. These articles reflect a wide diversity of interest. Two won special recognition from the scholarly community. His "Brigham Young's Outer Cordon: A Reappraisal," published in the 1973 Utah Historical Quarterly, won the Mormon History Association Best Article Award for that year as well as the Utah State Historical Society's Dale L. Morgan Award for the best scholarly article published in the Quarterly. In 1976, he became the first to win the Dale L. Morgan Award twice, this time for the article co-authored with his son, Bruce, "Divorce a m o n g Mormon Polygamists: Extent and Explanations." As appropriate to a man of his stature, Dr. Campbell won many other awards, honors, and recognitions. T h o u g h much too numerous to detail, they include such prestigious achievements as cofounder of the Mormon History Association, past president of the Mormon History Association, consultant to the National Endowment for the Humanities, and recipient of the Utah State Historical Society's most distinguished award, that of Fellow. T h e state of Utah has lost one of its great scholars, and the academic community will miss his genius. Yet, the great loss will be to the students who will not have the privilege to be taught by this kind and gentle man. FRED R . GOWANS

Brigham Young

University


In Memoriam: Austin E. Fife, 1909-86 7, i986. AUSTIN EDWIN FIFE ENDED his long struggle against degenerative Parkinson's disease, and an important chapter in the study of western American history and folklore thus drew to a close. Born seventy-six years earlier in Lincoln, Idaho (east of Idaho Falls), Austin Fife devoted much of his life to interpreting the Mormon and western culture that had produced him. Just as his parents and grandparents had helped pioneer the West, he, with his wife, Alta, broke new ground in American folklore scholarship and marked the way others were to follow. Austin attended public school in Idaho Falls and in Logan, Utah; served a Mormon mission (1929-32) to France, where he developed an abiding love for French literature; attended Utah State Agricultural College for three years; and then in 1934 won a fellowship to Stanford and completed his undergraduate work in French language and literature. He remained at Stanford to earn a master's degree in French literature, moved on to Harvard and a second master's degree in Romance philology, then returned to Stanford to complete his doctorate in French and Spanish. After leaving graduate school, Austin taught at Santa Monica City College, served in the air force during World War II, returned to teaching at Occidental College in 1945, moved from there to Washington, D . C , where he worked as a program officer for linguistic research with the U.S. Office of Education, and then in 1960 came home to Utah State University to teach French language and literature and to serve later as head of the Department of Languages and Philosophy until 1970. Not until 1971, only a few years before his retirement, did he actually begin teaching the subject for which many of us know him bestâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;folklore. But throughout Austin's professional career as language and literature teacher and administrator, he and Alta had followed a second career in folklore researchâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;collecting, documenting, archiving, and publishing the folklore of the West. Austin and Alta Stephens had met during his junior year at Utah State and were married the following spring at Stanford. Their marriage produced O N FEBRUARY


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two lovely daughtersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Carolyn and Marianâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and one of the most successful husband and wife research teams in American scholarship. With good cause, all their major publications list Austin and Alta Fife as authors or editors. During his doctoral work from 1935 to 1938, Austin had served as research assistant to the distinguished student of Hispanic-American folklore, Aurelio Espinosa, Sr. Working with Espinosa on Spanish peninsular folktales, Austin determined to apply the methodology of folklore to his own cultural traditions. During school breaks and vacations he and Alta began the collecting excursions to Mormon country that eventually extended to most areas of the West. This work led to a seminal article in the Journal of American Folklore in 1940, " T h e Legend of the Three Nephites a m o n g the Mormons," and in 1956 to the monumentally important Saints of Sage and Saddle: Folklore among the Mormons, which not only brought Mormon folklore to the attention of the scholarly world but also demonstrated, as did all their subsequent work, that the American experience had generated a rich body of indigenous American lore. From Mormons the Fifes turned to cowboys, editing and/or compiling in rapid succesion N. Howard "J^^k" Thorpe's 1908 collection. Songs of the Cowboy (1966); Cowboy and Western Songs: A Comprehensive Anthology (1969), which Austin considered their most important work; Ballads of the Great West (1970); and Heaven on Horseback: Revivalist Songs and Verse in the Cowboy Idiom (1970). In the process of editing, collecting, and writing these works, the Fifes brought together a wonderful archive (located at USU) that should serve as the starting point for anyone interested in western ballads and songs. For some items the Fifes assembled as many as 500 to 600 index cards that will lead the researcher to every manifestation of a particular song encountered by the Fifes during their long research career. In 1948 Austin, with his brother James Fife, published an article in Western Folklore titled " H a y Derricks of the Great Basin and Upper Snake River Valley." T h u s began another phase of the Fifes' documenting efforts. Over the years they photographed, documented, and carefully archived thousands of material objects of the American West, from ranch fences to stone houses. In 1968 Austin organized a regional conference of the American Folklore Society at Utah State, focusing primarily on material culture and in 1969, aided by Alta and by Henry Classic, published the proceedings of the


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conference as Forms upon the Frontier: Folklife and Folk Arts in the United States. Until more substantial texts became available Forms upon the Frontier served for several years as a textbook in the now rapidly developing field of material culture studies. Early in his career Austin translated the Borzoi Book of French Folk Tales by Paul Delarue. It is fitting that Austin's final publication was a translation of the French scholar Arnold Van Gennep's Manuel de Folklore Francais. Sandwiched between these works of his beloved French culture are the worksâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in Mormon folklore, in cowboy and western song, in material culture traditions, and in archivingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that have made a lasting contribution to our understanding of the American West. During Austin's lifetime these works brought him many recognitions: a vice-presidency of the American Folklore Society, a Fulbright exchange professorship, a Guggenheim fellowship, a Senior Scholar's Award from the National Endowment for the Humanities, and election as a Fellow of the Utah State Historical Society and of the American Folklore Society. But perhaps Austin Fife's greatest achievement was a life well lived in the face of extreme and constant physical adversity. Beyond the books, beyond the archive documents, beyond the honors lies a stubborn refusal to submit to the ravages of time and disease and an accompanying life of courage and quiet dignity that testifies to the resiliency of the human spirit and that will ever remain a shining example to all who knew Austin Edwin Fife. WILLIAM A. WILSON

Brigham Young

University


The Next Time We Strike: Labor in Utah's Coal Fields, 1900-1933. By ALLAN PowKLL. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1985. xx + 272 pp. $17.95.) For organized labor, the boom years of the mid-twentieth century are over. Hard times have replaced the steady growth of the 1930s, 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. The long-term transition of the American economy from a manufacturing to a service base, the changing proportion of white-collar to bluecollar jobs, and the demise of the heavy "rustbelt" industries of the Northeast have devastated union membership. Newspapers and news magazines carry more and more articles describing negotiated wage cuts, strikebreaking, union-busting, and corporate relocations to non-union regions in the South and West. Occasionally there are stories about labor-management cooperation, about a new industrial order, about workers and bosses standing side by side to fill and surpass production quotas. And then there are news flashes that resurrect history: twenty-seven miners died at the Emery Mining Company in H u n t i n g t o n , Utah, in December 1984. Have things really changed or not? In The Next Time We Strike, Allan Kent Powell looks back at the organizational drives in the Utah coal helds between 1900 and 1933. Using a wealth of primary sourcesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;newspapers, government archives, company records, ancfpapers of the United Mine Workersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Powell has made an outstanding contribution to the history of Utah in particular and the history of American labor in general. From the time of the blast killing 200 miners at the Winter Quarters mine in Scofield, Utah, on

KENT

May 1, 1900, to the passage of the National Industrial Recovery Act in 1933 guaranteeing labor's right to bargain collectively, Utah miners fought an uphill battle against coal operators for recognition. Like other workers throughout the South and West, Utah miners had trouble organizing labor unions and securing recognition, but the peculiarities of Utah culture made it even more difficult. Western culture militated against organization. Rugged individualism, the cult of self-reliance, and the absence of established institutions in the West left most people, even poor workers, suspicious of interest groups attempting to organize and control them. Company managers had an easy time preaching the rhetoric of individual rights and convincing workers. Ethnic differences in the western coal fields also made union activities difhcult. T h e arrival of Italian, Greek, and Slavic immigrants in the late nineteenth century introduced ethnic competition to the workforce. Miners were often more suspicious of one another than of company operators, and management exploited their fears, playing one group off against the other. Finally, the place of the Mormon church in Utah society uniquely complicated union organization drives. Victimized by two decades of religious persecution before their trek to the Salt Lake Valley, Mormons had an insular perspective, a suspicion of outsiders and "gentiles" who had poured into the Great Basin after the completion of


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the transcontinental railroad in the late 1860s. Agents for the United Mine Workers were usually non-Mormons from the Northeast, and church officials counseled members against associating with them. T h e cultural, ethnic, and religious elements in Utah made life difficult for anyone trying to organize mine workers. Powell's The Next Time We Strike Ogden: Junction

Quarterly

carefully describes the interplay of all those forces in the Utah coalhelds in the early twentieth century. Anyone interested in Mormon, Utah, or labor history will want to read the book.

JAMES S. OLSON

Sam Houston State University Huntsville, Texas

City. By RICHARD C. ROBERTS and RICHARD W. SADLER. (North-

ridge, Calif.: Windsor Publications in cooperation with the Ogden Chamber of Commerce, 1985. 288 pp. |24.95.) Funded jointly by city businesses and Windsor Publications, a publisher of numerous local histories, Ogden: Junction City, is an urban biography written primarily for a local audience. Richard C. Roberts and Richard W. Sadler, both of the faculty of Weber State College, have produced a readable narrative describing the development of the city from its beginnings as an Indian trading post under the g u i d a n c e of Miles G o o d y e a r through its development as a railroad and marketing center in the late nineteenth century to its current standing as a major defense, manufacturing, and trading center. Their history of Ogden is an attractive, readable, marketable, and significant assessment of Utah's second city. While written in a strictly narrative style, the authors are well aware of current urban analytical trends and bring them to bear upon the history of Utah's second city. Placing Ogden's story within the context of historiographical questions of continuity versus change in America and the development of the urban concept makes the book a valuable addition to the scholarship of western cities. Indeed, Roberts and Sadler are at their best in describing the political and social response to urban growth. They are especially sensitive to the issues of secular versus religious authority and •

give perspectives from both sides. Like most recent urban studies, Roberts's and Sadler's book sees Ogden's development as a curious blend of continuity and change. T h e work is divided into six chapters, in which the authors progress in the first five from a discussion of Ogden's earliest years through a description of two great influences upon the city's development—the railroad of the nineteenth century and the defense industry of the twentieth—to a recapitulation of the city in its second century. T h e last section contains a series of photographs and descriptions of many of the individual businesses that chose to sponsor the publication. Interspersed throughout the narrative are a series of short vignettes on individuals, organizations, or episodes that will also prove interesting reading. The role of the livestock industry in the city (pp. 140-41) and a description of the Indians of Weber County (p. 24) are only two such sidebars adding spice to the work. Although Ogden: Junction City contains a reasoned analysis of the city's development, most readers will be immediately attracted by the large collection of p h o t o g r a p h s that lavishly illustrate the book. Jerome Bernstein, another Weber State College historian, undertook the photographic research. His contribution, coupled with


293

Book Reviews and Notices the fine work of Roberts and Sadler, makes the work one that will undoubtedly be popular among the citizens of the community. All will agree that the authors and the photograph researcher have achieved their goal of providing the city's residents with a

well-written narrative of the community. Those involved in the publication of this book are to be commended.

ROGER D . LAUNIUS

HillAFB,

In the Direction of His Dreams: Memoirs. By LOWRY Philosophical Library, 1985. xii + 370 pp. $19.95.) In the Direction of His Dreams recounts the personal and professional odyssey of one of Utah's foremost educators. The career of Lowry Nelson has ranged from small-town journalism to county and state agricultural service to major college academics and administration to applied sociology for the federal government in national and international settings to participation in international conferences for social and economic development. His life as an educator in Utah was closely connected with the first decade of growth of the Utah State Agricultural College, the founding of the Utah State Agricultural Extension Service, and the origins of the Extension Service and College of Applied Science at Brigham Young University. He was closely connected with such giants of education in Utah as John A. Widtsoe and Franklin S. Harris. Despite these accomplishments and associations, one senses from Lowry Nelson's memoirs a man not entirely content with the world as he has experienced it, in a continual struggle for truth as he perceives it, and more aware of his social environment than of the "landscapes of his mind." Indeed, this work is the product of a thoroughgoing social scientist. Nelson affords himself few personal reflections. Instead, the reader receives extended, often fascinating discussions of family relationships and activities, the social organization of a typical Mormon village, academic curricula and faculty, and the functioning of a wide

NELSON.

Utah

(New York:

variety of social institutions and processes in which Nelson participated. As a result, the reader would better consider these memoirs as an "autosociology" than an autobiography. Even the organization of the work is sociological. It is divided into two parts, both of which were originally written and published in the early 1970s, at the end of a distinguished career of more than half a century. Refined for publication in this volume, these two personal monographs trace his life in thematic, only roughly chronological terms. "Boyhood in a Mormon Village" traces his ancestry from the family's conversion to Mormonism and participation in the epic gathering to Utah to their eventual settlement in Castle Valley as part of the expansion of Sanpete County. T h e chapter headings sound as if they came from a sociological text: "Farm Styles in Ferron"; "Health, Sickness, and Death"; "Recreation"; "Church and School"; "Crime and Punishment"; and so on. However, the anecdotes and personal reflections combine with sociological analysis for insightful and engaging reading. T h e reader familiar with life in rural Utah at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries may catch some of the subtleties and implications of Nelson's narrative that others might miss. These personal touches further remove the analysis from the exclusive realm of the academic. T h e second section, "Eighty: One Man's Way There," is itself divided


294 into two parts. "Goodbye to Boyhood" details Nelson's high school and college education, the beginnings of his literary career, and his entrance into the business and politics of agriculture. It is more narrative and personal, less academic than the previous section. For all of its insights and personal vignettes, however, Nelson seems less comfortable with historical narrative than with a sociological analysis. T h e details of this period present less of a comprehensive interpretive whole than those of his boyhood. "Marriage, Family, Career," the second part of the second section, summarizes in a roughly chronological manner the professional contributions of Lowry Nelson. T h e career predominates. In fact, the activities of his wife and family are seen in the context of the development of his career. But what a career! The contribution by which many Utahns know him, authorship of The Mormon Village: A Pattern and Technique of

Utah Historical

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Land Tenure, barely rates a paragraph in the professional life of this remarkable scholar. Because of the scope and significance of his career, some details are necessarily omitted, and certain events may not be developed to the satisfaction of some. Nevertheless, this "auto-sociology" indicates what one small-town Utah boy has been able to do with a little luck and a lot of drive, despite occasional feelings of inadequacy. T h e narrative of this section is not as complete or refined as historians might prefer, but the insights from the details are enduring. In the Direction of His Dreams is a valuable addition to the literature on education in Utah, rural sociology, and p r o m i n e n t U t a h n s . It is well worth the attention of anyone interested in these topics, either on a scholarly or on a casual basis.

STEVEN L . OLSEN

Salt Lake City

The John Taylor Papers: Records of the Last Utah Pioneer. Vol.11: The President. By SAMUEL W . TAYLOR and RAYMOND W . TAYLOR. (Redwood City, Calif.: Taylor TrusL 1985. 553 pp. $13.95.) T h e second book in the two-volume series. The John Taylor Papers, underscores the dramatic quality of the decade in which John Taylor served as leader of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. In many ways it was the most hectic decade since the Mormons, suffering hammer blows of persecution, were sent reeling halfway across the continent to their new home in the mountains. This was the periodâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;1877-1887â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in which the Congress passed punitive laws in an effort to stamp out plural marriage, then practiced by a fraction of the church's members. It was the time that the federal government beggared the church by confiscating most of its property.

It was also the time when platoons of federal agents swarmed into the territory hunting for polygamists, a practice that drove John Taylor underground for the last two and a half years of his life. From the standpoint of legal difficulties especially, it was a low point in the church's history, akin to the days when founder Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum were murdered in Carthage Jail, and Taylor himself was shot five times. Yet, in other ways it was a high point, thanks to Taylor's attitudes and abilities. Although he was only the de facto president for the first three years, he immediately launched a sustained program of changes and reforms. He abolished the numbered ballot.


Book Reviews and

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thus restoring true democracy at the polls; he encouraged open debate and freedom of speech; he donated cattle, sheep, and other supplies to the needy and cancelled debts of the poor; he sponsored a renaissance of the arts and culture. It was a measure of the change from the previous monolithic regime that Taylor encouraged the historian H. H. Bancroft of San Francisco to write an objective history of the territory and its people. He also urged the Saints to write their histories. In his bold and vigorous actions T a y l o r confounded his detractors, who had predicted that the church would fall apart with Brigham Young gone. T h e Salt Lake Tribune, at that time unrelentingly anti-Mormon, said in 1877 that Taylor never would become president-in-fact, and that he would take tithing and church property for his own use. T o the contrary, Taylor lived in almost spartan fashion, housing his families on "Taylor R o w " on First West Street, between First and Second South Streets. Pressed by the Q u o r u m of the Twelve to occupy the Gardo House, which had been built as a presidential mansion, he hesitated for months before moving in. His estate was modest. And, as a climax to the Jubilee Year, 1880, he was ordained at the October Conference. T h e Jubilee Year, marking the church's fiftieth anniversary, was characterized by a climate of cooperation, love, fellowship, goodwill, and brotherhood. Ironically, though, as historian B. H. Roberts set forth, "a fierce antiMormon spirit permeated Congress during this period." T\\^DeseretNews noted that "anti-Mormon measures were i n t r o d u c e d [in Congress] so rapidly that one trod u p o n another's heels." As though to emphasize Roberts's assessment, the compilers have in-

295 cluded virulently anti-Mormon statements from newspaper editors, members of C o n g r e s s , a n d p r e s i d e n t s . Samuel W. Taylor, as we learn from the book and from witty observations in an appendix, believes in the "warts a n d a l l " a p p r o a c h to history. So although the viewpoint is that of J o h n Taylor, the book is rich in pro and con statements by public figures. But no matter what was the stature of the opposition, peasant or president, Taylor's h u m o r , his wisdom, and his fiery eloquence met the occasion. T h e reader wonders, going over his discourses, how such a relatively unschooled man acquired such a remarkable rhetorical skill. One public figure whose attitude perplexed J o h n Taylor was President Rutherford B. Hayes, with w h o m he had had cordial conversations in Salt Lake City. Despite that cordiality, Hayes, in his message to Congress in 1880, urged legislation to crush Morm o n resistance. T h e Deseret News editorialized, " H e proposed to break up Mormonism by a disfranchisement of the Mormons and the transfer of the g o v e r n m e n t in U t a h to G e n t i l e hands." Meantime, Taylor was busy with the endless tasks, large and small, that his office presented. T h e book includes a variety of anecdotes about members appealing for help, for advise, for adjudication. He did a great deal of work to perfect the United Order and made progress. But when the Edmunds bill was passed February 16, 1882, it was the beginning of the end for this Utopian dreamâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and for polygamy. In light of the increasing weight of opposition, Taylor moved to strengthen the Saints from within, organizing prayer circles and reaffirming basic principles. Although he stressed that members would pay taxes, and otherwise be loyal citizens, he was in typical fettle when he added: "Will they try to


296 interfere with us? Yes. Who? All kinds of foolish people, ignorant, narrowminded, degraded, wallowing in iniquity and besmeared with corruption of every kindâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and yet they talk to us about our impurities. . . ." Problems came from within as without. Near the beginning of Taylor's regime, he faced the distressing^matter of Brigham Young's estate. He appointed an audit committee to dig through the records going back thirty years, to straighten accounts, and to put church bookkeeping on a business basis. T h e audit disclosed that $1 million in bequests belonged to the church and that the estate was far less than the $2.5 million originally estimated. T h e committee allowed the heirs $300,000â&#x20AC;&#x201D; $10,000 a year for the thirty years Young had served. T h e o p p o s t i t i o n press gleefully jumped on this, the Tribune ripping into both Taylor and Young. Later some of the heirs sued the church; the executors, which included Brigham

Utah Historical

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Young, Jr., and the church, while denying the validity of the complaint, settled for $75,000. (Taylor loathed litigation among members.) Here, then, is the story of a tumultuous time in the words of a central figure, a leader A. W. Ivins said "stood immovable . . . and died without making any concessions." T h a t immovability cost him his health. Voicing his battle cry of "the Kingdon of God or nothing!" he went u n d e r g r o u n d rather than compromise, and spent the final two and a half years of his life going from one hiding place to another. He died with a price on his head. This book, 190 pages longer than the first volume, includes a complete index and colorful and provocative appendixes. A product of years of research, it will be of great value to the historian and student. And it is a joy to read. JEAN R . PAI I.SON

Paso Robles,

California

Community Development in the American West: Past and Present Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Frontiers. Edited by JESSIE L . EMBRY and HOWARD A. CHRISTY. Charles Redd Monographs in Western History No. 15. (Provo Ut.: Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, 1985.vii + 237 pp. Paper, $8.95.) T h e craft of history is undertaken nowadays in divergent fashions. T h e old narrative of the his-story teller has been added upon by statistics, computers, and social science theories. This can be confusing to a lay reader, even to many historians. Community Development in the American West is a case example. In its nine essays from established scholars, one can travel from the conventional to the experimental, from biography to anthropology. T h e book will be a fine training tool for a seminar of beginning graduate students because it embodies the various avenues scholars are treading today. For the average reader, the book shows

how the familiar territory of western history can be sifted through anew. T h e essays in this book are rather loosely tied together around the theme "community." What binds the chapters together, however, is not only that theme but the analytical bent they take. Some are demanding on the reader when they aim at much more than story. John Sorenson's opening essay offers an entirely different look at Utah, suggesting that the state be considered a "developing nation." He sees the area as exploited by foreign capital and bound to continual exportation of its natural wealth. Sorenson decries


Book Reviews and

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this dependence, going beyond scholarship to editorializing. T h e essay is a fruitful exercise, but it ignores factors that do not support the comparison: Utah's white population had lived in developed areas before coming to Utah, the Utah culture was not tribal like many developing countries, and Utah was more intertwined with the rest of the United States than most colonial lands were with their "occupiers." Once the reader is prepared for divergent thinking by Sorenson, he will be rewarded by the next essay, a sociological analysis of energy development in the West by Stan Albrecht. One sees Sorenson's point again: decisions for the West are made outside the region. But Albrecht does not use Sorenson's idea of the West as a colony of the East; rather, he sees the western development as part of the industrialization process. Diligent readers can tease out significant insights about the concept of comm u n i t y from Albrecht's survey of change models. Taken together, these two essays show the primacy of analysis. Four of the essays focus on specific communities. Edward Geary's picture of Huntington, Utah, is nostalgic, moving, and inviting. We see again the great legend of the founding of a town, the fort and the dugouts, the surveying of the p l a t of Zion, its modification, the building of homes and cooperative projects such as canals, and the eventual construction of a stone church. T h e n come the mines and the railroad, drama societies, and choirs. For some reason he omits the ecclesiastical story, but that must come in his recently published book on the same town. Jessie Embry's approach to Heber City is standard history, but it reveals a countervailing plot: ecclesiastical leaders out of harmony with the central heirarchy. Although Abram Hatch and William Smart had local policy differences on issues such as the United Order,

297 the town still had a structure similar to Huntington's. History readers will feel at home with the Embry and Geary essays. T h e story of Spring City by Michael Raber is a revisionist view of Mormon settlements. Here the author challenges the standard story by suggesting that households, not church leaders or even civic leaders, were the determining force in Mormon villages. Raber points out that presidents and apostles had only occasional impact and that centralism was superficial. His view of Spring City as a town of nearly dynastic families deserves wide application in Mormon settlement history. Wesley J o h n s o n is the out man in this book. His essay is not about Utah; it examines Phoenixâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;mainly in the twentieth centuryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and its source materials are not diaries, newspapers, models, or even statistics. By concentrating on oral histories, Johnson compels himself to e x a m i n e the eliteâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the boosters who built Phoenix, not the p e o p l e w h o toiled there. Readers aware of the new social history methods now raging through the discipline of history will challenge Johnson, asking why he did not consult the manuscript census and court records. They will be frustrated that he found no labor unions, few women, few Indians or Chicanos. He stated explicitly in his title that he was exa m i n i n g elites, so we read of art dealers instead of artists, bankers instead of depositers, publishers instead of printers, water entrepreneurs instead of construction workers, as we see Phoenix boom into the present. An essay by Stanley Kimball on Heber C. Kimball and one by Leonard Arrington on three Utah entrepreneurs take the reader into the realm of biography. T h e editors clearly had difficulty winding these two fine essays into the theme of community. Both are worthwhile pieces but are only tangentially about the theme. T h u s one sees that most of the essays


Utah Historical

298 were written for other purposes and merely pulled together here. T h e same is the case with Larry Gerlach's movi n g story of the Sam Joe Harvey lynching. Nonetheless, the reader cannot finish the article without sober reflection. Perhaps the terrifying tale

The American

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of reckless civic violence in Salt Lake City is a good place to stop when congratulating oneself on the virtues of community. DOUGLAS D. ALDER

Dixie

College

West Transformed: The Impact of the Second World War. By (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985. xii + 304 p p .

GERALD D . NASH.

$35.00.) Thirteen years ago, Gerald D. Nash, with the publication of his The American West in the Twentieth Century, established himself as an expert, if not the leading authority, on the modern West. In his 1973 work he suggested the parameters for further research and writing and thereby influenced the course of s u b s e q u e n t s c h o l a r s h i p . Now, with his excellent, well written, American West Transformed, Nash has reaffirmed and enhanced his status as a major authority on the twentiethcentury West, even though the book's focus is primarily on the six-year period from 1939 to 1945. T h e basic thesis, as Nash himself points out, is that " T h e Second World War [drastically] transformed the American West. No other single influence...brought such cataclysmic changes" (p. vii). Nash is c o n v i n c i n g in his a r g u m e n t , pres e n t i n g h i s m a t e r i a l in a w e l l organized m a n n e r and u t i l i z i n g a lively, anecdotal, swift-paced style. Nash begins his narrative with a brief discussion of the West just "before the transformation," on the eve of war (1939-41), conveying a vivid feeling of time and place, and thereby underscoring the drastic transformation that took place in all aspects of western life after December 1941. T h e varied facets of this transformation, be they demographic, social, cultural, scientific, or ethnic, were largely prompted by rapid economic growth. In this the West was transformed from an

economic "colony" or raw material producer into a diversified, increasingly self-sufficient region. T h i s involved the building of new defense industries, in particular shipbuilding and aircraft manufacturing along the West Coast. Other parts of the West, including Utah and the Intermountain region, were transformed to a lesser extent by other types of economic activity. T h e wartime building of the Geneva steel works at Provo, and the establishment of military installations, ten in all, had a significant impact on Utah. Nash astutely analyzes the impact of this western economic growth on various aspects of life in the West. Among these was a spectacular growth of population. T h e influx of migrants taking advantage of new employment opportunities caused the West's total population to grow by more than eight million in just four years! T h i s growth drastically affected western urban areas, particularly those on the Pacific Coast. What Nash describes as "sleepy little t o w n s " were transformed, literally overnight, into major urban areas grappling with a myriad of problems, including adequate housing, health service, transportation, schools, and police/fire protection. Another consequence of economic growth was the changing status of western ethnic minorities. Blacks, Indians, and Hispanics found new employment opportunities during the wartime economic boom. T h i s in turn


Book Reviews and

Notices

helped to break down long-standing barriers of discrimination that had subjugated each of these groups. T h e only group excluded from such opportunities was, of course, Japanese-Americans who, in the face of wartime hysteria, were rounded u p and herded into "detention c a m p s . " However, this shameful, unjust action, accordi n g to Nash, ultimately benefited them. " T h e shame that many Americans felt about (the) deportation of innocent people, led to the lessening of discriminatory barriers" against Japanese-Americans (p. 148.) In two of the book's most intriguing chapters, Nash astutely describes the impact of the war on science and cultural life in the West. T h e war transformed the West into a major science center, particularly in the area of nuclear physics, culminating in the development of the atom bomb at Los Alamos, New Mexico. T h e Manhattan Project was facilitated, in large part, by the talents of a g r o u p of emigre scientists who migrated West fleeing tyranny in Europe. Emigres also profoundly affected the cultural life of the West, p a r t i c u l a r l y in H o l l y w o o d . Nash maintains that the contributions of emigre artists such as T h o m a s Mann, Bertolt Brecht, Bruno Walter, and Darius Milhaud helped Hollywood achieve an intellectual maturity and sophistication previously lacking. In both culture and science in the West, the blending of American and European traditions facilitated a "great leap forward," enabling the West to not merely "catch u p " with the rest of the nation but to assume a new and unaccustomed role of "pace setter." Despite the overwhelming strengths of the book, in particular its excellent organization, fast-paced narrative, and fresh interpretations, a few stylistic q u i r k s c o u l d d i s t r a c t the reader. Nash's overuse of "sleepy little town" to describe a variety of prewar western

299 communities, including Las Vegas, Tucson, San Diego, and Richmond, California, quickly becomes tiresome and trite. His use of "Spanish-speaki n g " to describe the Mexican-American community is not completely satisfactory or accurate. T h e book's narrative would have been better served had Nash used "Mexican-American," "Hispanic-American," or " L a t i n o . " More serious is the book's treatment of Japanese-Americans. A mere seven pages are set aside for this muchmaligned minority, a fraction of that devoted to blacks, Mexican-Americans, and Indians. Virtually nothing is said a b o u t life in the " d e t e n t i o n camps" or about the heroic role played by Japanese-American soldiers who were a m o n g the war's most decorated. Also, one has to question Nash's Pollyanna-like contention that guilt over Japanese-American detention hastened the lessening of discriminatory barriers. After all, as Nash himself notes, blacks, Mexican-Americans, and Indians began encountering less discrimination without having undergone the searing "detention c a m p " experience. Finally, Utahns might be disappointed by the paucity of information about Utah during World War II. Activities involving Utah or its leaders are briefly considered in just five places in the 304-page text. In fact, the Intermountain West receives minimal consideration in a book that focuses primarily on the three Pacific Coast states, and in particular on California. Despite these few shortcomings, this is a significant, seminal work and will serve as the essential starting point for all future studies of the American West, including Utah, during World War II.

