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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X) EDITORIAL STAFF MELVINT. SMITH, Editor

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor MIRIAM B. MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L. CANNON II, Salt Lake City, 1986 INEZ S. COOPER, Cedar City, 1984 S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH. Logan, 1984

PETER L. Goss, Salt Lake City, 1985 GLEN M. LEONARD, Farmington, 1985

LAMAR PETERSEN, Salt Lake City, 1986 RICHARD W. SADLER. Ogden, 1985

HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City, 1984 GENE A. SESSIONS, Bountiful, 1986

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. T h e Quarterly is published by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $10.00; institutions, $ 15.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $7.50; contributing, $ 15.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space with footnotes at the end. Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion by contributors. Second class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.


HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Contents WINTER 1984/VOLUME 52/NUMBER 1

E T H N I C FOLKLORE IN U T A H : NEW PERSPECTIVES

K. BRADY

3

M O N T I C E L L O , T H E HISPANIC CULTURAL GATEWAY TO UTAH WILLIAM H. GONZALEZ and GENARO M. PADILLA

9

WRESTLING W I T H D E A T H : GREEK I M M I G R A N T FUNERAL CUSTOMS IN U T A H

MARGARET

HELEN

N O R T H EUROPEAN H O R I Z O N T A L LOG C O N S T R U C T I O N IN T H E SANPETE-SEVIER VALLEYS

Z. PAPANIKOLAS

29

THOMAS CARTER

50

U T A H ' S INDIANS AND POPULAR P H O T O G R A P H Y IN T H E AMERICAN WEST: A VIEW FROM T H E PICTURE POST CARD PATRICIA C. ALBERS and WILLIAM R. JAMES

72

BOOK REVIEWS

92

BOOK N O T I C E S

103

THE COVER Detail of the Peter Jensen granary in Central, Utah, illustrates North European log construction techniques. Photography by Thomas Carter.

© Copyright 1984 Utah State Historical Society


Books reviewed

THOMAS G. ALEXANDER a n d JESSIE L. EMBRY. After

150

Years: The Latter-day in Sesquicentennial

Saints

Perspective

ROBERT DALTON

D. MICHAEL Q U I N N . / .

92

Reuben

Clark: The Church Years

RICHARD W. SADLER

94

A . GARRISON. The Making of a Ranger: Forty Years with the National

LEMUEL

Parks

ERNEST H . LINFORD

95

Many Tender Ties: Women in fur-Trade Society, 1670-

SYLVIA VAN KIRK.

1870

DELMONT R. OSWALD

96

P. MALONE. Historians and the American West JAMES S. OLSON

98

MICHAEL

PATRICIA TRENTON a n d PETER H . HASSRICK. The Rocky

Mountains: A Vision for Artists in the Nineteenth Century GARY B . PETERSON

100


Ethnic Folklore in Utah: New Perspectives BY MARGARET K. BRADY GUEST EDITOR

r OR YEARS HISTORIANS AND SOCIAL SCIENTISTS have been interested in documenting the process by which immigrant groups become "transplanted" and "assimilated" into mainstream American culture; at the same time, many of these researchers have also been concerned with the ways in which immigrant groups "pass on" a sense of ethnicity to their descendants. In doing so, they have looked to folklore to provide indices both to degree of assimilation and to degree of preserved ethnicity, for it is the expressive culture of such groups that has provided the clearest indication ofjust how much of the traditional old country way of life has been and is being maintained. During the past two decades, however, folklorists and historians alike have begun to examine the rich expressive dimensions of ethnicity in new and exciting ways; no longer are folk traditions employed simply as "ethnicity indicators" on a kind of assimilation thermometer. In this introduction I want to examine this shift in analytic perspective and at the same time relate it to the fine work now being done on the folklore of ethnic groups in Utah. For even though non-Utahns may perceive of the state as one uncomplicated, homogeneous mass, it becomes clear to any who take more than a cursory glance that Utah is far more interesting and ethnically diverse than they might ever expect. From the earliest settlers, the forefathers of the Ute, Paiute, Navajo, Shoshone, and Gosiute, to the most recently arrived H m o n g and Tongan families, Utah has had a rich history of ethnic diversity. That ethnic history has been so rich, in fact, that even to survey briefly the folklore of each of the ethnic groups who have played and continue to play a part lies far beyond the scope of this volume. 1 Research on ethnic Dr. Brady is an assistant professor of folklore in the English Department at the University of Utah. 1 For a fine survey of the history of various ethnic groups in Utah, see Helen Z. Papanikolas, ed., The Peoples of Utah (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976). Mrs. Papanikolas also originated the idea for the present special issue of the Quarterly on ethnic folklore and solicited articles for it. T h e author also acknowledges the editorial assistance and sense of direction provided by T o m Carter.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

folklore in Utah is currently being conducted by the staff of the Utah Folklife Center and by individual members of the Utah Folklore Society. Here, we present articles representative of the depth and intensity of ethnic concerns, traditions, and values; these articles also point to the necessity of examining the expressive forms of ethnic groups in Utah (the folk houses, the rituals, the jokes, the stories and songs) in new ways that will illuminate not only their resemblance to older, more traditional forms, but also their dynamic, innovative status as entirely new expressions of ethnic identity. As I have suggested above, the first folklorists interested in questions of ethnicity and its expression in cultural forms concentrated their efforts on examining "survivals," those folklore forms that managed to survive the process of immigration. 2 Richard Dorson, one of the first folklorists to deal seriously with ethnic groups in America, suggested in 1959 the kinds of questions that in a sense directed the study of ethnic folklore for at least a decade: What happens to the inherited traditions of European and Asiatic folk after they settle in the United States and learn a new language and new ways? How much of the old lore is retained and transmitted to their children? What parts are sloughed off, what intrusions appear, what accommodation is made between Old Country beliefs and the American physical scene? These are the large questions that confront the assessor of immigrant folk traditions.

Today these same questions are both relevant and compelling. In this volume William Gonzalez's and Genaro Padilla's article on the folklore of Hispanics in Monticello is a fine example of the range of insights available from a study of this kind. Here the authors effectively demonstrate both the conservative and the dynamic elements in the traditional rituals of the Hispanic community in southeastern Utah. They carefully point out which aspects of the life-cycle rituals have changed over time, and they indicate as well some of the significant reasons for these changes. T h e data immerse the reader in the traditional practices of turn-of-the-century Monticello and then lead to an understanding of the variety of forces that came into play as many of those traditions were gradually changed. T h e authors also explore the reasons underlying the continuation and enhancement of other traditional forms. 2 Stephen Stern's article, "Ethnic Folklore and the Folklore of Ethnicity," Western Folklore 37 (1977): 7-32, provides an excellent discussion of the history of ethnic folklore scholarship; I have drawn on his observations throughout this discussion. 3 Richard M. Dorson, American Folklore (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 135-36.


Ethnic Folklore in Utah

5

In a similar manner, Helen Papanikolas's article examines the funeral customs of Utah Greeks from the earliest days to the present. This historical perspective moves back and forth between Greece and Utah to demonstrate the cultural, social, economic, and religious forces that contributed to alterations in the death rituals of Greek immigrants. One of the most intriguing aspects of this study is the interrelationship between funeral rites and baptismal and marriage rituals; it presents a clear example of the ways in which the entire life-cycle process is reflected upon in each of the major social and religious rituals throughout an individual's life. In these Greek rituals the interconnection of symbolic forms (such as the wedding crown which is also worn at funerals) continually affirms the fragility of life and the inevitability of death. Papanikolas's analysis urges us to ask not only how these rituals have changed over time as they are practiced on Utah soil but also what symbolic implications these changes hold for the community and how the symbolic systems of the community sensitively respond to non-Greek cultural and social forces. Both of these articles on Hispanic and Greek folk rituals implicitly suggest the notion of cultural pluralism. This concept is gradually replacing the idea of acculturation that had been used for so long to explain the process by which immigrant groups become "Americanized." Theories of acculturation imply a one-for-one system of replacement of cultural forms, whereby each Greek or Hispanic or Italian symbol, for example, is gradually replaced by an Anglo-American one. So although these theories attempt to describe the dynamics of culture change, inevitably they view these processes of replacement as intrusions that disturb the equilibrium of the traditional culture of the immigrants. 4 T h e notion of cultural pluralism, on the other hand, proposes that culture contact and culture change be viewed in terms of cultural heterogeneity and the increased availability of a wide range of cultural resources. Cultural pluralism emphasizes the fluidity and dynamism that often characterize the complex reality of multi-ethnic systems. It is this complex reality that Thomas Carter describes in his article on folk housing in the Sanpete-Sevier valleys of central Utah. His analysis dramatically demonstrates the importance of understanding that a culture that may appear so homogeneous may in fact "Pierre L. Van den Berghe, "Pluralism," in John J. Honigman, ed., Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1973), p. 962.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

be much more complex and ethnically diverse. Carter uses the notion of cultural pluralism to describe such ethnic diversity and to suggest that Norwegians in central Utah, for example, drew on a variety of cultural resources as they made their homes in this new land. While they may have practiced the Mormon religion, eaten American food, and participated in community activities unknown to them in Norway, some at least continued to build houses just as they had done in the old country. In this way the Norwegian data clearly undermine any a priori assumptions about the homogeneity of Mormon Utah; at the same time, they open u p exciting avenues for future research. Above all, this analysis articulates most clearly the need to avoid oversimplification and overgeneralization when we discuss topics as complicated as ethnicity. Each individual member of any ethnic group experiences a unique piecing together of cultural values and traditional expressive forms through which he meaningfully diplays his own ethnic identification. T h e entire process of establishing ethnic identity both for individuals and for groups is central to our concerns here. Fredrik Barth's influential work, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, examines the ways individuals and groups continually create and re-create the boundaries that separate them from each other through this process of ethnic identification. 5 Not only do ethnic groups focus on the defintion and elaboration of the characteristics that identify them as groups, but they also continually seek ways to differentiate themselves from others. In fact this boundary-making activity is not unique to ethnic groups but applies to any kind of human group that sees itself as somehow different from others. One of the major means groups use to recognize and maintain these social boundaries is stereotyping. Folklorist Roger Abrahams has suggested that there are actually two processes of stereotyping that operate side by side. 6 What he calls the "deepest" type of stereotyping is a cultural universal that involves casting one's own group as h u m a n beings and others as either animals or machines or both. This process usually characterizes others as dirty, lazy, immoral, sexually out-of-control, and having strange eating and drinking habits. It also employs the im5

Fredrik Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1969). "Roger D. Abrahams, "Folklore in the Definition of Ethnicity: An American and Jewish Perspective," in Frank Talmage, ed., Studies in Jewish Folklore (Cambridge, Mass.: Association for Jewish Studies, 1977), p. 18.


Ethnic Folklore in Utah

7

plicit argument that "we are different, we aren't like that at all." T h e other kind of stereotyping involves a kind of distinction-making, on the basis of surface traits, that recognizes genuine cultural differences but interprets them incorrectly. Abrahams points out, for example, that Jews have often been observed to be "good family people," but that stereotyping converts this observation to the attribution of exclusivity and aloofness to Jews. 7 And while much of this stereotyping behavior goes on all the time, such boundarymaking reaches a zenith whenever groups are thrust into the kind of proximity that creates more intense social tension. Patricia Albers's and William James's article on the way the popular photography of early picture post cards portrays Utah Indians analyzes this process of stereotyping in a visual realm. T h e a u t h o r s e x a m i n e both t h e " n o b l e savage" a n d "wild beast" stereotypes of Indians as they are played out on the fronts of Utah post cards; in addition, they point out the symbolic importance of the manipulation of the attitudes of the American public by such cards. T h e significance of this analysis is far-reaching, for it demonstrates so clearly the incredible power of stereotyping behavior, which here is enacted not in the folk cultural domain of ethnic jokes and stories but in the sphere of popular culture where marketability rules. T h e distributors of such post cards were actually selling stereotyped Indians — and more often than not to an eager, willing public. This kind of historical perspective on stereotyping is tremendously valuable, since it provides a kind of distancing that allows us to recognize more easily the real subtleties involved. Each of the articles presented here points toward exciting new directions for the study of ethnic folklore in Utah. For example, the entire stereotyping process within any culture or subculture is so complex that it presents almost infinite possibilities for future research. In Utah we need to look at not only how various groups have been stereotyped but also how those groups perceive and act upon that stereotypical identity. And while the concept of cultural pluralism presented in this volume offers new insights into the whole process of two (or more) cultures coming into contact, future research in ethnic folklore needs to go even further in examining both traditional expressive forms and new forms, created in Utah, which nonetheless express a true sense of ethnic identity. These new7

Ibid., p. 19.


8

Utah Historical Quarterly

found ways of expressing ethnicity are no less real and no less worthy of study, for above all they continue to remind us that creativity, innovation, and spontaneity work side by side with the conservative forces of tradition to create and re-create a truly meaningful sense of what it means for any individual to be Greek or Ute or Hispanic or Norwegian in Utah.


Monticello, the Hispanic Cultural Gateway to Utah BY W I L L I A M H . G O N Z A L E Z A N D G E N A R O M. P A D I L L A

Monticello, ca. 1942. Photographs not credited otherwise are courtesy of Msgr. Jerome Staff el.

1 HE FIRST HISPANICS T O ARRIVE in San J u a n County were the men who came from northern New Mexico during the last decades of the nineteenth century to tend sheep owned by the Mormon settlers of the Bluff area. Since the latter had a somewhat limited knowledge of the sheep industry, men who were familiar with this type of livestock were needed; and the Hispanic New Mexican, who carried unbroken the sheep-raising tradition brought from Spain and introduced into New Mexico as early as 1598, 1 was the one to fill that need. Dr. Gonzalez is assistant professor of languages and Dr. Padilla assistant professor of English at the University of Utah. They wish to acknowledge the cooperation of the Chicano Studies Program at the University of Utah in the preparation of this paper. 1 In 1598 J u a n de Ohate led an expedition of some two hundred Spaniards to settle an area of the New World located somewhere near where Santa Fe, New Mexico, stands. Along with wagonloads of the equipment required to establish a permanent settlement, Ohate also brought some six thousand head of livestock, of which nearly four thousand were sheep and rams. For a more detailed catalogue of the supplies Ohate took to New Mexico, see Julian Nava, The Mexican American in American History (New York: American Book Co., 1973), p. 30.


10

Utah Historical Quarterly

These men came on horseback from various New Mexico villages, a trip that took them about a week to make. They would usually work for eight or ten months at a time and then return home to spend a few months with their families. As some men returned to their villages to spend the winter, others would take their place, thus establishing a continuous flow of men over the two-hundred mile or so stretch of land. In time, a few of those who had traveled back and forth decided that they would stay to make their home and their future in a new territory. 2 In this way, as an example, one such man, Ramon Gonzalez, brought his wife, Guadalupe, a daughter, Romana, eighteen, and his sixteen-year-old son, Prudencio, to Monticello in March of 1900 to settle permanently. T h e Gonzalez family set out from Dixon, New Mexico, by way of Colorado's San Luis Valley in 1899 in an old wagon, bringing their belongings and the few head of livestock they owned. As they made their way through Durango, Ramon discovered that there was a serious drought in Monticello that season, and so he decided to remain through the winter in Durango where he could work for the railroad. T h e family finally arrived in Monticello the following March and, shortly thereafter, homesteaded a piece of land in the Indian Creek vicinity. Gonzalez was one of the first Hispanos to homestead in Utah. As though to signal his resolve to remain, his name appeared not only in the county records but also scratched onto Newspaper Rock, which was located on the homestead itself. Unfortunately, Ramon died in 1902 before he really had much of a chance to work the land he had traveled so far to claim. Because he was a Catholic in a predominantly Mormon community, the town's LDS bishop told the family that Ramon could be buried in a section of the cemetery set aside for non-Mormons. Ramon remains in the original Monticello cemetery alongside other Hispanics who were separated from the Anglo community in death as they often were in life.3 Shortly after the arrival of the first Hispanic families into Monticello, the migration of people from various New Mexico villages — Abiquiu, Gallina, Coyote, Canjilon — increased considerably. Many 2 Vicente V. Mayer, Jr., ed., Utah: A Hispanic History (Salt Lake City: American West Center, University of Utah, 1975), pp. 37, 39. 3 Ramon Gonzalez was the co-author's grandfather. T h e story of his trek to Utah, his homesteading, and the episode with the Mormon bishop upon his death is a matter of family history.


Monticello

11

of these families settled the different areas around Monticello — Spring Creek, Carlisle, and La Vega. Yet, even though many Hispanics came to Utah to stay, their cultural roots remained fixed in New Mexico. Largely because of their traditionally close family ties, the new settlers maintained constant contact with their home towns and their relatives. In this manner, there was a continual renewal of cultural traditions in all of their aspects. And, in like manner, this constant interflow led new settlers — brothers, uncles, and friends — into Utah where there was promise of jobs and land. By 1920 the Hispanic population was substantial enough to have created several distinct neighborhoods in and around Monticello. These newcomers occupied themselves by working their homesteads while also hiring themselves out as cowboys and sheepherders on surrounding ranches in San J u a n County. 4 Because of this early presence of Hispanics in Monticello, the town became a gateway for the entrance of h u n d r e d s more Hispanos into Utah. As people crossed the border into the state they found that their predecessors in Monticello welcomed them not only with warm greetings but with warm greetings in their native tongue. Surprisingly, what many Hispanos discovered was that they could leave villages where they never had to use English, move to Monticello, and live there without having to learn the new language. In fact, many of the early settlers never bothered to learn English at all, and they were perfectly at home living well into the second half of this century remaining essentially monolingual. By the late-twenties the migration of Hispanics into the area had dwindled, due both to lack of jobs and the scarcity of land open to homesteading. T h e r e was little change in the town until the early 1940s with the outbreak of World War II. With the exodus of young Hispanics into the armed forces and the attraction of well-paying war-related jobs, people began leaving their homes for the coal mines in Carbon County, the copper mines in Bingham, the military-industrial plants in the Salt Lake Valley, and the railroad shops of Ogden. 3 4 Focusing as it does upon the Monticello area, this paper suggests that most people inhabiting the towns in the southeastern part of the state have their roots in Hispanic New Mexico and southern Colorado. It is not our intention, however, to suggest that there was no migration into Utah by people directly from Mexico. As Mayer points out: "By 1920, there were some 2,300 people who were born in Mexico and lived in Utah. T h e majority of these families found work and made their home in Salt Lake City . . ." (p. 39). This Mexican population entered the state via a southwesterly route and settled mainly along the Wasatch Front. 5 Mayer, Utah: A Hispanic History, p. 6 1 .