NEWELL G. BRINGHURST

College of the Sequoias Visalia, California


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Churchmen and the Western Indians, 1820-1920. Edited and with an introduction by CLYDE A. MiLNERiiand FL OYDA. O'NEIL.(University of Oklahoma Press, 1985. xvi + 264 pp. $19.95.) "They were . . . busily advocating doing good without necessarily questioning the good of what they advocated" (174). This description, by one of the authors in this excellent collection of essays, applies to Christian reformers who gathered annually at Lake Mohonk, New York, late in the nineteenth century to discuss ways and means to solve the Indian proh)lem. However, each of the six churchmen discussed in this volume might also have candidly acknowledged the correctness of this statement as it related, not only to their own careers but to all right thinking Americans who accepted the responsibility to do good to the Indians. Of course they did not doubt the goodness in their motives. Christianizing and civilizing the depraved and degraded savages in order to bring them the blessings of an advanced society was not a questionable goal. It was, quite simply, an integral part in the critical process of Americanizing the wild, wild West. T h e churchmen studied in this context are Presbyterian linguist Cyrus Byington, Methodist educator John J. Methvin, Mormon frontiersman George Washington Bean, Jesuit priest Joseph M. Cataldo, Quaker philanthropist Albert K. Smiley, and Episcopal b i s h o p Henry B. W h i p p l e . David Baird, in his analysis of Byington's work among the Choctaws from 1821 to 1866, emphasizes the missionary's dedication to educating these Indians in a Christian environment with particular attention to the attainment of literacy in both the Choctaw and English languages. Bruce Forbes discusses Methvin's approach to developing Methodist educational institutions in the Indian Territory from 1885 to 1907. Concentrating, finally, on tribes residing in the western part

of the territory, Methvin worked among the Kiowa, Commanche, and Apache Indians with a firm conviction that the boarding school concept, based on physical removal of the children from heathen surroundings, was the sure path to conversion and salvation for the Indian students. In analyzing Mormon attitudes toward I n d i a n s in the West, Floyd O'Neil uses the career of George Washington Bean, who accepted a mission assignment to the Paiute Indians at Las Vegas, Nevada, in the 1850s, as a point of departure for a broader study of early M o r m o n / I n d i a n relations. Suggesting, quite frankly, that Mormon methods for converting Indians may have been more directly related to empire building than gathering of souls, O'Neil still concludes that the Mormon system should be fairly judged as no better and no worse than any other in the history of western settlement. Robert Carriker examines the life of Joseph Cataldo, S.J., who labored among the Indians, particularly the Nez Perce, in the Pacific Northwest from 1865 until his death in 1928. Asa dynamic and versatile leader, Cataldo appears as a heroic figure who strove tirelessly to bring Catholic schools, missions, hospitals, and orphanages to the Indian tribes in his vast domain. Albert Smiley was the only one of this group of churchmen who did not actually work among the Indians in the West. Clyde Milner aptly describes the zealous Quaker as a friend to the friends of the I n d i a n s . Using his wealth to fund conferences held at his resort at Lake Mohonk, New York, from 1883 to 1912, Smiley, and the other reformers who joined him at these retreats, lobbied for programs designed to make all Indians into selfsupporting citizens. In the final essay,


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301

Martin Zanger reflects upon Bishop Henry Whipple's contributions to the Episcopal mission for the Chippewa Indians in Minnesota and, in a broader sense, to his portrayal of all Indians as candidates for assimilation as useful Christians. When Zanger suggests that Whipple's actions were always deemed by him as best for the interest of the Indians, he provides a fitting description of the motivation inspiring all of these good men. Since they knew what was best for the Indians, the answer to the Indian problem could surely be found in simple acceptance of their viewpoints, not only by the Indians but also by those decision makers who designed that strange vehicle known as Indian policy. Readers of this well conceived and

objectively developed project will find welcome opportunities to consider numerous diverse themes, including Indian acceptance of the white man's religion as an adaptive form of cultural self-determination and the juxtaposition of the civilizing process for the Indians with the nationalistic goals of western expansion. On the whole, the editors and authors have achieved their announced objective to contribute "toward a broader understanding of the complexities of religion and culture as they affect societies and individuals" (xvi).

Land of Living Rock: The Grand Canyon. By C. GREGORY CRAMPTON. 1st p a p e r b a c k ed. ( L a y t o n Ut.:

Dr. Mac: The Man, His Land, and His People. By L. W. MACFARLANE. (Cedar City: Southern Utah State College Press, 1985. xvi + 446 pp.)

Peregrine Smith Books, 1985. xxii + 281 pp. $19.95.) Together with the author's earlier Standing Up Country (also recently reissued by Peregrine Smith), Land of Living Rock constitutes what he calls "a complete biography of an entire r e g i o n , " the C o l o r a d o P l a t e a u c o u n t r y . It is b o t h a h a n d s o m e "coffee table" book and an impressive i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y study, embracing physiography, geology, and history. This first paperback edition c o n t a i n s some new material and photographs.

NORMAN J. BENDER

University of Colorado Colorado Springs

This biography is a continuation of Wayland Macfarlane's a t t e m p t to aquaint his family with the history of the Macfarlane clan. It is a remarkable b i o g r a p h y of W a y l a n d ' s father, Menzies, and is a history of Cedar City from 1900 to 1938 as well. The author's point of view is one of an adoring but clear-eyed son. Privately, he attibutes his work to the e n c o u r a g e m e n t of Dorothy Smith Macfarlane, his wife. As a medical doctor, he brings a keen insight to the biography of another doctor. As an


Utah Historical

302 eyewitness, he assures reliability as to the choice of facts. His research is exhaustive, especially in the Iron County Record and with contemporaries of his father. The author has described the development of Cedar City during what should be called the modernization period. Dr. Mac was a strong advocate for economic development in his town. His service as president of the Commercial and Rotary clubs is discussed at length. T h e "good roads" movement is an important element in the story. World War I and the Great Depression in Cedar City are also well documented.

Horse Thief Ranch, an Oral History. By H. MIC;HAEL BEHRENDT. (Aspen, Colo.: Author, 1985. xii + 123 pp. Paper, $7.95.) Horsethief Ranch (it is spelled this way throughout the book except on the cover and title page), located on a mesa west of Moab, was home to as colorful a set of characters as any section of rangeland in LItah. Even Butch Cassidy figures in the tale. More engaging, however, are the first-person accounts of people like Art Murry, a native of Joplin, Missouri, who led a hardscrabble life breaking horses and an occasional jaw in Wyoming, Nevada, and Colorado before settling in the Moab area about 1927. Art was ninety-two when Behrendt interviewed him in Canada. T h e twenty-page narrative of his life, followed by that of his wife, Muriel Murry, forms the heart of the book. But other fascinating people are found in this slim volume as well. For example, Bill Tibbetts, arrested twice for stealing horses and cattle, had a long association with the ranch. Behrendt's book makes an important contribution to the written history and lore of Grand County.

Quarterly

Utah Art of the Depression: An Exhibition Curated from the Utah State Fine Art Collection. Essay and catalog by DAN E . BURKE. (Salt Lake City: Utah Arts Council, 1986. iv + 111 pp. Paper, $7.50.) This publication is more than a catalog for an exhibition. Burke provides a succinct summary of federal aid to artists and art projects during and following the Great Depression. His summaries of the Public Works Art Project, Treasury Relief Art Project, and WPA Federal Art Project telescope years of research into a readable account of what those programs meant to Utah artists of the period. The sixty-three color plates of artists' work, the photographs of many of the artists of the period, and the text should rank the catalog high on any library's acquisitions list. This work should continue to be an important research tool and reference aid for years to come. Water in the Hispanic Southwest: A Social and Legal History, 1550-1850. By

MICHAEL C . MEYER.

(Tucson:

I'niversitv of Arizona Press, 1984. xiv + 189 pp. S26.00.) The development of water systems in any region of the world has affected the social and economic relationships of man as well as influencing his political, philosophical, and scientific t h o u g h t . Man-made a q u a systems have permanently altered the existing delicate ecological balance in arid and semi-arid regions of the world. The author's purpose, as stated in the preface, was to uncover "the role of water in the series of historical processes which gave the Hispanic Southwest its unique regional character." It is in this region of the Western Hemisphere that the ownership of water is more important than the ownership of land. Meyer stresses the local develop-


Book Reviews and Notices ments as well as the natural environment that shaped the use and management of water in the Hispanic Southwest. Local control and management rather than central authority is the key to unlocking the legal and historical understanding of water as well as the legal relationship of land to water in this vast region. The Baron, the Logger, the Miner, and Me. By JOHN H. TOOLE. (Missoula, Mont.: Mountain Press Publishing Co., 1984. x + 281 pp. Cloth, $35.00; paper, $19.95.) With one great-grandfather, two grandfathers, and himself as primary subjects, John H. Toole has created an entertaining and informative slice of western Montana history. Cornelius C. O'Keefe (the baron) was a flamboyant, feisty rancher and petty politician of the Missoida valley from 1860 to his death in 1893. His daughter, Mollie, married Kenneth Ross (the logger) whose entrej^reneurial career in the timber and building trades shaped much of Missoula's early twentieth-century business and labor history. John R. Toole (the miner) made his mark as political and financial advisor to Anaconda tycoon Marcus Daly and as a mining engineer. The author, on the other hand, tells of himself only as a y o u n g man working as a ranch hand, gold miner, logging roustabout, and forest fire fighter during the 1930s. His reminiscences are anecdotal and vivid. Throughout the wc3rk he demonstrates an ability to turn a phrase and tell a story with the reciuisite dash of hyperbole. ("No event in the history of American politics has so assaulted and tested the moral standards of human beings as did the 1899 session of the Montana legislature.") Montanansare not the only ones who will want to read on.

303 Mormon and Utah Coin and Currency. By ALVIN E. Rusi. (Salt Lake City: Rust Rare Coin Co. Inc., 1984. X + 247 pp. $35.00.) For the person who may have discovered a printed valley note in the attic and is curious about the letters PSTAPCJCLDSLDATW encircling the emblem printed thereon, this unique book has the answer: Private Seal of the Twelve Apostles, Priests of the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter-Day Saints, in the Last Dispensation, All Over the World. And for the person who would wonder about the value of such a find, that information is also here. In fact, whatever one might want to know about coins and currency in Mormon and LItah histc^ry can surely be found in this beautifully printed and highly illustrated production. Deep Creek Reflections: 125 Years of Settlement at Ibapah, Utah, 18591984. By RONALD R . BATEMAN. (Salt Lake City: Author, 1984. viii + 504 PP) Definitely a cut above most privately published community histories, this volume focuses primarily on Ibapah, or Deep Creek Valley, but it also offers glimpses of neighboring communities. A wealth of genealcjgical data and a competent, credible narrative will ensure the bocjk's value in years to come. Treatment of the natural setting and the early history of the area, including a look at the Gold Hill mining boom, is especially well done. The photo selection features niunercjus portraits of contemporary individuals that will ncjt hold much meaning for the general reader, but many others reveal the store fronts, ethnic diversity, dwellings, ranching tasks, leisine activities, and terrain that have defined Deep C^reek's unique place in the larger Utah story.


304 Only the River Runs Easy: A Historical Portrait of the Upper Green River Valley. By H. L. SKINNER. (Boulder: Pruett Publishing Co., 1985. 131 pp. Paper, $14.95.) An impressionistic and engaging look at one of the West's most beautiful valleys, this handsome little book relies primarily on photographs, captions, and vignettes to tell its story. This is Dinosaur: Echo Park Country and its Magic Rivers. Edited and with a new foreword by WALLACE STEGNER. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1955; reprinted., Boulder, Colo.: Roberts Rinehart, Inc., 1985. X + 93 pp. Cloth, $24.95; paper, $8.95.) Originally published in 1955 as part of the conservation effort to prevent the Upper Colorado River Storage Project from i n u n d a t i n g Dinosaur National Monument, this collection of essays has been reissued to spearhead a new movement aimed at securi n g n a t i o n a l park status for this unique 200,000-acre district that straddles the Utah-Colorado border just

Utah Historical

Quarterly

south of the Wyoming line. Wallace Stegner, Eliot Blackwelder, Olaus M u r i e / J o s e p h W. Penfold, Robert Lister, Otis "Dock" Marston, David Bradley, and Alfred A. Kno^f examine Dinosaur from a variety of perspectives. Travels in America from the Voyages of Discovery to the Present: An Annotated Bibliography of Travel Articles in Periodicals, 1955-1980. By GAROLD L . COLE. ( N o r m a n :

University of Oklahoma Press, 1984. XX + 291 pp. $48.50.) T h i s highly specialized bibliographic aid features fifteen entries for Utah, ten of which are from Utah Historical Quarterly. The Making of a Cowboy. By VERN C . MORTENSEN. (New York: Vantage Press, 1985. 158 pp. $11.95.) Written by one of Utah's cowboy poets, this lively reminiscence recounts his experiences as a young cowhand in northern Arizona, southern LItah, and mideastern Nevada in the 1920s.


UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History BOARD OF STATE HISTORY T H O M A S G . Ai.KXANDKR. P r o v o , 1987 Chairman LEONARD J . ARRiNc;TON,Sah L a k e C i t y , 1989 Vice-Chairman M A X J . EvAN.s, Salt L a k e C i t y Secretary D O U G L A S D . ALDER, St. G e o r g e , 1989

P H I L L I P A. BuLLEN.Salt L a k e C i t y , 1987 J . E L D O N DORMAN, P r i c e , 1987 H U G H C . GARNER, S a l t L a k e C i t y , 1989 D A N E . J O N E S . S a l t L a k e C i t y , 1989

D E A N L . MAY, Salt L a k e C i t y , 1987 W I L L I A M D . O W E N S , S a l t L a k e C i t y , 1987 AMY A L L E N PRICE, S a l t L a k e C i t y , 1989

ADMINISTRATION M A X J . EVANS, J A Y M . WWMQ^D.

Director Librarian

STANFORD J . L A Y T O N , M a n a g m g

Editor

D A V I D B . MADSEN,S^afe

Archaeologist

A. Ki.Ni'PoyN^ix..Historic

Preservation

P H I L L I P F . NOTARIANNI, M u 5 e u m Services C R A I G ÂĽVIX.V.K. Administrative

Services

Coordinator Coordinator Coordinator

T h e Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, uncler state sponsorship, the Scx:iety fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly a n d other historical materials: collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a sfjecialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past. T h i s publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended. T h i s program receives financial assistance for identification a n d preservation of historic properties under Title VI of die Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. T h e U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.


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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN0042-143X) EDITORIAL STAFF STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managmg Editor MIRIAM B. MVRPHW Associate

Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L . CANNON u.Salt Lake City, 1986 ARLENEH. EAKLE. Woods Cross, 1987

PETERL. Gos.s,Sa/< Lake City, 1988 G L E N M . LEONARD,Farmmgion, 1988

LAMARPETER.SEN.SA/^ Lake City, 1986 RIC:HARDW. SADLER, Ogrfen, 1988

HAROLD ScHiNDi.ER.Sa/^ Lake City, 1987 GENE A. SESSIONS. Bountiful,

1986

GREGORY C. THOMP.SON.SA/^ Lake City, 1987

Utah Historical Quarterly was establistied in 1928 to publish articles, docunients, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. T h e Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter lipon payment of the annual dues: individual, $15.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $10.00; contributing, $20.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space, with footnotes at the end. Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion by contributors. Second class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.


Vj^XnAiiJES Contents FALL 1986/VOLUME 54/NUMBER 4

IN T H I S ISSUE

307

S T R U G G L E AGAINST GREAT ODDS: CHALLENGES IN UTAH'S MARGINAL A G R I C U L T U R A L AREAS, 1925-39 JAPANESE AMERICANS AND KEETLEY FARMS: UTAH'S RELOCATION COLONY

BRIAN

Q. CANNON 308

SANDRA C. TAYLOR

A U T A H N ABROAD: PARLEY P. CHRISTENSEN'S WORLD T O U R , 1921-23

JOHN

328

R. SILLITO 345

T H E DEATH OF BRIGHAM YOUNG: OCCASION FOR SATIRE

GARY L. BUNKER and DAVLSBH TON

358

BOOK REVIEWS

371

BOOK NOTICES

381

INDEX

384

THE COVER The Brighton Hotel, 1916, in Big Cottonwood Canyon, east of Salt Lake City. USHS collections, gift of James D. Moyle.

© Copyright 1986 Utah State Historical Society


Books reviewed ed. Dale Morgan on Early Mormonism: Correspondence and a New History CHARLES S. PETERSON 371

J O H N PHILLIP WALKER,

Goodbye to Poplar haven: Recollections of a Utah Boyhood J O H N S. TANNER 372

EDWARD GEARY.

BRIGHAM D . MADSEN. The

Shoshoni

Frontier and the Bear River Massacre

HOWARD CHRISTY

375

T. J. FERGUSON and E. RICHARD HART.

A Zuni Atlas

. .

ROBERT

BURR CARTWRIGHT BRUNDAGE.

S.

MCPHERSON

377

The Jade

Steps: A Ritual Life of the Aztecs

CHARLES E . DIBBLE

379

introduction and notes. A Basket of Chips: An Autobiography of James Taylor Harwood WILLIAM C . SEIERIT 380

ROBERT S. OLPIN,

HORACE M . ALBRIGHT. The Birth of the

National Park Service: The Founding Years, 1913-33 F . ROSS

PETERSON

380


Japanese American evacuees at the assembly center in Santa Anita. Courtesy of the National Archives.

In this issue T h e phrase "Against Great Odds" could serve as the state motto as appropriately as "Industry," for the challenges facing Utahns have been numerous: T h e first article documents a critical period in the ongoing struggle of farmers and ranchers to wrest a living from the state's marginal agricultural lands. T h e second piece relates how a group of relocated Japanese Americans overcame the great odds of racism and suspicion during World War II to live in harmony with their neighbors in rural Utah. Parley P. Christensen, the subject of the third article, represents a different dilemmaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that of the radical politician swimming against the current of majority opinion. T h e final article examines an intriguing episode in the Mormons' struggle to achieve acceptance within the larger American society. T h a t Brigham Young's death was greeted by so much comic ridicule in the press is but one indication of the great odds that remained to be overcome.


Struggle against Great Odds: Challenges in Utah's Marginal Agricultural Areas, 1925-39 BY BRIAN Q. CANNON

JjlSASTER STALKED MUCH OF UTAH'S AGRICULTURE i n t h e 1920s a n d

'30s. Indeed, the years 1925-39 can be viewed as a lotmd of rural distress. Environmental, sociocultural, and economic factors handicapped farmers and ranchers throughout the state but most acutely in marginal agricultural areas: southern, eastern, and western Utah. Haphazardly extended beyond its environmental and economic limits, agriculture there began to flounder on its wobbly framework. Mr. Cannon is a graduate student in history at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

Above: Drilling grass mixtures on denuded federal rangeland.

l^SHS

collections.


Struggle against Great Odds

^^^

This paper identifies specific flaws within that framework. Taken together, these flaws explain why social planners advocated major agricultural reforms for the state, including rural resettlement. A host of environmental problems beset farmers and ranchers in marginal areas in the 1920s and '30s. Among them was soil deficiency. Although soils in Utah included rich alluvial loam, soil studies conducted during the '20s and '30s in Uintah, Duchesne, Carbon, Emery, and Millard counties revealed that in many cases farming there had been undertaken on inferior soils. In Uintah County, only 15 percent of all privately owned land offered good soil. Further west in Duchesne County alkaline soils strewn with gravel mocked farming efforts. South of the Uinta Basin, Carbon and Emery county soils were generally "not of farming quality." Impregnated with alkali, much of the soil consisted of mancos shaleâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an uninviting substance that became sticky when wet and rock-hard when dry.^ Yet it was in the western part of the state that soils least adapted to farming had been cultivated. Eighty-five percent of the soil in Millard County's Delta area was difficult to cultivate or maintain a favorable tilth on because of its heavy clay texture. Furthermore, alkali had rendered large tracts entirely unproductive. As land had been brought under irrigation following the completion of Sevier Bridge Reservoir in 1914, seepage from canals and excess irrigation water had caused the water table to rise, saturating the soil. Hot sun and dry air quickly evaporated the moisture, leaving behind a saline residue. Depending upon their concentration, these salts had either reduced the quality of crops produced or sterilized the soil.^ Faced with declining productivity, many farmers in Millard County abandoned their lands. In the Delta area 21 percent of the area's homes had been deserted by 1931. Nearly all farms in some towns such as Abraham and Woodrow lay vacant.^ Once farms had been abandoned plant regression ensued, with inferior plants rather than climax vegetation taking over. Overgrazing and drought 1 R H Walker Pioneering in Western Agriculture, Utah Agricuhural Experiment Station ( U A E S ) bulletin no. 282 (Logan, 1938), pp. 28-299; Russell R. Keetch, "Annual Report of Extensioti Work in Uintah County, 1936," p. 7, Utah State University Archives (USUA), Logan; and J. Howard Maughan "Continuation of Study of the Extent of Desirable Major Land-Use Adjustments and Areas Suitable for Settlement" (n.p., 1936), p. 56, Box 01, Independent Commissions: Planning BoardAgriculture, 1934-41, Utah State Archives (SA), Salt Lake C:ity. 2 D s Jennings and J. Darrel Peterson, Drainage and Irrigation, Soil, Economic and Social Conditions, Delta Area, Utah: Division 2, Soil Conditions, tlAES bulletin no. 2.56 (Logan, 1935), pp. 8, 34. 3 Walker, Pioneering, p. 120.


^10

Utah Historical

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combined in other areas to produce similar results. Irrigation water, too, spread weeds throughout the state. Regardless of its causes, plant regression reduced the land's value for agriculture. Most of the new plants were less nutritious for stock than their predecessors. Some, such as the whorled milkweed, proved lethal to livestock, while others with thorns and spines injured cattle and sheep. Furthermore, the new plants were often annuals with root systems shallow and less drought-resistant than those of perennial plants. As such they offered little protection to the soil.4 In addition to battling new varieties of troublesome weeds, farmers combated an increasingly diverse host of insect pests and plant diseases. These incliided the beet leafhopper which induced curly top disease in sugar beets, beans, and tomatoes; the lygus bug which decimated alfalfa seed, an important cash crop for Millard County and the Uinta Basin; pale western cutworms; strawberry root rot; grasshoppers; Mormon crickets; and says bugs. Mere percentages and dollar amounts cannot convey the consequences of these pests. Those consequences can be glimpsed, however, through the experience of Cedar Valley dry farmers. For three years, over 25 percent of their planted wheat fell prey to the pale western cutworm. Destitute and unable to combat the worms, many of the growers abandoned their farms.^ Not only did agriculture suffer from poor soil, plant regression, and insects, it also experienced recurrent drought. During the thirties, drought hit throughout the state, albeit unevenly. However, the entire state suffered from low precipitation in 1931 and 1934, to that date "the driest (year) of record in the history of Utah on all watershed(s) in the state." Writing to Harry L. Hopkins, in June 1934, Utah emergency relief director Robert H. Hinckley reported, "Large areas of planted wheat have been abandoned, garden crops have been plowed and then left to die so water could be diverted elsewhere. Much of the grain is shrunken. Pests, lacking their natural food, are eating the remaining crops in destitute regions."^ ^ A. F. Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use Study for U t a h " (n.p., 1935), pp. 71-72, 76, copy in files of Charles S. Peterson, Utah State University (USU), Logan. ^ Blanche C. Pittman, comp., How Science Aids Utah Agriculture, UAES bulletin no. 276 (Logan, 1936), pp. 20-26. ^ George D. Clyde, "Preliminary Report on Snow Cover of the Principal Watersheds of Utah, Februrary 1, 1935," a n d Robert H. Hinckley to Harry L. H o p k i n s , J u n e 29, 1934, FERA Correspondence, both in Henry H. Blood Papers, SA.


Struggle against Great Odds

311

This flood damage in Davis County occurred because of imprudent grazing practices that disturbed the original topsoil. USHS collections.

Such regions could be found throughout southern, eastern, and western Utah. Beaver County lost 75 percent of its alfalfa to drought. In Millard County, many farmers lost their entire wheat crop. Ranchers near Delta dug water holes and troughs to catch and store water lest their livestock die of thirst. In the state as a whole, farmers planted only 30 percent of the normal acreage in 1934 and harvested only 40 percent of that in some areas. As much as 65 percent of the range withered away.^ Plant cover, withered by drought or consumed by livestock, invited erosion, thereby threatening to rob the land of necessary topsoil. State land use planning consultant A. F. Bracken wrote, " T h e problem of range erosion covers a wider area and affects more people than any other maladjustment from which the poulation of the state is suffering." In 1934 the Forest Service classified 60 percent of Utah's rangeland and the entire land area of Carbon, Emery, Grand, and Kane counties as "severely eroded." Following heavy rainfall on September 3, 1936, agricultural experiment station personnel discovered how serious erosion could be. Measuring silt and organic matter within the Duchesne River, they found that

' Lew Mar Price, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Beaver County," (n.p., 1934), p. 16, USUA; George Whornham, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Millard County," (n.p., 1934), p. 5, USUA; N. Lester Mangum to Robert H. Hinckley, May 5, 1934, FERA Correspondence, Blood Papers, SA; and Leonard J. Arrington, Utah the New Deal and the Depression, Weber State College Monograph Series (Ogden, 1983), pp. 12-13.


312

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Quarterly

17,500 tons of solid materialâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;enough to bury an acre of land ten feet deepâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;passed by a single point within one hour. Rapid erosion produced gaping chasms. Three or more gullies per acre cut across nearly 70 percent of Uinta Basin Indian land. Bisecting roads, these chasms made road travel in some areas impossible.^ Barren soil invited wind as well as water erosion. On heavily grazed sections of the west desert, between two and six inches of soil had blown away by 1935. Blowing sand blasted plants, cutting them down to mere stumps. Perhaps Utah's severest blow area was near Grantsville where several dust storms in 1934 and 1935 enveloped 40,000 acres in a pall of dust. Billowing soil penetrated homes and barns in the area and halted highway traffic. Clouds of dust limited vision so much that the postman could not deliver mail. T o filter out the dust some residents wrapped wet towels around their faces. Lacking such filters, sheep and cattle in the area died from breathing the dust or eating dirt-clogged feed. One man abandoned his ranch, and others seriously contemplated moving away as a result of the storms' destruction.^ All of these environmental problems curtailed agricultural production in the 1920s and '30s. In summary, these problems included soil deficiency, plant regression, insect pests, drought, and erosion. They stemmed only partially from h u m a n land use: in a dialectical relationship society and nature had forged them. But regardless of their origins, the problems mandated sociocultural adjustments, including changes in agricultural practices and characteristics. Among those practices requiring adjustment was dry farming. By 1929 Utah dry farms comprised 200,000 acres. At the height of the dry-farm boom earlier in the century, much more land had been involved: over 5,000 homesteaders had patented dry farms as a result of the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909. Under proper conditions, dry farming could yield impressive harvests. However, it was a tricky business whose success varied with precipitation, temperature, slope of the land, wind, and cultural practices. Untrained farmers simplistically sunk savings in unproductive tracts. Near Fillmore, for example, where precipitation averaged 15 inches annually, farmers 8 Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 51; and L. A. Stoddart et al., Range Conditions in the Uinta Basin, Utah, UAES bulletin no. 283 (Logan, 1938), pp. 22-23. 9 Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 50; and Harley J. Helm and Graham S. Quate, "Report on the Wind Erosion and Dust Menace, Grantsville, Tooele County, Utah," in Grantsville and Shambys Soils Conservation Districts, Conservation History of Tooele County (n.p. 197[?]), in USUA.


313

Struggle against Great Odds

Dry farm in Cache County. USHS

collections.

planted dry wheat. Harvests were minimal, whereas a few miles north in Levan, farmers harvested a good crop. Precipitation in the two areas was comparable but other conditions were not. In some areas rainfall came too late in the summer to be of much benefit to dryland wheat. Most who had settled such tracts had abandoned them by 1930. However, in 1935 Utah's land planning consultant, J. Howard Maughan, observed that "a surprising number still hold on to their land, . . . beaten and broken victims of a false hope that could not be realized." Some form of land use adjustment seemed necessary for these people.^^ A characteristic typical of but not limited to dry farming was unprofitable small farms. This too required adjustment. In 1925, 47 percent of Utah's farms had fewer than fifty acres, and 22 percent contained 20 acres or less. Soil and climate ruled out intensive cultivation of some of these small farms. Moreover, many of them in marginal areas lacked sufficient irrigation water.^^ '0 Marion Clawson et al.. Types of Farming in Utah, UAES bulletin no. 275 (Logan, 1936), pp. 32, 62, 66. " Byron Alder, " T h e Poultry Industry in Utah," p. 5, Agricultural College file, 1930, George H. Dern Papers, SA.


314

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Not only were Utah's farms small, but they were often composed of scattered, oddly shaped parcels of land. Tracts such as these proved difficult to cultivate and irrigate. Furthermore, they facilitated division of farms. This occurred frequently between 1920 and 1930; although the number of acres under cultivation remained virtually the same over the decade, the number of farms under 20 acres in size rose from 4,610 to 6,617. Already too small to sustain a family comfortably, many farms were divided into still smaller units.^^ In some areas better suited for ranching than farming, residents lacked range rights. Along the Nevada-Utah border in Millard, Juab, and Tooele counties early homestead laws had sharply limited land claims, facilitating absentee ownership of the range. By the 1930s outside livestock interests controlled much of the range. Nonresident ownership impoverished once-prosperous local residents.^^ Areas of more recent settlement also lacked range rights. Settlers in the Uinta Basin as well as dry-farm owners in Johns Valley, Garfield County; western Box Elder County; and the La Sal area had arrived too late to acquire title to the range. Conditions in these areas proved to be ill-suited to farming, but nonresidents already held key alpine grazing rights there. In the Uinta Basin, 23 percent of all animal-unit months of grazing allotted on federal lands in 1937 went to outside stockmen. Furthermore, the average outside owner of sheep received permits to graze twice as many sheep on the public domain as the average resident.^"^ Taken together, nonresident and resident livestock grazing used 85 percent of Utah's land. The range industry's incorrect seasonal use of that land, improper distribution of livestock on it, and overall surplus of livestock decimated the range in southern, eastern, and western Utah. Although grazing had been restricted within national forest reserves beginning in the first decade of the century, Utah's sheep industry reached an all-time high in 1930. Grazing restrictions had upgraded some lands, but overgrazing remained a serious problem. Sixty percent of Utah's range and nearly all of Kane and Garfield counties was severely eroded and "badly overgrazed" by 1934. For communities almost entirely reliant upon livestock these statistics spelled disaster. T w o such Garfield County towns, Can'2 Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 29. '3 Maughan, "Continuation of Report," pp. 72-73. 'â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘Ibid., pp. 59, 65, 69-70; and George T. Blanch,/4 Study of Farm Organization by Types of Farms in Uinta Basin, Utah, UAES bulletin no. 285 (Logan, 1939), pp. 17-18, 65-66.


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nonville and Henryville, had an aggregate population of six hundred. With approximately four hundred acres of irrigated land between them and a badly depleted range, these communities faced defeat. Much of the population was on relief. T o the east of these towns, Escalante, primarily a stock-raising area that had once boasted a per capita income of $ 1,000, had to import $20,000 worth of feed for livestock from 1933 to 1935. In 1935, 70 percent of the town's 1,000 residents were on relief due to depleted range and crop failure. ^^ Improper management of water paralleled poor range management. Three problems contributed to this: improper drainage, ineffective irrigation networks, and overextended and improperly allocated water resources. One consequence of improper drainage has already been discussed: alkali accumulation in the soil. Another consequence, irrigation-induced erosion and flooding, occurred most frequently in Carbon and Emery counties where soil was highly susceptible to erosion. Gullies formed rapidly on farms where excess irrigation water repeatedly followed the same drainage course. They grew quickly as water undercut their banks, causing adjacent land to cave in. Gorges 100-200 feet deep and 10-70 feet wide became common.^^ Ineffective irrigation systems, the second water management problem mentioned above, resulted in the loss of vital water. These systems often lacked sound engineering. Some, such as a canal designed to bring water from Lake Fork River to North My ton Bench in Duchesne County, never did work. After residents had invested "thousands of dollars worth of work," the canal's banks "washed out like salt," one resident recalled. Similarly, a dam built by land promoters in southern Utah's Grass Valley "would not hold water" because it was surrounded by a lava flow. Many other systems suffered heavy conveyance losses. T h e Central Utah Canal near Delta which carried water thirty-seven miles lost 70 percent of its water through evaporation and seepage. Other systems had fallen into disrepair. Long canals serving a handful of people often became dilapidated, for those using the canals could not muster the manpower to maintain them.^^ '5 Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 25; and Maughan, "Continuation of Report," p. 69. '6 I. D. Zobell, Soil Management and Crop-Production Studies: Carbon County Area, UAES bulletin no. 270 (Logan, 1936), p. 7. 1' LeAnn Wabel, "History of Anna R. Lemon Johnson," (n.p., 1983), Peterson files, USU; Maughan, "Continuation of Report," pp. 35, 49; and Loreen P. Wahlquist, "Memories of a Uintah Basin Farm," Utah Historical Quarterly 42 (1974): 169.


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The third problem involved overextended and improperly allocated water resources. In the state's twenty principal irrigated counties, 41 percent of all irrigated acreage had a first class water right in 1930. Twenty-five percent had a secondary right, 22 percent a third class right, and 12 percent a fourth class right. Thus, by midsummer many farms had little if any water. In 1934 the state's land planning consultant reported that 160 farms comprising 12,000 acres in the state-developed Piute Project had not been irrigated for years, possessing only a second or third class water right. Not surprisingly, only four of 160 families remained. One resident who abandoned his farm on the project was Rasmus Michelsen. Michelsen had purchased eighty acres of project land to which the state had promised to deliver three-acre feet of water per acre of land. Yet the project had generally delivered only four to six inches of water per acre.^^ A similar problem with overextension of water emerged along the lower Beaver River on a strip of land known as Beaver Bottoms. Twenty-two farms in the region dried up when developers built Minersville Dam several miles north of the region. Because the dam rarely filled, only a trickle of water ever reached these farms. Unable to pay the cost of lawsuits against the reservoir company, these residents sold their water rights to the company and completely abandoned their homes, farms, and school.^^ Besides being inadequate, water resources were poorly distributed. Millard County extension agent George Whornham indicated, "In many cases irrigation water is applied to land which never did nor never can economically produce crops in sufficient quantity to produce a living. On the other hand, many good farms are being ruined and made unproductive because not enough water is being applied." T h e state agricultural experiment station observed similar problems besetting "most irrigation enterprises" in the state.20 In summary, agricultural characteristics and practices that bore bitter consequences in southern, eastern, and western Utah included ill-advised dry farming, small farm size, and lack of range rights. â&#x20AC;˘8 Clawson et al., Types of Farming, p. 30; Bracken, "Utah Report," 15; and Rasmus Michelsen to Henry H. Blood, November 30, 1940, Land Board Correspondence, Blood Papers, SA. Class I water rights were those with no water shortage during ordinary years. Class II rights experienced some shortages but had enough water to mature crops. Class III rights furnished water during flood season only. Class IV rights were those which during a normal year provided water for no more than thirty days. '5 Bracken, "Report on Land-Use," pp. 99,109; and Maughan, "Continuation of Report," pp. 36, 44-45. 20 Maughan, "Continuation of Report," p. 36; and Clawson et al.. Types of Farming, pp^. 28-29.


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Others were poor range management, improper drainage, ineffective irrigation networks, and overextended water resources. All of these practices pointed to the need for land use adjustment. In addition to environmental and agricultural problems, social challenges plagued the state's marginal agricultural areas in the 1920s and '30s. Foremost among those challenges was population pressure on the land. Utah's rural population increased 16 percent from 1900 to 1910, 16 percent from 1910 to 1920, and 3.3 percent from 1920 to 1930. Already hemmed in by insufficient water and submarginal soil, the state's agriculture could ill accommodate this surge in population Several phenomena manifest this inability to adjust to the rise in population. Among them was the large number of unestablished young people. In 1939 Sanpete County's extension agent counted 364 unestablished, young married couples; 383 single, unestablished men ages 18-30; and 276 single, unestablished women ages 18-30 in the county. Millard County's agent predicted that his region's 2,000 men and women ages 16-30 had little chance of starting a home or farm on their own. Another sign of the population-land imbalance surfaced in an overabundance of farm labor. In the reservation area of the Uinta Basin, the average farmer had almost 200 surplus man days of labor each year. A third sign of overpopulation involved division of farms, a trend previously discussed.^i In addition to population pressure, rural sociologists noted a second imbalance in rural life: the paucity of social institutions and public services in some areas. At the same time New Deal planners in Washington were extolling the community conveniences and spirit of Utah's Mormon villages, sociologists within the state were detecting deficiencies in rural Utah. Not all rural residents lived in villages, they observed; farms in areas of more recent settlement were often dispersed. Moreover, villages often lacked a variety of high quality community services because of tax delinquency, poverty, and isolation.22 A detailed study of the Delta area revealed many such deficiencies. Only 20 percent of state and local taxes levied there in 1931 2' Walker, Pioneering, p. 24; Blanch, Farm Organization in Uinta Basin, p. 85; Elmer H. Gibson, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Sanpete County, 1939," p. 69, USUA; and Bracken, "Report on Land-Use," pp. 5-6. 22 A. F. Bracken, "Utah Report on the Extent and Character of Desirable Adjustment in Rural Land-Use and Settlement Areas," (n.p., 1934), passim; Agriculture Planning Board Reports, SA; and Paul K. Conkin, Tomorrow aNew World: The New Deal Communinty Program {lihaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1959), pp. 13-14, 81. Responsible for much of the idealization of Mormon villages was M. L. Wilson, director of the Subsistence Homesteads Division.


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were collected. This limited revenue could support few community services. Only one town in the area had a public library, only five of the eight communities had mail service, and none had a municipal water system. Several had no playground, baseball diamond, rodeo grounds, or park, and hospital facilities were distant. Oasis, perhaps the most dismal of the eight communities, "was a village in ruins in 1936," according to one rural sociologist. Its small church lacked indoor plumbing, its roads had received "little attention," and its cemetery "was poorly maintained." No village recreational facilities existed. T h e depression had closed many businesses including a drugstore, dry goods store, meat market, bank, two lumber yards, grocery store, barber shop, service station, and alfalfa seed plant. Not all communities offered as few services as Oasis, but many towns throughout the state in the 1930s were not inviting places to live, according to studies of the state's rural communities.23 Poor living conditions also plagued marginal agricultural areas. In some conveniences, rural Utah compared favorably with rural areas in the nation at large. For example, Utah ranked third in the percentage of farmhomes with electricity (58 percent), and thirteenth in the percentage of farms having r u n n i n g water (39 percent). Nevertheless, these statistics belied pockets of primitive living conditions. In the Delta area only 28 percent of all homes had r u n n i n g water. Duchesne and Uintah counties (respectively 4 and 21 percent) did not come close to approximating the state's 58 percent of homes with electricity. Similarly, while 27 percent of the state's homes had phone service, only 3 percent in Duchesne County and 14 percent in Uintah County had phones.2^ Generally, as the isolation of an area increased, so did primitive living conditions. In the isolated Uinta Basin, many homes were shabby. Small and cheaply built, they had unplaned, mud-chinked walls and dirt floors. Because r u n n i n g water was rare (4 percent in Duchesne and 9 percent in Uintah) many households hauled culinary water from irrigation ditches or rivers. Others dipped irrigation water from cisterns near their homes for household use. Typical was the lifestyle of Anna R. Lemon Johnson. During the winter of 193637 she and her family lived in a tarpaper shack made of one-inch 23 Joseph A. Geddes, Carmen D. Fredrickson, and Eldred C. Bergeson, Drainage and Irrigation, Soil, Economic and Social Conditions, Delta Area, Utah: Division 4, Social Conditions, UAES bulletin no. 288 (Logan, 1939), passim. 2^ Blanch, Farm Organization in Uinta Basin, pp. 12-23; and Geddes, Social Conditions, Delta Area, pp. 51-52.


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boards. Eventually most of the tarpaper blew off, allowing snow to whip through the cracks in the wall. Temperatures outside often plunged to 44 below. Anna's husband Frank would arise at 4 A.M., stoke a fire in the kitchen stove to warm the place a bit, and huddle on the oven door for the balance of the night. Anna was pregnant that winter "which made it harder for me," she recalled. She hauled snow for water, which she stored in a fifty-gallon barrel. T h e following summer she and her family moved to an eighty-by-twenty-four-foot camp cabin. It was a "really strange set u p , " she recalled, for it had truck doors built into the side with roll-up-and-down windows. Bedbugs, mites, and flies shared the place with the family. New Deal social planners found such conditions to be widespread and deplorable.25 By the 1930s many people favored and even demanded government-engineered assistance and improvements. " T h e people here . . . are crying for help," wrote Uintah County's extension agent. From Millard County came a similar report of people "waiting for the Rehabilitation Division to do something." Personal pleas fill Governor Henry H. Blood's files. Typical is this one: "My farm is being sold at sheriff's sale for interest. I have not the money to pay. I would like help. Wire if you can help me."26 Relief came too late or amounted to too little to succor some. Many deserted their farms. Only 2.2 in 1,000 families migrated from the state, according to a WPA study of interstate migration. Of those families, only 7 percent listed farm failure as the principal cause of their move. T h o u g h few farmers actually left the state, many did abandon their farms. Twenty-one percent of the Delta area's homes lay vacant in 1930. In the state at large the 1930 farm population was only 81 percent of what it had been in 1920. By 1934 Aaron F.Bracken, Utah's land planning consultant, noted almost total abandonment of sections across the state. In 1940 only 94,352 people were living on farms, down from 106,667 in 1930.2^ T h a t more did not move from their farms is surprisng, given the depth and pervasiveness of disaster. T h e fact that many of the earlier 25 Blanch, Farm Organization in Uinta Basin, p. 13; and Wabel, "Anna R. Lemon Johnson." 26 Keetch, "Annual Report, 1937," p. 7; George Wornham, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Millard County 1935," p. 15, in USUA; and Glen Gates ib Honorable Governor Blood, November 21, 1934, FERA Correspondence, Blood Papers, SA. 2' John N. Webb and Malcolm Brown, Migrant Families, W.P.A. Research Monograph XVIII (Washington, D.C.: G P O , 1938), pp. 137, 151; Geddes, Social Conditions, Delta Area, pp. 58, 120; Joseph A. Geddes, Migration: A Problem of Youth in Utah, UAES bulletin no. 323 (Logan, 1946), p. 6; and Bracken, "Utah Report," passim.


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settlements traced their roots to colonization calls from Mormon church leaders may have contributed to this resilience. This heritage firmly bound farmers to their homes in Utah's Dixie. Even in areas of more recent, economically motivated settlement, religious zeal could reinforce ties to the community. For example, decades following his removal from the town of Widtsoe, one farmer recalled a promise made by Mormon apostle Melvin J. Ballard to the community's residents. T h e valley would be a Garden of Eden if its inhabitants kept God's commandments and stayed out of debt, Ballard had prophesied. If they did not do so, it would be taken from them. Ballard's words had infused the land with sacred meaning, rendering the valley a symbolic link between the area's residents and God. Remembering that promise, the people clung to their land as long as they physically could. T o move away was to admit spiritual as well as temporal failure. Although all but two families eventually moved away, some former residents of the area still remember that promise, speak of their valley reverently, make annual pilgrimages to it, and speculate that it may one day blossom.2^ In summary, social problems of southern, eastern, and western Utah during the '20s and '30s included a population-land imbalance, insufficient or inadequate social institutions, poor housing conditions, and migration. In their efforts to eradicate these problems. New Deal reformers faced two common attitudes: expectation of government aid and religiously motivated tenacity to even submarginal land. It has been shown that environmental, agricultural, and social deficiencies and imbalances handicapped farmers in southern, eastern, and western Utah in the 1920s and '30s. Much had also gone awry economically. When the bottom fell out of the stock market in 1929, Utah agriculture had been contributing little to national commerce. Nevertheless, some agricultural sectors marketed most of their products. Commercial surges in Utah in the first three decades of the century had involved sheep, cattle, poultry, fruit, dryland wheat, alfalfa seed, and sugar beets. Producers of these goods had a stake in the national economy by 1929.2^ 2* J. Howard Maughan, "A Resume of Community Settlement in Washington County, Utah," (Logan, 1935), p. 6, Land Use folder, Agriculture Planning Board Reports, Independent Commissions, SA; Mabel W. Nielsen and Audrie C. Ford, Johns Valleyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;The Way We Saw It (Springville: Art City Publishing Co., 1971), p. 70; and interview by author with Reed Reynolds and Ileen Reynolds, January 12, 1985. 2' Bracken, "Report on Land-Use," pp. 21-23, 28. Utah's total yearly cash income from agriculture averaged $54,604,000 for 1926-30.


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A good example of southern Utah's blend of subsistence and commercial farming was Washington County agriculture. In 1914 a new, good road connecting the county with Salt Lake City and Los Angeles made fruit shipments to major urban markets possible. County agricultural agents encouraged increased production and marketing. Wholesale houses in Salt Lake and Los Angeles also sent agents to the county to purchase fruit and vegetables. Yet commercialization remained limited: by 1928 farm size, production, and profits continued to be small, with only 1,900 of the county's 16,000 cultivated acres producing truck crops, fruits, or nuts.^° Those farmers who did market their products in the '20s and '30s suffered blistering defeat. Already low farm prices plummeted even more during the first five years of the depression, contributing to that defeat. National agricultural prices fell 40 percent between 1929 and 1934 as supply far outstripped demand. Meanwhile, industrial prices fell only 15 percent. Illustrative of this fact, a bushel of wheat which had sold for $1.03 in 1929 sold for 38 cents in 1932. At that price, ten bushels of wheat would buy only a pair of cheap shoes. Prices paid Utah farmers for agricultural commodities hit rock bottom in February 1933. Prices in 1933 were only 73 percent of parity (average farm prices for 1910-14). Prices then began to rise, until by 1937 they were 123 percentof the prewar level. T h e Roosevelt recession in 1938 again pushed prices down to 104 percent. At no time during the decade did prices approach the 139 percent level of the '20s, let alone the 170 percent level of World War I.^^ Falling livestock and land values accompanied declining prices. Having invested when high prices prevailed, farmers could not recover their investments. Utah stockmen were particularly hard hit. While Utah's sheep population declined only 15 percent from 1929 to 1933, the population's value plummeted 78 percent. Utah cattlemen owned 20,000 more cattle in 1933 than they had in 1929, yet the aggregate value of the stock was $ 17 million lower than it had been in 1927. Farmers also felt the crunch. In Washington County, land values that had escalated 189 percent between 1920 and 1929 fell 31 3" Clark Knowlton, "Washington County and the Depression," pp. 7-13, copy in the files of Charles S. Peterson, USU. " Richard N. Current, T. Harry Williams, and Frank Vriedel, American History: A Survey, 2d ed. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1967), p. 762; W. Preston Thomas and George T. Blanch, Drainage and Irrigation, Social, Economic, and Soil Conditions, Delta Area, Utah: Division 3, Economic Conditions, UAES bulletin no. 273 (Logan, 1936), pp. 7-8; and W. Preston Thomas, George T. Blanch, and Edith Hayball, A Study of Farm Organization by Type of Farm in Sanpete and Sevier Counties, UAES bulletin no. 300 (Logan, 1941), p. 26.


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Cattle at a waterhole. Falling livestock prices in the early 1930s hurt Utah ranchers. USHS collections.

percent from 1930 to 1935. Farmers could neither pay taxes on their property nor repay their loans. Typical was the struggle of one young couple in the Uinta Basin, Fred and Loreen Wahlquist. In 1928 they "bought a bunch of cows for a high price." By 1931 prices were dropping, and the Wahlquists were offered $70.00 a head for their five best cows. Unwisely, they chose not to sell. Three years later, lacking feed for the cows, the Wahlquists sold them to the government for $16.00ahead.32

Low and decreasing farm production further complicated southern and eastern Utah's agricultural economy. Utah harvested its largest acreage of crops ever in 1922 and its greatest yield per acre in 1925. Following these peak years, production oscillated but diminished overall. The seven-year period from 1931 to 1937 drew yields lower than any period of like length since Brigham Young's time. Particularly hard hit was the state's alfalfa seed production. In 1925, Utah had produced 22 million pounds of alfalfa. Acre yields in the Delta area had averaged 6.4 bushels. Four years later, Utah 32 Merrill Stucki, "An Economic Study of Farmers' Cooperative Business Associations in Utah " (M.A. thesis. University of Utah, 1935), p p . 90, 101; Knowlton, "Washington County," p. 22; and Wahlquist, "Memories," p. 169.


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produced only 3 million pounds with annual acre yields in Delta reaching only 1.5 bushels for 1929-31. Drought more than any other factor constricted Utah's production during the thirties. Other contributing factors included soil problems, lack of crop rotation, and insect pests. Simultaneously, range problems caused livestock production to plummet 30-50 percent.^^ As farm production and prices fell, farm operation costs became exorbitant. Operating expenses, including hired labor, feed, seed, interest payments, taxes, land and water rent, vehicle costs, repairs, and livestock purchases, drained farm income. Farm prices plunged far more than costs for these items. A bushel of dry land wheat, for example, cost 76 cents to produce in 1926-27 and 68 cents to produce in 1933-34. Meanwhile, the national price per bushel of wheat fell from $1.03 in 1929 to 38 cents in 1932.^4 Costs of transporting goods to distant markets were among the most onerous operating expenses. In March 1933, 850-950 carloads of peas, cabbage, onions, and potatoes harvested the previous year still had not been shipped due to high transportation costs and low prices. Utah's 1938 apricot and cherry crops largely rotted because of prohibitive shipping costs. Utah peach growers anticipated a harvest of 600-800 carloads of peaches that year. T o be competitive, those peaches had to be priced under $ 1.50 per bushel. T h e average costs of freighting and refrigeration alone amounted to 70 cents per bushel, far too high to make any profit on the crop. Producers in isolated areas where few highways or railroads existedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;most notably Daggett, Rich, San Juan, Duchesne, and Uintah countiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;suffered most acutely. They could ill support costs of transporting wheat, oats, barley, or corn to the nearest shipping facilities.^^ Farmers in some areas still made enough money to offset operating costs. In Summit County, a livestock producing region, the average farm in 1930 grossed $2,520 in cash. Farm expenditures at $1,391 left $1,129 for family expenditures, a sufficient amount for necessities. Farmers in other areas, though, had less luck. Annual " Walter U. Fuhriman, Some Trends in Utah's Agriculture, UAES bulletin no. 286 (Logan, 1939) pp. 9, 18, 20; and Thomas and Blanch, Economic Conditions, Delta Area, p. 6. 34 Current, Williams, and Friedel, American History, p. 784; Walker, Pioneering, p. 20; and Stucki, "Economic Study," pp. 87-88. 35 Stucki, "Economic Study," p. 74; Governor Henry H. Blood to A. J. Seitz, August 26, 1938; and Ward C Holbrook, Otto A. Wiesley, and Walter K. Granger to A. J. Seitz and O. J. Grimes, August 22, 1938 both in Department of Agriculture Correspondence, 1938-1940, Blood Papers, SA; and James H. Eager and A. F. Bracken, San Juan County Experimental Farm: Progress Report 1925-30, Inclusive, UAES bulletin no. 230 (Logan, 1931), pp. 5, 9.


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cash farm receipts in the Delta area for 1929-31 averaged $1,461, while average cash expenditures for a farm operation averaged $1,470. F^armers in the Uinta Basin and Carbon and Emery counties faced similar difficulties.^^ A major component of operating expenses in these areas was drainage and irrigation taxation. It soared to exorbitant heights in the Delta area, largely as a result of drainage bond indebtedness. During the teens and early twenties three of the area's drainage districts had floated two bonds, and the remaining district had floated three bonds to construct drainage systems. Costs eventually totalled far more than originally estimated: farmers in the area thus faced an unpayable yearly assessment of $11 per cultivated acre for forty years. From 1929 to 1931 the drainage districts succeeded in collecting less than 10 percent of these net annual assessments, forcing them to default on bond payments. Drainage and irrigation taxation in the other areas was less than in the Delta area, but still excessive. By 1932 all three of the major water projects with State Land Board loansâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Piute, central Utah, and Carbonâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;were battling "serious financial difficulties" because farmers could not meet their irrigation assessments.^^ Partly because drainage and irrigation districts were overcapitalized, tax delinquency ran 40 percent in rural Utah by 1932. Delinquency in Kane, Duchesne, Garfield, and Wayne counties all topped 50 percent in that year. By 1933, 70 percent of Duchesne County's taxes were delinquent. The Thatcher-Magleby bill passed on March 1, 1933, extended the payment deadline for taxes accrued between 1928 and 1931 to January 1, 1935. A similar law passed in 1934 extended the deadline to May 1936. Notwithstanding this grace period, the county had taken control of nearly 65 percent of farms in the Delta area by 1936. Similarly, in another hard-hit area, Uintah County, 430 tax sales occurred in May 1936.^8 Mortgage as well as tax indebtedness plagued farmers in many regions. High interest rates on loans assumed in more prosperous times mocked efforts at payment. Daggett County's state land 36 Walker, Pioneering, p. 19; and Thomas and Blanch, Economic Conditions, Delta Area, p. 26. 3' O. W. Israelsen, Drainage and Irrigation, Soil, Economic, and Social Conditions, Delta Area, Utah: Division 1, Drainage and Irrigation Conditions, UAES bulletin no. 255 (Logan, 1935), pp. 9-11, 19,46-47; and JFM, Executive Secretary to Governor George H. Dern, to Hon. Reed Smoot, February 11, 1932, Land Board Correspondence, January-February 1932, Dern Papers, SA. 38 Knowlton, "Washington County," pp. 29, 31; Maughan, "Continuation of Report," p. 36; Russell R. Keetch, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Uintah County, 1936," p. 7 USUA; and Bracken, "Utah Report," p. 16.


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appraiser, writing to the State Land Board, recounted the situation of a Mr. Twitchell who owed the state money on a small flock of sheep, a home, and a seventy-acre farm. Twitchell, who had lost his crops to drought in 1931 and could not sell his lambs, was not able to make payments on his loan. Many residents of Daggett County and of the state at large were in similar circumstances, the appraiser believed.^^ State Land Board and F'ederal Land Bank records corroborated the appraiser's belief. The Federal Land Bank reported in 1932 that 43 percent of its Utah loans were delinquent. Of 945 mortgages held by the State Land Board in February 1, 1935, 78 percent had fallen delinquent. Although the State Land Board insisted that "in no case have foreclosures been instituted for the reason of interest or principal delinquencies alone," it had foreclosed on 508 farms by February 1935. By that year, the Federal Land Bank in Utah had also foreclosed on $2,140,615 out of a total of $4,690,504 in loans. Other banks had likewise foreclosed on farms. Banks and real estate firms owned nearly one-third of all property in Millard County in 1934, largely as a result of foreclosures.^"^ Mortgage payments, taxes, irrigation and drainage assessments, and operating expenses bled farm income dry. Average farm labor income—the cash income from farming after farm expenses, taxes, and mortgage payments were deducted—amounted to minus $709 for the Delta area, $172 for Sanpete County, and $303 for Sevier County. Farm labor income totaled $36 on Ashley Valley general farms, and minus $108 on Uintah Reservation general farms. Thirty-three percent of all Utah farms in 1929 had a gross income of under $ 1,000. Two extension service studies estimated that in 1929-31 the average farm family needed at least $1,000 to cover family expenses. T o survive, farm families turned to off-farm labor where possible. Some made enough money to support themselves. Others did not.^^ Unable to earn enough money, much of the population applied for relief. Nationwide, over one-fourth of all rural families sought relief between 1930 and 1936. The figure in Utah was probably much 39 John S. Bennett to Mr. Mendenhall, State Land Office, February 9, 1932, Land Board Correspondence, January-February 1932, Dern Papers, SA. '"' Knowlton, "Washington County," pp. 19, 24; "Data Pertaining to the Activities of the State Land Board, State of Utah," February 5, 1935, Land Board Correspondence, 1935, Blood Papers, SA; untitled State Land Board document. Land Board Correspondence, January-February 1932, Dern Papers, SA; and Bracken, "Report on Land-Use," p. 102. •" Thomas and Blanch. Economic Conditions, Delta Area, pp. 25, 31 -32, 35; Thomas, Blanch and Hayball, Farm Organization in Sanpete and Sevier, p. 37; Blanch, Farm Organization in Uinta Basin, Utah, pp. 37, 47; Clawson et al., Types of Farming, p. 37; and Edith Hayball and W. Preston Thomas, Family Living Expenditures: Summit County, Utah, 1930, UAES bulletin no. 232 (Logan, 1931), p. 29.


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Range control experiment near Price in the late 1930s shows rice grass flourishing inside the fence (left). U.S. Soil Conservation Service photograph in USHS collections.

higher, for at the highest single point, in May 1934, 21 percent of the entire population was receiving relief. Figures escalated beyond this for some rural areas: 30 percent in Uintah County in July 1935, 71 percent in Duchesne County in June 1934, 53 percent in Millard County at one time, and 70 percent in Escalante in 1935.^2 T o summarize, serious economic problems hampered agriculture in southern, eastern, and western Utah during the 1920s and '30s. Among those problems were low farm prices, falling livestock and land values, and low production levels. Relatively high farm operating costs, mortgage payments, taxes, and irrigation and drainage expenses combined to further reduce farmers' and ranchers' earnings, forcing many onto relief. ''2 Carle C. Zimmerman and Nathan L. Wetten, 7?ura/ Families on Relief, W.P.A. Research Monograph no. XVII (Washington, D.C.: G P O , 1938), p. xi; Richard D. Poll et al., eds., Utah's History (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), p p . 483, 487-88; S.R. DeBoer, "Uinta Basin," (n.p., 1936), in State Engineer 1935, Blood Papers, SA; Whornham, "Annual Report, 1935," p. 15; and Bracken "Report on Land-Use," p p . 118-19.


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For the nation at large, the 1920s exuded prosperity compared to the stark thirties. Real annual earnings in the twenties rose 11 percent, consumers enjoyed an increased selection of conveniences including appliances and automobiles at reduced prices, and the American dream of success attracted new disciples. Signs of prosperity even veiled the nation's agricultural sector, albeit thinly: farm expansion, including the plow-up of 5,260,000 virgin acres on the southern plains between 1925 and 1930, obfuscated the plight of the small farmer, caught in a vortex of high interest rates, dwindling markets, and declining farm prices. No such veil of expansion camouflaged rural distress in Utah: the number of acres under cultivation changed little between 1920 and 1930, and the rural farm population plummeted 19 percent. As the preceding discussion demonstrates, Utah's marginal agricultural regions were buckling long before the calamitous thirties. T h e twenties provided neither a vivid contrast nor a subtle prelude to the tragedy of the Great Depression. Rather, the stock market crash in October 1929, the subsequent depression, and the drought of 1934 only accentuated an agrarian tragedy well under way before then.^^ The difference between the twenties and the thirties lay not so much in agricultural conditions as in governmental responsiveness to those conditions, and particularly to the plight of small farmers. Recognizing the plight of farmers in Utah's marginal agricultural regions and in the nation at large, the Resettlement Administration and other New Deal agencies sought to ameliorate rural problems. For those living on arable land but lacking necessary machinery or water they proposed rural rehabilitation loans and small reclamation projects. For those living on submarginal land, they proposed governmental purchase and revegetation of their land, and government-engineered resettlement in economically viable, rural, suburban, and urban environments. Thereby they hoped to promote small family farms and simultaneously to stem land abuse. T h o u g h such massive reforms proved untenable, in southern, eastern, and western Utah at least, conditions seemed to warrant them."^"^ ÂŤ Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 29; Donald Worster, Dust Bowl: The Southern Plains in the 1930s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), p. 94; William E. Leuchtenberg, The Perils of Prosperity, 1914-1932 (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1958), pp. 178-203; and Irving Bernstein, The Lean Years: Workers in an Unbalanced Society (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), pp. 81-82. " Donald Holley, Uncle Sam's Farmers: The New Deal Communities in the Lower Mississippi Valley (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), pp. 196-97, 272-73; and Resettlement Administration, First Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: G P O , 1936).