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Utah Historical Quarterly

For a time during the early forties, a vanadium processing plant located in Monticello attracted both Hispanic construction workers and plant employees. After the war ended, however, the plant complex was shut down, and people again followed the trail further north in search of work. Since WW II the Hispanic population in Monticello has remained fairly small, only a fraction of what it once was, but there are still Gallegos, Manzanares, Vigil, Gonzalez, Jaramillo, and Garcia families who are the decendents of the original settlers. 6 With Hispanos such as these the cultural traditions of generations have continued. As always, it seems, when people find themselves a long way from familiar surroundings and from folks they know intimately, there is a tendency for them to strengthen those customs and traditions that define their social and cultural identity. Since the family was literally the center of life in Hispano culure, the birth of a child, the child's baptism, the relating of cuentos (folktales), the singing of sacred ballads, marriage customs, the observance of seasonal religious holy days, and, finally, funeral rites were maintained by families in a communal manner. T h e same cultural patterns held true for those early Hispano settlers in Monticello. They may have been isolated h u n d r e d s of miles from the social and cultural sources of their native villages, but they clung to those customs and traditions, largely rooted in Mexican-Spanish Catholicism, they knew as children. And they clung to those life-cycle rituals as tenaciously as they clung to the new soil. Although it is not the purpose of this article to present an exhaustive explanation of all traditional practices, we would like, by way of introduction, to touch upon some of the basic life-cycle customs and observances of the liturgical year that have been practiced by Monticello Hispanics. Some of these customs, marriage celebrations for example, have remained vital, if slightly altered by social circumstances, while others like the baptismal presentation of a child to its parents have declined dramatically. A survey of Hispano customs, either still in common use or largely remembered, will, we hope, acquaint Utahns with a part of the Hispanic heritage of the state.

6 T h e 1980 U.S. Census statistics show a total of 307 Spanish-speaking people in the Monticello area and 433 Spanish-speaking people in San J u a n County as a whole. 1980 Census: Statistics for Utah, State Census Data Center, J u n e , 1981, p. 12.


Monticello

13 BAPTISM

Soon after the arrival of a child, parents began making preparations for the baptism and the festivities that surrounded that momentous event. As it still is, the sacrament of baptism was the ritual that initiated the child into the spiritual community of the Catholic church, but it also signaled the child's initiation into the social community as well. For early Monticello Hispanics a baptism could take place anywhere from a few days to several months after the birth of a child, depending upon the health of the child and the availability of a priest, who because of Monticello's isolation and mission parish status only periodically made pastoral visits to the area. Regardless of the date chosen for baptism, the parents were careful to select the padrinos (godparents) with utmost care and consideration for the future bond established between the child, the parents, and the padrinos. T h e choice of godparents was open to anyone, but it usually was and continues to be from within the immediate family that the padrinos are chosen. More often than not, grandparents were asked to sponsor the first child in a family; thereafter, brothers and sisters of the parents, or uncles and aunts, were honored with this responsibility. And that responsibility was a serious one. T h e godparents were expected to be Christian models for the child; and if the parents died, the godparents were charged with raising the child in an upright Catholic home. On the day of the baptism the padrinos took the child to church or to a home where the priest was baptizing. Nowadays the parents usually accompany the padrinos, but years back the godparents were solely entrusted with the child on that day to symbolize their spiritual bond. During the baptism the godparents formally gave the child the name the parents had chosen. One of these was often the name of a patron saint on whose feast day the child was born; sometimes the name was that of a grandmother or grandfather and occasionally that of a special relative or friend. One of the lyrical customs that used to be followed was the verse greeting with which the padrinos returned the child to its parents. Standing with the baby at the threshold of the parents' home, the padrinos would present the child to its parents, saying, Aqui esta esta fresca rosa que de la iglesia salio, Con los santisimos sacramentos y la agua que recibio. (Here is a rose so fresh which has just come from church, With the Blessed Sacraments and the holy water it received.)


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Utah Historical Quarterly

Upon accepting the child, the parents would reply, Recibote fresca rosa que de la iglesia salio Con los santisimos sacramentos y la agua que recibiste. (We receive thee, rose so fresh, newly come from church, With the Blessed Sacraments and the holy water received.)

Once this formality was observed, the family and guests would sit down to a special meal and spend the rest of the afternoon admiring the baby, bestowing simple gifts, wishing him or her a long and joyous life, toasting each other, and enjoying each other's company. Today, although some of the specific elements of the baptismal ritual, such as the verse greeting and the naming formalities, have been abandoned, the significance of the sacramental event itself and the festive recognition of the baptism remain vital.

Confirmation class, 1952, at St. Joseph's Church in Monticello. MARRIAGE

In a world that has changed too radically for many strict Hispanic customs to survive, many of the courtship and wedding rituals of yesterday have largely gone by the way. In Monticello, as in other Hispanic enclaves, young lovers now see each other without chaperones and usually decide on their own when and where they will be married. Still, their weddings are marked by many customs that are now h u n d r e d s of years old. In the old days in Monticello, when a young man was interested in a girl, he first sought permission from her parents to court her in an appropriate manner. If, eventually, he wanted to marry the young woman, he would consult with his father, asking him to visit the girl's parents to ask for her hand in marriage. If the father agreed to ask his vecino (neighbor) for his daughter's hand, he was


Monticello

15

required by long tradition, a tradition that went back to sixteenthcentury Spain, to compose a formal letter stating his son's honorable intentions, while also extolling the girl's virtue and beauty. 7 In more recent times, however, the future groom's mother and father simply arranged a formal visit with the girl's parents to discuss the possibility of a marriage between their children. During this visit it was customary to engage in a form of repartee in which the parents praised the physical and spiritual qualities of the respective offspring as a measure of the conditions they expected for their son or daughter. Usually more friendly than confrontive, these meetings gave the parents a chance to reminisce about their hijo's and hijas childhood, with its moments ofjoy, near tragedy, comic happenings. Still, if there were serious concerns about the impending marriage, this was a time for all concerned to discuss and reconcile them or to state reasons for opposing the union. If at the end of such discussion the marriage was agreed upon, a date was set and the parents decided who should be asked to sponsor the young couple at the wedding. Usually an older couple, perhaps an uncle and an aunt who had been married for years, were asked, since it was believed that with their long marital experience they could best advise the couple in times of uncertainty or crisis. Here again, as with baptism, a strong relationship, a lifelong bond, was established between the parents of the couple and the sponsors as well as between the newly weds and their padrino and madrina — as the sponsors were called to signify their spiritual tie. Marriages in Monticello are performed in St. Joseph's Church, but before the church was built in 1935 marriages were celebrated in private homes. If there happened not to be a priest in Monticello, the wedding party traveled to one of the n e i g h b o r i n g Colorado towns—Cortez or Durango—to be married. As was usually the case, however, when the wedding was performed in Monticello, after the ceremony there was a formal wedding procession to the home of the 7 In a master's thesis written in 1949 Salvador Perez describes the tradition of the formal letter pleading for the hand in a girl in marriage:

If a boy likes a girl and desires to make her his wife, he tells his troubles to his father, who thereupon writes a very businesslike letter to the father of the young lady, asking the hand of his daughter in marriage for his son. When the parents of the boy go to the house of the parents of the girl, they carry the letter proposing the marriage of the girl with their son. T h e answer is given in another letter by the parents of the girl accepting or rejecting the proposal. It is also understood that if 10 days elapse and there is no letter it means the answer is yes. Salvador Perez, "Folk Cycle in a New Mexico Village: Customs and Ceremonies of Birth, Marriage and Death" (Master's thesis, University of New Mexico, 1949), pp. 14-15.


16

Utah Historical Quarterly

_ - ijNfcte, ^MA ,

St. Joseph's Church, Monticello, ca. 1943.

bride's parents where, in the company of relatives and guests, the fiesta was held. This procession was accompanied by both a violinist and a guitarist playing a simple wedding tune. It was the first communal gesture of goodwill toward and support for the young newly weds. Once at the home of the bride's parents, the guests were served a special dinner. Even as poor as people in Monticello might have been, they set a well-laid table of various Mexican dishes — chile, frijoles, polio (chicken), and, when possible, lamb. For dessert, there were bizcochitos (anise-flavored cookies), cakes, and fruit and mincemeat pies. People sat with their families and friends, enjoying the food and drink while admiring the newlyweds. T h a t evening there was a wedding dance with musicians brought in from one or another of the large Colorado towns or by musicians from the s u r r o u n d i n g Monticello area. Usually, the dances were simple valses (waltzes) and polkas played on guitar, violin, and accordion. Nowadays the young couple, in step with the times, want an electric band that can play the latest rock tunes as well as rancheras, polkas, and waltzes. Nevertheless, even today there is usually a wedding march, an adaptation of the original march from church to the wedding hall in small villages. This march consists of a series of intricate formations, including a hand-trellis u n d e r which


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17

the bride and groom pass to signify the community's goodwill toward the couple. T h e r e is also a special dance during which people pin dollar bills to the bride's gown and the groom's suit. Often the young couple receives enough money during this dance to pay for their honeymoon. About halfway through the evening the dance is interrupted so that one of the musicians can sing the entrega de novios — the wedding song. A long sustained tradition, this entrega ceremony continues to mark the high point of the evening and actually climaxes all the other wedding observances. Now, as in the past, it is here that the newlyweds receive their family's and the community's blessing and testimony. At this moment the couple is reminded by the entire community that the vows they have just taken are sacred, blessed by God himself, old as the bond between Adam and Eve, and, therefore, not to be taken lightly. Always sung in Spanish, this benediction consists oicoplas or stanzas of rhyming quatrains in which the entire wedding ceremony is described in religious and lyrical terms. Writing in 1940, Professor J u a n B. Rael, one of the great pioneers of Hispanic folklore, characterized the entrega content in this manner: In the first two or three stanzas of this song, the singer generally requests the attention of the audience and sometimes apologizes for not being a more gifted singer. T h e n he summarizes the Bible's story of the creation of man, reminding those present of how God created man out of clay in his image and likeness and how the first woman was formed out of one of Adam's ribs. He also passes in review the marriage ceremonies before the altar. T h e wedding pair is then admonished regarding the sacredness of marriage and its indissolubility, and they are told of their responsibilities and their duties to each other. Even the padrinos, or best man and bride's maid, are reminded of their obligation, which, according to the singer consists in bestowing their blessing upon the newly wedded couple and placing the latter in the hands of the parents. T h e parents are then advised of the need of guiding their children in their new life.8

T h e number of stanzas in each entrega varies," but depending upon the singer's ability to improvise and the generosity of the 8 J u a n B. Rael, "New Mexico Wedding Songs," Southern Folklore Quarterly 4 (June 1940): 55. As Rael points out, the entrega de novios is a form unique to the Hispanos of New Mexico. Nowhere else in the Spanish-speaking world is there anything quite similar. It appears that the traditional New Mexican wedding song was adapted from sixteenth-century wedding coplas, but, as Rael notes, the stanza content is distinct in the New Mexico versions. T h e survival of the entrega in Utah, then, is a precise measure of the New Mexican origin of many Hispanics who are now a second or third generation removed from that state. "See, once more, Rael's notes on the stanzaic structure of the entrega, ibid, p. 56.


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guests the singer-poet may continue composing stanzas celebrating the qualities of the bride and groom, the padrinos, the parents, and the guests themselves. At the end of each copla the audience tosses coins onto a blanket spread before the musicians and requests still another stanza. One Utah version of the entrega, for instance, contains the following verses: A Dios le pido permiso, memoria y entendimiento, para poderme expresar en este fiel casamiento.

I ask God for permission, memory and understanding to be able to express myself at this wedding full of faith.

A Dios le pido permiso, y a este publico honrado, para celebrar la boda de los recientes casados.

From God I ask permission and from this honorable gathering to help me celebrate the wedding of this newly married couple.

Oigame usted esposado que le voy amonestar, esa cruz que Dios le ha dado no vaya a olvidar.

Listen to what I say young man I am giving you some advice, "The Cross which God has given you, you must never forget."

Si deja su cruz por otra ella pegara un suspiro y se llegara responsable ante un tribuno divino.

"If you leave your Cross for another your spouse will suffer a shock for which you will be held responsible before a Divine Tribunal."

Oigame usted esposada y eschuche lo que le digo, ya no hay padre, ya no hay madre ya lo que hay es marido.

Listen to me young lady and hear what I have to say, "There is no longer father or mother now there is only your husband." 1

With the termination of the singing, the newly weds kneel on the floor before their parents, grandparents, and even their godparents to receive a formal blessing which symbolizes their acceptance as una nuevafamilia, a new family, by their parents and the entire community. T h e entrega and the final parental blessing signal the end of the ,0 This version of the entrega is transcribed from a recording of Jose Pacheco and his wife, Sophie, performing the wedding song in 1981 in Salt Lake City. See Appendix for complete version. Mr. Pacheco was born in Vallecitos, New Mexico, but moved to Antonito, Colorado, at an early age. He came to Bingham, Utah, in 1923 to work in the mines and eventually settled in Salt Lake City with his wife, who was born and raised in Conejos, Colorado. Mr. Pacheco says that they visited northern New Mexico and southern Colorado frequently, bringing back with them the musical customs of that region. T h e r e were many Hispanos from the region who worked in the mines as well, and it was for them, the Pachecos relate, that they began to play their music and sing the traditional songs at weddings. Mr. Pacheco informs us that he and his wife have been singing the entrega at weddings for almost fifty years. They still play a variety of instruments, including the guitar, mandolin, accordion, and harmonica, as accompaniment for the songs they have long committed to memory.


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wedding ceremony; both rites serve as lingering reminders for the newlyweds that they are only beginning a long and sacred life together. In parts of Utah the entrega remains an integral part of the wedding celebration, emphasizing not only the present joy of the marriage but also the difficulties and sacrifices of the years ahead. FUNERAL RITES

In Monticello religious devotions before and after the death of a family member were always observed with great solemnity. When someone was gravely ill, it was customary for relatives and neighbors to visit the home of that person to comfort the family and to pray the rosary. Again, when a priest was available, the person was administered the sacraments of the Catholic church — Confession, Holy Communion, and Extreme Unction, the anointing of the sick. When someone died, one of the younger members of the family was formally dispatched to visit the homes of all relatives and neighbors to announce the death, even though the church bells rang the death knell. T h e entire Hispanic community would gather in the home of the deceased to pray over the body, to comfort the family by offering pesames or condolences, and to spend the night reciting the rosary and singing alabados or hymns. T h e rosary was usually led by one of the older men of the town who would pray in lilting Spanish while the people responded in chorus. After the rosary, a group of men took seats near the coffin and began chanting alabados, a ritual that often lasted through the entire night. T h e chanting of alabados was the most solemn and traditional part of the velorio de difunto or wake. T h e alabado itself is a holdover of the medieval ballad form that originated in Spain h u n d r e d s of years ago and was brought over to what is now the Southwest by Spanish settlers in the early seventeenth century. In fact, recent studies have concluded that many of these ballad forms, which long ago disappeared in Spain and Mexico, exist only in Hispanic communities in New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah." T h e r e are many types of alabados for different occasions. T h e alabados for funerals typically praise the soul of the departed before God, Jesus Christ, the Blessed Mother, and a host of saints. T h e deep profession of faith on the part of the deceased's friends, it was believed, would help build a spiritual bridge over which the depart11 For a summary description of the alabado see "El Alabado de Nuevo Mexico," Kentucky Quarterly Romance 29, no. 1, (1982) by co-author William H. Gonzalez.


Utah Historical Quarterly

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ing soul could make its way to its Beloved. One such alabado, of which we here include a fragment from Prudencio Gonzalez's hand-copied prayer booklet, 12 is a chant commending the soul of a friend to God: La encomendacion del alma no la dejes de pedir, encomiendale a Dios y Dios la ha de recibir.

T h e commendation of the soul Never forget to plead, Recommend it to God And He will surely receive it.

iOh divino Redentor, Hijo del eterno Padre, a Ti te encomiendo esta alma que la cuides y la salves!

Oh Divine Redeemer Son of the Eternal Father I recommend this soul to you T h a t you may guard and grant it salvation.

jOh Madre mia amorosa yo te ruego Madre amada que vaya esta alma al Cielo de angeles acompanada!

Oh my beloved Blessed Mary I pray dearest Mother T h a t this soul ascend to Heaven In the company of angels.

Such analabado personalizes the relationship between man and God, the earthly community and the heavenly host, and it also has the effect of removing the sting of death. After all, the soul is winging its way toward Paradise. 12 T h e co-author's father, Prudencio Gonzalez, like many other individuals, kept a personal hymn and prayer booklet which contained numerous alabados. T h e co-author is currently at work on a project transcribing alabados from recorded collections and collating these and copied variants for a collection of Hispanic alabados of Utah. ..-K

'" 'Jet*

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y'i.

. /,/

rudencio Gonzalez, ca. 943, standing, kept a ersonal hymn and rayer booklet (inset) mtaining many labadosJThe boys on orseback are two of his


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On the day of the funeral the casket was carried on the shoulders of the men from the house to the church. After the Requiem Mass the coffin was taken to the campo santo or cemetery either by horse-drawn wagon or, in more recent times, by car. Once the rites were completed and the casket had been lowered into the ground, each member of the family, beginning with the eldest, would d r o p a handful of dirt on the coffin. This ritual symbolized the acceptance of God's will in death, but it was also a reminder to every member of the community that they shared a common fate with the deceased, that they also would sooner or later return to dust. After the burial it was customary for the family of the deceased to go into a period of mourning for at least a year. This meant that there would be no music in the house, no one would attend dances, and, of course, women dressed in black. Moreover, the family and friends would offer masses, novenas, and daily prayer for the soul of the departed. In more recent years the solemnity and religious aura that surrounded the death of a loved one has declined, even if the pain of loss has not. Since the velorio (wake) has left the house, where the body of the deceased was prayed over and accompanied through the night by neighbors chanting alabados, the funeral rites have become much more brief, even businesslike. That is to say that with the removal of the wake to mortuaries, the alabados that were once chanted into the first light of the day are seldom sung and have fallen into almost complete disuse. Since the alabado and other religious rites that served as constant reminders of the continuing spiritual tie between the living and the dead have sharply declined, so too has the period of mourning. T h e rites immediate to death have maintained their traditional intensity, with family closely gathered and friends providing material and spirtual comfort, but people now return to their normal activities sooner.

LITURGICAL OBSERVANCES

Christmas, New Year's, Holy Week, Easter, and special patron saint feast days also played a central part in the life of the Hispano in Monticello. Among these, perhaps the most intense and solemn time of the year was la cuaresma or Lent — the annual season of spiritual self-examination and penance which begins on Ash Wednesday and continues for forty days to Easter.