Japanese Americans and Keetley Farms: Utah's Relocation Colony BY SANDRA C. TAYLOR

i6

I T WAS DURING THE LATTER DAYS OF March of last year that we suddenly set the date for our departure for Keetley, Wasatch County, Utah. We left Oakland . . . on Saturday afternoon . . . March 28th . . . taking the route via Sacramento. There were twenty one people in Dr. Taylor is professor of history at the University of Utah.

Above: Fred Wada, center, was the founder of the Japanese American colony at Keetley, Utah. Photograph from Survey Graphics, courtesy of Leonard J. Arrington.


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our group and we traveled in two sedans and three trucks. T h e latter were loaded with our personal belongings and furnitures. I drove one of the sedans. T h a t night we stopped over at a motel in Truckee, California. It was a very nice and comfortable place, (and incidentally very expensive), and we all slept well. We spent Sunday night at a motor court in Winnemucca, Nevada. I still remember that we had dinner at a Chop Suey place in that town and they charged us fifteen cents for a small dish (not bowl, mind you) of rice . . . and each of us ate two to three (and even four) dishes of them too."^ Masao Edward Tsujimoto, the author of this statement, was a young man when he and a group of Japanese Americans set out from the Bay Area to farm a valley in the high Wasatch Mountains east of Salt Lake City in early March 1942. They were part of a migration of nearly five thousand people who, prompted by the army's "encouragement" of Japanese resettlement in areas east of the Pacific Coast, sought new homes. Voluntary resettlement was a fleeting attempt at solving the apparent problem posed by the presence of some 110,000 Japanese, citizens and aliens, on the West Coast. From many sectors came demands that Japanese Americans be removed from the coast because of their suspect loyalties and undoubtedly visible ethnicityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; an inescapable reminder of the countenances of the enemy that had struck without warning and destroyed the heart of America's Pacific fleet at Pearl Harbor. Few were successful in their attempts to move. Flostility along their travel routes forced many to sleep in their cars and made them desperate for gasoline. Others succeeded in leaving California and crossing Nevada but were unsuccessful in finding new residences and livelihoods in the states of the Intermountain West. Most eventually returned to the West Coast to await relocation to internment camps. One small group that did succeed, in most unusual circumstances, was a little colony at Keetley, Utah. Its story is to be found in references in local newspapers and in the oral history of its founder, Fred Isamu Wada.2 Most interesting, however, is the chronicle of Masao Edward Tsujimoto, who wrote a lengthy document about the group's experiences the first year at Keetley as a letter to a fictitious ' Masao Edward Tsujimoto, "A Letter to Ophelia about Keetley Farms," manuscript dated 1943 in the Japanese American Evacuation and Resettlement Study, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (hereafter cited as Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia"). 2 Los Angeles County Public Library/Claremont Graduate School Joint Oral History Program, Fred Isamu Wada: Businessman, Community Leader, and Philanthropist (Oral History Program, Claremont Graduate School, Claremont, California, 1984).


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friend, Ophelia, a resident of the internment camp at Heart Mountain, Wyoming. T h e letter, in reality a forty-page narrative, is a detailed account of Tsujimoto's experiences; it became part of the documentation in the Japanese American Evacuation and Resettlement Study, a research project conducted at the University of California during the war. In order to analyze the success of the Keetley settlement in the light of the overall failure of voluntary relocation, one must set its story in the context of World War II. T h e shock waves of the disaster at Pearl Harbor quickly reached the many communities of Nikkei, people of Japanese ancestry, who had settled on the West Coast of the United States since the turn of the century. Set apart by their ethnicity, perennial victims of discrimination and prejudice, the Japanese Americans had accepted their inferior status and had worked hard to establish a foothold in the country. They excelled at agriculture, especially small truck gardens, which they made productive even in the most barren of soils. Their very success prompted the jealousy of their neighbors, but despite legislation that had sought to prohibit aliens from owning land in California, the Issei and their American-born offspring, the Nisei, had succeeded in carving a place for themselves. T h e war disrupted all that. Although initial fears of the Nikkei that they would be blamed and persecuted for Pearl Harbor were not realized in December 1941, pressure for action against them began to build in the early months of 1942. The findings presented in the secret Munson Report, which related the results of an investigation commissioned by the State Department to determine the loyalty of Japanese residents of the West Coast and Hawaii, had concluded that "there is no Japanese problem"â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the people were loyal.^ Despite this, what Roger Daniels has termed "the myth of military necessity" soon prevailed over objections of the Department of Justice, and the wheels were set in motion for the largest peacetime movement of peoples by the federal government in American history."^ Although American racism and economic greed provided the backdrop, the military forced the decision to evacuate the Japanese, and the politicians complied. Lt. Gen. J. L. De Witt, in command of 3 Michi Weglyn, Years of Infamy: The Untold Story of America's Concentration Camps (New York: Morrow Quill, 1976), pp. 33-34. â&#x20AC;˘* Roger Daniels, Concentration Camps USA: Japanese Americans and World War II {New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1971), p. 71.


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the Western Defense Command, Assistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy, provost marshal Maj. Gen. Allen W. Gullion, and Maj. Karl R. Bendetsen were the major villains of the piece, but it was President Franklin Delano Roosevelt who issued the infamous Executive Order 9066 which authorized relocation. The order was made public on February 20, 1942.^ Congress facilitated implementation, complementing the executive order with Public Law 503. DeWitt carried out his task by excluding all people of Japanese origin, aliens and citizens, from the West Coast. At first they were ordered out of an extensive coastal strip deemed "prohibited." Many took refuge in interior communities, only to be ousted again. De Witt then proclaimed the existence of two extensive areas along the coast. Military Areas 1 and 2, which encompassed the western halves of Washington, Oregon, and California, and the southern half of Arizona. Although no orders for mass evacuation were given at that time, the Western Defense Command encouraged Japanese to move from Military Area No. 1 and the California portion of Military Area No. 2. De Witt ordered Bendetsen to "employ all appropriate means to encourage voluntary migration."6 Thus, by the first week of March 1942 the stimulus had been provided for resettlementâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;with virtually no governmental machinery set in place to expedite it. The number of those who voluntarily sought to move has been determined by the change of address cards that were required of those leaving the two military areas after March 2. According to the findings of the Commission on Wartime Internment and Relocation of Civilians, 2,005 moved between March 2 and 27; and between March 27 and 29, when the voluntary phase ended, about 2,500 more cards were filed. De Witt said that although over 10,000 announced their intentions of moving, only 4,889 actually did. T h e commission found that of those, 1,963 went to Colorado (whose governor, William Carr, was unique in his hospitality to the unwelcome migrants.), 519 to Utah, 305 to Idaho, 208 to eastern Washington, and the rest elsewhere.'' However, for most such action was an imposs Jacobus tenBroek, Edward N. Barnhart, and Floyd W. Matson, Prejudice, War, and the Constitution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1954), pp. 103-13. See also the Report of the Commission on Wartime and Internment of Civilians, Personal Justice Denied (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1982), pp. 93-94, 101-4. 6 tl.S. Army, Western Defense Command and Fourth Army, Final Report: Japanese Evacuation from the West Coast, 1942 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1943), p. 41, as cited in tenBroek, Prejudice, p. 118. ' Personal Justice Denied, p. 104.


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^^ ^5 I ^ ^ ^ ^ ^k 1 ^ ****«' ""»^ a » l l J

sibility; they could not arrange their p e r s o n a l affairs fast enough, they lacked the funds to move on their own, and they did not know where to go, especially when they were overwhelmed by the rumors of local Above and below: Two in a series hostility or even mob violence.^ of Burma Shave signs of the 1940s Amid growing uncertainty and with the message "Slap the Jap with scrap iron." Courtesy of the fear, most elected to wait for the National Archives. government's next steps: a curfew, the prohibition after March 29 of travel, and then the "round u p " of 110,000 people into assembly centers and from there to the ten concentration camps in the interior. T h e situation in Utah was similar to the other Intermountain states. A small Japanese population in the state dated from the census of 1890. T h e first residents had come to work in the sugar beet industry, on the railroad, and in the coal and copper mines. Some came as converts to the Mormon faith. By 1910 most of the two thousand Japanese worked in the sugar beet industry, although many still worked in the coal mines of Carbon County. After the agricultural depression of the 1920s devastated the sugar beet industry, most Nikkei switched to truck farming and fruit raising, and gradually some people moved to the cities. The census of 1940 revealed a decline of nearly a thousand Japanese from the previous decade's high of 3,269; economic instability had forced many to return to the West Coast.^ The Japanese community in Utah had many of the characteristics of minority settlements elsewhere: it was self-contained ^^i and self-sufficient, with its own • .* ^ 1 places of worship, shops, and ^"^^^ restaurants. If it did not melt into the predominantly Mormon culture around it, neither *U.S., Department of the Interior, War Relocation Authority, WRA: A Story of Human Conservation (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1946), p. 26. ' Mamoru Iga, "Acculturation of Japanese Population in Davis County, U t a h " (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Utah, 1955); Leonard J. Arrington, "Utah's Ambiguous Reception: The Relocated Japanese Americans," in Roger Daniels, Sandra C. Taylor, and Harry H. L. Kitano, Japanese Americans: From Relocation to Redress Salt Lake City: Universtiy of Utah Press, 1986).


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did it cause friction. In fact, Japanese converts had their own ward. The war and voluntary relocation brought Utah's attention to the so-called Japanese problem. Executive Order 9066 was popular around the country, and Utah was no exception. As historian Leonard Arrington has noted, Utah was not free from discrimination, but it did seem to have avoided the outright hostility that prevailed in California.^^ T o Utahns Japanese Americans were "Japs," and while the local community was tolerated, newcomers from the coast were not particularly welcome. Individual Japanese, however, had been accepted and liked in the communities where they resided, and white residents regretted the impact of the war's dislocations on them. For example, the Park City Record noted on March 5, 1942, the suicide of one Ike Kow, who succumbed to carbon monoxide poisoning when he was dismissed from his job as a section foreman on the railroad, a position he, an Issei, had held for thirty-five years. T h e paper reported that he had left his automobile to his loyal housekeeper, and it commented that he was "held in high esteem by the railroad fraternity in Park City."^^ Nevertheless, several thousand Japanese from the West Coast did come to Utah, either passing through on their way farther east or seeking homes here. Even though they met signs saying " N o Japs Wanted Here," they persisted. Some got help from the Salt Lake Japanese community; other did not.^^ of those who settled in Utah, the largest number joined the "Nihonmachi," or Japan town, of Salt Lake City, but it was the tiny settlement of Keetley, midway between Heber City and Park City in the Wasatch Mountains, that became a wartime home to the largest single group to resettle anywhere outside of the West Coast. Keetley itself was typical of the small towns that dotted the mining districts of Utah. It had begun as a mining shaft, the portage of a drainage tunnel from the Park City Mining District. When rancher George A. Fisher built a town at the site of the Park Utah mine in 1923, he named it after John B. (Jack) Keetley, the supervisor of the drain tunnel project and a former pony express rider. Fisher, appropriately enough, became Keetley's mayor. Life in the small settlement revolved around the mines, for the area was rich in silver. '" Arrington, "Utah's Ambiguous Reception." " Park City Record, March 5, 1942. '2 Helen Z. Papanikolas and Alice Kasai, "Japanese Life in Utah," Peoples of Utah, ed. Helen Z. Papanikolas (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), p. 353.


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lead, and zinc. Fisher's fields were fertile, and water from the drain tunnel was available for irrigation. T h e Union Pacific railroad built a line to the town, and with this stimulus population grew, reaching a high of between five and six hundred in the late 1920s. Fisher himself built five homes and an apartment house for the miners. However, the depression of the 1930s hit the mining industry hard and the town began to decline. Soon it settled into a modest existence, its hundred or so residents profiting from their location on Highway 40, a major interstate route.^^ When the United States entered World War II the people of Utah quickly felt its impact. While Utah Mormons were not as Japanophobic as their compatriots on the West Coast, they were as outraged by Pearl Harbor as other Americans, and they shared the nation's suspicions about the loyalties of Japanese Americans. In addition, the Mormons had always been chary of in-migrations of non-Mormon groups that might upset the homogeneity of their culture, and they also feared adding to unemployment in the state.^"^ However, the war brought a labor shortage, particularly in agriculture, which led to a growing interest in using voluntary migrants from the West Coast as agricultural laborers. In early March the Utah State Farm Bureau Federation met to consider the problem of wartime antipathy. The executive secretary of the federation, Selvoy J. Boyer, suggested that Japanese nationals from the West Coast and local unemployed Japanese could be accepted as farm labor if the state and the army supplied adequate "special policing."^^ Most Eltahns adopted a wait-and-see attitude. When voluntary evacuees arrived early in March 1942, the Japanese American Citizens' League, a Nisei organization founded in 1930, attempted to provide some assistance to those who could not immediately find work. T h e organization voluntarily registered the refugees and worked with the Utah Welfare Commission to provide assistance.^^ But even this group was wary, lest hostility toward the newcomers jeopardize its own precarious position in the communities of Salt Lake and Ogden. When in the succeeding weeks more Japanese entered Zion the JACL became even more active. Its '3 Leslie S. Raty, Under Wasatch Skies: A History of Wasatch County, 1858-1900 (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1954), pp. 30-32; Wasatch Couny Daughters of Utah Pioneers, How Beautiful upon the Mountains (Salt Lake City: Deseret New Press, 1963), pp. 1109-16. '^ Arrington, "Utah's Ambiguous Reception." 15 Deseret News, March 3, 1942. '6 Deseret News, March 6, 1942.


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Some Jaf)anese Americans avoided interment by relocating away from the West Coast voluntarily early in 1942. USHS collections, courtesy of Dr. Edward 1. Hashimoto.

spokesman, Mike Masaoka, visited with Gov. Herbert B. Maw to work out plans for assistance, and the league began to search for areas of the state where the primarily agricultural refugees might find farm work. Despite the JACL's efforts to ease the situation, tensions mounted, and a sociologist at the University of Utah, Elmer R. Smith, made an attempt to achieve harmony by speaking at a public forum to promote ideals of justice and fair play in the community.^^ At this point only a few venturesome Nikkei were moving east, for most could not afford the gamble. It was in this context that the Keetley settlement project originated. Fred Isamu Wada, a prosperous produce dealer from Oakland, traveled to Utah seeking a place to settle his family to avoid internment. Wada, whose wife Masako was from the Ogden area, first visited Roosevelt, in Duchesne County, whose residents had expressed interest in obtaining Japanese farmers to work the land. On his way through the mountains Wada met George Fisher, mayor of Keetley. Wada traveled on to Duchesne, but concluded that although the reception he received there was very hospitable, the town's location was too remote from the railroad to provide access to markets for produce. He returned to Keetley and struck a deal with Fisher, who wanted laborers for his land. Wada gave Fisher a down payment of $500 to lease some 3,500 acres, and the mayor agreed to visit the Bay Area to see how Wada was regarded in Oakland. If Fisher remained " Deseret News, March 17 and 18, 1942.


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enthusiastic, Wada would then lease the land and move a group of Japanese Americans to Keetley. ^^ When the news of Fisher's offer reached the residents of Wasatch and Summit counties they were outraged.^^ Even before the announcement of the project county officials had expressed their oppostion to the arrival of any West Coast Japanese, and Park City residents reacted with unanimous opposition. The city council passed a resolution condemning Fisher's offer: "If twenty-five or thirty Japanese families were brought into this district, in a short period living standards will be lowered. . . . Since we are at war with Japan this would cause much dissension among the citizens of the community. . . ." T h e good citizens of Park City went on record urging the governor to do "everything in his power" to stop Fisher's plan.2o Residents of Heber City were equally dismayed.They met with Governor Maw to voice their opposition to the movement of any Japanese, alien or citizen, to the state. Maw had earlier met Fred Wada and had told him that he would allow Japanese to settle only in counties that approved itâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and only Duchesne County had.^^ Although Fisher had indicated that he would only accept "citizen Japanese" and that he could provide them with adequate culinary water as well as housing,^^ most local residents were apparently not appeased. Despite this local opposition, Nikkei refugees from the coast were not totally unwelcome in Utah, as Duchesne's attempts to attract them suggest. Wada had been very convincing; Duchesne residents still hoped to bring in agricultural workers, and the county commissioner announced on March 27 that the people of his county considered it a "matter of patriotic duty" to accept refugees. However, their isolation did not attract the displaced California Japanese.2^ Fisher's trip to California convinced him of Fred Wada's integrity, and at that point Wada began to recruit colonists. He decided to make the colony a nonprofit cooperative enterprise. The '* Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." '9 Papanikolas and Kasai, "Japanese Life," p. 353; Salt Lake Tribune, Wasatch Wave (Heber City), March 20, 1942. 20 Park City Record, March 19, 1942 2' Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 46 22 Wasatch Wave, March 20, 1942. 23 Wasatch Wave, March 27, 1942.

March 19 and 22, 1942;


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people he recruited had various personal reasons for joining. One feared being returned to Japan to the navy he had deserted; others had retarded or handicapped children and did not want to take them to a camp. None were well off; the rich could not abandon their possessions so quickly. The colonists pooled their machinery and wares and contributed some cash to the enterprise. Wada paid Fisher $7,500 of his own money to lease the land and its abandoned buildings. Wada, incidentally, lost everything else that he owned in Oakland when he, his wife, and three children departed.^^ Wada's little group left California for Keetley on March 26, 1942. By the last week of March fifteen families had reached Utah. They were followed by a few more from San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, and Santa Barbara.^^ Former Salt Lake resident Frank Endo was among the settlers; he brought not only his twelve brothers and sisters and their families but also food and goods from Oakland.^e The one hundred thirty Keetley colonists arrived just in time: on March 30 the army's freeze order went into effect. There would be no more voluntary resettlement. Tsujimoto's account of the Wada party's trek to Keetley reflects the excitement of his youth. According to him, the residents had no trouble crossing the desert to reach Utah. He described the patriotic motives of Wada, who was his brother's brother-in-law. Wada's two brothers had enlisted in miliary service, but since family obligations kept him at home, Fred had decided to find some unused land, and, as Tsujimoto put it, "try to break all records at raising crops, without costing Uncle Sam a red cent." Wanting to avoid becoming a ward of the government, Wada intended to raise food for freedom.^^ He considered settling in Keetley preferable to going to camp, but he related much later how shocked the settlers were when the snow melted and they saw the inhospitable soil they had contracted to farm.28 "When I first saw it the snow had leveled everything. When the snow melted it was all hilly with rocks and sagebrush. Hell, we had to move fifty tons of rocks to clear 150 acres to farm."29 24 Galen Fisher, "Japanese Colony: Success Story," Survey Graphic (Februrary 1943): 41 -43; Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 50-54, 58. 25 Wasatch Wave, April 3, 1942. 26 Papanikolas and Kasai, "Japanese Life," p. 354. 2' Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." 28 Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada,pp. 54-59. 29 A Tribute to Fred Isamu Wada, published privately by Omni Bank, Los Angeles, November 14, 1984.


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Although Fisher and Wada emphasized their patriotic goals, a few local residents still opposed them. No sooner had the Japanese Americans settled in Fisher's dwellings than local mine workers tossed a stick of dynamite from a car at a shed adjacent to their lodgings. No one was hurt, but the incident had wide repercussions. It prompted Governor Maw to urge caution; he announced that he planned to attend a meeting of the governors of the ten western states the following week in Salt Lake City to discuss the resettlement of West Coast Japanese. Maw called the Keetley incident an example of what could happen if Japanese settled in areas where they were not wanted and had no federal supervision. Although he decried Fisher's irresponsibility in bringing Wada's group in without first gaining community support, Maw urged local residents to show a "humanitarian attitude" toward the newcomers, whom he called "for the most part good people."^^ Privately, he had told Wada to take the group back to California, but Wada ignored him.^^ T o young Tsujimoto even the act of violence was an aberration. He reported to "Ophelia" that even though the local residents had not been anxious for their arrival, one family had been kind to them; the husband, a naval reserve officer, had become acquainted with Japanese Americans when he was stationed on the West Coast. T h e other residents' coolness stemmed only from their never having known Japanese Americans before, Tsujimoto told Ophelia. Although the dynamite blast and the one that followed it a few nights later were meant to intimidate them, there had been no further signs of hostility. In fact, he wrote, "as time passed by, we became more and more friendlier with our neighbors." He described how the Japanese boys had started playing baseball and basketball after work with the white youths of Keetley; they were then invited to the birthday party of one of the boys. When his mother asked her son how he liked playing with "those J a p boys," he responded, "They're not J a p boys . . . we're all Americans."^2 Instead of publicizing the violence, the Park City Record featured a story two weeks later about how happy the new settlers were in their homes. T h e paper cited Fisher's remark that "those who doubt the sincerity of the Japanese Americans in support of the war 3" Deseret News, March 31, 1942. Wada identified the bombers as local mine workers; Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 46. 3' Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 66. 32 Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia."


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effort do not truly understand the situation. . . . They are not only willing, but eager to help." T h e article stressed that the migrants had come at their own expense, and it concluded by emphasizing Fisher's view that local residents had received them favorably.^^ It appeared that the tide had turned, and Keetley's new residents had been accepted. Within the next few months relations continued to improve. T h e Park City Record reported that Fisher had addressed the local Kiwanis Club in late Mayâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an indication that he had not been ostracized for his Japanese initiative. Fisher proudly told the gathering that the Salt Lake YMCA had commended him for the fine work he was doing with "these people" and hoped he would continue since "proper understanding" was most necessary. The mayor of Keetley told the Kiwanians that the Japanese were certainly better off producing food than they would be "if herded in a concentration c a m p . . . costing taxpayers a thousand dollars a day."^^ A month later the Park City paper carried a story from the Salt Lake Telegram which, it said, had run nearly a page of illustrations on the activities at Keetley, including pictures of Fred Wada with the superintendent of the New Park Mining company. The Telegram reported that the new residents had had no trouble with their neighbors, who had gradually accepted them. T h e Japanese Americans hoped to pay off their lease and to show a profit; their children, meanwhile, planned to enter the local schools in the fall. A flag flying at Keetley junction proclaimed the group's motto: "Food for Freedom. "^^ T h e Japanese first busied themselves repairing the abandoned buildings in which they resided. Once the spring snow began to melt they cleared the sagebrush from the land, dug out the rocks by hand, and then began to plant a large truck garden with lettuce and strawberries. They raised chickens (which they quickly ate) and pigs and goats. T h e two experienced farmers among them directed the work. But the season was short; snow fell again on September 9}^ Although the farmers toiled seven days a week, there were other activities too. T h e first thing they had built was a large Japanese bath for the tub Wada had hauled from California. T h e women knitted 33 Park City Record, April 16, 1942. 3" Park City Record, May 21, 1942. 35 Park City Record, June 25, 1942. 36 Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia;" Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 68.


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"Food for Victory" was the patriotic slogan of the Japanese Americans raising vegetables in Keetley, Utah. Photograph from Survey Graphics, courtesy of Leonard J. Arrington.

socks for the soldiers with the "wife of a very prominent Heber City physician." Some attended church services provided by the Reverend Edward White of Park City. After White left for Wyoming they were visited by Galen W. Fisher of Berkeley, a prominent Congregationalist who knew Wada and had long supported Japanese Americans; the Reverend Ernest Chapman and a Reverend Ota of Salt Lake City; and the Reverend Arnold Katsuo Nakajima, formerly of the Bay Area. Some of the children attended the Mormon church in Heber City, where they learned the tenets of Mormonism and its history.^^ As time passed, the composition of the community changed. Some of the men who had been interned by the Justice Department at the outbreak of the war were released to join their families; among these new arrivals was Tsujimoto's father. When girls graduated from high school they left for Salt Lake City to take jobs as domestics, and a group of about thirty residents moved to Sandy, south of Salt Lake City, to begin their own farming project in the warmer valley. Occasionally, soldiers on leave would visit their families at Keetley, including Tsujimoto's elder brother, Katsumi, now a sergeant.^s

3' Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia. 38 Ibid.


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A further sign of the community's acceptance was a visit in late May of a reporter and a photographer from Salt Lake City. The June 6 issue of the Salt Lake Telegram featured a picture story of Wada's colony, and the Park City Record printed excerpts a week later.3^ T o Tsujimoto the pictures themselves were the occasion for even more good humor. He sent them to his brother in the army in Texas, and one of his buddies, seeing pictures of attractive women, asked Tsujimoto to arrange correspondence between them. T h e youthful author giggled over the fact that the soldier had picked a married woman.^^ The men of Keetley had to be enterprising, for the Fisher farm was unable to support them all. They farmed and harvested the ranchlands, but they also contracted to work on a sugar beet ranch near Spanish Fork. They labored there during the week, leaving the women and children to tend the Keetley crops. Resident Ted Nagata recalled how hard the work was and how much effort he put into the task to uphold the honor of the Keetley group and to prove to the others that he was not a young weakling. Six or seven men also worked on a seventy-five-acre fruit orchard and produce farm in Orem, where they helped raise fruit, raspberries, and truck garden vegetables.^^ Those who remained in Keetley were intensely busy during the summer months. Tsujimoto recounted how "every day white farmers came to Keetley" to ask for help with the harvest; although they were already short-handed, they helped out when they could. Even the young children helped with berries and vegetables. T h e first year the crop was good, and the Keetley farmers not only supplied local needs and those of Salt Lake City but also shipped goods as far as the Topaz relocation camp. T h e hills around were leased out for the raising of cattle (a sheep-raising project was vetoed by Fisher), and they kept milk cows whose output was sold to the Hi-Land Dairy in Murray. They kept the irrigation ditches free of weeds to conserve the precious water, and the boys complained mightily about the deer flies and ticks. As fall set in they were busy harvesting and canning their crops, instructed in the latter task by the Mormon cooperative in Heber City.42 39 Salt Lake Telegram, June 6, 1942; Park City Record, June 25, 1942. 'â&#x20AC;˘" Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." '" Information from Ted Nagata; Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." ^2 Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia."


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The northeast corner of Topaz, Utah, with the hospital and military police barracks in the background. Photograph courtesy of Leonard J. Arrington.

In September the first residents of the Tanforan Assembly Center, south of San Francisco, were moved to the Topaz relocation center at Delta. T h e Keetley community was happy to have friends and relatives so near; the internees included one of Tsujimoto's brothers. Keetley residents visited the camp many times. Tsujimoto commented only that he now knew what life must be like at Heart Mountain where his friend was interned. Gradually some of the residents of the camps at Topaz, Grenada, Minidoka, and Manzanar who were furloughed for agricultural work came through the Keetley colony on their way to other farms.''^ Wada's impressions of internment were harsh; he thought most internees lazy for not wishing to join him, and he recollected that they all sat around being entertained and fed.'*'* The games and frolics of summer soon passed. Although many members of the Keetley group had been strangers when they came to Utah, they were now becoming close friends. But they were not without their own divisions. Tsujimoto told his friend how they had sent a "poor Kibei sucker" out into the woods with a sack to "hunt for snipe," and he stayed out half the night before catching onto the practical joke.'*^ Kibei, educated in Japan, often got along poorly with the very American Nisei. But aside from such jokes, the community was harmonious. ^3 Ibid.; additional information from Ted Nagata. " Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 70. â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘5 Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia."


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When winter came, those who had been farming elsewhere returned to Keetley for the winter. But idleness meant no income, so some took odd jobs and some went to work in the mines. Wada persuaded the army to permit the employment of Keetley Japanese in defense jobs in Salt Lake City. They also got fingerling trout from Sen. Abe Murdock, which they raised.'*^ The children, meanwhile, enjoyed playing in the snow, ice skating, and skiingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;new sports for the former Californians. Others played basketball, joining the Salt Lake JACL. All the children attended school, some in Heber City, some in Park City. Tsujimoto noted that "here in Wasatch County the Nisei kids get along and associate a lot with their white classmates." However, he noted that the group in Sandy had not been so well received. A Nisei high school basketball player there was asked to leave the team "due to public sentiment." Tsujimoto commented, "I'm sure that no such incidents will ever happen at Wasatch High School here." As winter passed, Tsujimoto looked forward to spring and another season of raising "Food for Freedom.'"*^ Keetley's agricultural enterprises met with mixed success. They could raise lettuce and other truck vegetables, but the cost of transporting them to Salt Lake was high. T h e second year they raised rutabagas, potatoes, and onions, but the cost of bags was more than the price paid by the army for these crops. An attempt to raise hogs failed when the animals all died of disease. T h e residents were able to provide for their own needs, except for meat and staples, but the community had its greatest success as a way-station, a stopping point for people in transit from their West Coast homes or the camps to other destinations.^^ Keetley provided a sharp contrast to the camp at Topaz, 135 miles to the southwest, where several thousand less fortunate people of Japanese ancestry spent the war years.'^^ Although Wada disparaged the lack of initiative of the Topaz internees, internment was hard on incentive. Many did leave for work elsewhere, but others feared the hostility of the white community. T h e residents of Keetley were entrepreneurs who were able to profit from their adversity. They rose above local racism, established themselves in rural Utah, and at " Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 64-66; Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." " Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." "â&#x20AC;˘8 Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 73-75. ^9 On Topaz, see Leonard J. Arrington, The Price of Prejudice (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1962).


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least broke even. They did not want to be a burden and were not.^° When the war ended, the members of the Keetley colony remained to harvest the crop. About two-thirds of them then returned to their former homes in California, while one-third remained in Utah, joining the resident community, which was also augmented by some former Topaz residents. The 1950 census listed an increase of 1,183 Japanese American residents in the state. The Keetley colony's residents scattered. Skip Tabata had come to Salt Lake City in the winter of 1944 to look for work; he remained to do gardening and eventually got into automobile mechanics at Strong Motors. He courted Mary Yamada, whom he had met at Keetley, and brought her back from California to be his wife.^^ Fred Wada was offered a position working for the American government in Japan, but he decided to return to California; his family settled in the mild climate of Los Angeles. He entered the wholesale produce market again and soon owned his own market, beginning again what would become a very successful career in the produce business. Wada became a member of the Harbor Commission, supported the Olympics and was active in the production of the 1984 Olympic Games, and after his retirement from the produce business became chairman of Japanese Health Enterprises, owning and operating four nursing homes for Issei.^2 Masao Edward Tsujimoto returned to San Francisco where he became a pharmacist. His sister Ruth married Harry T. Hasegawa and remained in Salt Lake City. The white residents of Keetley continued their prewar pattern of life, that of a sleepy little rural town. George Fisher remained mayor until his death in 1952; that same year the post office was discontinued when the postmaster of twenty-eight years died.^^ jj^ t^^ 1980s Keetley is little more than a road sign. The legacy of Keetley remains, however, testimony to the fact that some Japanese Americans could overcome the iniquities of relocation. They survived in alien surroundings and lived among their white neighbors in harmony. Park City residents overcame their racism and suspicions and accepted them. A small victory, perhaps, yet an important component in Utah's multiracial heritage. 50 Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 74-76, 82. 5' Interview with Skip Tabata, Salt Lake City, November 1984. 52 Papanikolas and Kasai, "Japanese Life," p. 359; Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 83-87; letter to author from Fred I. Wada, February 19, 1985. 53 Daughters of Utah Pioneers, How Beautiful upon the Mountains, p. 1116.


A Utahn Abroad: Parley P. Christensen's World Tour, 1921-23 BY J O H N R. SILLITO

one of the most conservative states in the nation, as its high vote totals for Ronald Reagan in 1980 and 1984 attest. Notwithstanding contemporary reality, a radical left-wing minority has always been a little-known yet real part of P O L I T I C A L L Y SPEAKING, U T A H TODAY IS

Mr. Sillito is the archivist at Weber State College, Ogden. Above: Parley P. Christensen.

Courtesy of author.


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Utah's body politic. Still, most Utahns today are probably unfamiliar with that heritage and unaware that in 1920 a Salt Lake City attorney and political activist. Parley P. Christensen, was the presidential nominee of the leftist Farmer-Labor party and a selfproclaimed radical and champion of the Bolshevik regime in Soviet Russia or that he undertook a world tour that gave him a rare opportunity to engage in a series of conversations with the architect of the Bolshevik revolution, V. I. Lenin.^ T h e series of events that led to these meetings and this little-known chapter of Utah history began in the summer of 1920. T h e weather in Chicago in July 1920 was hot and muggy, matched only by the heat in the convention hall. Inside, delegates from the National Labor party and the Committee of Forty-Eight met separately but hoped to merge into a new third party. A call to organize politically brought to Chicago an assortment of populists, reformers, labor leaders, and others seeking to "unite workers of hand and brain, from factory and farm" at a time when the American left seemed confused and leaderless. The Socialist party, which had dominated the American left for twenty years, was weakened by disagreements over American involvement in World War I and by governmental censorship and repression. Now the Socialist party was split over the question of the possibility of revolution in the United States. Although virtually all party members supported recognition of the new Soviet regime, the left-wing Socialists bolted the party, claiming to be the spokesman for American communism. In turn, the left-wing itself fractured, and two groups emergedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the Communist party and the Communist Labor party. Eventually these two communist groups merged to form the Communist Party USA, which still exists. The diversity of those attending the Chicago meetings guaranteed heated debate if not discord. For three days the wilted and perspiring delegates worked at amalgamating and drafting a platform. Once this was accomplishedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;despite large defections among the Committee of Forty-Eight who disagreed with several platform demandsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the delegates formed the Farmer-Labor party and turned to the business of nominating a presidential candidate. Most assumed the nominee would be Sen. Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin. When La F^ollette turned down the presidential nomination because ' Information about Christensen can be found in the author's "Parley P. Christensen: A Political Biography, 1869-1954" (M.A. thesis. University of Utah, 1977).


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he believed the platform was too radical, the field of possible nominees was wide open. Such well known names as Henry Ford, Jane Addams, and Socialist leader Eugene V. Debs were mentioned along with New York lawyer Dudley Field Malone. One of those delegates favoring both amalgamation and the nomination of La Follette was Utah lawyer and political activist Parley P. Christensen, who was known initially by only a handful of his fellow delegates. But at one particularly tumultuous point in the proceedings, Christensen was selected to serve as chairman of the convention. His fair, firm handling of the chaotic, and at times acrimonious, discussions attracted the attention of his colleagues. Christensen, who stood well over six feet tall, was handsome, articulate, and genial, and he conveyed the impression of being in charge without seeming dictatorial. Moreover, he appeared at the convention each day in a freshly pressed white suit. When the time came to select a presidential nominee, in the words of one observer, "all eyes turned to the man clad in pristine white."2 T h o u g h Parley P. Christensen was unknown nationally, the presidential nomination of the Farmer-Labor party was the zenith, not the beginning, of his political career. From 1900 to 1912 Christensen was an active Republican, serving as a party officer. Salt Lake County attorney, and unsuccessful aspirant for Congress on four occasions. In 1912, chafing because of the control of the Utah GOP by Reed Smoot and his "Federal Bunch," Christensen joined other insurgent Republicans in bolting the party and allying with the Bull Moose Progressive crusade of former President Theodore Roosevelt. T w o years later, running on the Progressive ticket, Christensen was elected to the Utah House of Representatives where he championed the rights of labor and advocated reform of Utah's electoral laws, stressing the need for an open primary law. By 1919, however, the Progressive party was defunct, and only a small band of adherentsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;primarily the Committee of Forty-eightâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; remained to carry on T R ' s crusade. Like them, only more leftist in his views, Christensen sought a new political alternative to the Republicans and the Democrats. It was this desire that led him to affiliate with the Committee of Forty-eight and later to help form the Utah Labor party in May 1919. These affiliations brought him to the Chicago convention, which culminated in his nomination. 2 Bruce Bliven, Fix>e Million Words Later (New York: John Day, 1970), p. 178.


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As a presidential candidate Christensen waged a vigorous effort, crisscrossing the country and logging some 30,000 miles advocating suffrage for women, equality and civil rights for blacks, open ballot and media access to minor parties, demilitarization of our foreign policy, and breaking up monopoly capitalism, which he believed dominated American economic, social, and political life. Moreover, Christensen was a strong advocate of American recognition of the new Soviet regime in Russia. On election day the Utahn polled over a quarter-million votes, though he was on the ballot in less than half the states. What's more, Christensen opposed not only Republican Warren G. Harding and Democrat James M. Cox but also the best known American radical of his day, Eugene V. Debs, the leader of the American Socialist party. Debs made this, the last of his five campaigns for the presidency, from a jail cell in Atlanta where he was incarcerated for violating the Espionage Act. T h o u g h Christensen's bid for the presidency failed, he believed that the Farmer-Labor party represented an idea whose time had come. And on election eve he pledged to do all that he could to make it a factor in American politics. His plans were changed in 1921, however, when he embarked on a world tour that deprived him of his opportunity to do organizational work for the FLP but provided him a unique opportunity to visit the world during the reconstruction period after the end of the "war to end all wars." As a result of that trip Christensen was one of a small number of Americans who visited Soviet Russia, saw the effect of the Bolshevik revolution firsthand, and met with its chief architectâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;V. I. Lenin. The trip proved to be an important turning point in the political career of Parley Christensen. The series of events that led to his tour began in December 1920 when the former presidential nominee visited party headquarters in Chicago to attend meetings of the FLP national committee. Christensen served on a subcommittee with party chairman John H. Walker, national secretary Frank Esper, and Robert Buck, editor of the party newspaper, the New Majority, that was charged with the responsibility of formulating a program to make the party a permanent factor in national politics. T h e group recommended that the party establish yearly dues of six dollars and "hire men and women of good report and ability" to organize the party throughout the country. Christensen shared in the optimism that characterized these meetings and predicted a bright future for the party. T h o u g h his prophecy proved untrue, his participation demonstrated a


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tendency not always shown by political leaders to deal with the "nuts and bolts" affairs of a party as well as be its ideological spokesman.^ In January, prior to returning to Salt Lake City, Christensen told party leaders that he intended to return to Chicago in the near future, take up residence, and open a law office. T h e former nominee believed that such a move would assist him in taking the active party role he envisioned. In June, however, FLP officials announced that Christensen would head a delegation scheduled to visit Europe and the Soviet Union. Party leaders indicated that the trip would have a twofold purpose: to acquire firsthand information on conditions in these countries and to determine the steps necessary to reestablish trade relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. While it was not publicly stated at the time, apparently FLP leaders also viewed the trip as a way of building interest in their movement among Soviet leaders, particularly Lenin.'^ Christensen downplayed the significance of the Soviet visit itself, saying that the possibility of making such a trip had been in his mind for some time. Furthermore, he emphasized that the primary purpose of the trip was to study firsthand the general economic situation in Europe and particularly the Danish system of cooperative distribution of agricultural commodities. Arriving in Chicago in July, Christensen spent several days conferring with party leaders before leaving for Europe on July 9. Due to difficulty with the government in obtaining passports for the other delegates, he made the trip alone. Christensen spent considerable time in Denmark studying, as he had indicated he would, the Danish cooperative system, and came away enthusiastic about what he saw. Comparing the efforts of Danish farmers with their American counterparts, Christensen noted: The Danes are years ahead of us in the intelligent marketing of agricultural products. Whereas the American farmer gets less than half of what the consumer pays, the Dane gets nearly three fourths. This is due largely to the splendid government aid and advice available to both in the production and the distribution of the goods.^ 3 New Majority, January 1, 1921. ^ Details were gathered by Theodore Draper in a conversation ^^^^ American Communist eade^ Earl Browder. See Theodore Dx?^p^r, American Communism and the Soviet Union (New York. Viking, 1968), p. 448. 5 Deseret News, July 19, 1923.


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Parley P. Christensen, right, with a Russian escort. Christensen part of November 1921 in the U.S.S.R. Courtesy of author.

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While traveling in Denmark he took advantage of an opportunity to visit the areas where his family had its roots. Journeying to the northern tip of the country, from which his family had emigrated some sixty years before, Christensen visited the family home in Hjorring where his father was born and reported that the house "was still standing, having been altered little in construction during the seventy-eight years since his father's birth."^ While in Denmark Christensen became attracted to something which would hold a fascination for him for the rest of his lifeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Esperanto. Invented by the Polish linguist L. L. Zamenhof, Esperanto is a synthetic language, designed to facilitate communication and trade, and predicated on a belief that world peace and cooperation would come more rapidly without language barriers. Christensen was impressed with both the versatility and practicality of the language when he heard it used at a party "given by some of the working class people" in his honor. As he would frequently relate, there were nine nationalities represented, yet those in attendance â&#x20AC;˘* Reedly Exponent (California), September 23, 1921.


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were able to mingle and converse "fluently and easily all evening in Esperanto." During the remainder of his life Christensen was an active practitioner and teacher of the language, maintaining contacts with numerous Esperanto organizations both in the United States and abroad."^ He lectured on Esperanto and proclaimed it "one of the most significant forces in the world in promoting international understanding."^ His commitment to Esperanto was an important aspect of his growing internationalist sentiment. T h r o u g h o u t the 1920 presidential campaign he had argued that citizens of the world were members of one family and that all barriers to international cooperation should be eliminated. This commitment would remain a fundamental aspect of his thinking throughout his later political career. Christensen continued his travels through Europe, spending several weeks in Germany studying economic conditions before he arrived in the Soviet Union in November 1921. Always a strong advocate of the Soviet experiment, Christensen had written President Woodrow Wilson in December 1920: During the campaign I addressed thousands of my countrymen of all classes and practically without exception they were friends of Russia. At every meeting I spoke of Russia, and the mere mention of the word was electrifying. And when I urged, as I always did, the recognition of Russia, the affirmative response was tremendous.^

The experiences Christensen had in Russia confirmed his previously held view. Emerging as a forceful advocate of recognition, understanding, and assistance for the Soviets, Christensen was particularly vocal in calling for strong American-Russian commercial alliances. He was convinced that the Soviets were "anxious" to exchange furs and other goods for "food stuffs and other badly needed materials for the rehabilitation of the country."^^ Like his commitment to Esperanto, Christensen retained his admiration for Russia throughout his life. Perhaps the most significant aspect of Christensen's Russian visit was the interview he had with Lenin. While staying at a palatial ' Bruce Bliven, "A T o u r of the World in 800 Days," New York Commercial-Advertiser,

May 26,

1923. 8 Ibid. ^ Christensen to Woodrow Wilson, December 28, 1920, General Records of the Department of State, decimal file 661.1115/235, RG 59, National Archives, Washington, D.C. '" New Majority, December 10, 1921.


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A highlight of Parley P. Christensen's world tour was his meeting V. 1. Lenin. The Utahn was impressed by the Russian leader's knowledge of U.S. politics. Courtesy of author.

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guest home reserved for foreign visitors, Christensen received a telephone call advising him that he should stay indoors because a very important message was forthcoming. At eight o'clock that evening, word arrived that Lenin wished to see the American at his office the next morning. Accompanied by an interpreter, Christensen left for the meeting in the Kremlin. He later described the scene: We went to the Kremlin through the Trotski gate . . . . T h e password was given and we walked up an incline over a one-time moat to the thick walls of the Kremlin where a soldier took our pass using a bayonet as a letter file. We passed over the cobbled roads where .. . Czars . . . once trod, and passed the prized collection of ornamented cannon, prizes recalling Napoleon, to enter the white building with the squat dome over which now flies the red flag of the Soviet republic. Without formality we passed along the corridors until we came to the elevator. I do not know how many floors we went up but we passed through an empty room [then] through a corridor to a door before which stood a soldier. We entered a big room, plainly but efficiently decorated. At the end of the room a door opened . . . and Lenin himself came out and greeted me in perfect English.


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We sat down before a real working desk. I sat at Lenin's left. I recollect the desk was a broad, flat-topped one, orderly with piles of magazines from various countries on both sides and a clear space in the middle."

The interview lasted over two hours, during which time the conversation ranged from American politics to the suitability of American northwest seed wheat for use in Russia. Christensen, his legal training surfacing, noted that Lenin asked such probing questions that he felt like "a man in a witness box." T h e interview was conducted in English with the interpreter being used only once or twice when Christensen used "some Americanism or colloquialism." Christensen was amazed at the Russian leader's knowledge and understanding of conditions and events in the United States. He was particularly surprised to discover that Lenin knew in great detail the activities of Eugene Debs and James M. Cox, in addition to Christensen's own presidential campaign. Indeed, as Christensen went to introduce himself, the Russian had remarked, "Oh, I know you, you and Cox were the also rans!"^2 At the end of the interview Lenin indicated that there were several other matters that he would like to discuss and invited Christensen to return for another session. At the second meeting the two men covered a whole range of topics, including trade relations, the famine in Russia, the situation in the Far East, and the failure of the revolutions in eastern Europe. Lenin believed that the Soviet Union could work harmoniously and in a mutually beneficial way with the industrialized nations to bring about a rise in the standard of living of the Russian people. Russia, he told Christensen, would supply the raw materials and the western nations would supply the tools, skills, and technical assistance. This made a vivid impression on Christensen, and he repeated these views at great length after his return to the United States.^^ During the series of meetings with the Russian leader Christensen displayed the sort of ease and good humor that might characterize a campaign stop in an American election. At one p o m t some of the Soviet propaganda aides indicated that they would like to have Lenin pose for moving pictures but were afraid of overburdening him. Christensen expansively put his arm around the Russian " Chicago Tribune, November 27, 1923. '2 New York Times, January 22, 1922. '3 San Francisco Call, August 25, 1923.


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revolutionary and exclaimed, "Now we are going down to have some pictures taken!" As they were posing, aware of the large crowd that had gathered, Christensen commented to Lenin, "You don't seem to be afraid of assassins," to which the Russian replied, "Not a bit." One of the Soviet functionaries present noted that Lenin had two bullets lodged in his body and quipped, "Trotsky says that old man has plenty of metal in his backbone!"i'' T h r o u g h o u t the meetings Christensen was impressed with the good humor and energy Lenin displayed despite the cares of state. Calling the Soviet leader "100% h u m a n , " Christensen offered an interesting commentary on his host: I swear his eyes are liquid blue. Around them are wrinkles. He is slightly stooped, like a student, but is otherwise virile and alert. His countenance is like the play of the sun mingled with the clouds. In serious moods he has the benigness [sic] of a philosopher. But these moods were so frequently interrupted by humorous interpretations of the conversation that I had an almost constant view of a h u m a n , smiling character whose whole face, from the eyes, the wrinkles, and the mouth radiated mirth.'^

Although Christensen was obviously captivated and disarmed by the Russian leader, Lenin was not as taken by his American guest. In a speech to the Ninth Congress of Soviets a few weeks after the visit, Lenin commented that although Christensen was the candidate of the "Farmers-and-Workers Party," the Soviets should not be misled because it did not "in the least resemble the workers and peasants party in Russia."^^ Continuing in that vein, Lenin commented that Christensen and the Farmer-Labor party were "openly and resolutely hostile to any kind of socialism, and recognized as being perfectly respectable by all bourgeois parties."^^ After leaving the Soviet Union, Christensen continued his travels, visiting the Middle East, India, China, Japan, Australia, and the Philippines. His world tour kept him away from the United States for nearly two years, during which time he traveled over 60,000 miles. Returning to this country in May 1923, Christensen called for an increasing share of the fruits of production for workers; organization, cooperation, and elimination of the middleman for farmers; and, opening u p the world money supply for all people, freeing them '< Ibid.; New York Times, January 22, 1922. '* Chicago Tribune, November 27, 1923. '^ v. I. Lenin, Lenin on the United States (New York: International Publishers, 1970), p. 505. " Ibid.


Parley P. Christensen

^^^

from the "stranglehold" held by a few "money jugglers-''^^ As he left ship he told reporters in New York: For two years I have been visiting with our brothers in foreign lands . . . . In the main it has been enjoyable and immensely prohtable. There lingers in my mind, however, a sad picture of gloom and despair Hunger and want are on every hand, caused in the main by enforced idleness . . . . Not only the people but their governments seemed paralyzed There is less democracy in the world today than in 1914. Our war for democracy wrecked the world and while it more than doubled the millionaires, it quadrupled the breadlines. T h e present system of waste, extravagance, and proht has wholly failed. It can not survive the supreme test put upon it by the war. We must . . . . produce for use and not for profit.^^

In reflecting upon his travels, Christensen clearly saw the danger facing the world unless the economic conditions in Europe were dramatically changed. Christensen strongly urged the calling of an international economic conference as the only possible way to avoid worldwide financial and economic collapse. At the same time, he perceptively noted the possibilities for confrontation that existed in the Middle East. Sensing a "restlessness" in the area, Christensen viewed the Zionist movement as an increasingly decisive factor in political affairs. In addition, his travels in Japan convinced him that although the government was liberal and democratic and essential to guarantee Asian stability, it faced great obstacles in maintaining its power.20 Christensen returned from his world tour a more confirmed internationalist than when he set sail. In political terms, he believed that political parties based on an alliance between farmers and workers were not only the wave of the future but absolutely necessary. His views were strengthened by firsthand observation of such alliances in Great Britain and Australia where they seemed successful in implementing governmental reform and significant social and industrial changes. These experiences convinced Christensen of the need to expand the Farmer-Labor movement in the United States and to seek to ally it with similar worldwide movements. This view dominated his political thinking for another decade as he sought to broaden the basis for cooperation between laborers both urban and 18 New Majority, June 2, 1923. '9 Ibid. 20 Ibid., July 1, 1922.


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rural and to create a strong alternative political vehicle to the two major parties. Christensen also renewed his calls for American recognition of the Soviet government, saying that the Russian people had a longstanding friendliness toward this country. Moreover, he saw recognition as desirable because it was in the best economic interest of both countries. Viewing the Soviet Union as an excellent market for American finished goods, he warned that unless the Soviets were granted recognition, they would be forced to manufacture the commodities they would otherwise purchase from the United States. This strong support for Russia is important in assessing Christensen's actions when he returned to the United States. For the rest of his career he was a strong supporter of the Soviet government and an advocate of better relations between the two nations. In the 1930s, he openly lobbied the Roosevelt administration to be named ambassador to Russia, enlisting political friends like Rep. Thomas Amlie and Sen. Elmer A. Benson. In some respects his attitudes were not unlike those articulated by Henry A. Wallace a quarter of a century later. In both cases, their feelings toward the Soviet Union were colored by the idealized picture they had brought home with them after visiting the country. After spending some time in New York and Chicago, Christensen returned to Salt Lake City because, as he put it, "I promised Mamma I would be with her on my birthday." The aged Mrs. Christensen, still spry and alert despite her blindness, welcomed her son home, and for the next few days the house was frequented by local reporters. Christensen reiterated many of the statements he made after his arrival in New York. Again proclaiming the need for American recognition of the Soviet Union because "justice . . . and our own interests require it," the Utahn noted: And, too, the Russian people are friends of ours. They were so under the Czar and these friendships are now intensified. One frequently sees Lincoln's pictures in Russian homes. They feel that their republic had a birth similar to ours and America should take advantage of this favorable condition.^^

Even though Parley P. Christensen was the first Utahn to be nominated for president, his ties to the Beehive State diminished considerably in the 1920s. His worldwide travels had exposed him to 2' Deseret News, July 19, 1923.


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new vistas, and he would no longer be content in practicing law in his small office in the Continental Bank Building. Increasingly, he looked for legal cases outside the state. In the mid-1920s he settled in Chicago where he was the Progressive party nominee for U.S. senator in 1926. During the next few years he used Chicago as his base of operations, returning frequently to Europe. Often he financed these trips by teaching Esperanto to his fellow passengers aboard ship who hoped to use the language to simplify communications with Europeans. In the mid-1930s Christensen settled in California where he served as a Los Angeles city councilman from 1935 to 1949 while actively involved in various left-wing movements in the state. Although the last thirty years of his life were lived outside of Utah, Parley P. Christensen remains a native son who devoted his political life to attempting to improve the conditions of working people, promoting better relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, and advocating a more democratic political process with the creation of a new party reflecting the needs of the American working class. He was not successful in most of his quests for political office, but Parley P. Christensen was nevertheless an important witness to an interesting and challenging time in American politics spanning the period from the Armistice to the Korean War.


The Death of Brigham Young: Occasion for Satire BY G A R Y L. B U N K E R A N D DAVIS B I T T O N

k TEMPORIKI i O l R7J.41. D i r O f H D TO THE I S T l f i l S H OF THE I S T I E D O E M E OF WOODE"? SHOES. FORTT-FIPTH lE.^K OF THE CHUKCH. 5TH MONTH, 30ta 1 U ¥ .

CHAPTER L

!}>art <» 8H hia wooden »b<»<»8 aad 1'!! havi* '«»? r.1» and ain't I a s»asin of Jfep ori|;iriaJ propbct set- ••rW)'!! Slave V-iw? Iw wili ttse tip the shiw*! lor railrwsil ties, tmA Y!

! g«t I!red tJ; tli«t 1 feav..

" •• tt r » &« man to ran this Kiugdea*. ;<( «oiae«t, tb« score* of propbectei I h»T« : _ _:jf<«'8 1 tsavf" s!50«»r«l «mm (,h« i»«ad» ot

N O T LONG BEFORE BRIGHAM Y O U N G S DEATH ON August

29, 1877, he gave Mr. and Mrs. Frank Leslie and their entourage from the staff of Frank Leslie's niustrated fF^^A/y a valued interview. "And if you put Dr. Bunker is professor of psychology at Brigham Young University; Dr. Bitton is professor of history at the University of Utah. This article is part of a larger project by the authors dealing with pictorial images of Mormonism between 1834 and 1914. See footnote 29 for the main publication to date.

Above: Cartoon in Enoch's Advocate, May 30, 1874. Courtesy of Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University.


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me in a book," said Brigham Young to the Leslies, "promise at least that you will print me as you have found me, and not as others have described me." Before the Leslies could record their impressions in print, the Mormon leader died. Mrs. Leslie's positive, even generous, account of their experience concluded by expressing regret that Brigham Young would never learn "how kindly and respectfully we remember h i m . " She hoped the world would "deal as tenderly with his memory as we do, above his tomb let us inscribe: 'Judgment is Mine saith the Lord.' "^ On the whole, however, the press was unwilling either to deal tenderly with Brigham Young's memory or to leave judgment to Deity. His death was seized upon by newspapers and illustrated weeklies as an occasion not for grief, not for the listing of accomplishments common in obituaries, not for measured evaluation, but for written and artistic satire. Humor and ridicule were the dominant tones in the public media's coverage of Young's death, which for a surprisingly long period of time remained a popular subject of journalists and their illustrator allies.2 T h e themes and variations played on this event tell something about public taste in the nineteenth century, the use of a celebrated individual in the process of stereotyping, and the power of the press. " T h e demise of Brigham Young has long been looked for," noted the Tuscarora, Nevada, Times.^ Wishful t h i n k i n g had appeared in the Utah anti-Mormon press as early as 1874, three years before the event, when a cartoon in Enoch's Advocate, a short-lived underground newspaper, foresaw the death of Brigham Young as "A Solution of Many Problems.'"* "Enoch" in the title of the newspaper and in the cartoon referred to the cooperative economic program then advocated by Brigham Young.^ T h e wooden shoes served as a mocking symbol of Mormon aspirations toward self-sufficiency. "Little Briggy" (Brigham Young, Jr.), "G. A. S." (George A. Smith), "Daniel" (D. H. Wells), "G. Q. Smoothbore" (George Q. Cannon), ' Mrs. Frank Leslie, California: A Pleasure Trip from Gotham to the Golden Gate (New York, 1877). p. 103. 2 For an exception see George Francis Train's ' T h e Death of Brigham Young" in Davis Bitton, "George Francis Train and Brigham Young," BYU Studies 18 (Spring 1978): 421-26. 5 Salt Lake Tribune, September 4, 1877, p. 4, reprinted from Tuscarora Times. â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘ Enoch's Advocate appeared, irregularly, in six issues between May 7 and July 4, 1874. See Davis Bitton and Gary L. Bunker, "Enoch's Advocate (1874): A Forgotten Satirical Periodical," Centennial Symposium: Mormon Role in the Settlement of the West, Brigham Young University, November 14, 1975. ^ Enoch's Advocate, May 30, 1874, p. 1.


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and "Horse and H i d e " (Orson Hyde), prominent leaders of the Mormons, were pictured vying for the vacated leadership role. When death actually came to the embattled leader, the media reaction included the following, not always consistent, comments: " T h e announcement of the death of the prophetâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;creates but little excitement" (San Francisco Report); "an event that will prove a sensation in almost every quarter of the globe" (Chicago Interocean); "a terribly earnest and sincere m a n " {Omaha Herald); "the prophet has no achievement worthy of note to perpetuate his pseudogreatness" {Eureka Republican); "say what we may, his success was wonderful" but "Utah was as corrupt as Sodom" {Indianapolis Sentinel).^ Since juxtaposing a lenghty list of accomplishments with various evil deeds might have seemed incongruous, the California Argonaut ascribed the accomplishments to innocent disciples and the iniquity to Brigham Young.^ But whether he was perceived as "a man of mark" or a "spiritual Boss Tweed," many were anxious to speculate about the effect of his death. " B r i g h a m Young was the backbone of M o r m o n i s m , " according to the San Francisco Stock Exchange, "and the backbone being gone, necessarily there must be dissolution."^ By 1879, however, Leslie's Weekly observed: "Those who think Mormonism weakening are mistaken. In Brigham Young's palmiest days he could have done no more than has been done on this occasion."^ Even the cause of death gave rise to several tongue-in-cheek postmortem diagnoses.^^ "It is thought that Brigham Young ought to have recovered from his cholera morbus," said iht Argonaut, "but when it came to fighting with 27 women, each one with a different kind of mustard plaster for her dear husband and a new kind of herb tea, it was too much for him. Every woman laid her plaster where there was room, and the prophet went down to his grave like a sandwich."!! T h e San Francisco Wasp proclaimed the cause to be eating "green corn and early peaches."^^ On the back of a separately ^ The previous five quotations from different newspapers were all reprinted in the Salt Lake Tribune, September 4, 1877, p. 4. ' Argonaut, September 15, 1877, p. 1. * Salt Lake Tribune, September 4, 1877, p. 4, reprinted from the San Francisco Stock Exchange. 9 Leslie's Weekly, May 31, 1879, p. 216. '" A recent medical analysis of the records suggests appendicitis as the probable cause of death. Lester E. Bush, Jr., "Brigham Young in Life and Death: A Medical Overview," Journal of Mormon History b{\91%):19-\Q?,. " Argonaut, September 22, 1877, p. 7. â&#x20AC;˘2 San FYancisco Wasp, November 10, 1877, p. 151.


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Copyrighted print published by J. F. Ryder included on the back Julia A. Moore's doggerel on "The Death of Brigham Young." Courtesy of the Prints Division, New York Public Library.

published print picturing Brigham Young's mourning wives exclaiming "Oh Brigham! How could you leave us?" Julia A. Moore's eight verses of doggerel on "The Death of Brigham Young" included: Tis said that Brigham Young is dead, The man with nineteen wives; The greatest Mormon of the West Is dead, no more to rise. He left behind his nineteen wives Forsaken and forlorn; The papers state his death was caused By eating too much green corn.'^

As Other verses unfolded, the tone became more didactic, a distinguishing feature of the popular poetry of the period.!^ Responding to rumors of suicide, the San Francisco Wasp chided an unknown source for speculating that death was selfinduced. Using a play on words to embellish its rebuttal, the Wasp declared, "Certain Mormon dissenters are now claiming that Brigham Young committed suicide. It may have been dissentery [sic], 13 The print "Oh Brigham! How Could You Leave Us?" copyrighted and published by J. F. Ryder, and the poem " T h e Death of Brigham Young" by Mrs. Julia A. Moore may be found in the Brigham Young portrait file in the print division of the New York Public Library. ''' See Russel Nye, The Unembarrassed Muse (New York: Dial Press, 1974), p. 90.