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In Monticello the Lenten period was characterized by commitment to severe personal sacrifice on the part of each family member. Dancing, for example, was absolutely forbidden. Radios were disconnected. T h e movie house was shunned. Moreover, to show their devotion to Christ, who had fasted for forty days and forty nights in the wilderness, many Hispanos in Monticello also observed strict fasting during Lent. Nothing but coffee was taken in the morning, perhaps only a piece of tortilla was eaten at noon, and dinner was very meager. After the evening meal families would retire to a candle-lit room where, kneeling before the crucifix, the father would lead them in the recitation of the rosary. Family devotions would often continue in this manner for hours, with the mother offering special prayers and the father singing alabados. In fact, it was during the Lenten season that parents took it upon themselves to give catechismal instruction to their children. And it was in this manner that some of the alabados were orally passed on to another generation as they had been since the early fourteenth century. Most of the alabados were chanted by memory, giving rise to different versions and variants; others were fixed in carefully penned cuadernos or personal prayer books. T h e singing of alabados and the observance of other devotions, such as daily attendance at church and the praying of the Stations of the Cross, reached a high point during the Holy Week that immediately preceded Easter. During Holy Week many people maintained strict silence, cooked very little or not at all, stopped chopping wood, and simply stayed indoors as much as possible. T h e only respite from this solemnity was Palm Sunday. Children could not help but feel relief when the palm branches were distributed before mass, for it meant that Lent was almost over. Imagine, palm branches in Monticello in early spring! Easter Sunday Mass was celebrated in St. Joseph's Church, where the community would listen joyfully to the Gospel telling them the good news that the stone had been rolled away from the sepulcre and that Christ had risen. After church the older people would usually spend a quiet day visiting each other, and, when it was warm enough, the younger people would picnic at South Creek or Soldier Spring and sing and laugh after the long period of penance. Contrary to the celebration of Christmas as the central Christian holiday in the United States, Christ's Resurrection from the dead


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Altar of St. Joseph's Church. Monticello, ca. 1943.

and his Ascension into heaven constitute the doctrinal core of Catholic faith. Hence, it is not surprising that although more solemn and self-effacing, the Easter season superseded Christmas in the minds and hearts of Monticello Hispanics, as it did for Hispanics in the Southwest generally. Nevertheless, Christmas was a time of joy and festivity in Monticello. On Christmas Eve some people would arrange three small stacks of pinon wood in front of their homes and light them when it turned dark. As the older Hispanos explained it to the young people who gathered around these fires or luminarias, the T h r e e Kings had already begun their longjourney to visit the newborn child, and the luminarias would help them to find their way. Another explanation had it that the luminarias were actually to light the way for the baby Jesus, so that his small feet would find their way to earth and to his people. T h e fire from the luminarias, in either event, lit up yards, houses, and the faces of youngsters with a warm glow that signaled the coming birth of Christ. How strange this must have seemed to Mormon neighbors in Monticello who were unfamiliar with a custom that had been preserved for so many centuries.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

If a priest happened to be in town, La Misa del Gallo or Midnight Mass was celebrated with the choir singing the joyous "Mass of the Angels" in Latin and perhaps a Spanish Christmas carol or two. But whether people celebrated Midnight Mass or simply attended church on Christmas morning, after religious observances there was always the customary special food, the most characteristic of which was the empanada, a turnover pie filled with meat, raisins, and nuts, or fruit empanadas filled with apple slices or calabaza (pumpkin). T h e r e were also plenty of delicious bizcochitos as well. And even though women made these in large batches, the children were quick to make them disappear. On Christmas morning children rose early to open their gifts, which were few and simple since most families were poor. T h e n they would dress and visit neighbors to pedir los crismas, that is, ask for sweets. Monticello Hispanics brought this residual custom with them from their villages in Colorado and New Mexico, where as children they would knock at the doors of neighbors on Christmas and chant: Oremos, oremos angelitos semos d'el cielo venimos a pedir algo venimos. si no nos dan, puertas y ventanas quebraremos.

Let's pray, let's pray Little angels are we Who have come from Heaven T o ask for charity, If you do not allow us to partake Your doors and windows we shall break.

Of course, the last line was meant in jest, but both the rhyme and the pedir los crismas signified the importance of being hospitable to strangers who might indeed be angels from heaven asking for lodging or food as a sign of charity, no matter how poor a family might be. New Year's Eve was celebrated by Hispanos in a manner quite distinct from Anglos in Monticello. Usually there was a dance which most of the Hispanos attended; but it was really after the dance that the celebration began, for many of the people who attended the dance would form a group to begin a house-to-house serenade. T h e serenaders were composed of Hispanos of all ages, and anyone who could play the guitar was not only invited to join but was almost forceably incorporated into the group. As the group walked from one house to another, people who had either not attended the dance, or those who had gone immediately home, waited expectantly with the lights darkened. As the group approached a house,


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family members would peek through the curtains and listen as the serenaders sang the traditional Spanish verses of "Los dias" or "Good Morning." T h e n one of the lead singers would, in the time honored tradition of the roving troubador, make up additional verses exalting the qualities of the would-be hosts. T h e family would then turn on the lights and invite the serenaders into their home where they were offered wine and bizcochitos. T h e group would remain in one family's home for some time where they would sing and dance; then they would graciously take leave and proceed to another house, singing as they went. Occasionally, when they were ignored or refused entry to a house, the serenaders would sing a copla or stanza of biting satire aimed at the owner of the house. This serenading continued through the night until all of the Hispanic residences had been visited and serenaded. Any families unintentionally overlooked were serenaded on January 6, the Feast of the Epiphany, or "little Christmas" as it was called by the Hispano. Two other special religious days observed by Hispanics in Monticello were El dia de San Juan or the Feast of St. J o h n on J u n e 24 and El dia de San Lorenzo or the Feast of St. Lawrence on August 10. It was traditionally believed that on J u n e 24 the waters of the rivers and lakes surrounding Monticello were blessed and purified, since in Christian tradition that was the day on which Christ was baptized by John. In addition to signifying that water for the crops would be sweeter, J u n e 24 signaled the day youngsters could go swimming in the reservoirs around Monticello. After this day parents usually allowed their children to go swimming without u n d u e fear, but they also warned them not to forget to wet their foreheads before stepping into the water, "para que no te pique el agua" ("so that the water will not sting you"). This is a variation of the Mexican custom of blessing oneself with water before swimming as a symbolic form of self-baptism. T h e feast day of San Lorenzo on August 10 signaled the beginning of the harvest. It was upon his intercession that Hispano farmers depended for good weather and gentle winds. In the days when most of the threshing was done by hand and the wheat was separated from the chaff by tossing it into the air, people would chant a little prayer as they worked: "Viento, viento, San Lorenzo, barbas de oro" ("Send us a breeze, send us a breeze, St. Lawrence of the golden beard"). Of course, here too there were variations of the


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rhyme, some of which were playful. It was said, for example, that a man invoking the intercession of St. Lawrence for a favorable breeze was frustrated when his prayers went unheard. Finally, when the farmer could take it no longer, he yelled out, "Viento, viento, San Lorenzo, barbas de chivato" ("A breeze, a breeze, Saint Lawrence, beard of a he-goat"). Taking exception to the man's impatience, San Lorenzo, it was said, sent a terrible windstorm that blew his wheat entirely away. These, then, are some of the life-cycle customs and liturgical observances that Hispanos from Monticello and elsewhere in Utah brought with them on their trek from New Mexico. Some traditions go back centuries and are steadfastly maintained, while time and American social pressures have increasingly eroded other of these customs. Since there is little subsistence farming done by Hispanos anymore, planting and harvest observances such as El dia de San Lorenzo have declined. Baptisms, weddings, and funerals maintain vital secular elements of traditional practice, while many of the more religious elements have been lost. At weddings, for instance, the marcha and the entrega remain an integral part of the festivities, but at funerals the chanting of alabados has all but been abandoned. But in both cases there are reasons for maintenance or loss; a dance hall allows old wedding traditions to be repeated and perpetuated, while a mortuary that must close its doors to the community by, say, 10:00 p.m. puts an abrupt stop to night-long velorios and the singing of alabados. Strict Lenten observances of self-denial and penance have relaxed considerably, not because Hispanos in Monticello are necessarily less devout but because we live in a more secular world, a world in which even the Catholic church has relaxed its harsh Lenten observances. Still, when a child is baptized nowadays, he or she undergoes as serious an initiation into both the church and the Hispanic community as ever. While there are still Hispanos living in Monticello, many of the elders have passed on, their traditions buried with them. Many of the children of the early Monticello settlers have left to settle in Price or the Salt Lake Valley area, and others have gone even further away to Denver or California, returning only occasionally to baptize their children in the now old St. Joseph's Church, or to attend a wedding, or more often a funeral. Yet, despite the gradual decline and change in Hispanic life-cycle rituals, many of the people who grew u p in Monticello maintain some part of the best of their cultural traditions which they carry with them wherever they go. T h a t they do so


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Monticello

reflects upon the strength and devotion of the early Hispanic pioneers who came to Utah buscando trabajo, "looking for work."

APPENDIX "La Entriega de Novios"

"The Wedding Song"

A Dios le pido permiso, memoria y entendimiento, para poderme expresar en este fiel casamiento.

I ask God for permission, memory and understanding to be able to express myself at this wedding full of faith.

A Dios le pido permiso y a este publico honrado, para celebrar la boda de los recientes casados.

From God I ask permission and from this honorable gathering to be able to celebrate the wedding of this newly married couple.

Dios en un ser infinito, Maria el segundo ser, pues el mismo Jesucristo hoy nos lo ha dado a entender.

God is an Infinite Being Mary a second being because Christ Himself has made it known to us.

Hizo Dios con su poder Adan con sabiduria, y le saco una costilla para formar la mujer.

God with His power and wisdom created Adam and took from him a rib to form his companion

Hizo que Adan se durmiera bajo un hermoso vergel, Dios le dio una companiera pa' que viviera con el.

He caused Adam to fall asleep in a beautiful flower garden. God gave him a companion so that she with him could live.

Ya volvio Adan de su suerio con una dichosa suerte, por obedecer a Dios te recibo por esposa.

Now Adam was awakened with most happy fortune and in obedience to God (answers) "I receive you as my spouse."

En el medio de la iglesia, el sacerdote decia, que se casen estos dos como San Jose y Maria.

At the altar of the priest said "Let these two like St. Joseph

El padre les pregunto' si quieren casarse, di y la iglesia los oyo que los dos dijieron, si.

T h e priest then asked them, "If you wish to marry, say." and those in the church heard them both say, "Yes."

Que senifican las arras cuando se les van a echar, senifican matrimonio y el anio pastoral.

What do the coins signify when they are going to be exchanged? They signify the wedding promise and the pastoral ring.

Que senifican las velas cuando les van a encender senifican el mismo cuerpo que ya va permanecer.

What do the candles signify when they are about to be lighted? They signify the one union which will last forever.

the church to them be married and Mary."


Utah Historical Quarterly

28 Para confirmar el acto permanece de rodilla una honrada familia el padrino y la madrina.

In order to acknowledge the fact, the honorable family, the godfather and the godmother remain on their knees.

Esta manana salieron de manana cuatro rosas, el padrino y la madrina el esposo y su esposa.

This morning four roses came forth from church, the godfather and the godmother, the groom and his bride.

Ya llegaron a su casa con mucho gusto y anhelo, con lagrimas en sus ojos sus padres los recibieron.

They have now arrived at home with great joy and longing where with tearful eyes their parents have received them.

Oigame usted esposado que le voy amonestar, esa cruz que Dios le ha dado no vaya a olvidar.

Listen to what I say young man I am giving you some advice, "The Cross which God has given you you must never forget."

Si deja su cruz por otra ella pegara un suspiro y se llegara responsable ante un tribuno divino. Oigame usted esposada y escuche lo que le digo, ya no hay padre, ya no hay madre ya lo que hay es marido.

"If you leave your Cross for another your spouse will suffer a shock for which you will be held responsible before a Divine Tribunal. Listen to me young lady and hear what I have to say, "There is no longer father or mother now there is only your husband."

El padrino y la madrina ya saben su obligation, hincar a sus 'hijados y echarles la bendicion.

T h e godfather and the godmother how well they know their obligation, blessing their godchildren as these kneel before them.

La bendicion de Dios Padre y la Virgen Maria, j u n t o con la de sus padres vayan en su compania.

T h e blessing of God the Father and of the Virgin Mary along with that of their parents go in their company.

Ya con esta me despido, ya me voy a retirar, si en algo me ha equivocado soy suyo y me pueden mandar.

With for I If in I am

A los padres de estos novios les ofrezco con me carifio, ahi tienen sus dos hijos guienlos por buen camino.

T o the parents of this couple I offer you my best wishes, there you have your children guide them along the right path.

this (verse) I say goodbye am going to leave, something I have erred yours to be corrected.


Wrestling with Death: Greek Immigrant Funeral Customs in Utah BY HELEN Z. PAPANIKOLAS

I N THE EARLY YEARS OF THE CENTURY young

immigrants regularly sat in Greek Town coffeehouses to arrange funerals for patriotes killed in falls of coal and ore, explosions, and spills of molten metal. " T h e gold-ornamented Minotaur [industry] of immigrant life is nourished on fresh Greek youth," wrote a Greek woman journalist who toured the bursting industrial camps of Utah in those years. 1 Sometimes a black-robed, tall-hatted priest, bearded and long haired, sat with the men. They did the best they could for each countryman but were able to provide little more than the rites for the dead and, at Mrs. Papanikolas is a Fellow of the Utah State Historical Society and a member of the Board of State History. 1 Maria S. Ekonomidou, E Ellines tis Amerikis opos tons Eidha ("The Greeks of America as I Saw Them") (New York, 1916), p. 37.

Funeral of Mary Georgelas Kelaidis who died in childbirth. She is dressed as a bride. Her three older sons are to the left of the coffin. Further left, seated, are her mother and husband who is unshaven in keeping with ancient custom that deemed vanity in the presence of death inappropriate. The dead woman's father, seated at right with cane, is wearing a black armband. Courtesy ofMelba Georgelas Kouris.

'#-iy

hk ^l


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Utah Historical Quarterly

most, place a wedding crown on his head; for marriage, like baptism, had ties with death. T h e immigrants were men without women and expected to remain in America only long enough to accumulate savings. Bereft of mothers and sisters, they barely nurtured the culture that had come down to them from antiquity through the Christian-Byzantine epoch and into the kief tic era of insurrections against the 400-year rule of the Turks. Yet, so important were the rituals of death that the young men immediately built churches and sent for priests to insure the dead "not go to their graves unsung." Their horror of dying in a foreign land was thus mitigated somewhat. Unlettered, these former tillers of arid, rocky soil, herders of goats and sheep, were unaware that their respect for their people's funeral rites had ancient roots. In Sophocles'Elektra and Aeschylus's Choephoroi, Elektra cries out her mother Clytemnestra's crime: she had buried her husband, Agamemnon, without prescribed ceremony and mourning. Following the profound command of culture, then, to bury the dead properly and to perform the mysteries (sacraments), the immigrants built the first Holy Trinity Church in 1905 on Fourth South in the section of Salt Lake City called Greek Town. Long before the men came u n d e r the tyranny of Utah's industrial whistles and shift work, they had lived in privation, ever conscious of death. In terror villagers prayed whilepraktiki (folkhealers) tried to cure serious illnesses with herbs and incantations. Death was acknowledged in baptism and marriage. Often a child's godparent provided it with several yards of muslin to be put away and used as a winding sheet (savanon) at its burial. A godparent had a special significance in family life, always precarious in wars, illnesses, and death. If parents died or were unable to care for a child, the godparent raised it as his or her own. T h e godparents' gift of the winding sheet was one of several symbols signifying their adherence to the religious oath of championing a godchild until death. In Roumeli of central Greece, from where many Carbon County Greeks emigrated, a boy with living parents was chosen to plant the bride's embroidered silk flag (flamboura) on the roof of her ancestral home. T h e staff was decorated with flowers and an empaled apple for fertility. On the way to the groom's house, such a boy sat on the bride's dowry piled high on mule or horse. 2 By these 2 Dimitri Ntouzou, Laografika tis Nafpaktias ("Folkwritings of Nafpaktias") (Athens, Greece, 1961), pp. 85-93.


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symbols — a boy untainted by death and an apple for fertility, the antithesis of death — the bride and groom hoped to cheat Charos (Charon). 3 T h r o u g h o u t Greece, during the ceremonial shaving and haircutting of the groom by his best man (koumbaros), village girls asked his mother for her blessing and if she were dead, they sang: "Bless me, my little mother, bless me, my good one, / Even if it comes from Hades." 4 In the villages around Mount Olympus the bride and groom stopped still before their house after the church service; musicians played a dirge; and the guests stamped on the ground calling out, "This earth that will devour us, let us trample it!"5 Among the nomad Sarakatsani, "The founding of a family is wholly g o o d , yet m a r r i a g e , sex r e l a t i o n s , a n d c h i l d r e n invariably foreshadow death." 6 In marriage and baptism death was an onlooker. At first the symbolic presence of death in marriage and baptismal rites held little significance in the Greek Towns of Utah, for there were no marriages or baptisms in the all-male communities. Without women in xenetia (foreign places) the ancient burial practices themselves were stripped of keenings, funeral feasts, and memorial wheat, since antiquity the province of women. Under the priest's direction the men instructed funeral attendants to wrap the dead in a savanon and dress him in his black Sunday suit; and, if he were unmarried, they often brought a wedding crown for his head as tradition demanded. Funerals were held on Sundays because of the six-day work week. In somber clothing the men walked behind the hearse to the church, and following the service a photograph was taken of the patriotis in the open casket surrounded by compatriots and a longhaired priest in vestments looking stonily at the photographer's lens. T h e men kept the pictures as a memento and sent others to the dead man's family as proof he had been given an Orthodox funeral. 3 T h e ancient Charos who was paid by the dead to ferry them across the river Styx to the underworld became for modern Greeks Death himself. T h e ferryman concept is a late literary innovation according to J o h n Cuthbert Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion: A Study in Survivals (New Hyde Park, N.Y., 1964), pp. 98-117. 4 Hades has not been Hell for the Greeks of any epoch. Except for the poet Pindar, it was a cold, gray, cobwebbed underworld. " . . . in Hades there breaks no dawn, and sings no bird, and no fountains of water flow." Rennell Rudd, The Customs and Lore of Modern Greece (London, 1892), p. 120. 5 D o r e Ogrizek, Greece (New York, 1955), p. 230. 6 J. K. Campbell, Honour, Family, and Patronage: A Study of Institutions and Moral Values in a Greek Mountain Community (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 280.