362 •

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after all, but it would be far dissenter [sic] to let the old fellow rest in his grave. No matter what the manner of his taking off was, such take-offs as these are odious. "^^ One of the favorite themes was the plight of Young's widows. Joseph Keppler's famous illustration of mourning wives in a huge multiple marriage bed so captured the fancy of the public that Puck sold separate copies of the illustration about as fast as they could be printed. 16 While some considered the drawing "irreverent and in execrable taste," others justified it on grounds that "nothing is or should be sacred to the humorists. He had his duty to his craft.''^^ A less known illustration from England, patterned after the Keppler version,i8 showed numbered baby cribs at the base of the widow's bed and in general projected a ludicrous image of Mormonism. 15 San Francisco Wasp, November 10, 1877, p. 229. Still unwilling to let Young rest in his grave, an author has recently concluded that he was poisoned. Samuel W. Taylor, The Kingdom or Nothing: The Life of John Taylor, Militant Mormon (New York: Macmillan, 1976), p. 3. The theory is rejected by Bush, "Brigham Young in Life and Death." i« Puck, September 5, 1877, p. 2. 1' William Murrell, A History of American Graphic Humor: 1865-1938, 2 vols. (New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 1967), 2:69. '8 "This Shop T o Let," Yale University. Three other separately published prints were produced on the occasion of Brigham Young's death. All are located in the Yale collection.


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Young

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1877.

BEIGIIAM YOUNG.

Chip Bellew cartoon, 1892. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

Brief satirical fillers appeared on the same theme, as, for example: "no surviving wife of the late head of the Mormon church can claim sympathy on the ground of being a lone widow."^^ Although such publicity offended some Mormons, evident from a Provoan's letter to the San Francisco Wasp,^' editors continued to squeeze every ounce of sensation out of the event. Fourteen years later, writers were still getting mileage out of the poor widows theme: The wives of Brigham still assert As they have always sung, That though he died an aged man, He always was quite young.^i

As late as 1892 Chip Bellew recalled the event for Life in a cartoon with a scene of weeping widows, children, and animals literally flooding the gravesite with tears.22 â&#x20AC;˘9 San Francisco Wasp, October 6, 1877, p. 154. 2ÂŤ Ibid., October 13, 1877, p. 167. 2'/udge, April 25, 1891, p. 36. 22 Lj/e, August 25, 1892, p. 108.


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The mockery continued on other fronts. "Brigham Young was an aesthetic," noted Texas Siftings, "and, in death, his friends have not failed to minister to the passion of his life. Some broken dishes, an old broom, a dead cat, and other articles of bric-a-brac now adorn his grave."23 With a slightly different tactic. Puck contrived another situation. "Well, if he wants a tomb-stone," says Mrs. Young number 10, "let that proud, stuck-up Belinda Jane Young get him oneâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;It's as much her business as it is mine."24 Some writers and illustrators speculated on Brigham Young's postmortal disposition. Even before his death the anti-Mormon Enoch's Advocate, conceding for purposes of humor that some of his Mormon predecessors may have earned an eternal reward, pictured them trying in vain to lift Brigham Young to heaven.2^ A cartoon in Puck showed Theresa Tietjens, the renowned German soprano, who also died in 1877, being admitted through the gates of heaven while Brigham Young, suffering the agony of fire and brimstone, laments, "Well this is hard. There's St. Peter letting that actress, Titiens [sic], in up there, and here am I, a full-blooded apostle, roasting away at a terrible rate!"26 Conversely, a popular verse in the San Francisco Wasp, which showed a willingness to allow Brigham Young by Saint Peter, really intended to poke fun at women: Saint Peter sat by the pearly gates Twirling his golden keys; For most of the crowd went the other way, And the old man took his ease. But a wary spirit was soon described Of an aspect mild and worn, And as he rapped out a timid knock, Old Gabriel blew his horn. "Who's there?" asked Pete "Only Brigham Young" Said the man with a humble grin. "Nineteen wives," mused Pete, "Well, you've had your hell. I guess we may let you in!"27 23 Texas Siftings, December 29, 1883, p. 4. 24 Puck, October 22, 1879, p. 530. 25 Enoch's Advocate, June 6, 1874, p. 1. 26 Puck, October 10, 1877, p. 16. Theresa Tietjens was an accomplished German operatic soprano. She received international acclaim for her vocal interpretation in the oratoriogenre as well. Her death on October 3, 1877, was sufficiently close to Brigham Young's to move the cartoonist to represent them together. 2' San Francisco Wasp, September 22, 1877, p. 123.


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Cartoon from the October 10, 1877, issue of Puck. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

One of the more fruitful topics raised by Brigham Young's death was the issue of succession. T w o questions attracted mock-serious journalistic attention: Who should succeed Brigham Young as the head of his numerous family? And who should succeed to the leadership of the Mormons? A cartoon by Bisbee addressed the first matter by showing a vacant chair at a dinner table surrounded by a vast array of children and widows. T h e caption declared: "A Family Conundrum (Brigham's) Who Will Take His Place."28 Puck nominated as Young's successor to both roles none other than the Protestant divine Henry Ward Beecher, then notorious for the scandal raised when one of his parishioners accused him of adultery. Juxtaposing these two public figures had the effect of ridiculing 28 Harper's Bazaar, October 27, 1877, p. 688.


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From Harper's Bazaar, October 27, 1877. Courtesy of Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University.

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what the illustrator, Joseph Keppler, regarded as two religious humbugs, Beecherism and Mormonism. Other newspapers and illustrated weeklies exploited the same theme from every conceivable angle.29

In England, illustrators irreverently placed "Brigham Young's Successors" either on their way to or already in the ubiquitous, multiple marriage bed.^o Separately published prints, one of which drew its caption from the comic song, " H e Can't Forget the Days When He Was Young," could be purchased in color or black and white at the nominal charge of one or two pence each. For Mormons, Brigham Young's death in the press was more protracted and painful than the real thing. Long after his death he continued to appear, visually and verbally. For example, nearly two years after the funeral Frederick Keller, artist for the San Francisco Wasp, portrayed a horned Brigham Young, shrouded in white linen 29 See Gary L. Bunker and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Graphic Image, 1834-1914 (Salt Lake CityUniversity of Utah Press, 1983), p p . 95-106. '" "Last into Bed Put Out the Light," and "He Can't Forget the Days When He Was Young," Yale University. See footnote 18 above.


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"Unearthing the Mormon Fraud" from the San Francisco Wasp, February 12, 1887. Courtesy of the California State Public Library.

and alive as ever, appearing more prominent than his successor, John Taylor.3^ In 1887 a new wrinkle developed in the pages of the San Francisco Wasp: "It is now sought to beguile the credulous, ignorant mind of the Mormon crowd in Utah and to invite their lagging zeal to a new heat by the announcement that the great prophet simply departed the territory but did not take sail for the Stygian shore, and has now returned to the scene of his earthly triumphs. "^2 N O such claims were put forth by Mormons, but the story was too good for the Wasp illustrator to pass up. Senator Edmunds of Vermont (sponsor of anti-Mormon legislation) is shown "Unearthing the Mormon s' San Francisco Wasp, February 1, 1879, pp. 424-425. 52 Ibid., February 12, 1887, p. 3.


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Fraud,' '^^ the skeletal remains of Brigham Young, which exposed the rumor and by extension the pretensions of Mormonism. A variant of this resurrection rumor can be traced conclusively to an anonymous non-Mormon author. On March 26, 1887, the Argonaut published "Resurrection of Brigham Young."^^ Corroborated by no primary source—including the anti-Mormons in Utah who would have been delighted to report such an event had there been any evidence for it—the story was nothing more than a piece of imaginative writing, though some readers may have taken it seriously. According to the article, a New York businessman on his way through Salt Lake City to California visited a former employee who had joined the Mormons. The zealous Mormon persuaded the New Yorker to attend a "secret" meeting of "from fifteen to twenty thousand" Mormons on Mount Nebo, near Nephi, Utah, where the personage of Brigham Young was to appear. During the meeting. Mormon church president John Taylor announced that those assembled were about to witness "the most marvelous miracle since the resurrection of the Savior"—the return of the resurrected Brigham Young. When Brigham Young not only appeared in person but spoke, the crowd was electrified. Meanwhile, the clever New Yorker saw through the hoax. The wily Mormon leaders had duped their gullible followers with the aid of an optical device known as "Peppers Ghost," an invention that projected to an unsuspecting audience the image of a person concealed below a platform. T h e reflection of the person was cast off a sheet of transparent glass. T h e New Yorker just happened to have brought an air pistol. Pointing the muzzle through one of the buttonholes in his clothing to elude discovery, he fired the weapon, shattered the glass, and thus revealed the designs of the crafty Mormons. The tall tale was alive and well in America. More than a quarter of a century after his death, Brigham Young's posthumous longevity received another boost. The occasion was the discussion of a monument at Brigham Young's birthplace. John Kendrick Bangs, editor of Life, wrote the following " T h e Father of His Country": 33 Ibid., p. 1. " " T h e Resurrection of Brigham Young," Argonaut, March 26, 1887, pp. 4-5. This was not the first time a rumor circulated claiming Mormon leaders were perpetrating a fraud. One malicious story suggested Joseph Smith had placed wooden planks four inches under the surface of the water in a pond to deceive gullible believers that he could walk on water. According to the apocryphal account, some Indians discovered the trickery, sawed the plank at the deepest point of the pond, and exposed the deception with the dunking. See the Messenger and Advocate, December 1835, p. 231.


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Let his praises loud be sung! Raise a shaft to Brigham Young. Let it pierce the spreading blue. Rising high and pointing true. Heralding the virtues of Him who was so full of love He'd enough and some to spare For the old maid everywhere. Mortal who could faithful be Not to one but sixty-three. One who reckoned up his sons Not by numbers but by tons. Foe whatever might betide T o all racial suicide. Rescue from oblivion's dust Founder of the Nuptial Trust! Ready ever to caress, And relieve the loneliness Of the empty-hearted maid, Of the sore neglected jade. Master hand of husbandry, At the altar ever be. Father of a wondrous bandâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Babies spread on every hand. Sure preserver of the race, Fountain head of p o p u l a c e Let the lofty monolith T o this King of Kin and Kith On a firm foundation rise Till it penetrate the skies; Then this fair inscription place Large upon its granite base! Juventus Manimus, Semper Matrimonius! Pater Et Imperator! Frequentissimus Uxor! Monumentum Respice Hoc Ad Artem Brigamy.^^

No American personality's death, before or since, has attracted media coverage quite like Brigham Young's. True, others have attracted as much or more immediate notice, especially if, as with Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy, the death was sudden and unexpected. But what other American provoked by his death a reaction mainly of comic ridicule? And whose death was clung to so tenaciously by the press for several years after the event? How is the dubious "popularity" of Young's demise to be explained? We have two suggestions. First, the public antipathy toward the Mormons did 35 John Kendrick Bangs, " T o the Father of His Country," Life, January 4, 1906, p. 21. Roughly translated, the crabbed Latin of the concluding lines reads: "Youthful of hands/Always a bridegroom!/ Father and ruler!/Most oft-married husbandl/Behold this monument to Brigham's skill."


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not subside in 1877. Quite the contrary. It reached a fever pitch during the years extending from 1878 to the 1890s, especially during the so-called Raid. Mormons continued to be an object of interest and usually of scorn. Yet no personality symbolized Mormonism and polygamy in the public view quite like Brigham Young. Just as the anti-Catholic media aimed their aspersions at the pope, just as kings and presidents become the personification of their countries, so Brigham Young was the natural target of journalists and illustrators treating the Mormons. Three decades of media exposure had given Young firm title as the most easily recognizable symbol of Mormonism. He would not be easy to replace. Second, the death of the Mormon leader, unlike most deaths, ironically made available a fresh bit of humor. The bringing together of death (usually thought of with sorrow) and Brigham Young (already a comic, stock figure by virtue of prior media conditioning) created a sense of incongruity. T h e possibility of portraying multiple wivesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in bed, mourning, etc.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;assured instant interest in the audience. Since the universe of humor had a distinctly limited range of laugh-producing situations it was too much to expect that journalists and illustrators would pass by one that seemed both ludicrous and refreshingly different. In the nineteenth century more than now the protective womb of the culture sanctioned, even encouraged, making fun of unpopular ethnic, religious, and racial groups. T h e press was reluctant to part with Brigham Young as a subject. "In some respects," noted Puck in 1884, "it would be awkward if Mormonism were wiped out. When times were dull many newspaper editors would be minus a subject. "^^ Not wishing to be so deprived, they played on the theme in general and specifically on Young's death for many years. In the process they contributed to the stereotyping of Mormonism as a religion and of Brigham Young as a person, which has hampered understanding even to the present.^^ But producing genuine understanding has never been the forte or indeed even the intention of graphic or verbal satire.

36 Puck, February 13, 1884, p. 370. 3' For information on the role of rumor on the historical image of Brigham Young see Ronald K. Esplin, "From the Rumors to the Records: Historians and the Sources for Brigham Young," BYU Studies, 18 (Spring 1978): 453-65. For an intimate view of Brigham Young see Dean C. Jessee, ed., Letters of Brigham Young to His Sons (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1974). The standard biography is now Leonard J. Arrington, Brigham Young, American Moses (New York: Knopf, 1985).


Book Reviews

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Dale Morgan on Early Mormonism: Correspondence and a New History. Edited by JOHN PHILLIP WALKER. (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1986. viii + 415 p p . $20.95.) On March 30, 1971, Utah historian Dale Morgan died at the age of fiftysix. Although his productivity had been prodigious, his untimely death left much unfinished, including a much-talked-about and long-awaited history of the Mormons. Interest in Morgan's Mormon history has continued. Now Dale Morgan on Early Mormonism: Correspondence and a New History seeks to take advantage of Morgan's unfinished Mormon history and to show some of his working relationships as he did his research and writing. On Early Mormonism consists of five parts: first, a gracious personal preface by Morgan's friend and fellow writer, William Mulder; second, a restrained "biographical introduction" by editor John Phillip Walker; third, and in some ways most important, fifty letters (most of them lengthy) carefully selected from Morgan's vast correspondence to focus the reader's attention on the seven chapters dealing with Joseph Smith and the founding of the Mormon church and which compose the fourth and intellectually most stimulating section of the book; and fifth, appendices containing documents relevant to Morgan's argument. T h e letters provide a rare view of the inner workings of Utah and Mormon historiography. A letter writer with few peers, Morgan maintained a voluminous correspondence with people interested in the history of the fur

trade, western trails, and the westering process as well as with those involved in Mormon and Utah topics. He had come to his interest in history via the Utah Writers' Project of the New Deal in the years after 1935. There he revealed a rare combination of talent for stylistic writing and courageous interpretation as well as an almost unrivaled capacity for finding documents essential to Utah history and an even greater gift for recognizing what could be done with them. The letters offered in On Early Mormonism show him at work in this process. Their emphasis is on Joseph Smith's early history, but they range far beyond to the lives of Fawn Brodie, Juanita Brooks, Bernard DeVoto, and others and to their writing. Morgan advises, encourages, critiques, challenges, and offers information on sources. He also tells of exciting research breakthroughs, of his own writing, of experiences with publishers, and of the difficulties he encountered in making a living as he left Utah for wartime Washington, D . C , returned, and finding no economic resources finally left again for the Bancroft Library and the distinguished career in fur trade history that diverted him from Utah/Mormon studies. Perhaps most of all, his letters define and draw people to topics of intense importance to Utah history. They unfold from the heart and mind of the man and show him at his best.


312 The seven chapters of his fragmentary history of the Mormons are more intriguing but less satisfying. Here he deals with Joseph Smith's early experience as a farm boy, treasure seeker, peepstone necromancer, and, as the possibilities of religion became increasingly apparent, a seer, revelator, and founder of a new religion. Morgan's approach is naturalistic. He finds his evidence in human impulses, in social and cultural milieus, in economic conditions, and in the process of events and the influence of followers. He wrote with a flair for both color and drama and struck bold and provocative conclusions. Typical were " H a d Joseph Smith not taken up with peepstones, there would be no Mormon church today" (231) and " T h e i r [his followers'] hunger for miracle, their thirst for the marvelous, their lust for assurance that they were God's chosen people, to be preserved on the great and terrible day, made them, hardly less than Joseph, the authors of his history" (260). Yet Morgan hesitated to go to publication with his work. Holt Rinehart, from whom he had accepted an advance on his book, tired of delay and abandoned the project. Longtime friends at Bobbs Merrill were more amenable, yet even then the book did not materialize. With other things occupying his mind, he never returned, although to his death he planned to.

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In its present form, On Early Mormonism is a marked success, an essential in the historiography of Utah and Mormon studies. But for all their superb research, brilliant writing, and provocative insights, Morgan's seven chapters are unfinished and less than satisfactory. Stylistic flow is spotty and occasionally repetitious. Characterization is not complete and the development of argument sometimes labored. As he explained in a letter, Morgan knew the limits of the work; and publishing deadlines, financial pressures, and shifting careers notwithstanding, he would not compromise (194). The fact his work appears now as a fragment is added evidence of Dale Morgan's discipline and of his commitment to sound history. Editor Walker's work is to be congratulated. His sensitive grasp of the situation and the restraint in how and when he inserted himself make clear statements as to the book's importance. While Signature Books is also to be congratulated for the generally attractive and successful format of the book, they gave it short shrift in not providing an index. It is an oversight that detracts seriously from the editor's effort to make quality presentation complement quality content.

CHARLES S. PETERSON

Utah State

University

Goodbye to Poplarhaven: Recollections of a Utah Boyhood. By EDWARD GEARY. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985. x + 163 pp. Paper. $8.95.) Having lived to see his posterity leave the original Pilgrim settlements, William Bradford remarked: "the town's like an ancient mother grown old and forsaken of her children" (Richard L i n g e m a n , Small Town America, p. 62). Bradford's lament anticipates the common fate of countless pioneer settlements still subsisting

along the Mormon corridor but now abandoned by the children who once p r o u d l y paraded as " U t a h ' s Best Crop." Those who do remain live in small towns, but not in Mormon villages. As Edward Geary observes of the communities surrounding his native Huntington today: "life goes on in the . . . towns which nestle in the


Book Reviews and Notices shadow of the high plateau. . . . But they are different communities from the ones that I knew. Our way of life was in many respects closer to that of the 1890s than to that of the 1980s." Geary's collection of essays. Goodbye to Poplarhaven, lovingly revisits the way of life he shared as a boy during the 1940s and 1950s with his Mormon ancestors. These are eloq u e n t and elegant elegies to the vanished rhythms, textures, and rituals of rural Utahâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and to lost youth itselL When Geary was young, Poplarhaven (Geary's pseudonym for Huntington) was "still rich with life but s l o w l y d y i n g , like the r o w s of Lombardy p o p l a r s that remained straight and tall but with rotting heartwood and gaps where fallen trees had once stood." As a Mormon village, "Poplarhaven is no more," Geary admits. But for those who formed the Mormon village and who were in turn fashioned by it, the influence of rural Utah still courses below the surface of suburban life, like the old town ditch in Poplarhaven: " T h e stream runs underground now, in a pipe, invisible and inaudible. But it also runs deep beneath the surface of memory, where it still gurgles gently between grassy banks, watering the roots and providing sweet refreshment in the dry season." A permanent contribution to Utah letters, Geary's book insures that the old irrigation ditches will cont i n u e to flow w h i l e the river of memory runs. Bringing together many classic essays from Dialogue and the Deseret News, Goodbye to Poplarhaven seems destined to become itself a classic of American regional literature, a major minor-masterpiece. Because most selections have appeared elsewhere, I was surprised to discover that the collection as a whole possessed such shape. Geary gathers the twenty-three essays into three parts which, like the geography of the Mormon village itself,

373 impose general order upon untidy particulars. T h e first section establishes a sense of place, the second follows both the seasons' cyclical rhythms and a boy's journey to adolescence, and the third takes a wider view of life in Poplarhaven. In the first section, Geary explores his connection to the land and to those who settled it. Unlike most postRomantic writers (including the midtwentieth-century Mormon writers Geary himself labeled "lost"), the author does not present himself as alienated from rural Mormon culture. Rather, his prose breathes sympathy for Poplarhaven. Geary evidently feels about his town much as he feels about the girls with whom he shared "smiles across cherry Cokes or lemon ironports" as well as "deep conversations confiding the heartaches of adolescent love or unraveling the mystery of the eternal feminine": "Without knowing it at the time, I was a little bit in love with all of them. I still am." Such sentiments might cloy and lapse from elegy into mere nostalgia were it not for the essays' style. For Geary remembers not only with warmth but also with unblinking detail the sights, smells, and sounds of rural Utah: sheep dung in the ditch, mulberry trees "whose bland fruit stained hands and faces and sidewalks," doodlebugs, Eastering, and the endlessly varied disarray of "a world held together by baling wire." Geary delights equally in the texture of this "Peter Tumbledown" world and in the elegant polish of his medium, words. T h e result is an evocation of slipshod, ramshackle rural Utah in a style that is a joy to read for its meticulous detail, clarity, and unfailing grace. Of riding on a loaded hay wagon, for example, he writes: "there was none of the tooth-rattling jolting of the journey out but instead a soft rocking motion as if we were sailing on a gentle sea." Like Tolstoy, Geary


374 at once captures the ordinary and transforms it into something extraordinary through the alchemy of art. Much of the delight of Geary's style comes from the play between his perspective as a boy and as adult. This interplay is particularly evident in the second section of the book, which traces the seasons in nature and in the life of a boy. Reading the essay "Winter Chores," no former farm boy could help feeling afresh the numbing cold of a "pitchfork handle in the January pre-daw^n" nor the mucky warmth of the cow whose tail sprays "an avalanche of filth" into a full bucket of milk. Only an adult, however, could take comfort, with Geary, in the knowledge that because Mormon houses "were clustered rather than scattered on the farms, we escaped much of the loneliness that I have since found recorded in many rural memoirs." Typically, Geary infuses literate allusion into his prose. T h e whiff of ginger carries him back across the miles and years to his grandfather's toolshed, "like the taste of Proust's M a d e l e i n e . " A cracker-box h i g h school gym, site of epic struggles between rival basketball teams followed by magical dances, recalls Homer's famous account of the shield of Achilles, "large enough to encompass a world at peace as well as a world at war." Geary's range of reference confers a certain urbanity upon rustic subjects, enveloping the boy's Mormon village in a world then beyond his ken. We participate in young Geary's enlarging perspective as he traces, in the middle essays, the seasons' movement from winter to fall and his own passage from boyhood to adolescence. In the third section, Geary takes a still wider view of Poplarhaven. T h e first of these final essays tells of an outcast old maid whom all the neighborhood children harass and who, in turn.

Utah Historical Quarterly chases them away with the dark threat, "Someday I'm going to kill me a little Mormon." As a youth, Geary joined in the cruel teasing. As an adult, he tries to understand the flesh-and-blood girl who became the cardboard grotesque of childhood. Searching his memory, he reconstructs the exotic past of a wild girl who danced with Butch Cassidy and later, tragically, lived estranged from her more "respectable" neighbors, the object of children's petty persecution. Similarly, in "The Ward Teacher," he regards with adult sensibility others living on the margins of the closely knit community that nourished him as a boy: "When Brother Rasmussen [young Geary's pompous ward teaching c o m p a n i o n ] mentioned Lula Brown as an eligible maiden lady, Ralph Meeker [an inactive "old batch," i.e., bachelor] snorted contemptuously. 'Hell, there ain't enough juice in her to drownd a pissant.' Brother Rasmussen grew indignant at this and declared that any man who denied a woman the chance to be a mother in Israel would be held acc o u n t a b l e at the last d a y . " T h e delicious contrast between the voices here results from a sophisticated adult writer reimagining his youth. The act of remembering, of knitting oneself to one's past, is, finally, no less the subject of Geary's collection than is Poplarhaven. Allusions to Proust interlace the essays and the collection is dedicated, fittingly, to "the memory of my father" (my italics). In one of the final essays, Geary tries to enter imaginatively the summer ("the most memorable in his life") his father spent in the mountains as a boy of thirteen. This essay ends: "It occurred to him that he would never again be as happy as he was at that moment." The words seem to sound Geary's own elegy for the lost otium of boyhood and, by implication, to echo the feelings shared by all his forefathers;


375

Book Reviews and Notices indeed, by every boy. (Curiously, fathers figure prominently in these essays, mothers scarcely at all). To be a boy is to feel there is "no more behind/But such a day tomorrow as t o d a y , / A n d to be boy e t e r n a l " ! (Shakespeare, A Winter's Tale). Geary readmits us into this domain, now tinged, however, by ironies visible only to eyes that have been open outside of Eden. Geary's subtitle reads "Recollections of a Utah Boyhood." Yet like notable accounts of other boys in other

small towns (such as Tom Sawyer), Goodbye to Poplarhaven recalls the childhood we all share, whether or not we grew up in rural Utah. Geary's farewell can be many readers' introduction to life in the Mormon village and their reintroduction to their own childhoods, both real and imagined. It's as good a book about growing up in the Mormon village as we're likely to have. JOHN S. TANNER

Brigham Young

University

The Shoshoni Frontier and the Bear River Massacre. By BRIGHAM D. MADSEN. Vol. 1 in the Utah Centennial Series. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985. xxii + 285 pp. $19.95.) The Shoshoni Frontier and the Bear River Massacre is a critical study with the primary thesis that the negative influences of whites led to the devastation of the Northwestern Shoshonis, which devastation culminated in a mindless massacre at their winter camp on Bear River in January 1863. Professor Madsen goes on to heavily implicate the Mormon settlers in the massacre, which followed soon after a shift in policy by Mormon leaders from assistance to hostility. Finally, Madsen concludes that the Battle of Bear River was importantâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;as the bloodiest and most brutal Indian massacre in the western experienceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; but that it was ineffective as far as quelling Indian hostility along the overland trail. Professor Madsen presents a convincing discussion on the usurpation and destruction of Indian lands that ultimately resulted in the devastation of many Shoshonean groups, notably those whose existence in the more arid spaces in the Great Basin was precarious under the best of conditions. Of particular significance is the probability that, while Shoshonis (Northwestern Shoshonis among them) had been involved in raids along the over-

land trail for many years, by the 1850s such raids may have become vital to survival, as starving Shoshonis, by then largely displaced from their homelands, divested of their traditional sources of food, and abandoned by a bankrupt and bungling federal bureaucracy, had nowhere else to turn. But in my opinion much of the primary thesis of the study is indefensible. In order to establish that thesis. Professor Madsen seems to have been careless with the otherwise powerful evidence at his disposal. He has introduced evidence out of context and has forced that and other evidence to carry more of the weight of his conclusions than it can reasonably bear. Although good evidence is presented throughout, both in support of and contrary to his thesis, it is often distorted and otherwise interpreted in a very biased manner. Also disturbing, numerous errors exist both in text and in documentation, and exaggeration abounds. For example, in discussing Mormon policy upon arrival in the Great Basin in 1847, Madsen quotes Brigham Young as "soon" having announced (regarding Indians) that it was "manifestly more economical, and less ex-


376 pensive to feed and clothe, than to fight them." As documentation, he cites an address given by Young in May 1852. He goes on to establish that the policy of feeding rather than fighting "swung" in 1862, concluding that, as the Bear River "massacre" drew nigh, the Mormons had become committed to a "suppression-by-force policy" and, "when push came to shove," had become "capable of explosions of fury and appalling bloodlettings." Chroniclingan 1847 announcement of policy based on a statement made in 1852 is questionable. But it is worse than that. T h e 1852 citation is totally in error: Young uttered those words in December 1854â&#x20AC;&#x201D;and, of course, in another address. By 1854, perhaps even by 1852, such a pragmatic policy had more or less taken hold, but not before other, much less conciliatory, measures had been attempted, including a multiforce militia expedition with orders to exterminate the Utes in Utah Valley in the winter of 1850, an effort through legislation (in the fall of 1850) to have all Indians permanently removed from the territory, and a multiforce militia expedition ordered to locate, surround, and kill a group of Indian cattle raiders in the summer of 1851. If the policy "swung," it swung from fighting to feeding between the summer of 1851 and the summer of 1853, then remained generally constant (on the side of feeding) to and beyond 1863. Professor Madsen seems, therefore, to have turned the feed-rather-thanfight story on its head, this in the process of leading to conclusions which, like the process, also collapse under close scrutiny. T h e preponderance of evidence indicates that, although the Mormon settlers in Cache Valley were probably exasperated and welcomed intervention by army troops, they nonetheless continued to carry out Brigham Young's 1854 dictum. Responsible contemporary observers

Utah Historical

Quarterly

report that during the several weeks before the Battle of Bear River, those settlers, albeit grudgingly, continued to supply the local Indians with large quantities of wheat, flour, and beef. Indeed, on the very evening before the battle, nearby settlers gave wheat to the Indians camped at Bear River. Further, there is no evidence that a " s u p pression-by-force policy" was declared by Mormon leaders prior to the battle, nor did Mormons have anything to do with the battle other than the one Mormon who hired on with the expeditionary force as a guide. Certainly, the Mormons must share some of the responsibility for the devastation of the Northwestern Shoshoni people, primarily in the context of their having displaced those people from their lands and traditional food resources. But the extent to which Madsen holds the Mormons responsible for, or involves the Mormons in, the massacre of the Northwestern Shoshonis is unconvincing. Another example, involving apparent distortion, excessive bias, and exaggeration regarding a j udgment central to Madsen's thesis, is his treatment of the Battle of Bear River itself. He repeatedly asserts that that episode was essentially a "bloodthirsty," "wholesale slaughter" carried out by "gloryseeking," "freebooting" adventurers, and goes on to conclude that, regarding the objective claimed and the results, it "proved ineffective" as it "failed to bring peace to the trails west of South Pass." Admittedly, the Bear River expedition was coldheartedly planned and ruthlessly carried out in the dead of winter, and, after the initial battle, atrocities occurred. But it is also true that it was an extremely difficult expedition carried out by U.S. Army troops led by a commander bent on ending once and for all the open warfare along the overland trail, an objective he was under clear military


Book Reviews and Notices orders to achieve. It also needs to be emphasized that the battle was engaged against a roughly equal force of Indian warriors well known to have been involved in numerous depredationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;including massacres of women and childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and who openly mocked the soldiers moments before the bullets began to fly. And, when the battle commenced, both opposing forces suffered heavy casualties in the desperate fighting, fighting in which the Indians may well have had the upper hand at least initially. The battle, therefore, does not fit the generally accepted definition of a massacre, even though atrocities occurred after the fact. Much more important, in its proper context the Battle of Bear River achieved its intended objective, not of glory seeking and thirsting after blood in a mindless slaughter aided and abetted by the Mormons, but of quel-

377 ling the hostility along the overland trailâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;this if the full array of evidence is evenhandedly taken into account, and the overwhelming majority of contemporary observers and subsequent historians are to be believed rather than Professor Madsen. One of these historians, Charles S. Peterson, in his foreword to this volume, seems to better place the battle in its proper perspective when he states that "the Bear River bloodletting silenced Indian resistance along the Oregon Trail." The tragic story of the Northwestern Shoshoni people deserves to be convincingly, forcefully, and compassionately told, and Madsen is the logical choice to tell it, but in my opinion this telling of it is far short of the quality of his previous scholarship. HOWARD CHRISTY

Brigham Young

A Zuni Atlas. By T. J. FERGI'SON and E. RICHARD Oklahoma Press, 1985. xiv + 154 pp. $24.95.) A Zuni Atlas attempts to do two things. The first and most obvious is to provide an array of maps (44), charts ("6), and photographs (41) that illustrate the extent and quality of Zuni control and use of land within much of New Mexico and Arizona. Organized in an environmental scheme that ranges from geology to precipitation, from aquifers to biotic communities, and from soils to temperature changes, the book places the Zuni in their ecological niche. It also follows an anthropological and historical time line, running the gamut from the Anasazi to the reservation of today as well as providing traditional views of land use in social, economic, and religious terms. Thus, this slim volume takes a holistic approach for the reader who wants to learn about one of the many tribal peoples who share the region of the Southwest. Is the book unique? In terms of

HART.