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Funeral service for Soterios Banaoukas, 1918, was held at the first Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church in Salt Lake City. Courtesy of the late Ernest Benardis.

When World War I began in Europe and animosity toward immigrants increased, the men added Greek and American flags to lodge standards for the picture-taking. With the industrialization of Utah increasing rapidly, the immigrants lengthened their sojourn in America: they would begin families and return later to Greece. Women began coming, sent by families to marry men they had seen only in photographs; a great many women arrived around 1912 when Greece was at war with Turkey. Although some men went back to their villages for brides, most women came alone or in groups. For the frugal immigrants this saved the cost of ship's passage and would be added to the earnings that would take them out of labor and into the business world. T h e men feared also they would be taken into the Greek army if they returned to choose brides. Although nationalistic to the point of jingoism, they submerged patriotism to continue help to parents and to provide dowries for sisters.


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Settled in Greek Towns, giving birth yearly, often caring for boarders as well as their own families, washing by hand, tending large gardens, the women ran to help each other, to prescribe their village cures, to tell their dreams, and to help in the rites of marriage, baptism, and death. T h e men now lived the old familiar life in which women ruled over its rich ceremonies; their namedays were fully attended to, and the great event of the year, Holy Week culminating in the Resurrection, was again joyfully commemorated. With the arrival of women, the ritual life of the community, then, flourished with traditional richness. T h e drama of death often began with portents, usually dreams of ominous symbols: black birds — especially scavengers, h u m a n bones, a snake, a funeral procession, a congregation of priests in a house. T h e dreamer had to know whose Fate had decreed death; he rushed, stricken, through Greek Town to houses having much-used dreambooks that had either been brought from Greece or ordered from the Atlantis Publishing Company in New York City. Dreambooks saw such frequent use that they fell apart and had to be reordered. A common sign of impending death was a gathering of birds under the eaves of a house. T h e second-generation son of an immigrant from Tripolis in the Peloponnese recalls his mother at a window pointing to a cluster of birds u n d e r the neighbor's eaves. "Someone is dying," she said. Not long afterwards she received a letter edged in black telling of her mother's death in Greece. 7 Greek Town patriarchs could read of someone's coming death in the shoulder blade markings of the communal Easter lamb, but whose it would be they could not predict. Chicken bones were specific, however. T h e author remembers the visit of a Pocatello, Idaho, woman, a native of the Peloponnese, in her mother's house during World War II. T h e woman had just returned from attending a funeral in McGill, Nevada, and whispered that at the traditional funeral dinner she had read of her death in the bones of the chicken served her. She hid the bones in a handkerchief and later threw them away. Fifty-two years of age and in good health at the time, she died several months later of unexplained causes. 8 7

T o l d to the author by James O. Cononelos, the son. T h e ancient custom of divination by examining a lamb shoulder blade is described in Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, pp. 321-25. T h e portion of chicken served Mrs. Nick Poulos was probably the breastbone: Lawson, p. 327: " . . . the breastbone of the fowl . . . [is] a poor man's substitute for the ovine shoulder blade. . . ." 8


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T h e soul of the dead brought the news to relatives before telephones and telegrams. For both ancient and modern Greeks the soul did not waft gently heavenward. It was active and demanding and could "wander about to annoy the living."" Most Greek immigrants believed that the soul traveled swiftly everywhere it had been in life. Some thought it passed only through pleasant places, but Greeks from the mountains of central Greece, like the author's father, held that the soul left no previously visited spot untouched. 10 A woman of Cretan parentage described the soul's journey in the following way: It was a winter day. T h e doors and windows of my house were shut. A breeze passed by and chilled me. I knew it was the soul of someone who had just died. A few hours later a cousin from Rock Springs, Wyoming, telephoned that my uncle had died. And exactly that very moment when I felt the breeze!

T h e news of death was telephoned from one coffeehouse to another and relayed over backyard fences. In early immigrant days it was common to hear, "Charos came for him" or "He fought Charos and lost." From early times death was looked upon as a struggle with Charos, exemplified by the mythical figure Digenis Akrites, who guarded the borders of the Byzantine Empire in the tenth and eleventh century. For three days and three nights he fought Charos on a marble threshing floor.12 Although Christianity substituted a battle with angels, the confrontation with Charos was most often used. T h e ancient Charos, the boatman whom the dead paid to ferry them across the river Styx to the underworld, was cruel, uncaring of other's grief.13 Those fated to die tried to bargain with him. In Euripedes' play Alcestis, Admetus fails to convince his par" Richard Blum and Eva Blum, Health and Healing in Rural Greece: A Study of Three Communities (Stanford University Press, 1965), p. 80; Richard and Eva Blum, The Dangerous Hour: The Lore of Crisis and Mystery in Rural Greece (New York, 1970), pp. 313-14, 319; Margaret Alexiou, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition (London: Cambridge University Press, 1974), p.5. 10 In comparing Bulgarian and Greek beliefs on the soul, the Blums state in The Dangerous Hour, p. 374, that they found no parallel in the three Greek villages they studied of the Bulgarian view that souls visit every place on earth where they had once been. Utah Greeks from Roumeli in central Greece and Crete hold this belief. 11 Interview with Stella Ligeros Pappas, J u n e 20, 1980. 12 T h e Digenis Akrites ballad gave rise to a large body of Akritic ballads that are the introduction to folk poetry in the publications of the Academy of Athens: Georgios K. Spyridakis and Spyros D. Peristeris, Ellinika Dhimotika Traghoudhia ("Greek Demotic Songs"), vols. A (1962), B (1965), C (1968). Wrestling with Charos (Charon) does not appear in the original Akrites ballad: J o h n Mavrogordato, Digenis Akrites (London: Oxford University Press, 1956). It is a later accretion. T h e spelling of Akrites was changed to Akritas by folk poets. 13 Despite the continued custom of burying a coin with the dead to pay Charos, Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, pp. 106-7, discounts this as evidence that he was merely a ferryman.


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ents to die in his place and so his wife follows Charos to the underworld. 14 T h e contemporary Charos is Death himself; many Greek folksongs relate his remorse and even pity. Several of the author's friends were cautioned by their immigrant mothers to place a coin in their palms, on their eyelids, or mouth before burial. Knowing nothing about having to pay for their journey to the underworld, the mothers had no explanation to give, except to say "That's how it's done." Nor could the mothers explain other customs. At a death, however, they knew that the amber pieces of frankincense they burned on top of their coal stoves would purify the house. They lighted a candle (in antiquity it guided the soul) on a plate which the priest broke as the body was taken from the house to church. Litsa Sampinos of Price, a native of the central Greece mountains, nearing ninety, said: Sometimes the priest broke the plate, sometimes the women. T h e candle was blown out and the plate broken. They said this kept Death from re-entering and taking someone else. That's what they said.

T h e ancient custom of breaking the vessel used to wash a body 15 had no opportunity to become established in America: funeral attendants took over the old, vital duty of preparing the dead for burial. After washing the body, attendants wrapped it in a shroud, the savanon, of four to six yards of muslin. Joseph M. Smith, who worked in the Deseret Mortuary throughout the Greek-immigrant era when most Greeks took their dead there because of its proximity to the Holy Trinity Church, recalled that priests instructed their funeral directors on the savanon, and they continued the practice for all Eastern Orthodox. 1 " American-born priests have d r o p p e d this old custom. New clothing was put over the savanon, unless the dead person had asked to be buried in a previously worn dress or suit. Unmarried 14

Blum and Blum, The Dangerous Hour, p. 313 n. 1. In Greece the vessel used to wash a body in wine and water was broken afterward. A priest's body was washed with wine and olive oil and the vessel used was burned. " . . . (in Spetsai at least) it cannot be broken, but is thrown into the sea. T h e priest's body is not put in a shroud but is dressed in a stole which a priest wears when he hears confessions." Irwin T. Sanders, Rainbow in the Rock: The People ofRuralGreece (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), p. 273. T h e author's mother, born in western Thrace, remembers that the bowl used to wash her grandfather, a priest, was kept, unused, on the mantel. lfi Interview with Joseph M. Smith, October 30, 1982. Why four or six yards of muslin was used rather than an uneven number common in Greek folklife, the author has been unable to discover. It could have been an arbitrary hgure to approximate the Greek metric system. 15


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An unusually well preserved pair of wax wedding crowns.

men and women and young mothers were buried dressed as for marriage with a wedding crown on the head and a gold band on the ring finger of the right hand, the hand that makes the sign of the cross; girls and women wore wedding dresses. 17 One of the seven mysteries, marriage is the most important event in an Orthodox person's life; if unmarried in life, the dead go to their graves as brides and grooms. T h e ancient Greeks, however, perceived death as a wedding of mortals with gods, a necessity in making h u m a n beings equal with the deities. One of the most visible symbols of the connections between marriage and death is the ritual use of wedding crowns in both. This bond between death and marriage has come down to the present in the vestigial description of wedding-attired young: thanatogami (death weddings). Although the ancient view of death as a wedding with the gods disappeared with Christianity, 18 the climax of Orthodox weddings is the exchange of the wedding crowns on the heads of the bride and groom. Connected with white ribbon, the crowns unite a man and woman u n d e r God's sanction as king and queen of a new household. In antiquity crowns of laurel were used. T h e wedding crowns of immigrant Greeks were made of embroidered white cloth blossoms, their children's of wax, and their grandchildren's of plastic. T h e koumbaros (best man) was responsible for providing the crowns (stefana), ceremonial candles, bride's veil, and silver wedding tray.1" T h e tray was held by a boy whose parents were 17 In contrast to the religious significance of wearing the wedding ring on the right hand is the romantic connotation of other cultures of wearing the ring on the left hand because the blood vessels lead to the heart. 18 Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, chap. 7. 1!) Immigrants in Salt Lake City usually bought these articles from Gregory Halles, confectioner, who regularly replenished his supply from New York wholesale houses. After his death Maria Takis made the accouterments. Immigrants in small towns often ordered directly from the Atlas Company in New York City.


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living, again that death not corrupt the God-sanctioned union. After the wedding the bride placed the crowns in a glass-topped box next to the family icon and vigil light. T h e crowns were the property of women and at their deaths were usually placed at one side of the casket. Immigrant mothers periodically mentioned how they wanted their stefana handled at burial: that their crowns should be wrapped in their wedding dresses before placing them in the casket, for example; or, rarely, that the connecting ribbon should be cut and one crown buried with the dead person and the other left for the surviving spouse; or that the crowns should be burned as was common among immigrants from the area around Sparta. 20 For young husbands and wives the burial or burning of crowns signified that the remaining spouse was free to marry again, although remarriage was frowned upon except for the welfare of small children. In the death of the young, the godparent, cheated by Charos of presiding as best man at the godchild's wedding, supplied the wedding finery for the thanatogamos.2i T h e younger the child, the more poignant the wedding attire: a ten-year-old in a white suit and on his head a crown bought by his godmother; an eight-month-old baby, the godson of the author's father, in white with a gold wedding ring on his finger.22 An unusual practice for children's burials was brought to Utah by Greeks from the island of Crete. At baptism a godfather tied the baby's hands and feet with a ribbon connected to him. T h e ribbon was saved; if the child died, its hands and feet were again tied with the baptismal ribbon during the service for the dead. Before the final closing of the casket the ribbon was cut. In Carbon County at the close of World War I, a small girl, whose parents had come from the village of Mavrolithari (Black Rock) in central Greece and whose godfather was a Cretan, died. T h e night of the funeral her mother dreamed of little children playing on a pleasant, grassy field, all except her child who hopped about oddly. "Why aren't you playing?" she asked her daughter, who answered, "Because my hands 20 Greek women in Magna cautioned Angelo Heleotes to make certain he burned the wedding crowns after his wife's death. Irene Papajimas Kanoupes placed her wedding crowns at her husband's feet, an uncommon gesture. 21 Among all Eastern Orthodox godparenthood is sanctified by God. In the past it was believed to confer a relationship deeper than blood. Under the Turkish occupation when life was precarious, godparents were bound by oath to raise children as their own if parents died or were unable to care for them. 22 T h e o d o r e Giannopulos; George G. Pappas.


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and feet are tied." T h e mother awoke screaming and would not rest until her brother dug u p the casket. T h e child was still tied with the baptismal ribbon. It was cut and the girl reburied. 23 Until the late 1940s all young people who died were given death weddings. A second-generation woman, who was rumored to have killed herself, left detailed directions for her funeral, including whom she wanted for bridesmaids and that J o r d a n almonds (boubounieres) should be distributed to those in attendance. Almonds tied in beribboned net are given as favors to wedding guests. During World War II families of unmarried soldiers who had military funerals in Price, Utah, gave wedding favors of J o r d a n almonds to the congregation. By the end of the 1940s death weddings became less common; one of these in 1948 for a nineteen-year-old college student was carried out in the old tradition which included bridesmaids. 24 Not until 1977 was another death wedding service celebrated. T h e victim of an automobile accident, a twenty-seven-year-old woman was buried as a bride wearing a diamond ring bought by her parents; her pallbearers were young, unmarried men. T h e family had come from Crete following World War II and were still bound by its traditions. 25 23

Told to the author by Penelope Koulouris, sister of the dead child. Bessie Chachas, March 1948. 25 Mary Tzerenakis, October 1977. 24

Kyriakoula Mastoris, noted keener of lamentations in the Salt Lake area, with her husband, John, and son Chris (inset) who died at age nine. Courtesy of Sophie Mastoris Saltas.


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Before World War II, all the dead, after preparation for burial, were returned to their houses for ritual keening. Called mirologhia (words of fate) by the Greeks, similar laments were known in ancient Greece, Rome, Egypt, and China. They survive today in the Balkans, Mediterranean, and Middle East." Greek tragedians used the theme repeatedly: "Unwept, u n b u r i e d . " " . . . Lamentation has always been held by the Greeks to be as essential to the repose of the dead as burial. . . there is the religious idea that the dead need a twofold rite, both mourning and interment." 27 Women relatives of the dead keened the laments. As soon as women came to Utah, every mine, mill, and smelter town had one or two women noted for keening. 28 They were asked to lament antiphonally with the relatives, but women also keened uninvited. A native of Megara, Arcadia, Greece, Kyriakoula Mastoris was sought after in the Salt Lake City area for singing the mirologhia. Two fellow Arcadians exacted a promise from her that she would keen at their deaths. She kept the promise but was reluctant to give a complete repertory for one of them because a daughter was to be married soon and she feared it would bring her bad luck. Kyriakoula Mastoris's nine-year-old son died in 1933 of osteomyelitis. A daughter, Sophie Saltas, remembers her mother at the side of the casket in which her brother lay dressed in white with a wedding crown on his head. Her mother lamented her son's dying as a bud that had not flowered. T h e tragic theme of a child not growing to adulthood permeates many Greek folksongs. T h e mother bewailed not having been able to educate her son and mused on what he would have become. "Would you have been a doctor, a lawyer?" (Immigrant peoples had such aspirations for their sons; all was possible in America.) T h e mother railed against jealous Hades, god of the underworld, a deity unrecognized in any form by Greek Christiantiy: "If Hades had two sons and one was taken from him, then he would know how I feel."21' 26 Alexiou, The Ritual Lament, p. 10. T h e southern tip of Greece is noted for mirologhia. See Patrick Leigh Fermor, Mani: Travels in the Southern Peloponnese (New York, 1958), chap. 5. 27 Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, p. 348. Numerous mirologhia are found in Spyridakis and Peristeris "Greek Demotic Songs"; Gianni Efthyvoulou, Krytika Mirologhia ("Cretan Mirologhia) (Athens, 1976); and Athanasiou H. Giaka,Ipirotika Dhimotika Traghoudia ("Demotic Songs ot E n p u s ), 1000-1958 (Athens, n.d.). . 28 Kyriakoula Mastoris and Stamatina Pappas, Salt Lake City; Mary Zahanas, Midvale; and a Carbon County woman known by the genitive form of her husband's name (a village custom), Grammatikina. 2!( Hades, the underworld god of antiquity, became a place in modern times. However, this mirologhi definitely views Hades as a god.


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Complaining and demanding of God, the Virgin, Christ, and ancient, implacable Fate why the dead had been taken was common among these Christian people. T h e author's husband remembers these cries at the casket of his thirteen-year-old brother who died in 1927 during a diphtheria epidemic. His mother and aunts protested repeatedly to the Virgin and Christ that They had allowed the boy to be taken, leaving them to mourn. Lamentations are found in Homer: the Trojan women keening for Hector, Achilles lamenting the death of Patroklos. Bion's "Lament for Adonis" begins: Wail, wail, Ah for Adonis! He is lost to us, lovely Adonis. 30

A familiar lament for the Byzantine hero Digenis Akritas calls for mourners to Shed your tears and cut your hair Upon the body of brave Akritas. 31

Cutting one's hair, a person's priceless possession, was a sign of ultimate grief.32 During the kief tic period when Greeks fought to free themselves from the Turks, a large body of laments was added to their folk poetry. As in the ancient keenings, mountains, birds, streams, and animals were called upon to lament. Charos, naturally, was always nearby. I see the green valley, the blue sky I see Charos coming to take me Black he is, black he wears, black his horse And black the kerchief round his neck. 33

In Utah laments have not been sung since the early 1940s: mortuaries discontinued the practice of bringing bodies to houses during the war years, and the immigrants' children became increasingly rebellious at continuing this old-country custom. T h e proverb "unsung, unburied" was heard no more, relegated perhaps to the thoughts of the aging immigrants. T h e richness of Greek folklife in America was radically diminished. 30

John Addington Symonds's translation. Alexiou, The Ritual Lament, pp. 27-28. 32 Cutting one's hair as a gift survives in the Greek Orthodox baptismal rite. T h e priest cuts three wisps of hair from the child's head and drops them into the baptismal water as a gift to God. 33 Spyridakis and Peristeris, "Greek Demotic Songs," vol. C, pp. 349-50. Translated from the Greek by the author. 31


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Services for Demetrios Sklavounos and George Sanalarios, victims of a 1917 industrial accident, were held at thefirst Holy Trinity Church. (Note wreaths, bell, and swags-American Christmas decorations adopted by the immigrants.) Courtesy of the late Ernest Benardis.

Today laments survive in the Good Friday keening around the flower-decorated bier of Christ. These Lamentations at the T o m b are among the most beautiful in Greek liturgical music. T h e keening of the Virgin begins: O, my sweetest Springtime, How is it You lie in a tomb now? Wither has Your beauty gone? 34

In the early years, after a day of keening and a last night in his house, the dead was taken to church. Someone was left in the house to keep his soul, unwilling to begin its journey, from entering. Men, women, and children walked behind the hearse. T h e church bell tolled; with swinging censer the priest came to the door and led the procession to the front of the nave. T h e r e the casket was opened 34 See the Virgin's lament in Alexiou, The Ritual Lament, pp. 62-78. The Orthodox Virgin is active in her suffering, unlike the passive Virgin of Catholicism.


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with the dead person facing east in the direction of Heaven, where the sun rises. With women relatives pulling their hair, crying out, weeping loudly, the burial of the dead began with supplications, hymns, and psalms. At the conclusion of the service the priest intoned, "Come, brethren, let us give the last kiss unto the dead, rendering thanks unto God." T h e mourners filed past the casket to kiss the dead person's cheek or the wedding crown if one were worn. As in centuries past they gave messages to be taken with them: "Give them our greetings. Tell them we'll see them soon." 35 Others gave their final exhortation. A mother implored her twenty-eight-year-old son, "Don't be afraid of the dark, my child."3" T h e priest then dripped three drops of consecrated oil and three pinches of dirt (three for the Trinity and the three days between Christ's Crucifixion and Resurrection) on the dead. Some immigrants had brought an amulet or small bottle of Greek earth from their villages for this final act. Concluding prayers were chanted, and family and friends crowded around the open casket for a photograph, usually outside the church but at times inside or at the grave. Several old photographs show men standing near caskets, without collars, unshaven, reminders that in the presence of death attention to appearance was vanity. Unknown to them, dishevelment was a vestige of the self-laceration and tearing out of hair that brought Solon's legislation to regulate extreme behavior. 37 Church fathers also had counseled moderation, and Orthodoxy's great leader, J o h n Chrysostom, denounced dirges as blasphemies. 38 At the cemetery the priest blessed the grave in the name of Orthodoxy and dedicated the earth in the name of Christ as sacred. He asked God to grant resurrection to the body buried there. In earliest immigrant days a black wooden cross with the dead's name in Greek across the arms was pushed into the grave. Later a tombstone, often with a photograph of the dead in a glass oval embedded in it, replaced the cross.30 35 Beginning with the Iliad the dead in Greek literature and throughout folk poetry were given messages to take with them. " T h e belief that the passing spirit is a sure and unerring messenger to another world has ever been the property of the Hellenic people." Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, p. 349. 36 Helen Papoulas Koulouris. 37 Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, pp. 346-47. 38 Alexiou, The Ritual Lament, p. 25. 3!) Grave markers and other funerary artifacts from the Bronze Age to Hellenistic Greece are the subject of Greek Burial Customs by Donna C Kurtz and J o h n Boardman (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1971.)


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Following the burial, mourners assembled at the dead person's house or, more often, in a Greek boardinghouse where bachelors lived, for a fish dinner. Fish is a symbol of Jesus. (The acronym I H T H U S , Greek for Jesus Christ Son of God Saviour, is also the ancient Greek word for fish.) T h e funeral feast was called makaria (feast of blessing) or parigoria (consolation), and to fulfill this charge the gathering recalled happy and comic incidents in the dead's life and spoke of his having been freed from earthly pain and sadness for his journey to immortality. In antiquity the dinner was called perideipneion, and besides helping the bereaved family, it appeased and sent off the dead's ghost. 40 Climbing out of industrial labor into the secure life of small businessmen and sheep owners, the Greeks added meats and delicacies from America's bounty to the funeral dinners, making them feasts. T h e Greek Orthodox church disapproves of banquets for the "mercy meal" and advises token food "so that those who have known him or her can say, 'May his or her memory be eternal.' "41 Merely voicing a wish that one's memory be eternal would be insufficient because "food had an emotional and social significance in rural Greece that it does not have in northern Europe or the United States." 42 This cultural trait thrived in America. Mothers had a compulsive concern to feed children well, thereby enabling them to withstand illness; the rites of hospitality required each house to be prepared at all times with sweets and liqueurs for the expected and unexpected visitor; plentiful food was indispensable for the great ceremonies of baptism, marriage, and death. Food represented the unity of people in sharing these events, trust, and interdependence. Several days after a burial, the room the dead person had used was throughly cleaned and all bed clothes and articles in it were washed. Often the clothing was burned; immigrants from the area around Sparta also burned the mattress. 43 A priest was then summoned to purify the house with incense and holy water. In immigrant days the family remained in the house for forty days of d e e p m o u r n i n g , reflecting the forty days Moses was mourned by his people. Window shades were pulled down; photo40

Kurtz and Boardman, Greek Burial Customs, p. 486. Fr. William G. Gaines, ABC's of Orthodoxy, publication of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese, n.d., pp. 125, 128. 42 Blum and Blum, Health and Healing in Rural Greece, p. 108. 43 Advice of Mrs. John Kerikas to her neighbor Catherine Coucourakis Chanak on the death of her father. 41


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graphs gave pleasure and were put away or draped in black crepe as were mirrors, symbols of vanity. Crepe streamers were nailed to the front and back doors. Orphans wore black for a year, widows for the rest of their lives. Annie D. Palmer, social worker for the families of miners killed in the Castle Gate explosion of 1924, wrote: "Mrs. S[argetakis] has taken down the black drapes now that three years have passed and the house is more cheerful." 44 In the industrial West bereaved fathers and husbands worked their mine, mill, and smelter shifts during the forty days. A few, like the author's father-in-law, doggedly followed the old ways and remained at home. T h e forty-days mourning was also symbolic of reverence for the dead. In antiquity the dead's family was believed to be polluted and purification demanded members remain in the house; departing visitors washed their hands of the pollution in a vessel of water outside the door. 45 After the forty days family and friends attended a memorial service held during the Sunday liturgy. Over a mound of wheat called kolyvo or kolyva, the priest asked of God that the soul of the dead be like the good wheat that is sown and grows again. 40 T h e requiem for the dead commemorated the forty days that Christ wandered the earth before ascending to Heaven. 47 T h e dead had now met God. Memorial wheat, the kolyvo, is made of boiled sweetened wheat, nuts, raisins or currants, J o r d a n almonds, pomegranate seeds, and parsley. Wheat, nuts—especially almonds— and pomegranate seeds are symbols of immortality; parsley represents the greenness of the other world, sugar or honey signifies its sweetness. T h e wheat mixture was mounded, covered thickly with powdered sugar, decorated with green gelatine fir trees, also a sign of immortality, and silver-coated dragees forming the name of the dead. In the first years in Utah, the dead's families (or boardinghouse keeper if he were unmarried) served the memorial wheat in their houses after the service. Eating the kolyvo was done in remembrance of the dead and in mutual forgiveness if he and the living had 44

Castle Gate Relief Fund, Utah State Archives Annex, Salt Lake City. Kurtz and Boardman, Greek Burial Customs, p. 146. 46 Wheat, the ancient symbol of immortality, is discussed in chap. 9 of G. E. Mylonas, Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962), pp. 275-78, 305-6. T h e symbol for Orthodoxy comes from J o h n 12:24; I Corinthians 15: 35-38. 47 According to early church tradition, after Christ ascended to Heaven on his Resurrection, he returned to earth and appeared to his Disciples. 45


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Confectioner Gregory Holies created this very elaborate mound of memorial wheat in 193 6 for a man named Alexander (name is lettered in Greek at base of mound). Nowadays memorial wheat is distributed in small plastic packets. USHS collections.

wronged each other. 48 Memorial food has come from pagan times. Aristophanes' Lysistrata mocks an old deputy: "What do you mean by not dying? . . . I myself will knead you a honey-cake at once." As more Greek immigrants came to Utah, the memorial wheat was portioned into small paper sacks and distributed to parishioners as they left the church. At the present time several elderly women prepare the kolyvo, place several tablespoons into miniature plastic packets, and staple them. T h e ornate decoration of the past is gone. Immigrant Greeks also held memorial services for important religious and political figures: patriarchs, archbishops, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and King George II of Greece. All the dead are remembered on three Saturdays of the Souls (Psyhosavvatous) — the two Saturdays before Great Lent and the Saturday before Pentecost — with memorial services. Relatives of the dead bring the 48

In Greece kolyvo is brought to church also on the third and ninth day after burial and again after a year. The yearly date is also marked in America. The ancient Greeks held funeral dinners on the third, ninth, and thirtieth days after burial: Alexiou, The Ritual Lament, p. 47.


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46

Greek Orthodox memorial service honoring the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt at the present Holy Trinity Church in Salt Lake City. Courtesy of Paul Borovilos.

memorial wheat to the church. If a person has no relatives, he often requests a woman to include his name on her list of souls. This request is inviolable; a second-generation Midvale woman has a list of thirty such dead. 40 Several practices and beliefs connected with death had a short life for Utah Greeks. One of these is the vendetta which is often confused with the Black Hand and mafioso murders. T h e Greek vendetta was generated during the Turkish occupation when Ottoman officials paid little attention to dispensing justice and clans took charge of avenging their families' dishonor. Besides needing to mete out justice, the Greeks believed that a m u r d e r e d person required retribution to give his soul rest. This ancient belief was a popular theme for the tragedians. 50 Of contemporary vendettas in primitive areas of Greece, Patrick Leigh Fermore writes that they are often undertaken with sorrow and a sense of duty. 51 A celebrated Carbon County vendetta at the end of the first decade of the century is still remembered. A man who killed a fellow 4H

Helen V. Ruble. Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, pp. 462-84. " P a t r i c k Leigh Fermore, Roumeli: Travels in Northern Greece (New York, 1962), p. 127.

50


Wrestling with Death

47

Cretan as he was leaving his house to bring the village midwife to deliver his wife fled to the United States. A cousin of the dead man vowed vengeance u n d e r the same circumstances. Once a vow was made in the name of the deity, it could not be retracted. T h e cousin found the m u r d e r e r in Utah, by then a married man whose wife was expecting a child. Renting a room across the road from the couple, he feigned friendship: "Let's forget those old-country ideas." When the husband left the house to summon the mine company doctor for his wife's delivery, the cousin shot and killed him to make good his oath. American officials were far less lenient in sentencing murderers for crimes of passion than were Greek courts, but vendettas were discontinued in America because the immigrants themselves censured them. Immigrant Greeks then became adept at suing each other. Curses also lost their effectiveness in America after a time. A tragic incident in 1925 illustrates the Greek proverb: "A mother's curse is the worst curse of all." A young Helper woman was engaged, unwillingly (parents decided whom a person would marry in Greek culture then), to a Cretan immigrant. T h e Thursday before her Sunday wedding she eloped with another Cretan, disapproved of by her family. He was a cardplayer and had almost been lynched by a mob in Price during World War I for giving an American girl a ride in his new yellow Buick.52 (Attentions paid to American women by Mediterranean men aroused intense feelings in the first thirty or so years of the century.) After the elopement, the bride telephoned her mother and said, "We are coming home." Her mother answered, "Dead you will come, alive never." On their honeymoon in Illinois, the bride reached over the canoe the groom was rowing to pick a water lily. T h e canoe o v e r t u r n e d and she a n d h e r h u s b a n d drowned. 53 Witches, too, were like the deities for whom America was alien land. That Christ would have crossed the ocean as Mormon theology predicates was incongruous to the immigrants: America was not holy land. In the fatherland witches (maghisses) could put death spells on people; subterfuges were required in America. This was resorted 52

Helen Zeese Papanikolas, " T h e Greeks of Carbon County," Utah Historical Quarterly 22 (1954):

153-54. 53

Athena Xenakis and J o h n Michelog, 1925. For parental curses see Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, pp. 391-94, 418-19. T h e Greek Orthodox church continues to believe in the efficacy of a mother's curse. See Orthodox Observer, December 12, 1972.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

to in the smelter town of Tooele. Two brothers from a mountain village in the Peloponnese were in business together and lived in the same house. T h e older brother began to lose weight and doctors were unable to find a cause for it. Soon the patient became bedridden. His wife feared a curse had been put on him and suspected her sister-in-law. She wrote to the village from which she and her sister-in-law had emigrated and learned that a curse did exist. T h e sister-in-law had cut a small piece of her brother-in-law's underwear and sent it to the village witch. T h e witch then traced the outline of the cloth on a bar of soap. Each morning with incantations, she poured water on the soap to melt it. T h e older brother died within days after his wife received an answer to her letter. 54 Another aspect of Greek folklife that fortunately did not take root in America was the belief in vampires (vrykolakes).™ In Greece the shortage of arable land forced the distinterment of bodies. After three years bodies were dug up, cleaned, and stored in a shed or charnel house next to the church. In some provinces they were cleaned and restored to the grave with bones of other family members. If flesh were clinging to the bones, villagers frantically performed rituals to drive away the vampires that had taken possession of the bodies. America's wide spaces did not require disinterment, and no one knew if vampires had possessed the dead or not. Did vampires exist in America, young Greeks wondered as they gathered in a Carbon County coffeehouse in the early 1900s to discuss the funeral of a compatriot who had been killed in a mine accident. As a trick they appointed a braggart to go to the graveyard at midnight when vampires tried to enter the graves of the newly buried. At midnight the miner reached the graveyard not knowing that the men had dispatched one among them to be at the grave covered with a sheet and with a burning miner's lamp on his head. As the miner began walking toward the grave, an apparition arose from the gravestones moaning horribly, its yellow "eye" bright in the blackness. Pulling the gun from his belt, the miner fired at the yellow eye. T h e apparition fell to the ground and the miner ran back to the coffeehouse shouting, "There are too vampires in America! I just killed one!" T h e waning of the immigrant era began in the early 1940s when the children of native Greeks were becoming adults and discarding 54 55

Told to T e d Paulos by his grandmother Anna Paulos, Tooele, Utah. Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore, chap. 4.


Wrestling with Death

49

many old-country customs. These years coincided with World War II and its upheavals and mobility that changed Greek ethnic life. Second-generation women have deemed the old funeral customs unworthy of being passed on to daughters. Funerals are now held on weekdays; because of the six-day work week, early priests had overlooked the injunction that burials should not be permitted on Sunday, the day of the Resurrection. Wedding crowns have lost much of their significance beyond the marriage service; churches provide a set for the temporary use of brides and grooms. Only a few of the immigrants are alive to whisper messages to the dead, and no longer are photographs of the open coffin taken. Seldom, too, is the final kiss given today. American-born clergy have substituted the Icon of the Resurrection to be venerated and a cross in the hands of the dead. They frown on extravagant expressions of grief and are more intent on keeping the formal religious ordinances of the Greek O r t h o d o x c h u r c h t h a n w e r e i m m i g r a n t p r i e s t s . Not u n t i l American-born priests led congregations was the prayer service held the evening before a funeral resumed. With the dimming of the immigrant years, the transplanted culture of the Greeks lost much of its color. Grandchildren of immigrants have never heard of Charos, know nothing about the traveling of the soul, of keenings and death weddings. In America the paralyzing poverty of the fatherland was absent. "The best seed ground for superstitions," Gilbert Murray says, "is a society in which the fortunes of men seem to bear practically no relation to their merits and efforts."50 T h e material comforts of Utah replaced the "deeply satisfying"57 death customs still practiced by Greek villagers. Baptism now is u n m a r r e d by reminders of death, except for the perfunctory wish given to the baby's parents: "May he live and give joy." Weddings continue to be lavish, but seldom do guests greet the parents of the bridal couple with the old felicitation, "May they live, and next year a son." Many decades away from the impoverishment of villages, recipients of United States' modern medical practices, American-born babies, brides, and grooms have the expectation of living long lives. T h e ceremonies of baptism and marriage have left death to stand alone. 56 57

Gilbert Murray, Five Stages of Greek Religion (London, 1935), p. 132. Blum and Blum, The Dangerous Hour, p. 184.


North European Horizontal Log Construction in the Sanpete-Sevier Valleys BY T H O M A S C A R T E R

Niels Peter Ostensen house, Fairview, ca. 1870, from a county tax card photograph taken ca. 1920. Home was demolished in 1979. See figs. 2 and 3 on p. 59 for a later view of the home and afloor plan. A It numbered figures accompanying article were furnished by author.

the nineteenth-century folk architecture of Mormon Utah has attracted considerable scholarly attention. One aspect of this architecture, however, horizontal log construction, has been consistently overlooked. This oversight is curious, because in other areas of the United States, particularly those like Utah with a strong frontier identity, studies of log buildD U R I N G THE PAST SEVERAL DECADES

Mr. Carter is an architectural historian with the Utah Division of State History. T h e author wishes to thank Warren Roberts and Gary Stanton for kindling a learned appreciation for old log buildings, Kent Powell for his interest and support of this project, Richard Jensen for his Fine, inspirational work with Scandinavian immigrants in Utah, Bruce Hawkins and Craig Paulsen for their help in the fieldwork, and, finally, Meg Brady for providing the suggestions that put it all into readable form. Earlier versions of this paper were read at the annual meetings of the Utah State Historical Society and the Vernacular Architecture Forum.