University

(Norman: University of

format, no, in that it is similar to other recently published atlases. The Navajo Atlas by James Goodman, for example, having many of the same topics and covering much of the same general geographic area. Content is a different question, since it presents the Zuni view of their relationship to the land and their history. As Ferguson and Hart state: "Much of [the book] was done either at the request of or under contract for the Zuni Tribal Council. Indeed much of the new ethnographic m a t e r i a l . . . originates from the Zunis themselves and has been made available to the public after long discussion and deliberation a m o n g Zuni leaders." The book's inception came after much of its contents were presented in the U.S. Court of Claims at which time the Zuni sought payment for lands taken without compensation. T h e tribe's viewpoint echoes clearly in the maps and the text.


378 But herein also lies a major criticism of the bookâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;its lack of balance. Hart and Ferguson are obviously interested only in presenting the Zuni view, much of which is based on tribal traditions "often learned by rote and passed down with great accuracy over the space of centuries." Yet the reader quickly sees that the oral traditions and beliefs of other Indian peoples are disregarded by the claims of the Zuni. For instance. Map 1 shows the Zuni area encompassing between one-third and one-half of the states of Arizona and New Mexico. Using the year 1846 as the fullest extent of Zuni sovereignty, one finds on Map 21 a vast area stretching from Mount Taylor on the east to the San Francisco Peaks on the west, and from a line parallel with the Hopi mesas in the north to the Mogollon Mountains in the south. By using the word "sovereignty," the authors suggest a total control that ignores the Hopis, Navajos, Apaches, and the people of Acomaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;each with their own mythological or historical claims to the land. T o look at many of the maps marked and numbered with Zuni sites, one is impressed with the far-reaching effects of control and occupation that are being claimed. But when the key in the back of the text is used, a person starts to wonder. T h e problem arises from the generic term "land use," much of which is attributed to religious beliefs associated with migration mythology. But how do the Hopi feel about having Second and T h i r d Mesa put on a list entitled "Zuni Land Use Sites"? What is the Navajo and Hopi attitude toward having the San Francisco Peaks and Mount Taylor, two sacred mountains in their mythology, claimed under Zuni sovereignty? The book also presents an idealized image of the Zuni. For instance, the authors say that the Zuni could have used their traditional practices to live "indefinitely" in their territory if they had not been interrupted by white

Utah Historical

Quarterly

encroachment. Yet to claim this is to ignore that Native Americans have continuously been confronted with change, whether self-induced, environmentally produced, or externally inflicted by other groups. It is also suggested that the Zuni never acted as aggressors in a war. In a sense this is the chicken-or-the-egg controversy, but as the authors note, the Zuni were very much involved in fighting at different times the Apache, Navajo, Hopi, Spanish, and other groups as well as participating to some extent in the slave trade. In at least some of these conflicts, good reasons could be found on both sides for the commencement of hostilities. T h e authors mention that the Zuni view their land as a "church," and yet mineral and energy development, according to a few of the maps, is taking place near some of their sacred sites; Ferguson and Hart could have provided the tribal religious response to these economic ventures. They also state that 95 percent of the reservation is taken u p with grazing, which computes to approximately twenty-six acres per animal. T h e real issue arises in that the livestock industry is not the main form of employment, since wage labor, crafts, and government funds provide a much larger proportion of the tribal members' income. Thus, the authors have portrayed the Zuni in a very favorable light in order to stress the need for further land acquisition. In summary, A Zuni Atlas presents a survey of this Indian group's close association with the land in an economic, religious, and social sense. The book, though biased, serves as a handy reference for the Zuni view of their land claims and historyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;though this is done at the expense of other Native American groups. ROBERT S. M C P H E R S O N

College of Eastern Utah


Book Reviews and Notices

379

The Jade Steps: A Ritual Life of the Aztecs. By BURR CARTWRIGHT BRUNDAGE. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985. xvi + 280 pp. $22.50.) Shortly after the conquest of Mexico in 1525, Cortes initiated the construction of the primitive Cathedral of Mexico City. Fallen and fragmented stone idols of the native gods formed the footings for it. As early as 1525 the Franciscan missionaries realized that efforts to Christianize the native populace would prove ineffective as long as native temples remained standing. Accordingly, the missionaries, reinforced by native youths they had trained, systematically demolished and burned the important ceremonial centers of such cities as Texcoco, Mexico City, and Tlaxcalla. As early as 1530 the Franciscan friar Toribio de Benavente (Motolinia) asserted that all the natives had been converted to Christianity and that all idolatry had been wiped out. Almost a generation passed before missionaries such as the Dominican Fray Diego Duran and the Franciscan Fray Bernardino De Sahagun realized that the overt manifestations of native ritual had been destroyed; that the natives, while embracing Christianity, had remained polytheistic, their aboriginal beliefs and practices persisting; and that a true conversion to Christianity would result only after native ritual had been recognized, recorded, understood, and eliminated. Brundage, continuing in the spirit of Duran and Sahagun, provides us with an exhaustive, interpretive presentation of the ritual life of the Aztecs. He approaches this study already familiar with the pertinent sources, having previously published three books on Aztec culture and history. The present study focuses exclusively on Aztec ritual. Consideration is given to those rituals pertaining to Aztec society at large and, separately, those rituals relating to the individual life cycle. Topics considered include: the

gods, the temples, the calendar festivals, the priesthood. In fact, he has assembled and presented an exhaustive list of activities and objects relating to Aztec ritual. As the index will attest, a copious number of Nahuatl words appear in the text. They are spelled correctly, and Brundage's English translations are reliable. Two chapters are deserving of special mention. Chapter 6, "Sacrifice as a Substitute for Renewal," offers Brundage's thoughts on the Aztec rationale for human sacrifice. He stresses two points: first, there was a long and varied history of human sacrifice in Middle America; second, human sacrifice was not a generalized ritual. Accordingly, the varied forms of sacrifice are described and interpreted, each one in terms of its own procedure and purpose. It is paradoxical that the visual symbols of Aztec ritual, the pyramids, the temples, the idols, should be the first to be demolished by the Spaniards and the last to be recovered, restored, and studied. Recent excavations at the Templo Mayor in the center of Mexico City have provided new and startling information. In Chapter 3, "Nodal Points of Meeting," Brundage has incorporated data from the recent excavations to provide a current description and enhance our understanding of the ceremonial center. While other specialists in Aztec culture may differ with some of the author's viewpoints. The Jade Steps is a genuine and commendable effort to fathom and explain the dynamics of Aztec religion.

CHARLES E . DIBBLE

North Salt Lake


380

Utah Historical

Quarterly

A Basket of Chips: An Autobiography by James Taylor Harwood. Introduction and notes by ROBER i S. OLIMN. Utah, the Mormons, and the West Series, no. 12. (Salt Lake City: Tanner Trust Fund, University of Utah Library, 1985 xviii + pp. $24.95.) Utah history generally, and Utah art history specifically, are enriched by the publication of James T. Harwood's autobiography. This reviewer was left wistful for not having known this remarkable man. Harwood's selective and unfortunately incomplete self-portrait tells the reader what Harwood wanted known; one could speculate endlessly as to what might have been produced had he and his second wife worked longer and harder on his memoirs. This work is a collection of six topical essays begun seventeen years prior to his death and never worked up into finished form. They stand, however, as one of the most revealing summations of a Utah artist's life yet produced. Harwood was not a polished writer, yet his recollections contain a quiet charm, gentlemanliness, and country-boy openness that is captivating. T h e chief failure of this work is its i n c o m p l e t e n e s s ; the m a i n

strength of the work is its existence. We now have a major autobiographical statement from a major Utah artist whose work spanned more than half a century, whose reputation was international, and whose influence is still felt forty-five years after his death. This is a comfortable little book. Olpin sets the scene nicely for Harwood's essays and has largely avoided deifying the artist. One senses that the editor may have wished to provide even more emendations than actually appear; fuller documentation should probably wait until a full biography can be prepared. The editorial staff of the Tanner Trust is to be commended on the presentation of this book; it is one of the most attractive of the series. A Basket of Chips is an important contribution to an understanding of Utah's art history WILLIAM C . SEIERIT

Salt Lake City

The Birth of the National Park Service: The Founding Years, 1913-33. By HORACE M. ALBRIGH ras told to Robert Cahn. (Salt Lake City: Howe Brothers, 1985. xii + 340 pp. Cloth $19.95; paper $10.95.) Horace Albright, a native C^ialifornian and Berkeley law student, went to Washington, D . C , at age twenty-three to help establish the National Park Service. For the next twenty years, he worked relentlessly to firmly entrench it. When Albright and Stephen Mather were asked to help the Wilson administration establish the service, they did not realize new careers were beckoning. Albright's recollections of these exciting decades provide the material for this volume. In reality, the foundation and structure of the contemporary Park Service were constructed during those twenty years.

Albright also spent a simultaneous decade as the s u p e r i n t e n d e n t of Yellowstone and as special field assistant to the director, Mather. During his years at Yellowstone, he set the high standard for park administration. Yellowstone was a showcase facility for politicians, foreign dignitaries, and business leaders. He also used his experience there to develop the concept of the professional park ranger. These complex and highly trained individuals were part naturalist, part historian, part promoter, and part conservationist. Albright succeeded Mather, and from 1929 to 1933


Book Reviews and Notices

381

he directed the National Park Service. Among the acquisitions to the system that Albright fostered were Bryce and Zion Canyon in Utah. A dedicated bureaucrat, Albright spent his career trying to consolidate numerous government historical and g e o g r a p h i c a l h o l d i n g s i n t o one agency, the National Park Service. It did not matter whether they were working for Frank Lane, Albert Fall, or Harold Ickes, Park Service leaders pursued that goal. With each change in the Interior Department, new battle lines were formed and an eductional program instituted. Finally, after a direct conversation with Franklin D. Roosevelt, Albright was able to gain control over the military sites. With that achievement, he retired from the Park Service after twenty years. Albright is totally honest in recreating the controversial events surrounding the land acquisitions that

preceded the creation of the Grand Teton National Park. Utilizing his association with the Rockefellers, Albright was able to orchestrate the park's authorization. It is an intriguing story. These pioneer cultural, historical, and geographical preservationists served the nation well. This volume is a welcome primary source addition to the historiography of the conservationist movement. Albright's positions are well understood and his memory precise. Well illustrated with excellent photographs throughout, the book is also well written, and the firsthand insights are colorful and appreciated. As a propagandist and proselyter, Albright was exceptionally successful, a n d the American public was well served by his foresight. F. ROSS PETERSON

Utah State

University

Book Notices The Lore of Arms: A Concise History of Weaponry. By WILLIAM REID. (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1985. 256 pp. Cloth, $10.95; paper, $5.95.) Reid, director of the National Army Museum in London and a widely known expert on military history, has chronicled the evolution of weaponry from Neolithic times through World War II. His highly readable account, the result of twenty years of research in the museums of Europe and the United States, focuses on those weapons that

significantly changed the nature of warfare: crossbows, catapults, flint and steel-trigger muskets, breechloading guns, field artillery, tanks, and automatic weapons. T h e book also covers the great battles, fortifications, and strategies that have shaped the history of warfare. Detailed line and color drawings complement the text with an aesthetic touch. An index would have been a useful a d d i t i o n to the v o l u m e . Lacking that, chapter titles and subtitles would have helped.


382

Utah Historical Quarterly

Utah's Newspapersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Traces of Her Past. Edited by ROBERT P . HOLLEY. (Salt Lake City: Marriott Library, University of Utah, 1984. 319 pp. $19.95.) Funded by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, this book was published as the end product of Phase I of the Utah Newspaper Project. T h e book is divided into two sections. T h e first section contains papers presented at the Utah Newspaper Project Conference held in November 1984: "Early Utah Journalism: A Brief Summary" by Chad Flake; "Newspapers in Utah Today" by William B. Smart; "Community Newspapers in U t a h " by Samuel J. Taylor; " T h e Use of Early Western Newspapers in Historical Research" by Brigham D. Madsen; "Past Attempt at Bibliographic Control of Utah Newspapers" by Richard Van Orden; " T h e Utah Newspaper Project" by Robert P. Holley; and "Practical Instructions for Participants in the Utah Newspaper Project" by Yvonne Stroup. T h e second section of the book is a "Checklist of Utah Newspapers" arranged by title, county, city, and date.

Coxey's Army: An American

Odyssey.

By CARLOS A. SCHWANTES. (Lincoln:

Army hold the most interest for students of Utah history. The Kelleyites' arrival in the Ogden area on April 8, 1894, the heated response of Gov. Caleb West, and Ogden Mayor Charles Brough's irritation with West are the main ingredients in a colorful incident well told in chapter 7.

John Doyle Lee: Zealot, Pioneer Builder, Scapegoat. By JUANITA BROOKS. (Salt Lake City and Chicago: Howe Brothers, 1984. 406 pp. Paper, $12.50.) First published in 1961 by Arthur H. Clark, John Doyle Lee was reissued with corrections in a new edition in 1972. The Howe Brothers paperback reprints the 1972 edition. As the only man tried and executed for his participation in the Mountain Meadow Massacre in 1857, Lee is perhaps the most haunting figure in nineteenth-century Utah history. Using an array of primary source materials as well as her own intimate knowledge of southern Utah, Juanita Brooks created what is arguably the best biography of any Utahn to date. Moreover, the book provides a detailed chronicle of the early growth and migration west of the Mormons and the joys and hardships of settling one of America's most isolated frontiers.

University of Nebraska Press, 1985. xiv + 321 p p . $22.95.) T h e depression years of 1893 and 1894 gave birth to the first protest march on the nation's capital by unemployed Americans from the Midwest and West who hoped to convince Congress and President Grover Cleveland to create public works jobs and take whatever steps might be necessary to stimulate the sluggish economy. A l t h o u g h the protesters orginally recruited in Ohio by Jacob S. Coxey remain the most well-known group, there were others. Of these, Kelley's

Illustrated Dictionary of Place Names: United States and Canada. Edited by KELSIE B . HARDER. (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1985. 632 pp. Cloth, $19.95; paper, $12.95.) This illustrated source book includes listings for every U.S. village and town with a population over 2,500 and every such locality in Canada with a population over 2,000. Smaller localities whose names are unique are also listed, as well as major land and coastal features such as bays, capes.


Book Reviews and

Notices

gulfs, islands, lakes, rivers, forests, mountains, and valleys. Duplicate names for different places are also included, and there are cross-references for alternative place names of significance within the North American region. It is a very useful reference tool. Some 200 line illustrations, drawings, and photos accompany the text. Westering Man: The Life of Joseph Walker. By BIL GILBERT. (Norman: University of O k l a h o m a Press, 1985. X + 339 pp. Paper, $9.95.) Born in Tennessee in 1799, Joseph

383 Walker emigrated to the West in the 1820s. For the next four decades he carved his niche in the a n n a l s of frontier history through an amazing series of adventures and achievements as explorer, guide, lawman, trapper, trader, s t o c k m a n , and soldier of fortune. Atypically modest and reticent for a mountain man, Walker has generally eluded biographers until now. Determined and resourceful, Gilbert has crafted an entertaining and competent study of this intriguing character. His reflections on the nature and image of frontier heroes add an extra interpretive dimension.

STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, AND CIRCULATION T h e Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042-143X) is published quarterly by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah, 84101. T h e editor is Melvin T. Smith and the managing editor is Stanford J. Layton with offices at the same address as the publisher. The magazine is owned by the Utah State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds, mortgages, or other securities of the Society or its magazine. T h e following figures are the average number of copies of each issue during the preceding twelve months: 3,585 copies printed; 111 paid circulation; 2,844 mail subscriptions, 2,955 total paid circulation; 214 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 3,169 total distribution; 416 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,585. The following figures are the actual number of copies of single issue published nearest to filing date: 3,500 copies printed; 52 paid circulation; 2,796 mail subscriptions, 2,848 total paid circulation; 108 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 2,956 total distribution; 544 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,500.


INDEX Italic numbers refer to illustrations.

Ackley, Richard, at Camp Floyd, 173 Addams, Jane, as possible presidential nominee, 347 Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA), funds and programs of in Utah, 227, 249, 272-73, 275, 282 Agriculture, 308, 3U, 313, 322, 326; depressed state of, d u r i n g 1920s a n d 30s, 308-27; environmental problems affecting, 309-13; and Japanese Americans, 328-44; marketing problems of, 321-23; problems of, on marg i n a l l a n d s , 308-27; role of, in state's economy, 248-49; shortage of workers in, during WW II, 334; sociocultural problems in, 313-15; water problems affecting, 316. See also Drought of 1934 Alexander, E. B., col. in Johnston's Army, 159, 164-65 Alexander, Mrs. E. B. (Eve), experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 159, 168 Allen, Mary Simms (wife), 54 Allen, William Robert, architect-builder in Davis County, 4, 52; birth and immigration of, 53; as a brick mason, 53, 56; buildings designed by, 54-73, 53, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 74; business card of, 55; career of, 54-73; clients of, 58, 61-72, 74-87; deafness of, 54; home of, 61, 61, 78; marriage and family of, 54; musical interests of, 52, 53; personality of, 52, 54; schools designed by, 56,59 Aha Club, 23; building of, designed by Hale, 8, 10, 22, 24, 29, 30; members of, commissioned Hale to design homes, buildings, 3, 8-11 American Legion, 29 American Linen Supply, building of, designed by Hale, 22, 27, 28, 29 Amlie, Thomas, congressman, 356 Anderson, Andrew, Moroni home of, 2 Andrews and Co., Nephi shipping firm, 97 Angell, T r u m a n O., architect-builder, 53, 87 Arbuckle, George, LDS bishop, 50 Architecture: Box style of, 20-21, 20; Commercial style of, 23, 25; in Davis County, 52-73; Georgian Revival style of, 15, 16, 16-17; Italian Renaissance style of, 22, 23, 24; Neoclassical style of, 15, 16, 16-17, 58-59; Queen Anne style of, 12; in SLC, 5-51; in Sanpete Valley, 88-112; Shingle style of, / 7 , 12,13, 14, 15, 16; Spanish Colonial style of, 21, 22; of subdivisions, 31-51; in turn-of-the century Utah, 2-73; Victorian Eclectic style of, 59,60, 62, 63-65. See also Perkins' Addition and names of individual architects The Architecture of Fred A. Hale, 1890-1907, promotional booklet, 8, 11, 15 Armitage, William, p a i n t i n g by, in Logan Temple, 185

Art, Utahns studying, in Paris, 179-202. See also names of individual artists

B Babcock, Charles, prof, of architecture, 7 Bailey, Roger, prof, of architecture, 29-30 Ballard, Melvin J., LDS apostle, 320 Bamberger Railroad, 56 Bamberger, Simon, brick and railroad cos. of, 56 Bangs, John Kendrick, editor of Life, 368-69 Barnes Banking Co., 58, 83, 84 Barnes Block, design of, 57, 58 Barnes, Emily Stewart, wife of John R., 71, 78, 79,83 Barnes, George W., 86 Barnes, Herbert J., 86 Barnes, John George Moroni, house of, designed by Allen, 65, 65-66, 69, 71, 72, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81,83,84,85,86,87 Barnes, John R., house of, designed by Allen, 66, 67, 68, 69-70, 75, 76, 77, 78,' 79, 80, 83-84, 85, 86,87 Barnes, Richard W., 86 Barnes, Sarah, 79, 80 Barnes, William, 79 Bartholome, Robert, army surgeon, 162 Barton & Hoggan Meat & Grocery, 45 Barton, James B., businessman, 45 Bear Lake, low level of, in 1934, 248 Beardshall, William, early settler of Fairfield, 167 Beaver County, problems of agriculture in, 311, 316 Beck, Simon, Spring City woolgrower, home of, 98,99 Beecher, Henry Ward, satiric treatment of, 365-66 Beehive House, 125 Behunnin, Isaac, early Spring City settler, home of, 98, 99 Bellew, Chip, cartoonist, 363 Bendetsen, Karl R., maj. and Japanese American relocation, 331 Bennett, Charles S., Perkins' Addition buyer, 44 Bennett's Paint and Glass, windows designed by, 58 Benson, Elmer A., U.S. senator, 356 Bernine, Eldor, 150 Bidwell, , home of, designed by Hale, 12, 13, 14 Bills, Lester, 216 Black, Mrs , wife of sgt. with Johnston's Army, 174 Blacks: as domestics, 44; as WACs at Wendover Field during WW II, 153-55 Blood, Ernest C , 86 Blood, George H., 86 Blood, Henry H., gov. of Utah, 215, 216; and bank holiday, 225-26, 276; campaign and


Index inauguration of, 216-18, 272; and drought of 1934, 252, 255-56, 258, 259, 264, 277-78; first message of, to legislature, 218-21; first year of, as governor, 216-39; house of, designed by Allen, 70, 71, 75, 76, 78, 79, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87; lobbying of, in Washington, D . C , 227-30, 236-39; New Year's message of, 280; objection of, to federal program cuts, 283-84; relations of, with legislature, 222-26, 230-33; relatives of, 66; and repeal of prohibition, 230-31; and sales tax, 223, 231-34 Blood, J o h n H., 86 Blood, Minnie Barnes, wife of Henry H., 78, 79, 84 Blood, William, father of Henry H., 83, 85 Blood, William H., Kaysville city councilman, 86 Booth, , Kaysville resident, 53 Box Elder County, problems of agriculture in, 314 Boyer, Selvoy J., exec, sec'y of Farm Bureau, 334 Bracken, A. L., land use consultant, 311-12, 319 Brigham City Cooperative, 82 Brigham Young Academy, Provo, art dept. of, 202 Buck, Robert, editor of New Majority, 348 Bunnell, Helen E., experiences of, during Great Depression, 265-67 Bunnell, Omar B., experiences of, during Great Depression, 265-67 Burhaus, Morris S., Perkins' Addition contractor, 36, 40 Burns, Mab (daughter), 164 Burns, Mrs. William, experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 159, 162, 164, 165 Burton, James, 79 Burton, Margaret, 79 Burton, Richard F., comments of, on Chandless's books, 116-17; in SLC, 124, 125, 132, visit of, to Camp Floyd, 177 Burton, Robert W., early Kaysville settler, 76, 79

Cache County, dry farm in, 313 C a m p Floyd, 171, 178; archaeological excavations at, 158-59; descriptions of, 168-69; laundresses at, 174-76; prostitution at, 17374; social life at, 170-72 C a m p Floyd State Park, Stagecoach Inn in, 157 C a m p Scott, Wyoming, winter camp of Johnston's Army, 160-66, 163 Canby, E. R. S.: as col. with Johnston's Army, 157; at Fort Bridger, 165 Canby, Louisa (wife), experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 157-58, 159, 162, 165 Cannon, George Q., and artists studying in Paris, 184-86, 192, 194, 196, 197, 199, 200; cartoon depicting, 358, 359 Carbon County, problems of agriculture in, 309, 315, 323 Carr, William, gov. of Colorado, 331

385 Carroll, Katy (daughter), 161, 164 Carroll, Mrs. Samuel S., experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 159, 160-61, 164, 166 Carroll, Samuel S., 2d It. with Johnston's Army, 160 Carson family, early settlers of Fairfield, 167 Carson's Inn, Fairfield, Utah, 178 Central Utah Canal, 315 Chamberlin & Co., Perkins' Addition developer, 33, 35, 36, 45 Chamberlin, Gilbert L., Perkins' Addition developer, 3, 31-42, 45, 46, 48, 49 Chandless, Thomas (father), 118 Chandless, William, British explorer, 116,133; Amazon explorations of, 132-35; background of, 118-19, 133-34; book of, on SLC and Mormons, 116-18, 123, 134-36, 136; crosscountry journey and travel narrative of, 117, 119-35; residence of, in Utah, 123-32; Royal Geographical Society award to, 134 Chapin, Gurden, It. at C a m p Floyd, wife of, 177 Chapman, Ernest, clergyman, 340 Chesebro, J. L., SLC architect, 59 Chez, Joseph, Utah atty. gen'l, 224, 230-31 Christensen, C. C. A., murals by, in Manti Temple, 186 Christensen, Parley P., SLC atty. and political activist, 345, 350, 352; and Danish co-ops, 349; and Esperanto, 350-51, 357; as FarmerLabor candidate for president in 1920, 34648,351; as Los Angeles city councilman, 357; mother of, 356; as Progressive nominee for U.S. Senate, 357; as a Republican, 347; and Soviet Union, 346,348,349, 350-54, 356; visit of, with Lenin, 346, 348, 349, 350-54; world tour of, 348-57 Christiansen, Andrew, Fairview home of, 104-5, 104 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: art and artists supported by, 184-86, 194, 196, 197, 198, 199-202; British converts to, 128-30; Japanese converts to, 332,340; and real estate speculation, 48; and unity of church and state in Utah, 126 Civilian Works Administration (CWA), funds and programs of, in Utah, 234, 239, 250, 261, 278-80 Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), funds and programs of, in Utah, 227,230,249,262,274, 275, 276, 277, 280, 282 Clawson, J o h n Willard, as an art student in Paris, 180, 190, 191, 198, 200-202 Clegg, John, early settler of Fairfield, 167 Clyde, George Dewey: as gov., 178; as state water conservator during 1934 drought, 252-55 Commercial National Bank, design of, by Hale, 5, 6, 8, 9 Communist Labor party, 346 Communist party, 346 Communist Party USA, 346 Constant, Benjamin, painter and teacher, 183, 196


386 Consumers, Utah, 268 Cooke, Philip St. George, It. col. with Johnston's Army, 167, 175 Cosgriff, J. B., home of, designed by Hale, 10 Cox, James M., 1920 presidential candidate, 348, 353 Crawford, James, Manti businessman, home of, 99, 100-101 Cross, Kirkwood, Provo architect, 99, 100-101 Gumming, Alfred, gov. of U.T., 158, 166 Gumming, Elizabeth (wife), 163; experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 157-58, 159, 161-62, 166 Cummings, Byron, U. of U. prof., home of, 44 Curry, J. M., home of, designed by Hale, 8 Cutler, James C , N. Y. architect, 7

Daggett, _ _, home of, 9 Daggett County, problems of agriculture in, 323, 324-25 Dallin, Cyrus E., sculptor, 185; as art student in Paris, 180, 182, 184, 187, 189, 202; in Boston, 180 Daly, J. J., Hale designed building for, 8-9 Dana, James, It. at Camp Floyd, wife of, 177 Davis and Weber Counties Canal Co., 82, 83, 84 Davis County: architecture in, 3-4, 52-73, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 74; courthouse in, designed by Allen, 56, 57, 58 Davis, C. S.,homeof, designed by Hale, 9,70,12, 14 Davis, George H., home of, designed by Hale, 12, 20, 20-21 Debs, Eugene V., as presidential candidate, 347, 348,353 Deer Creek Dam, 236, 237, 260-61, 263 De Goyler, , Hale designed home of, 9 Demman, , Helper physician, 266 Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad, in Sanpete Valley, 110 Depue, David A., Perkins' Addition h o m e owner, 37 Dern, George H.: as gov., 251; as sec'y of war under FDR, helped H. H. Blood gain access to president, 228, 237 Deseret National Bank, 84 De Witt, J. L., It. gen., and Japanese American relocation, 330-31 Dininny, Harper J., atty. for Chamberlin & Co., 45, 46, 49 Domus Co., building of, designed by Hale, 22 Donnellan, John, Hale designed houses for, 8 Dorius, J o h n , Jr., Ephraim merchant, home of, 103, 104 Downey, , home of, designed by Hale, 9, 12, 13, 14, 30 Drought of 1934, 245-64, 277-78, 310-11, 323, 327; crop losses during, 247,248,254,263-64; effects of, nationally, 247,252; high temperatures during, 248; rainfall during, 247-48,