North European Log Construction

51

ings are plentiful. 1 This lack of interest is at least partially explained by the general acceptance by students of Mormon architecture of an early statement by the Mormon church president, Brigham Young, condemning the use of log as a house building material. 2 If the president disapproved, the reasoning is that the rank-and-file membership followed his counsel and found alternative materials — stone, adobe, and brick — for their construction needs. T h e conclusion one reaches is that log was employed in Mormon communities only during the first pioneering stages of development and then quickly abandoned as permanence and prosperity arrived. Log buildings, then, are primitive and impermanent and warrant consideration only as a vehicle by which to begin discussions of later, more substantial building forms and techniques. 3 While true in many instances, this argument is also problematic because it ignores several important groups of buildings that fall outside its narrow confines. If log buildings are the by-products of pioneer expediency, it is difficult to acknowledge particular types of buildings whose longevity and technical sophistication do not fit the perceived frontier pattern. These latter types would include, first, log agricultural buildings — barns, granaries, stables, and so forth — which formed a sizeable portion of the state's architectural landscape well into the twentieth century, and second, log dwellings constructed by individuals, especially those from the Scandinavian countries, for whom log construction was a technically complex and prestigious building practice. By ignoring these groups of structures, our impression of Utah log architecture is imperfectly slanted toward the small, primitive cabins of pioneer fame. My interest in this work, then, has been in these neglected buildings and focuses specifically on particular log •See Donald A. Hutslar, " T h e Log Architecture of Ohio," Ohio History 80 (1971): 172-271; Warren E. Roberts, The Log Architecture of Southern Indiana (in press); Terry G. J o r d a n , Texas Log Buildings: A Folk Architecture (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978); and Charles F. Gritzner, "Spanish Log Construction in New Mexico" (Ph.D. diss., Louisiana State University, 1969). Jennifer E. Attebery, architectural historian with the Idaho State Historical Society, is currently completing a comprehensive survey of Idaho log buildings for her dissertation at Indiana University's Folklore Institute. 2 Young's words are oft-quoted. Speaking to a gathering of Saints in 1860, he announced that "log buildings do not make a sightly city, we should like to see buildings that are ornamental and pleasing to the eye." See Journal of Discourses, 26 vols. (Liverpool: George Q. Cannon, 1861), 8: 79. 3 T h e primary studies of Utah log buildings are: Leon S. Pitman, "A Survey of Nineteenth Century Folk Housing in the Mormon Culture Region" (Ph.D. diss., Louisiana State University, 1973), pp. 55-65; Peter L. Goss, "The Architectural History of Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 43 (1973): 211-13; Richard C. Poulsen, "Folk Material Culture of the Sanpete-Sevier Area: Today's Reflections of a Region's Past," Utah Historical Quarterly 47 (1979): 130-47; and Larry Jones, "Utah's Vanishing Log Cabins," Utah Preservation/Restoration, 1979, pp. 48-50.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

building forms, timber-fitting techniques, and corner-timbering types found in the heavily Scandinavian settlements of the SanpeteSevier valleys of east-central Utah. Norwegian and Swedish antecedents for these practices are identified and discussed within the context of Scandinavian immigration to Utah in the 1850-90 period. Although the study is outwardly a study of Utah log architecture and deals with the origins and diffusion of elements of North European folk material culture, a more general concern lies in rethinking traditional historical interpretations of nineteenth-century immigration to Mormon Utah. Intense missionary activity in the Scandinavian countries by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the years after 1850 succeeded in bringing nearly 30,000 immigrant converts to the Mormon Zion in Utah. 4 Previous historical studies of this immigration have stressed the rapid assimilation of these Scandinavians into what has been considered a rigidly authoritarian and homogeneous Mormon society. Old World folkways, including the log construction techniques of their homelands, are thought to have been discarded quickly as Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes adopted the language and customs of the dominant Anglo-American Mormon culture. 5 T h e failure to recognize immigrant folk culture in Utah is partly due to faulty survey methodologies, but it also reflects a deeper assumption that Mormonism, as a quintessentially American religion, actively and successfully stifled all forms of ethnic expression. Recent studies in the fields of history, anthropology, and folklife6 have begun to chip away at this monolithic interpretation of nineteenth-century Mormon society. A descriptive survey of North European horizontal log architecture in Utah, long considered to be nonexistent, can make a useful contribution to the general reappraisal of immigrant life in the early settlements of the Mormon West. 4 William Mulder, Homeward to Zion: The Mormon Migration from Scandinavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1957), p. 102. 5 Ibid., p. 248; Cynthia Rice, "A Geographic Appraisal of the Acculturative Process of Scandinavians in the Sanpete Valley, Utah, 1850-1900" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1973), pp. 40-59; Pitman, "Folk Housing in the Mormon Culture Region," pp. 228-31; Goss, "Architectural History of Utah," p. 210; and Poulsen, "Folk Material Culture," pp. 130-47. 6 Richard Jensen, "Mother T o n g u e and the Latter-day Saints in the United States, 1850-1983" (paper delivered at the annual meeting of the Mormon History Association, Omaha, Nebraska, May 7, 1983); Michael Scott Raber, "Religious Polity and Local Production: T h e Origins of a Mormon Town" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1978); and T o m Carter, "The Scandinavian American Pair House in Utah: A Study in Immigrant Innovation" (paper delivered at the annual meeting of the American Folklore Society, San Antonio, Texas, October 1981).


North European Log Construction

53

L O G ARCHITECTURE IN THE U N I T E D STATES

Log building is everywhere an immigrant tradition in the United States, and, while displaying considerable variation, it can be found in two distinct forms drawn from two separate European cultural hearths. Recent studies have traced the European origins of horizontal log timbering to the Late Bronze Age (1500-750 B.C.) and suggest that by the twelfth century A.D. several regional traditions were in place. 7 These log construction regions have been identified as the Alpine-Alemannic area in South-Central Europe; the EastCentral region of East Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Poland; and the North European region encompassing most of Scandinavia.** Emigration from Europe carried log building to the American colonies, and the East-Central and North European techniques are the two principal forms found today in the United States. 0 Both forms share a basic technology: walls are constructed of alternating tiers of horizontally laid timbers secured at the corners by interlocking notches (corner-timbering). T h e East-Central European technique is distinguished by the presence of gaps, or interstices, between the log tiers that are filled with "chinking" of clay, mortar, stone, or shingles. In Finland, Sweden, and Norway, on the other hand, timber walls are constructed of tightly fitted logs, a method of construction that precludes the need for chinking. 10 A metal scriber, called in Swedish a dragjdrn, is used to trace the top side contour of the log onto the bottom of the log in the tier directly above. Both sides are scribed and then hewn with an axe or adz to produce a long groove, or langdraget, along the bottom length of the log. T h e top, or head, of the lower log is then fitted into the long groove to produce a snug, gapless joint. Other distinctive features of this Scandinavian style are visible in the use of horizontal purlin rafters and gable end walls built of logs running from the top plate to the ridge. 7

Fred Kniffen and Henry Glassie, "Building in Wood in the Eastern United States," Geographical Review 56 (1966): 58; and Matti Kaups, "Log Architecture in America: European Antecedents in a Finnish Context," Journal of Cultural Geography 2 (1981): 133-36. 8 Kniffen and Glassie, "Building in Wood," p. 58, Terry G . J o r d a n , "Alpine, Alemannic, and American Log Architecture," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 70 (1980): 154-80; and Konrad Bedal, Historische Hausforschung (Munster: F. Coppenrath, 1978), pp. 67-72. " T h e failure of the Alpine-Alemannic German tradition to be transported to America is treated in J o r d a n , "Alpine, Alemannic, and American Log Architecture," pp. 154-80. "'Sigurd Erixon, "The North European Technique of Corner Timbering," Folkliv 1 (1937): 13-44; Warren Roberts, "Some Comments on Log Construction in Scandinavia and the United States," in Folklore Today: A Festschrift for Richard M. Dorson, ed. Linda Degh, Henry Glassie, and Felix J. Oinas (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976), p. 440; and Kaups, "Log Architecture," pp. 138-39.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

T h e "V" and half-dovetail notches are characteristic types of East-Central corner timbering, while the double notch and the tongue, or tooth, notch are typically Scandinavian. T h e full dovetail notch is found in both traditions, and the cultural origins of buildings with this form of corner timbering may be identified only by the treatment of the horizontal wall timbers. 11 T h e North European technique first surfaced in America in 1638 at the colony of New Sweden along the Delaware River.12 Swedish and Finnish colonists established there a small trading and agricultural outpost. Lacking financial and material support from the mother country, New Sweden gradually declined and the colony was annexed by Dutch New Netherlands in 1655, which in turn succumbed to the English in 1664. Some examples of eighteenthcentury Scandinavian log construction survive in the Delaware Valley, but no firm evidence exists to suggest that the technique spread outside New Sweden or that it influenced building in nearby English settlements. In its most common form, American log construction is the East-Central European type and was introduced into the MidAtlantic region by German immigrants during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. 13 These Germans found the heavily forested new continent well suited to the building technolgy of their European homelands, and as they moved inland into Pennsylvania and parts of the Midwest and South, German settlers carried their knowledge of log construction with them. This movement of technology was soon aided by a parallel stream of immigration from northern Ireland. Pouring through Philadelphia after 1710, ScotsIrish settlers quickly adopted German log timbering techniques and, as they themselves pushed into the upland South and Midwest, they brought with them the small British house forms, now built of logs, that were to become synonymous with American frontier architecture. 14 T h e Anglo-American log house, then, is primarily a legacy of the German immigration to America.

'' Erixon, "North European Technique," pp. 30, 32; Karl-Olov Amstber g, Datering av Knuttimrade Hus i Sverige (Stockholm: Nordiska Museet, 1976), pp. 131-33; and Kaups, "Log Architecture," pp. 137, 145-47. 12 C. A. Weslager, The Log Cabin in America (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1969), pp. 148-205. 13 Kniffen and Glassie, "Building in Wood," pp. 58-65; Weslager, Log Cabin, pp. 206-60. 14 Henry Glassie, "The Types of the Southern Mountain Cabin," in The Study ofAmerican Folklore, ed. Jan H. Brunvand (New York: W.W. Norton, 1968), pp. 338-70.


North European Log Construction

55

Not until the mid-nineteenth century was the North European, or Scandinavian, technique reintroduced into the u p p e r Midwest where it is primarily found today in areas of Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. 15 As a more recent immigrant tradition, the North European technique is confined to pockets of ethnic settlement where it is identified with a particular national or cultural group. Examples have been recorded in the West, particularly in the Finnish settlements of Idaho 10 and in Mormon Utah. SCANDINAVIAN L O G BUILDINGS IN THE SANPETE-SEVIER VALLEYS

Log building studies in the United States have quite naturally concentrated on the dominant, Anglo-American/Germanic forms, and such has been the case in Utah where "many have wondered why this region, settled and populated by Scandinavians fresh from the motherlands, is so leanly endowed with Scandinavian artifacts." 17 As has been already suggested, the absence of Scandinavian artifacts is not a material fact but largely the product of an enduring mythology concerning the centripetal, homogeneous nature of nineteenth-century Mormon society. Because a uniformity in folk tradition continues to be a pivotal concept in Mormon historiography, a conspicuous lack of Old World tradition (conspicuous because immigrants to a frontier region can usually be expected initially to rely on building traditions carried in from their recently departed homelands) lends convenient s u p p o r t to the widely accepted hypothesis of Mormon cultural convergence, i.e., a heterogeneous convert population was transformed by the experience of conversion to Mormonism into a homogeneous body of like-minded Saints. T h e dissimilar became similar, and it has been assumed that despite the large numbers of Scandinavian Mormons there was only one Utah style of log building; it was primitive, and it could be traced to an already Americanized immigrant tradition carried along with the migration of midwestern Mormons to the Great Basin. T h e architectural record itself, however, contradicts this view, for u n d e r 15 Marion J. Nelson, " T h e Material Culture and Folk Arts of the Norwegians in America," in Perspectives on American Folk Art, ed. Ian M.G. Quimby and Scott T. Swank (New York: W.W. Norton, 1981), pp. 79-133; Matti Kaups, "A Typology of Log Dwellings of the Finnish Immigrants in the Middle West," (paper delivered at the annual meeting of the Society of Architectural Historians, April 1980): and Richard W. E. Perr'm, Historic Wisconsin Buildings, Milwaukee Public Museum Publications in History, No. 4 (Milwaukee, 1962), pp. 6-14. 1 "Jennifer E. Attebery and Alice Koskela of the Idaho State Historical Society have recorded Finnish log buildings in the Clark's Fork (Sandpoint), Long Valley (McCall), and North Fork of the Coeur d'Alene River (Wallace) areas of Idaho. 17 Poulsen, "Folk Material Culture," p. 133.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

SANPETE ANO SEVlER COUNTIES U S G S |: 500,000

Fig. 1


North European Log Construction

57

careful examination it becomes apparent that the Scandinavian immigrant techniques for working logs into buildings survived the Atlantic crossing and the assimilating pressures of the incipient Mormon culture. T h e implication of this work is profound, for it suggests that the integrating power of early Mormon society may have been previously overstated. Although Scandinavian log construction can be located in many Mormon areas of Utah and Idaho, it is, at the same time, easy to overestimate the number of examples one can expect to find. This fact could account, in part, for general neglect of the tradition as well as its perceived absence in the Mormon region. T h e relative scarcity of the North European tradition, however, can be explained by the composition of the Mormon Scandinavian population itself. While it is well known that the Scandinavian immigration to Utah was considerable (some 30,000 converts making the trip by 1900) and that these newcomers often settled together in groups (the SanpeteSevier area is, for instance, called Little Scandinavia because of its high percentage of Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians), the number of immigrants arriving with knowledge of building with logs was itself never great. T h e largest number of Utah Scandinavians, nearly 56 percent of the total, were from Denmark. Log construction in Denmark — deforested by the seventeenth century — had long given way to more efficient timber-framing techniques for house construction. By the nineteenth century, moreover, older half-timbered houses were generally being replaced by newer ones built of brick. 18 Swedes made up the next largest group, about 32 percent, but these Saints were largely gathered from the southern province of Skane, an area for many centuries politically and culturally aligned with nearby Denmark. Building practices there closely resembled those in Denmark. 10 T h e remaining 12 percent of the Mormon Scandinavian converts were from Norway, and this group, coupled with a small number of Swedes from that country's northern provinces, is the most likely source for the North European log construction found today in Utah. 20 As a percentage of the total Mormon population, the number of individual bearers of the Scandinavian tradition 18

The best general treatment of Danish traditional architecture is found in Bjarne Stoklund, Bondegard og Byggeskik (K0benhavn: Dansk Historisk Faellesforenings Handb0ger, 1972). ,!, See Monika Minnhagen, Bondens Bostad: En Studie Rorande Boningsldngans Form, Funkton och Fordndring i Sydostra Skane (Lund: W.K. Gleerup, 1973). 20 See Halvor Vreim, Norsk Trearkitektur (Oslo: Gylkdendal, 1947) and Anders Sandvig, Var Gamle Bondebebyggelse (Oslo: Noregs Boklag, 1947).


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Utah Historical Quarterly

was never large. It was, nevertheless, tenacious, and the imprint of these immigrant carpenters continues today to be visible in the Sanpete and Sevier valleys. Typical perhaps of these immigrant builders is the Norwegian Oluf Larsen. Born in 1836 in Drammen, Larsen joined the LDS church in 1851, and after serving as a missionary in his homeland for more than a decade, he emigrated to Utah in 1862. A carpenter and farmer, Larsen first settled in Sanpete County but later moved on to Circleville in Piute County. He proudly wrote of his building experiences there: I now planned to build a house on the front of my lot as soon as possible. I hauled out logs and hewed them to a thickness of six inches, building them into the house as I hauled them. When the house was finished it was the best in Circleville as it was dovetailed and grooved together as they build log houses in Norway (emphasis added). 2 1

Larsen's Circleville log house no longer stands, but others do; and although they do not survive in great numbers, they occur with enough frequency to allow us to document the Scandinavian technique as it is found in Utah. For the purposes of this paper I have confined my examples to the Sanpete-Sevier valleys of east-central Utah, an area rich in both styles of American log building. I have chosen several Scandinavian buildings to focus upon: three buildings from Fairview at the northern end of the study area, a house and granary from Central in the southern end, and finally, a cluster of houses and granaries from Ephraim, the most Nordic of all Utah towns, in the central zone. T h e Niels Peter Ostensen house in Fairview (fig. 2) is the largest of the Scandinavian log houses in the Sanpete-Sevier region. Ostensen was born in 1824 in Gerdbrandsdeten, Norway, and converted to the LDS church during the early 1850s.22 He emigrated to Utah in 1856 and was among the first settlers of Fairview in 1859. It is impossible to date the homestead precisely, but it seems probable that Ostensen built the house sometime in the late 1860s as features like the adobe fireplace and willow lathe interior walls suggest an early building date for the area. Ostensen died in 1912, and the house was recorded in 1979 as it was being demolished by its owners. 21 Oluf Christian Larsen, "Autobiography, 1836-1916," typescript, LDS Church LibraryArchives, Salt Lake City. 22 Ostensen family genealogy courtesy of Alvin Brady, Fairview, Utah; Sanpete County Records, Parcel 16, Plat A; Fairview City Survey; and United States Census, 1860.


59

North European Log Construction

Fig. 2. Niels Peter Ostensen house, Fairview.

Fig. 3. Floor plan of Ostensen house, May 15, 1979. Shaded area indicates original section.

T h e Ostensen house was a 1 Vi story dwelling with two rooms on each floor (fig. 3). T h e upstairs was reached through a boxed, closet staircase placed, along with the fireplace, against the internal partition. T h e house itself was a hall-and-parlor vernacular type found throughout the eastern United States and a particularly popular dwelling in Utah communities before 1890.23 T h e house type is characterized by a symmetrical facade which fronts a two-room asymmetrical internal plan and may be found built of various materials, 1, 11/2, or 2 stories high. T h e hall-and-parlor house is primarily considered an English form, but recent work on cotters' and laborers' housing in nineteenth-century Scandinavia suggests that smaller, one- or two-room houses were neither unknown nor uncommon during the time of emigration. Such small houses, largely unstudied, 23

Henry Glassie, Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968), pp. 64-68; Tom Carter, "Folk Design," pp. 49-51; and Leon Pitman, "Folk Housing," pp. 146-67.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

Fig. 4. Cross-section of front elevation wall of Ostensen house showing hewn and grooved logs. Siding was applied on front of building only as a decorative device.

appear by the middle of the nineteenth century to transcend regional and national classification.24 T h e Ostensen house was constructed of horizontal log walls with full dovetail corner timbering, and the logs were tightly jointed through the application of the long groove technique (fig. 4). T h e internal wall was log and dovetailed into the front and back walls. T h e end log walls extended only to the level of the upper gable windows, the gables being framed in with board and batten siding. A shed roof porch extended across the front and was partially enclosed and extended on one end to form a small service wing. Drop, or novelty, siding covered the principal elevation of the house and was 24 See Gunnar J a h n , Byggeskikker Pa Den Norske Landsbygd (Oslo: Haschehoug, 1925), pp. 6, 64; and Marion Nelson, "Material Culture," pp. 84-85. Citing the unpublished results of a survey of nineteenth-century Norwegian rural buildings by Darrell Henning, curator, Norwegian American Museum, Decorah, Iowa, Nelson notes that "Recent investigations of nineteenth century cotters' and workmen's houses in Norway indicate that the [rectangular] house type could have been brought to this country by Norwegian immigrants." It is never clear in this work, however, whether the typical midwestern Norwegian house is a one- (single cell) or two-room (hall-and-parlor) type.


North European Log Construction

61

Fig. 5. Ostensen barn. Such two-level barns are common features on SanpeteSevier Scandinavian homesteads. Slab boards at the left rear of barn cover main entrance to the stable area. Fig. 6. Floor plan of barn, May 15, 1979.