Utah Historical Quarterly 261; stock losses during, 247, 258-59; surveys and projects during, 253-61 Drown, William, bugler with Johnston's Army, 160, 161, 166 Duchesne County: interest of residents of, in Japanese American farm workers, 335-36; living conditions in, 318; problems of agriculture in, 309, 311-12, 315, 323, 324, 326 Dussler, Byron: NCO at Wendover Field during WWII, 136, 137-56; relatives of, 143

Eagles Club, building of, designed by Hale, 8, 10,25 Early, Clyde, mortician, 17, 19 East Mill Creek, Utah, irrigation project in, 260 Eccles, David, and LDS finances, 83 Edmunds, , U.S. senator, cartoon depicting, 367, 367-68 Elks Club, building of, designed by Hale, 10 Ellison, E. P., 83 Ellison Ranching Co., 63, 84 Emery County: effect of 1934 drought in, 257; problems of agriculture in, 309, 315 Endo, Frank, experiences of, in Keetley, 337 Enoch's Advocate, underground newspaper, 358, 359-60 Ephraim, Utah: effect of 1934 drought in, 257; homes in, 97, 103 Equitable Life and Casualty Insurance Co., building of, 10, 2<?, 29 Esper, Frank, national sec'y of Farmer-Labor party, 348 Esperanto, P. P. Christensen's advocacy of, 350-51 Ethiopian Opera Troupe, 172 Evans and Early Mortuary, 9-10, 16, 17, 19 Evans, David, atty., 44 Evans, Edwin, as art student in Paris, 180, 19091, 193-94, 197-202 Evans, Priscilla M., husband of, worked at Camp Floyd, 177 Evans, Thomas W., commissioned sculpture from Dallin, 184 Excelsior Address Book,Sl^C'^lut^odk," 9,14

Fairbanks, J. Leo (son), artistic efforts of, 191-92 Fairbanks, John B., 179; as art student in Paris, 180, 186-95, 197-202; letters of, 181, 193-95, 197-201; painting of, 207 Fairbanks, Lillie (wife), correspondence of, with John B., 193-95, 197-201 Fairfield, Utah, pioneer settlers of, and Johnston's Army, 167-68 Fairview, Utah, homes in, 104, 108 Farm Credit Administration (FCA), funds and programs of, in Utah, 250, 262


387

Index Farmer-Labor party, P. P. Christensen 1920 presidential candidate of, 346-48, 354 Farmers' First National Bank of Layton, 83, 85 Farmers' Union Building, design of, by Allen, 58 Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. (FDIC), 276 Federal Emergency Relief A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (FERA): funds and programs of, in Utah, 227, 232, 234,239,249,252,255,258,261,274, 276-80, 285; mob at office of, 279-80, 279 Federal Surplus Relief Corp., livestock purchasing program of, 258-59 Ferry, Edward S., home of, designed by Hale, 10 Fisher, Galen W., Congregational minister, 340 Fisher, George A., rancher and mayor of Keetley, 333-39,341,344 Flanagan, Barney L., highway labor inspector, 240-44 Folsom, William, architect-builder, 53 Ford, Henry, as possible presidential nominee, 347 Forest Dale Golf Course, clubhouse of, designed by Hale, 11 Forsyth, George A., at Camp Floyd, 176 Fort Bridger, Jonnston's Army at, 157-58,160-66 Fort Douglas, 140 Foxley, William, British immigrant, 78 Foy, Ellen, killing of, 174 Fraternal Order of Eagles, Aerie No. 67. See Eagles Club Fremont, John Charles, 246

Gailey, John R., Kaysville publisher, 84 Galbraith, William L., 86 Garfield County, problems of agriculture in, 314-15, 324, 326 Gibson, Katherine, army wife, 168 Gibson, Sarah, property of, sold for Perkins' Addition, 35, 48 Golightly, Isabella, 79 Goodale, Jennie, Indian wife of army guide, 165-66 Goodale, Tim, guide for Col. Marcy, 165 Gorlinski, Marie, artist, studied in Europe, 180 Gove, Jesse, officer in Johnston's Army, 158, 160,163-64, 165 Grand County, problems of agriculture in, 311 Grantsville, Utah, dustslorms in, 312 Great Basin: Fremont's assessment of, 246; low rainfall in, 247-48. See also Drought of 1934 Great Depression, 216-85; agriculture during, 270-71, 308-27; banks during, 219, 225-26; effects of, in Utah, 217-18, 220, 248-49; federal programs and funds to combat, in Utah, 249-56, 262, 263; relief work on roads during, 240-44, 275; state workers dismissed during, 224-25. See also Blood, Henry H., and Drought of 1934 Greaves, Peter, Ephraim businessman, home of, 97, 97-98

Green, J o h n H y r u m , British i m m i g r a n t in Kaysville, 76 Griffen, T. G., home of, designed by Hale, 12, 20, 21, 22 Gullion, Allen W., maj. gen., and Japanese American relocation, 331

H Haag, Herman H., as art student in Paris, 180, 189, 194, 197-202 Hafen, John, 179, 185; as art student in Paris, 180, 184-97, 200, 202; drawing by, 188; letters of, 181; painting by, 795 Hafen, Thora (wife), 186-88 Haight, Hector C , founder of Kaysville, 76 Hale, Edward Lincoln (son), 8 Hale, Edyth Mae (daughter), 8 Hale, Frederic Albert, architect, 5; career of, 3, 5-30; community and social activities of, 1112; death of, 12; Denver practice of, 7-8; design competition won by, 7; education of, 7; LItah buildings designed by, 5,10,11,13, 15,16,18, 20, 21, 23, 26, 28 Hale, Frederic Albert, Jr. (son), 8 Hale, Girard Van Barkaloo (son), 8 Hale, Mary Frances (Minnie) O'Grady (wife), 8 Hamilton, Henry S., with Johnston's Army, 169 Hampton, Grant, home of, designed by Hale, 12,20,21,22 Harding, Warren G., and 1920 election, 348 Harkness, Robert, home of, designed by Hale, 10 Harney, , gen., army of, 120-21 Harper, Heber R., regional director of Social Security, 282 Harris, , pvt. at Wendover Field, 150 Harris, Elizabeth, prostitute at C a m p Floyd, 173 Hartwig, Lulu, cousin of B. Dussler, 143 Harwood, James T., as art student in Paris, 180, 181-84, 195-96, 796 Hasegawa, Harry T., SLC resident, 344 Haxton Place, elite subdivision, 21, 22 Heber City, Utah: M o r m o n co-op in, 341; objection of residents of, to Japanese Americans during WW II, 336 Hiatt, Frank T., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37 Hi-Land Dairy, milk from Keetley sold to, 341 Hills, L. S., and LDS finances, 83 Hinckley, Robert H., 251; as FERA administrator for Utah, 250-51; and 1934 drought, 255-56, 258, 310; welfare post of, 233; as western states FERA director, 258, 278 Historic American Buildings Survey, 19 Holmes, Samuel O., founder of Kaysville, 76 Home Fire Insurance Co., 84 Home Owners Loan Act (HOLA), 235, 262 Hoover, Herbert, and Great Depression, 269 Hopi Indians, rain dances of, during 1934 drought, 261 Hopkins, Harrv L., national FERA administrator, 232,'234, 239, 250, 258, 278, 281, 310


388

Utah Historical Quarterly

Howe, Mrs. M. S., 171 Howe, M. S., gen. at Camp Floyd, 171 Hubbard, William G., real estate developer, 41-42 Hudson, Rosa Ann, 79 Humpherys, Thomas H., state engineer, 256 Hyde, Orson, cartoon depicting, 358, 360 Hyrum Dam, funding for, 236

I Ickes, Harold, PWA director, 229, 237-39, 276 Ivers, James, home and building of, designed by Hale, 8, 10 Ivey, Josephine, cousin of B. Dussler, 143

Jackson, R. C , deputy sheriff, 279 Japanese Americans, 328, 332, 335, 307; population of, in Utah, 332-33; prejudice against, 333, 336. 338, 343, 344; relocation of, during WW II, 328-44. See also Keetley, Utah Japanese American Citizens League: basketball league of, 343; and relocation, 334-35 Jeffries, Elizabeth, 79 Jennings, William, merchant, 82, 85 Jenson, Andrew, LDS historian, 48 J o h n R. Barnes Co., 84 J o h n s t o n , Albert Sidney, women associated with troops of, in Utah, 157-78 Johnson, Anna R. Lemon, during Great Depression, 318-19 Johnson, Frank, Uinta Basin farmer, 319 Johnson, Jacob, Spring City home of, 106-7,107 Jones, R. W., Fairfield, Utah, described by, 168 Jorgensen, Enoch, Ephraim home of, 102,103 J u a b County, problems of agriculture in, 314 Judd, Eliza B., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 42-44, 43 Judd, J o h n W., U.T. justice and Perkins' Addition home buyer, 42-44, 43 Juvenile Instructor, art competition sponsored by, 191

Kane County, problems of agriculture, in, 311 314,324 Kanosh, Utah, effect of 1934 drought in, 257 Kay, William, founder of Kaysville, 75, 76-77 Kays Creek Irrigation Co., 83 Kaysville Brass Band, 53 Kaysville Brick Co., 56 Kaysville Brick and Tile Co., 56, 84 Kaysville Canning Co., 84 Kaysville Cooperative Mercantile Co., 58 Kaysville Irrigation Co., 85 Kaysville Milling Co., 84 Kaysville Tabernacle, 57,87; design of, by Allen 58-59, 73

Kaysville, Utah, architecture in, 52, 53-61, 65-87 Kaysville Weekly Reflex, 84 Kearns, Thomas, Hale designed building for, 8 Keetley, John B. (Jack), mine tunnel project supervisor, 333 Keetley, Utah, 328, 340; Japanese American relocation colony in, 328-44; as a mining town, 333-34 Keith, David: business interests of, 8-9, 19,22,23, 24-25, 29, 30; home of, designed by Hale, 9, 18, 19-20, 30 Keith, J. T., home of, designed by Hale, 12, 20 21, 22 Keith-O'Brien Co., building for, designed by Hale, 24 Keller, , priest at Camp Floyd, 172 Keller, Frederick, San Francisco artist, 366-67 Kelly, William, Irish gold seeker and travel writer, 123 Kelting, , actress, 170 Kennedy, H. F., real estate developer, 32-33 Kletting, Richard K. A., architect, 5-6; Mclntyre Building designed by, 27, 29 Kow, Ike, suicide of, 333

La Follette, Robert, Farmer-Labor nomination turned down by, 346 Latter-day Saints College, art dept. of, 202 Layton, Abraham, 77 Layton, Charles, 77 Layton, Christopher, Davis County pioneer, 62, 68, 76, 77-78, 79, 80-84, 85, 86 Layton, Christopher, Jr., 86 Layton, Frank L., 86 Layton, George Willard, house of, designed by Allen, 62-65, 62, 63, 66, 75, 78, 79, 82, 83, 87 Layton, J o h n Henry, house of, designed by Allen, 62-65, 62, 63, 74, lb, 78, 79, 82, 87 Layton, R. Ole, 86 Layton, Samuel, 77 Layton, Sarah Barnes, wife of Christopher, 77, 78, 79, 80 Layton, Sarah Martin, wife of Christopher, 77 Layton Sugar Co., 83, 84 Lee, Annie, camp follower, 173-74 Lee, William, at Camp Floyd, 171 Lefevre, Jules, painter, 196 Lenin, V. I., P. P. Christensen's visit with, 346, 348, 349, 350-54, 352 Leslie, Mr. and Mrs. Frank, interview of, with Brigham Young, 358-59 Lion House, 725 Livingston and Kinkead, SLC merchants, 120 Livingston, Archibald, Manti farmer, home of, 106, 706 Loader, Patience (wife of J o h n Rozsa), experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 168-69,174, 175, 178 Logan Temple, art work in, 185


Index

389

Long, Stephen H., army engineer, 246 Longee, , actress, 170-71 Luce & Berryman's Mint Saloon, 50 Luce, Henry, saloonkeeper, 50

M Mabry, William D., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37, 41 McCloy, J o h n J., asst. sec'y of war, and Japanese American relocation, 331 McDonald, Albert F., imprisonment of, 176 McDonald, Elizabeth, prison visit of, 176-77 Mclntire, Samuel, architect-builder, 53 Mclntyre Building, design of, by Kletting, 27,29 McLaws, Lafayette, Camp Floyd described by, 169 McMillan, Henry B., home of, designed by Hale, 10 MacVichie, Duncan, home of, designed by Hale, 10 Mahon, Michael, and Camp Floyd prostitute, 173 Malia, John, state banking commissioner, 226 Malone, Dudley Field, as possible presidential nominee, 347 Manti LDS Temple: art works in, 185; completion of, 110 Manti, Utah, homes in, 93, 96, 99, 105,106 Marcy, Randolph, col. with Johnston's Army, 165 Margis Investment Co., 44 Markham, Clement, South American explorer, 134 Markland, C. B., home of, designed by Hale, 10, 12, 13, 14 Marony, , laundress and cook, experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 157-58, 163 Marony, Johnny, 163-64 Marony, Patrick, sgt. with Johnston's Army, 158, 163 Marriott, Elizabeth, 79 Marriott, J o h n , early Kaysville settler, 76,77, 79, 80 Marriott, J. Willard, hotel magnate, 76 Marriott, Mary Ann, 79 Martin, , woman with Johnston's Army, 164 Martineau, Lyman R., businessman, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 44 Masaoka, Mike, JACL spokesman, 335 Maughan, J. Howard, land use consultant, 313 Maw, Herbert B., gov., and Japanese American relocation, 335-36, 338 Meilnig, Jens, brickmaker. Mount Pleasant home of, 89-90, 90 Michelsen, Rasmus, farm abandoned by, 316 Military Dramatic Assn., group at Camp Floyd, 170-71 Millard County: and Great Depression, 317-18, 319;problemsofagriculturein, 309-10, 31213, 314, 315, 316, 317-18, 322, 323, 324, 325

Mitchell, Alexander, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37 Model Laundry, building of, designed by Hale, 22 Mogo, Charles, teamster and surveyor, 164 Mogo, Mrs. Charles, with Johnston's Army, 164 Moon Lake project, 237, 261 Mormon Battalion, 167 Mormons: attitudes of, toward federal help during Great Depression, 268-69; architecture in communities where, predominate, 52-73, 88-112; barter economy of, 127; courts of, 126-27; culture of, 91-92, 126; emigrant travel of, 120-23; observations of Chandless on, 117-18, 120, 123-32, 135-36; outsiders viewed with suspicion by, 334; public antipathy toward, 369-70; stereotyping of religion of, 370; and suburbs of SLC, 48-49; and U.S. Army at C a m p Floyd, 167, 170-71, 173, 176. See also Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and names of individual Mormons Moroni, Utah, home in, 2 Morris, William C , painting by, in Manti Temple, 185 Morrison, Pitcairn, col. at Camp Floyd, 176-77 Morrison, W. L., architect in N.Y., 7 Mount Pleasant, Utah: effect of 1934 drought in, 257; homes in, 88-90, 88, 90,101 Mountain Meadow Massacre, child survivors of, 174 Mullins, Frank, killing of ex-fiancee by, 174 Munday, Richard, architect-builder, 53 Murdock, Abe, U.S. senator, and Japanese Americans at Keetley, 343 Mure, Elizabeth, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 174

N Nagata, Ted, Keetley resident, 341 Nakajima, Arnold Katsuo, clergyman, 340 Nash, Hester Elvira, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 174 National Bank of Layton, 63 National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), provisions of, 227-28, 231, 233, 235, 272-76 National Labor party, 346 National Recovery Administration, (NRA), programs of, 234-35, 273-74, 274 Neff, Andrew Love, comments of, on Chandless's book, 117 Nelden, William A., home of, designed by Hale, 10,75, 16-17,30 New Deal. See Great Depression, Roosevelt, Franklin D., and names of various federal agencies New Majority, newspaper of Farmer-Labor party, 348 Nielson, N. S., Mount Pleasant merchant, home of, 707, 101-2


390

Oak Park Dam, 254 Ogden, , woman at Camp Floyd, 172 Ola, , SLC clergyman, 340

Park City Record, and Japanese Americans in Keetley, 338-39, 341 Park City, tJiah, Japanese Americans in, 333, 344 Parker & Depue Lumber Co., 37 Parker, Frank L., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37 Parrish, Frances, 79 Paul, Gabriel Rene, capt. at C a m p Floyd, wife of,, 177 Payne, William Lauder, early Kaysville settler, 76 Perkins' Addition, SLC subdivision, 31-51; architectural features and amenities of, 3940; beginnings of, 31-37; construction of, 3839; G. Chamberlin developer of, 3; homes in, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44; land purchased for, 35, 48; location of, 33; map of, 47; restrictions in, 36-37; sales promotion and advertising for, 33, 34, 37, 38, 45 P e t e r s o n , W i l l i a m , c h a i r m a n , emergency drought relief committee, 256 Phelps, John, Utah Expedition diary of, 162 Phillips, Edward, British immigrant in Kaysville, 76, 79 Phillips, Hannah, 79 Pike, Zebulon Montgomery, 1806 expedition of, 246 Pine View Dam, 236, 260, 285 Piute County, water project in, 324 Piute Project, 160-farm venture, 316 Plummer, Augustus H., It. at C a m p Floyd, wife of, 177 Polygamy, observations of Chandless on, 11718, 120, 130-32 Pratt, Lorus, as art student in Paris, 180, 186-94, 197-202 Presbyterian church, Kaysville, designed by Allen, 55, 56 Price, Utah, road construction in, 229 Progressive party: and Committee of Fortyeight, 346-47; and P. P. Christensen, 357 Prohibition, repeal of, 230-31, 233 Prostitution at Camp Floyd, 173-74; and Indian women, 164 Public Works Administration (PWA), funds and programs of, in Utah, 228, 231, 232, 233, 235-39, 2.50, 260, 274-76, 280

Real estate, speculation in, in SLC, 48-49 Reconstruction Finance Corp. (RFC), 249, 280

Utah Historical Quarterly Remy, Jules, early French visitor to Utah, 117, 123 Resettlement Administration, 327 Rice, Dave, highway worker, 244 Richards, Harriet, wife of J. T. Harwood, 181, 19.5,196 Rich County, problems of agriculture in, 323 Richfield, Utah, effect of 1934 drought in, 257 Rigelot, , artist, 201 Roberton, Arthur H., sgt. at Wendover Field, 150-.52, 757 Roeschlaub, Robert, Denver architect and partner of F. A. Hale, 7 Romney, George, and LDS finances, 83 Rose, Guy, art student in Paris, 181, 182 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 275, 218, 226; bank holiday declared by, 226; and Japanese American relocation, 331; and New Deal, 226-27,249-50,251,269,272-76,278,280,283; and 1934 drought, 255; visits of Gov. Blood with, 228, 237 Roosevelt, Theodore, Bull Moose candidacy of, 347 Rozsa, John, sgt. with Johnston's Army, 168-69, 174,175, 176

St. George Temple, art work in, 185 Salisbury, O. J., home of, designed by Hale, 9-10,76, 17, 19,30 Salotti, Marti, highway worker, 244 Salt Lake City Chamber of Commerce, lobbying and promotional efforts of, 50, 276, 284 Salt Lake City: architecture in, 3, 5-51; electric streetcars in, 31, 32, 46-48; Japanese section of, 333; Perkins' Addition subdivision in, 3151; population of, 6; "society" in, 6 Salt Lake City Past and Present, guidebook, 24 Salt Lake City Railroad, streetcar of, 31 Salt Lake Country Club (Forest Dale), building of, designed by Hale, 10-11, 23 Salt Lake Easel, Harwood exhibit at, 181 Salt Lake Herald, and Perkins' Addition, 33 Salt Lake Temple, decoration of, with art works, 184-86, 197, 200-202 Salt Lake Theater, 170 Salt Lake Tribune, and Perkins' Addition, 32, 33,45 San Juan County, problems of agriculture in, 323 Sanpete County, marital status of residents of, 317,325 Sanpete Valley: architecture in, 4, 88-112; economy of, 110-12; immigration to, 92-93 Sanpete Valley Railroad, 110 Schultz, , artist, 194-95, 197 Scipio, Utah, effect of 1934 drought in, 257 Scott, Angus, 276 Scott, Charles A., at Camp Floyd, 172 Scott, Winfield, winter camp of Johnston's Army named for, 161


391

Index Seely, H. B., Denver architect, partner of F. A. Hale, 7 Seely, John Henry, sheepman. Mount Pleasant home of, 88-90, 90 Sermon, John, woolgrower, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 44 Sevier Bridge Reservoir, 309 Sevier County, farm income in, 325 Sheep industry, growth of, in Sanpete Valley, 111-12 Sheffield, , home of, designed by Allen, 60 Shelton, Emily, 79 Shurtleff, Vincent, Chandless's host in SLC, 127-28, 130, 730 Sibley, Henry Hopkins, tent inventor, 161 Simpson, James H., army engineer, held church services at Camp Floyd, 172 Smith, Ann Barnes, 80 Smith, Elmer R., U. of U. sociologist, 335 Smith, George A., cartoon depicting, 358, 359 Smith, Joseph, City of Zion plan of, 47 Smith, Thomas J., house of, designed by Allen, 66, 67, 68, 68-70, 75, 76, 78, 85, 87 Smith, William B., early Kaysville settler, 77, 80 Smoot, Reed, and 'Tederal Bunch," 347 Snow, Eliza R., poetry of, 126, 165 Snow, Lorenzo, LDS president, 83 Social Hall (SLC), 126 Social Security Act, 281-82 Socialist party, 346, 348 Society of Utah Artists, founding of, 202 Spring City, Utah, homes in, 99, 107 Squire, Sally, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 174 Streeper, , house of, designed by Allen, 60 Steiner Corp., building of, designed by Hale, 22, 27, 28, 29 Steiner, George A., businessman, 27 Stephens, F. B., home of, designed by Hale, 9,12, 14,75 Sterling Building, design of, by Hale, 22 Stevenson, Lucy, dancer, 170 Stewart, Charles, 79 Stewart, Charles T , 79, 85 Stewart, Elizabeth, 79 Stewart, Emily, 79 Stewart, Hyrum, house of, designed by Allen, 70, 71, l\-n, 75, 76, 78, 79, 84, 85-86, 87 Stewart, William, shoemaker, 71, 76, 77, 79, 83, 84 Summerhays, Martha, army life described by, 177 Summit County, Utah: farm income in, 323; objection of residents of, to Japanese Americans during WW II, 336 Sutherland, George, Gov. Blood's sec'y, 224 Swain, Peter Tyler, wife of, at Camp Floyd, 177 Swan, George, 86

Tabata, Skip, Keetley resident, 344

Tawney, William H., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 42 Teasdel, , home of, designed by Hale, 12 Thomas, , It. at Wendover Field, 142, 150 Thomas, William, and Camp Floyd, 173, 177 Tibbets, Paul W., col. at Wendover Field, 155, 156 Tietjens, Theresa, German soprano, death of, 364, 364 n. 26, 365 Tingey, Sophia, 79 Tooele County, problems of agriculture in, 314 Topaz, Utah, Japanese American relocation camp, 341,342, 3^2, 343, 344 Tracy, Albert, at Camp Floyd, 176 Tsujimoto, Katsumi, U.S. army sgt. 340 Tsujimoto, Masao Edward, experiences of, in Keetley, 328-30, 337-38, 340-44 Tsujimoto, Ruth, Keetley resident, 344 Tuckett, Mercy, actress, 170-71 Tuckett, Phillip, dramatic co. of, 170 Tuttle, Lawrence, Manti home of, 105, 705 Tuttle, Luther, Manti merchant, 105 Twitchell, , sheepman, 325 Tyler, Charles, 1st It. with Johnston's Army, 160 Tyler, Lizzie, experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 160, 161

u Uintah and Ouray Reservations, meat distribution at, 259 Uintah County: living conditions in, 318-19; problems of agriculture in, 309-10, 312, 314, 317,322,323,324,325,326 United First Methodist Church, designed by Hale, 11,22,25,26,27 U.S. Army Air Force, activities of, at Wendover Field during WW II, 137-56 University of Utah: art dept. of, 202; PWA project at, 238 Utah Art Assn., 181 Utah Art Institute, creation of, 202 Utah Canning Assn., 84 Utah Copper Co., closing of mills by, after WW 1,270 Utah County, water project in, 324 Utah Expedition, experiences of women with, 157-78 Utah Fruit Juice Co., 84 Utah Lake, low level of, m 1934, 248 Utah Savings and Trust Co., 29 Utah Southern Railroad, 82 Utah State Agricultural College, PWA project at, 238 Utah State Fair, funding for, cut during 1933-34, 225 Utah State Farm Bureau, and farm worker shortage during WW II, 334 Utah State Highway Commission, hiring practices of, 240-44


392

Utah Historical Quarterly

Utah State Land Board, and loan delinquencies, 324-25 Utah State Legislature, actions of, during Great Depression, 222-26, 230-33, 272, 273 Utah State Recovery Administration, 235 Utah State Welfare Dept., relief payments of, 266 Utah Welfare Commission, and Japanese American relocation, 334

Valley Tan, accounts of C a m p Floyd in, 170-71 Van Pelt, Hattie, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 40,50 Van Pelt, Henry, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 45,48 Vaughan, J o h n , Perkins' Addition architect, 36, 40,49

w Wada, Fred Isamu, founder of Japanese American colony at Keetley, 328, 329, 335-44 Wada, Jasako (wife), 335, 337 Wahlquist, Fred, Uinta Basin farm of, 322 Wahlquist, Loreen, Uinta Basin farm of, 322 Waite, , Ickes's deputy, 237 Wakara, rumor about death of, 124 Walker, J o h n H., chairman, Farmer-Labor party, 348 Wallace, , sec'y of agriculture, 237, 239 Wallace, Henry A., and Soviet Union, 356 Wallace, William R., state posts of, during Great Depression, 236, 256 Walton, Isabella, 79 Ward, Samuel, Kaysville brickmaker, 56 Warden, John, at Camp Floyd, 172 Ware, Walter E., architect, 5-6 Warren, Frances, 79 Wasatch County, Utah, objections of, to Japanese Americans during WW II, 336 Washington County, problems of agriculture in, 320-22 Waterloo Addition, SLC subdivision, 42 Wayne County, tax delinquencies in, 324 Weeks, Charles S., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37, 50 Weggeland, Danquart: letter of Edwin Evans to, 190-91; paintings by in LDS temples, 185-86 Welling, Milton, Utah sec'y of state, 224 Wells, Daniel H.: cartoon depicting, 358,359; as leader of Mormon militia, 164-65

Wendover Field, Utah, 775, 147; aircrew training at, 142, 148, 149, 155; black WACs at, 153-55; establishment of and facilities at, 138-39; experiences of B. Dussler at, 137-56 Wendover, Nevada, 140; State Line Casino in, 750, 150, 152 Western Architect and Building News, Hale design featured in, 8 Westwood, , actress, 170 White, Edward, Park City clergyman, 340 White, Richard C , sgt. at Camp Floyd, 170 White, Von I., architect, 17, 19 Whitmore Garage (Domus Co.), building of, designed by Hale, 22 Whitlock , actress, 170 Wilson, Henrietta W., and Johnston's Army, 164 Wise, Louie F., It. at Wendover Field, 145-46 Women: with J o h n s t o n ' s Army, 157-78; as WACs, 153-55 Woodberry, , Boston artist, 193 Woodruff, Wilford, as missionary in England, 76 Woolley, Henry, early Kaysville settler, 76 Works Progress Administration (WPA), funds and programs of, in Utah, 245, 281-82, 284, 319 World War II: effects of, on Japanese Americans, 328-44; labor shortage d u r i n g , 334; and operations at Wendover Field, 137-56 Worley, Ann Eliza, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 174

Yamada, Mary, Keetley resident, 344 Young, Brigham: Chandless described, 126; and Chief Walker, 124; economic ideas of, 269-70, 359; proposed monument at birthplace of, 368-69; response of, to Utah Expedition, 162, 164; satiric reactions to death of, 358-70; 358, 361, 362, 363, 365, 366, 367, speculation over cause of death of 360-62, 360 n.lO; 362 n. 15; successor of 365-66 Young, Brigham Jr., cartoon depicting, 358, 359 Young, John, and Johnston's Army, 167

Zamenhof, L. L. Polish linguist, 350 ZCMI, 83, 84


UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History BOARD OF STATE HISTORY T H O M A S G . ALEXANDER. P r o v o , 1987

Chairman LEONARD J. ARRINGTON, Salt L a k e City, 1989

Vice-Chairman MAX J. EVANS. Salt Lake City Secretary DoiGLAsD. ALDER,St. George, 1989 PHILLIP A. BuLLEN,Salt Lake City, 1987 J. ELDON DoRMAN, Price, 1987 H U G H C . GARNER, Salt L a k e City, 1989 D A N E . JONES, Salt L a k e City, 1989

D E A N L . MAY. Salt L a k e City, 1987 WILLIAM D. OWENS, Salt L a k e City, 1987 AMY ALLEN PRICE, Salt L a k e City, 1989

ADMINISTRATION MAX J. EVANS,

Director

JAY M . HAYMOND,

Librarian

STANFORD J. LAYTON, M a n a g m g

Editor

DAVID B. MADSEN, Siafe

Archaeologist

A. KfiNTPowELU Historic

Preservation

PHILLIP F. NOTARIANNI. M u s e u m Services CRAIG FVLLE-K, Administrative

Services

Coordinator Coordinator Coordinator

The Utah Slate Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials: collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to tlie Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past. This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended. This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Ci\il Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.


Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 54, Number 1-4, 1986  

"Frederic Albert Hale (1855-1934) was among the most prominent of Salt Lake City's local architects in the decades spanning the turn of the...

Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 54, Number 1-4, 1986  

"Frederic Albert Hale (1855-1934) was among the most prominent of Salt Lake City's local architects in the decades spanning the turn of the...