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U-^_-^a^_n— dHL-Tnll

a

probably added in the 1880s. It seems likely that the champhered, b r a c k e t e d p o r c h posts a n d the pedimented window heads were added at the same time, for such decoration is typical of the period. T h e Ostensen barn (fig. 5), built at the same time as the house, was of the distinctive type found on Scandinavian homesteads in the Sanpete Valley and characterized by a large rectangular plan and a two-level arrangement. T h e bottom level included stalls, stables, and work areas (fig. 6), while the upper story was used solely for hay


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storage. T h e barn was constructed of local oolite limestone at the first level, and the u p p e r half was horizontal log timbering. T h e finely dovetailed corners were similar to the work on the house, but slight gaps were left between the log tiers to allow air movement through the hay loft. T h e long, 40-foot sides required splicing the logs with pegged lap joints. This distinctive barn type is found in a variety of materials and is primarily associated with Scandinavian homesteads, though specific European antecedents cannot be determined. T h e Ostensen farmstead is only one of several examples of the North European log tradition surfacing in Fairview. Another small log building, albeit with a more obscure history, also deserves attention. T h e town of Fairview was settled in 1859 as part of the general occupation of the Sanpete Valley by members of the LDS church. 25 A small fort was erected in that year; it had three sides laid up in rock and a fourth composed of log cabins placed side by side. By the early 1860s additional log cabins lined the insides of the rock walls and several rows of cabins had been built through the center of the fort. A peace treaty was signed with the local Southern Paiutes in 1869, and soon thereafter the fort was dismantled and many of the log homes moved out onto larger city residential lots to serve as temporary shelter while larger, rock houses were completed. Several log buildings stand today in Fairview that residents claim date back to the initial fort building period. One of these buildings (fig. 7) is a good example of what could possibly have been the first home of one of Fairview's three early Norwegian families.26 T h e well-crafted timbering on this small, 8'8" x 11 '8", structure suggests that it was indeed originally intended, even if only temporarily, to serve as a dwelling. With only one exception (the Jensen granary discussed below), Scandinavian granaries and farm buildings found in this area lack grooved walls. T h e small size of the building also remains consistent with descriptions of many fort homes. Oluf Larsen pioneered three Sanpete-Sevier towns and in each case initially built shelters that measured 8'xlO'. T h e house itself is constructed of fitted, hewn timbers joined at the corners with 25 W. H. Lever, History of Sanpete and Emery Counties (Ogden, Ut.: W. H. Lever, 1898), pp. 351-52; and Daughters of Utah Pioneers, These Our Fathers: A Centennial History of Sanpete County (Springville, Ut.: Art City Publishing, 1947), pp. 121-22. 26 T h e 1860 Census for North Bend (soon renamed Fairview) indicates that of 54 families reporting place of origin, 29 were from the eastern United States, 8 from the British Isles, 13 from Denmark, 1 from Sweden, and 3 from Norway. T h e three Norwegian families were the Ostensens, GugstafFs, and Johnsons.


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North European Log Construction

Fig. 7. Fort cabin, Fairview, ca. 1860, builder unknown.

Fig. 8. Full-dovetail corner timbering on Fairview fort cabin.

27

a full dovetail notch (fig. 8). T h e logs in the gable wall support purlin rafters. No fireplace is present in the building, but evidence indicates that a stove flue once projected t h r o u g h t h e roof at the front left corner. Despite t h e obviously isolated frontier setting, available reco r d s d o reveal a s u r p r i s i n g number of cooking and heating stoves in this area by the mid1850s and early 1860s.27 Easily the best example of North European log construction in Utah is the Peter Jensen homestead in Central, Sevier County. T h e original site, surveyed in 1979 and documented in 1982 as it was being cleared for development, consisted of a

LDS Church Consecration Deeds, Sanpete County Courthouse, 1855-1857. For a discussion of the LDS consecration movement of the 1850s, see Leonard J. Arrington, Feramorz Y. Fox, and Dean L. May, Building the City of God: Community and Cooperation among the Mormons (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976), pp. 63-78.


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Figs. 9,10,11. PeterJensen house, ca. 1875-85, Central. Tightlyfitted log walls, log end gables, and purlin (cross) rafters are all Scandinavian features. Large window was added ca. 1890 after house had been moved to present location. Small projecting key or tongue at bottom of square notch is dovetailed internally into top of log beneath it. Shaded area on floor plan, January 26, 1982, indicates original section.


North European Log Construction

65

log house and granary, a straw-thatched cowshed, 28 and a frame milkhouse. T h e Jensen house (fig. 9) was a 1 lA story single-cell dwelling constructed of hewn logs grooved and secured at the corners with a tongue notch (tungknut) (fig. 10). This notch is characterized by an internal interlocking dovetail, that is, the tongue or tooth that projects from the bottom of the otherwise square notch is dovetailed into the top of the log just below it. This notch is found in Finland, Sweden, and Norway but is nowhere a common form, particularly in the nineteenth century when the full dovetail notch gained supremacy throughout much of the Scandinavian region. 20 T h e tongue notch has not been recorded in Utah outside the Sanpete-Sevier region. T h e rafters on the Jensen house both supported and were supported by the logs in the gables. T h e purlins rested upon the rising tiers of gable logs while those logs were in turn secured to the purlins by a pegged lap joint. T h e single-cell plan (fig. 11) is similar to some midwestern Norwegian homes and also to the ubiquitous Anglo-American square cabin.30 T h e original stove flue probably was found off-center on the ridge, although in the 1940s it was relocated at the rear corner of the front room. A detached dirt-roofed, volcanic stone shed at the rear of the house could have been an original feature of the homestead. The Jensen granary (fig. 12) displayed an excellence in workmanship similar to the house but d i f f e r e n t in several r e spects. It had a low, flat roof covering its 17'8" x 15'8" r e c t a n g u l a r p l a n . T h e door was on the broad side, and the original grain bins had been removed. Fig. 12. Jensen granary, ca. 1875-85, Central. T h e g r o o v e d a n d fitted Pegs stabilizing gable wall are visible in this logs had been left round photograph. 28

David R. Lee and Hector H. Lee, "Thatched Cowsheds of the Mormon Country," Western Folklore 50 (1981): pp. 171-87. 29 See Sandvig, Var Gamle Bondebebyggelse, pp. 22-23; Arnstberg, Dateringav Knuttimrade Hus i Sverige, pp. 131-34; and Kaups, "Log Architecture," p. 137. In each country, a different name exists for this notch. In Norwegian the term hsualehale or "swallow tail" joint; in Finnish the term translates out to "tooth" or "lock" notch, and in Swedish it is a tungknut or "tongue notch." 30 Glassie, "Types of the Southern Mountain Cabin," pp. 349-53, and Nelson, "Material Culture," p. 84.


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except at the corners where they were hewn flat on the sides to p r o d u c e t h e double-notch corner timbering (fig. 13). Projecting past the end of the wall, the d o u b l e notch is c h a r a c teristically Scandinavian but is encountered only infrequently in Utah. 31 T h e complex history of the two Jensen buildings suggests something of the problems encountered in trying to rely only upon technology in determining the ethnic background of a historic structure. Fig. 13. Double notch corner timbering on Jensen granary. T h e Sevier Valley was occupied during the mid18608 by Mormon settlers moving down from the Sanpete communities. Towns like Richfield and Central were just getting started when the Black Hawk War broke out and forced them to be abandoned until peace was restored in 1870. T h e land where this homestead sits was not formally claimed until 1884 by Peter Jensen, a young Danish carpenter. Jensen had been born in Denmark and in 1880 was twenty-five years old and living with his parents in Richfield. It appears that Jensen married in the early 1880s and bought the homestead in Central for his new family. For his new house Jensen may have contracted the work out to Norwegian carpenters; two such men, Anders Johnson and Bengt Anderson, were living in Richfield at the time. A curious feature of the house, however, suggest that it might have been built earlier, probably in Richfield, and then moved to Central in 1884. Careful recording of the house in 1982 revealed that the logs on each facade had been marked with Roman numerals. 32 Weathered and barely visible in places, this numbering has two possible explanations. It is conceivable, given the intricate nature of the log work, 31 32

Erixon, "North European Technique," pp. 30-32. T h e archaic forms for 4 and 9 were used, i.e., IIII instead of IV and V i l l i instead of IX.


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that the house builder numbered his notched and grooved logs on the ground before assembling them into the wall. Such a practice was, however, unusual in Scandinavia and is encountered there only in those cases where the house was being assembled with the specific intention of moving. 33 T h e fact that several logs occur out of ordered sequence rules out the idea that the house was constructed in Richfield by Norwegian carpenters expressly for re-erection in Central. If that had been the case, it is doubtful that any such technical irregularities would exist. A more normal Scandinavian building procedure found the logs being placed into the walls as they were prepared. T h e presence of the numbered timbers, coupled with the fact that several logs are out of place in the wall, strongly suggests that the house was once dismantled. T h e fact that this homestead was always owned by Danish families supports the theory that the house was moved. It seems likely that Peter Jensen purchased the house and granary in Richfield (presumably from a Norwegian family) and then moved them to his land in Central. T h e smaller granary could have been dragged by team the relatively short distance between the two towns. This confusion between owner and technology is often encountered in Utah architecture, especially in the Scandinavian log buildings of Ephraim in the Sanpete Valley. Here, several dozen buildings remain that have identifiably Norwegian and Swedish characteristics but English and Danish owners. Settled in 1852-53, Ephraim was one of the early Mormon towns to be located outside the parent colony at Salt Lake City. For a variety of reasons — the availability of land, official instructions, and the desire to be close to their countrymen — Ephraim became a center for Scandinanvian settlement. By 1870, census records indicate that of the town's 245 families, 168 (69 percent) were Danish, 30 (12 percent) Swedish, and 14 (6 percent) were Norwegian. Scandinavians made up 87 percent of the total population, the rest coming from the eastern United States and the British Isles. It is not surprising then, to expect a concentration here of Old World housing and construction forms. 34

33 Correspondence with Darrell Henning, curator, Norwegian-American Museum, Decorah, Iowa, March 8, 1983. Henning notes that roman numerals were used in teaching math in Norway well into the nineteenth century. 34 Tom Carter, "The Scandinavian-American Pair House in Utah," National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form, Preservation Office, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City.


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Figs. 14 and 15. Joseph Thorpe and Charles A. Fredericksen are listed as early owners of this Ephraim house, ca. 1880-90. Detail shows vertical logs placed between front door and windows.

Ephraim's log buildings fall into two groups: small single-cell cabins and granaries. Typical of the houses is the Charles Fredericksen house, built around 1880 (fig. 14). T h e house is small, the original square section measuring about 17' x 15', and originally consisted of a single room with sleeping loft reached by an outside staircase. Several frame additions were later made to the rear of the dwelling. T h e logs were hewn square on the sides and dovetailed at the corners. They were grooved and fitted only on the facade. T h e less visible elevations were treated with less care; here the tops and the bottoms of the logs have been roughly squared before being chinked. A unique feature of this house is the vertical mortising of logs at each side of the front door (fig. 15). These secure timbers replaced the short and unstable horizontal log pieces normally found in these narrow spaces. Of the Scandinavian granaries in Ephraim, the most common is the tongue notch type (fig. 16) of which there are more than a half-dozen. These granaries have rectangular plans, fitted but ungrooved walls, a door in the broad side, and tongue notch cornertimbering similar to the Jensen house in Central. Ephraim is the only


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town in the Sanpete Valley where these tongue notched granaries are found, an isolation that suggests they may be the work of a single carpenter. Other granaries exhibit the same general form but have either full dovetail or double notch corner-timbering (fig. 17). Historical research on Ephraim's North European log buildings indicates that all were initially owned by either Danish or AngloAmerican Mormons. T h e skill required to build these structures was considerable, and it is not unreasonable to conclude that they were all built by people other than their owners (at least, the work was directed by individuals who were competent in these techniques) and that these carpenters were from Norway and Sweden.

Fig. 16. Tongue-notched granary, ca. 1865-70, Ephraim. Window suggests granary was once used as a residence. Fig. 17. Double-notched granary, ca. 1865-70, Ephraim. Building was moved from original site in 1960s to prevent demolition.


70

Utah Historical Quarterly CONCLUSION

In what is to date the most extensive survey of Mormon western folk housing, the geographer Leon Pitman recorded five different types of Utah corner-timbering: the full dovetail, half dovetail, saddle, V, and square notches. Pitman traced each of these notches to midwestern (Central European technique) source areas, concluding that Norwegians and Swedes "added nothing significantly new to the Mormon practices already fully developed before the Utah period." 35 This observation was then used to support his basic thesis that for European Mormons "conversion to the [LDS] Church was synonymous with emigration to Zion and synonymous with rapid assimilation into Mormon American culture." 30 T h e buildings discussed in this paper offer an alternative assessment of the Scandinavian contribution to material life in early Utah. In the SanpeteSevier region, Norwegian and Swedish carpenters, to an extent fully commensurate with their numbers, added significantly to the local log construction technology, a contribution visible in distinctive corner-timbering types, tight, well-fitted walls, and the purlin roof framing system. At the most fundamental historic-geographic level, these buildings document the survival of North European horizontal log construction in Utah as a viable immigrant tradition. At another, perhaps at a more meaningful level, they also provide the evidence around which to fashion a new and more pluralistic view of early Mormon society. In a recent essay, William A. Wilson has suggested that "folklorists must devise new ways of looking at Mormon lore. Most studies to date have assumed a cultural homogeneity that in reality has never existed." 37 Although Wilson has directed his comments toward the contemporary world and its folklore, it is not unreasonable to find meaning here for the study of the past as well. T h e r e can be no doubt that the early Utah Saints were unified by a strong religious ideology, a shared set of values, and an accepted ordering of knowledge. At the same time, these Mormons were hardly identical. In a multicultural setting — and nineteenth-century Mormon society must be considered precisely that — individuals would be

35

Pitman, "Folk Housing in the Mormon Culture Region," p. 78. Ibid., p. 204. 37 William A. Wilson, "Mormon Folklore," in Handbook of American Folklore, ed. Richard M. Dorson (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), p. 159. 36


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expected to display any number of social statuses. 38 At various times, individuals assume different identities, none of which, except u n d e r the most extreme circumstances, would be considered mutually exclusive. T u r n i n g to the subject of this paper, house building, we might find one Norwegian to be thoroughly Mormon in terms of religious beliefs, conforming to community standards in public work projects, eating American food, and at the same time continuing to build his own house as he had done in Norway. T h e last fact, the surfacing of a Norwegian status, does not affect or undermine an allegiance to a new identity as a Mormon. Other immigrants would be expected to react in still other ways, with some, for instance, rejecting the home styles of their homelands in favor of those of their new neighbors. If we reject the concept of cultural homogeneity as a myth, a simplification of h u m a n behavior, then it follows that it becomes difficult to generalize in any way about the immigrant experience in Utah except to say that it was different for all people. It is not a question of total assimilation into American culture or of total maintenance of Old World tradition. Each set of newcomers reacted according to their own expectations, skills, and economic circumstances. T h e presence of Scandinavian log buildings in Utah does not mean that all Norwegians and Swedes who knew how built such structures. Clearly they did not. But some did and the point worth making here is that the early Mormon world — the world we thought we knew so well — is much less predictable, much less ordered, and ultimately, much more interesting that we have generally thought. 38 1 am following here the work of Richard Bauman, "Differential Identity and the Social Base of Folklore" in Toward New Perspectives in Folklore, ed. Americo Paredes and Richard Bauman (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1975), pp. 3 1 - 4 1 ; and William A. Wilson, On Being Human: The Folklore of Mormon Missionaries (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1981), pp. 1-4.


Utah's Indians and Popular Photography in the American West: A View from the Picture Post Card BY PATRICIA C ALBERS AND WILLIAM R. JAMES

1 HE AMERICAN INDIAN HAS BEEN A DOMINANT subject in western photography since the middle of the nineteenth century. Among the variety of media on which photographs of western Indians have been disseminated to the public, the picture post card has been one of the most popular. Even though post cards of Indians in Utah and neighboring states have been commonplace, they have received little attention in the popular visual arts. 1 Tracing the history and variety of photographic images that represent Utah's Indian peoples to the public is important for two reasons. First and foremost, it reveals the bias and subjectivity that have been inherent in the making and mass reproduction of Indian photographs over the past century. Second, it contributes to a critical understanding of the role that popular photography has played in fostering stereotypic images of the American Indian. T h e post card is well suited to illuminating this situation because of the volume and diversity of Indian photographs that have been printed on this medium and because the post card has been one of the major media from which the public has drawn its visual image of the American Indian. Dr. Albers is an associate professor of anthropology at the University of Utah. Dr. James, an anthropologist with a doctoral degree from the University of Wisconsin, Madison, teaches at the University of Utah. T h e authors acknowledge the continuing support of the University of Utah Research Committee. 1 Some of the better overviews of this subject include Robert Berkhofer, Jr., The Whiteman's Indian (New York: Random House, 1979); Gretchen M. Bataille and Charles P. Silet, eds. The Pretend Indians: Images of Native Amricans in the Movies (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1980); and Raymond Stedman, Shadows of the Indian: Stereotypes in American Culture (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982). Works that have examined stereotyping in painting and still photography include J o h n Ewers, "An Anthropologist Looks at Early Pictures of American Indians,"AVu> York Historical Quarterly (1949): 223-34, and "The Emergence of the Plains Indians as the Symbol of the North American Indian," The Smithsonian Report (1964): 531-44; Joanna Scherer, "You Can't Believe Your Eyes: Inaccuracies in Photographs of North American Indians," Studies in the Anthropology of Visual Communications (1975), 2: 67-79; Margaret Blackman, "Posing the American Indian," Natural History, January 1981, pp. 69-75; and Christopher Lyman, The Vanishing Race and Other Illusions (New York: Pantheon Press, 1982).


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PHOTOGRAPHIC INTERPRETATION AND THE PICTURE P O S T CARD

For large numbers of people the idea of the American Indian does not represent a real person but an image created by the popular media. 2 One medium that has fostered and perpetuated mythical stereotypes of the American Indian is photography. T h r o u g h the mass printing of Indian photographs as book illustrations, posters, framing prints, and picture post cards, certain stereotypic images of the Indian have been indelibly inscribed in the public mind. Of the various American Indian stereotypes that have been conveyed to the public through still photographs, two stand out. In the first and most dominant photographic image, which is basically masculine in gender, 3 the Indian is portrayed as a Plains Indian — a tipi-dwelling, buffalo-hunting, and equestrian warrior or chief replete with a full-feathered war bonnet. Widely promoted in Wild West shows at the turn of the twentieth century, and more recently in Hollywood films,4 the Plains Indian image has become the major standard by which the public judges the "authenticity" of pictures portraying Indian people. Indeed, for many Americans and Europeans the only "real" Indian is a Plains Indian. T h e second image, in contrast, portrays the Indian as natural and pristine, a creator of exotic crafts, lifeways, and ceremonies. This image, which draws heavily on the Navajo and pueblo-dwelling peoples of the Southwest, has been popularized largely as a result of the growth of tourism in New Mexico and Arizona during the twentieth century. Although very different in their content, both the Plains and the Southwestern image of the Indian promote the notion that the American Indian is isolated and timeless — existing in a place without history and removed from contact with the dominant Anglo-American culture. This idea, of course, is a myth. Yet, in the realm of popular photography, where fantasy is widespread, the myth takes on the appearance of "reality." An important question must be asked: how has photography promoted a mythical image of the American Indian when native cultures have changed and been 2

Berkhofer, The Whiteman's Indian, pp. 3-32. See Patricia Albers, "Introduction," The Hidden Half: Studies of Plains Indian Women, ed. Patricia Albers and Beatrice Medicine (Washington, D.C: University Press of America, 1983), pp. 1-3. 4 For excellent discussions of this image, see Ewers, "The Emergence of the Plains Indians as the Symbol of the North American Indian"; John Price, "The Stereotyping of the American Indian in Motion Pictures," Ethnohistory 20 (1979): 153-71; and Richard Slotkin, "The Wild West," Buffalo Bill and the Wild West (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1982), pp. 27-44. 3


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Utah Historical Quarterly

influenced by external contact for hundreds of years? In order to answer this question, we must look at the character of photography itself and the processes by which its practioners selectively produce and distribute mythical stereotypes as "real" images. T h e r e is a widely held notion among the public that photographs are "real"; that they preserve a trace of an appearance that existed in an actual time and place. 5 Unquestionably, photographs do record actual people, places, and events. It is also clear, however, that what is preserved by the camera may not faithfully depict the lived-in experiences of the subjects pictured. It is precisely this paradoxical quality, which permits unauthentic sights to appear as genuine ones, that makes photography such a powerful force in the manipulation of symbols and images in the modern world. Photographs can, and they do, mislead and misinform. They do this in two principal ways. First, those who take pictures define, select, and sometimes even construct the set of appearances they believe conform to an "authentic" image of the American Indian. Second, the mass distribution and public use of photographs remove pictures from the historical context in which they originated. By severing the picture from its point of origin and placing it in a setting that has no intrinsic relation to the experiences of those who have been photographed, the image becomes distorted. It does so because it takes on new meanings associated with the contexts in which it is displayed. These contexts do not communicate the concrete and given realities of those who have been pictured, but instead, they reveal the attitudes and understandings of those who promote and view the photographs from afar. 0 T h e process of photographic misrepresentation, which begins at the point of taking and developing a picture, involves obvious as well as subtle forms of manipulation. One type of manipulation occurs when a photograph is altered either by extensive cropping or by the removal and addition of objects in a photograph. One of the most popular photographers of American Indians, Edward Curtis, regularly altered his photographs to give the illusion that the Indian people he photographed lived u n d e r pristine conditions. 7

5

Susan Sontag, On Photography (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1977), pp. 72,81,93; and John Berger, Another Way of Telling (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982), pp. 88-92. 6 John Berger, About Looking (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980), pp. 51-53. 7 Lyman, The Vanishing American, pp. 62-78.


Utah's Indians

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m ,k: Alii m ;

Fig. 1. Faked photograph, photographer un known. USHS collections.

Fig. 2. Be-Nah Na-Zuhn, a Navajo infant photographed by J. R. Willis of Gallup. All post cards accompanying this article are from the authors' collection.

An especially blatant example of "faking" a photograph comes from a picture recently used in the book, The Peoples of Utah.8 T h e picture, entitled "Ute mother with child in a beaded cradle board," is a composite of two different photographs (see figs. 1 and 2). T h e infant pictured in fig. 1 is identical to the one shown in fig. 2, and she is Navajo not Ute. She was photographed in the 1930s by J. R. Willis of Gallup, New Mexico, and the original picture was reproduced on at least two post cards. One, which is shown here (fig. 2), is a photo-stock card probably issued by the photographer, J. R. Willis. T h e second is a linen-stock card 0 distributed by Willis and published by the Curteich Company of Chicago. 10 It is obvious that Willis's picture has been superimposed on another to create what might have been deemed a more "authentic" image. 8

Helen Z. Papanikolas, ed. (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976) p. 33. Type of linen-textured paper on which post cards were commonly printed from 1935 to 1946. The card is entitled, "Pretty Eyes (Be-Nah Na-Zuhn)," #22, Curteich: 3A-H744, and it was printed in the 1940s. 11

10


76

Fig. 3. Popular post card view of a Ute infant released ca. 1912.

Utah Historical Quarterly Altering photographs was not uncommon in the reproduction of pictures for popular consumption, including those that appeared on post cards. A good example of this is a post card of a Ute infant that was printed in large numbers from 1905 to 1945 by t h e H. H. T a m m o n Company of Denver (see fig. 3). T h e picture is actually a reproduction of a painting r e n d e r e d from a p h o t o g r a p h t a k e n in t h e late nineteenth century. 11 A copy of the original p h o t o g r a p h was also printed on a post card issued by the Rotograph Company of New York (fig. 4).12 T h e Rotograph post card clearly reveals that the original photo-

graph was taken in a studio where the cradleboard was propped against a chair. In the painted version, however, the cradleboard is leaning against a tree — a more pristine and natural appearance conforming to popular ideas about Indians and nature. Much more common than altering the actual appearance of a photograph was the practice whereby photographers staged the appearance of the subjects they photographed. Here, as in the practice of photographic alteration, the photographer consciously created a picture in keeping with an image he/she wished to project. In the photographic history of Utah Indians, the work of Jack Hillers, who accompanied the Powell expedition, is one of the most well-known examples of photographic staging. Although Julian Steward 13 was among the first to note the contrived character of 11 We have not been able to determine the name of the photographer, but we suspect it might have been Henderson of Denver, Colorado. This particular picture not only appears on the H. H. T a m m o n card, #3439, illustrated here but also on two others from this firm. 12 This view, # G 8 9 4 , is part of a larger set of Ute pictures released on post cards by the Rotograph Company around 1905. 13 "Notes on Hillers's Photographs of the Paiute and Ute Indians on the Powell Expedition of 1873," Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 98 (1939): 1-23.


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many of Hillers's photographs of t h e Nuwuvi (Southern Paiutes), others 14 have since demonstrated how the staging of these pictures actually took place. Not only did Hillers and Powell dress their Paiute subjects in costumes they had furnished, 15 but they also posed them in caricatured ways (see fig. 5). Hillers's Paiute photos never appeared on post cards, as far as we know, but they were r e l e a s e d to t h e public on stereoviews. What is significant about the Hillers photographs is that they demonstrate, very clearly, what happens when commer- Fig. 4. "Ute Papoose" by an unknown cial motivations are mixed with photographer. documentary ones. Ostensibly, Fig. 5 Powell expedition photographer John K. Hillers posed Paiute men and women in furnished costumes for this photograph. Smithsonian Office of Anthropology, Bureau of Ethnology collection.

14 Robert C Euler, "Southern Paiute Ethnohistory," University of Utah Anthropological Papers (1966), # 7 8 ; Don Fowler and Catherine Fowler, "Anthropology of the Numa: J o h n Wesley Powell's Manuscripts on the Numic People of Western North America (1868-1880)," Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 14 (1971); and Scherer, "You Can't Believe Your Eyes." 15 See Scherer, "You Can't Believe Your Eyes," p. 70.


Utah Historical Quarterly

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the Powell expedition was scientific, and its purpose was to record authentically the people and places along the Colorado River. Yet, it is clear the members of this famous expedition were also interested in gaining personal profit through the sale of their photographs; 1 0 and as a result, they were probably more concerned with creating images of local Indians that pandered to popular tastes than in recording native life-styles as they existed in the late nineteenth century. In staging a p h o t o g r a p h subjects do not need to be put in costumes or posed in caricaFig. 6. Post card titled "Navajo Indian t u r e d ways in o r d e r for the Sand Painting" actually shows a Yei rug picture to be contrived and misleading. Subjects can be wearing their own traditional clothing and carrying on customary activities. One good example of this is a post card entitled "Navajo Indian Sand Painting," which was distributed on photo as well as linen-stock by Frasher's Photo of Pomona, California (see fig. 6). ,7 When this picture is examined carefully, it becomes evident that the appearance of the sand painting has been contrived. In fact, what is lying on the ground is not a sand painting but a Yei rug. If this was a real sand painting, the woman in the background would not be weaving during a ceremonial act that is sacred to the Navajo. Even when the appearance on a photograph is not staged, the photographer still exercises selection in deciding at what point to take a picture, whom to photograph, and in what setting. In photographs taken for commerical purposes, we rarely see a selection of pictures constituting representative scenes from the total stream of events and activities that people experience in their day-to-day life. 16

It is reported that Powell and Hillers earned as much as $4,100 for the rights to their Colorado River photographs. Ibid., p. 72. 17 T h e linen-stock view, # 3 A - H 4 8 , was published by Curteich of Chicago under contract with Frasher.


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Fig. 7. Grizzly Feathers of Sedona, Arizona, distributed this post card captioned "Navajo women taking their sheep to water in beautiful Monument Valley." Bob Bradshaw took the photograph in the early 1960s, but this card was printed and distributed in the 1970s.

Instead, we only receive very partial glimpses of peoples' lived-in experiences. These are the glimpses that the photographer has carefully chosen because they conform to his/her idea of what is interesting, unique, and exotic. T h e Navajos, for example, have been the most widely photographed Indian group in Utah. On the picture post card alone, over 600 different photographs have been printed since the early decades of the twentieth century. Of these pictures, nearly half show Navajo women weaving rugs, another quarter depict family groups in front of hogans, and most of the others show individuals posed against major natural attractions (i.e., Monument Valley). Fig. 7 is a good example of the kind of picture typically reproduced on modern post cards. While this view represents a real scene in the daily life of some Navajos, it is not part of the day-to-day experiences of the vast majority. Yet, it is this sort of view that the public most often sees, not pictures of Navajo women working as nurses in hospitals, as secretaries in offices, or as assembly-line workers in factories. By emphasizing the unique and exotic, post card pictures contribute directly to the public's incomplete, and therefore distorted, impression of what life is like for most present-day Navajos.


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At this point it is appropriate to make note of J o h n Berger's i m p o r t a n t distinction between "private" a n d "public" photographs. 18 A private photgraph is "a memento from a life being lived."10 It is embedded directly in the lives of those who are pictured and who view the photograph. Its meaning is personal and drawn directly from the lived-in experiences of those associated with the photograph. T h e pictures that people take for themselves, or have taken by others, and that fill the ubiquitous "family album" are of this order. T h e public photograph, in contrast, is removed completely from the historical setting in which it was taken and from the lives of the people who participated in its production. Its message is abstract and detached from the context in which it originated. As J o h n Berger states, "It offers information, but information severed from all lived experience. If the public photograph contributes to a memory, it is the memory of an unknowable and total stranger." 2 Multiple and external meanings, which have nothing to do with the lives of the people pictured, become associated with the public photograph. Most post cards fall into this category. Post cards play a significant role in the creation, and re-creation, of popular stereotypes, not only in terms of the pictures that they selectively illustrate but also in relation to the printed messages they convey. Post card captions tell the reader what is important to see and how it should be seen. T h e linen-stock print of fig. 2, for example, carries the following message: Pretty Eyes the Navajo Indian baby is carried in a cradle similar to this from birth until large enough to creep. T h o wrapped and bound, even in the summer, they seem quite happy and greet all strangers with a smile.

Compare this to the bizarre messages printed on a variety of H. H. T a m m o n cards of Ute Indians published during the first decade of the twentieth century. One caption is seen not only on the picture shown here (fig. 8) but also on a card entitled "Ute Medicine Man." 21 Another variation, which appears on a card entitled "Poor Um, Ute Brave," reads:

18

Berger, About Looking, pp. 51-53. Ibid., p. 52. 20 Ibid. 21 This card is part of an H. H. Tammon series of post cards depicting Utes; it is numbered 014. The subjects in the series are identical to those in the Rotograph set. 1!,


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wsz%>f< â&#x201A;Ź<?t<6> 209.

Touch-i-goo, Indian Squaw.

Fig. 8. "Touch-i-goo, Indian Squaw," published ca. 1905 by H. H. Tammon, comesfrom a widely distributed set ofpost cards depicting Ute Indians. It provides a good example of the kind of racist captions appearing on post cards with Indians.

I am sending you by to days train an Indian papoose in a carrier. I bought it from a Squaw on the Reservation. As soon as you get it, feed it some pins and needles and it will be good. 22

Among other things, this sort of message reinforces the stereotyped notion of the stoic Indian, immune to pain and suffering. In this kind of racist image-making, Indians are not real people. They are fetishized objects on which the public can vent all sorts of sadistic impulses. In fact, when messages such as these commonly appear on post cards depicting Ute men, they uphold and justify white aggression against the Indian. Another popular post card issued in the 1940s shows a Navajo family in front of a h o g a n , a n d its caption emphasizes the stereotyped idea that Indian people are backward and uncivilized: T h e Navajo Indians, 50,000 in number, show little influence of the advance of civilization, living by the primitive methods of their forefathers. Many of them live in such remote districts far from civilization that they seldom see a white man. 23 22

This card, # 0 1 5 , is from the same group as the "Ute Medicine Man." T h e card, entitled "Navajo Indian at Home," # 1 4 , was distributed by J. R. Willis of Albuquerque and Southwest Arts and Crafts of Santa Fe, New Mexico. It was published by Curteich of Chicago, #9A-H1638. 23


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T h e major point being made here is that public photographs are susceptible to any use or interpretation. They are readily manipulated in the interest of public fantasies and stereotypes that bear little or no relation to the actual experiences of those being pictured. We can see more clearly how this occurs by examining the kinds of post cards on which pictures of Utah Indians have appeared and the types of images that have dominated these pictures since the early twentieth century. CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN PHOTOGRAPHIC IMAGES OVER T I M E

How a photograph is read and the "language of images" 24 it conveys cannot be understood apart from the context in which it appears and the uses to which it is put. If we look at the post cards that have depicted Utah Indians since the early twentieth century, we find that they were produced and distributed to three very different audiences: local residents, national consumers, and regional tourists. For each audience the post card had different meanings and functions. Not surprisingly, the images of Utah Indians that dominated the post cards of each audience varied as well. Local Residents In the early decades of the twentieth century the post card was a popular medium on which private photographs were printed. T h e few individuals who owned cameras often printed their pictures on post card stock and mailed them to friends and relatives in near as well as distant places. Local studio photographers were also commissioned to produce photos on post cards for private use; and, incidentally, Indian people often had their own pictures issued on post cards in this way. Most private post cards of Utah Indians contain images that are not very different from the way of life Indian people actually led. Although not without their own forms of stereotyping, the private post card tended to emphasize the ordinary, everyday aspects of Indian life as it was lived in the early twentieth century. Most of these cards depicted the places where Utah Indians lived, worked, and celebrated; or they were taken in local studios with the same props and backgrounds used in photographs of neighboring whites. Execpt in photographs that pictured ceremonial activity (i.e., the Bear Dance), Indian people were seen in their everyday clothing 24

Cf. John Berger, Ways of Seeing (New York: Penguin Books, 1977), p. 48.


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which among the Paiutes and the Western S h o s h o n e s , for example, was fashioned after styles popular among whites in the pre-1920 era. In private post cards, I n d i a n subjects were photographed in an unpretentious and casual manner. T h e entire composition had a naive and unpolished quality. Generally speaking, private post cards conveyed an appearance in keeping with the observer's own associated image of Indian people. This image was embedded not only in the day-to-day experiences of the observer but also in the Fig. 9. Ute woman and child, ca. 1908, daily life of the Indian people photographer unknown. pictured. Fig. 9 is an example of a privately issued post card. This particular picture does not have any written message to help identify the woman and child photographed. This situation was not uncommon. Since private post cards were kept for personal use, the identity and meaning of the photograph would have been self-evident and drawn directly from the experiences of those who took and viewed it. T h e ethnic identity of the woman and child pictured is Ute. T h e child is the same as the one photographed by Frank Savage of Ogden in a picture widely reproduced on post cards during the first decade of the twentieth century. Besides appearing on a pioneer post card (fig. 10)25 sold in Ogden, this picture was also reproduced on various cards distributed by H. H. T a m m o n of Denver. 2 " 25 T h e expression "pioneer post card" refers to post cards printed during the 1890s. " I n c l u d i n g # 2 1 9 , entitiled "A Young Warrior," and # 8 1 4 , "I want to bring my clos' back home."

Fig. 10. Private mailing card reproduces photograph by Frank Savage of Ogden.

K

\ÂŤ.i


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In the decades before 1920 there were also many post cards that had a quasi-private status. These views were produced by studio photographers for sale to local audiences. Before cameras became a mass consumption item, and before photographs were commonly reproduced in newspapers and magazines, the post card was the primary medium on which pictures of local interest were printed. In Utah, as elsewhere, local studio photographers earned part of their living through the sale of pictures showing people, events, and places in their own and neighboring communities. Most of these pictures were issued in small numbers on post cards and printed on photo-stock. Where there was a large demand for a particular view, however, the photographer or another local retailer (e.g., druggist or variety store owner) would contract with a national post card manufacturer to have the picture reproduced in large quantities through a process known as lithography. In the areas where Utah Indians lived and traveled, they were included among the wide variety of pictures that studio photographers sold to local audiences. As in the privately used post cards of the era, Indian people were pictured in an ordinary way â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in the places where they commonly resided and visited, in the dress they customarily wore, and in poses that were candid and unassuming. When written messages on these post cards refer to the Indian subjects pictured they reveal that the p e r s o n sending the card either knew the subjects personally or knew from direct experience something about them. T h e Indian people on these locally produced cards were not strangers, they were persons with whom the observer had an immediate and concrete connection. Fig. 11. Post card distributed by E. F. Mische of Milford, Utah, was printed by American News Company of New York ca. 1910.


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Fig. 11 provides an example of this type of post card. If this card exhibits a stereotype, it is the widely held idea (especially common during the early twentieth century) that Indian people live to an exceptionally old age. In other respects, however, the picture is quite ordinary. It was taken in a studio with a background p r o p typical in the era. T h e man pictured is wearing his everday clothing, and he is posed in a very candid and unpretentious manner. Most of the post cards p r o d u c e d with S o u t h e r n Paiute, Gosiute, 27 and Western Shoshone subjects were either private or issued primarily for local consumption. When local types of post cards declined after 1920,28 post card pictures of these three groups also dwindled. Utes and Navajos, in contrast, have continued to appear on post cards until modern times. Not only were these two groups pictured on a wide variety of cards made for local audiences before 1920, but they were also seen on other types of post cards, including those published for national audiences and for tourists. National Consumers Very different from the cards created for local audiences were those produced by major publishing firms and destined for national as well as international consumption. During the first two decades of this century, post card publishers in Europe and in the urban centers of the United States produced sets and series of cards on a wide variety of different subjects, including state capitals, wildlife, royalty, presidents, and American Indians. Although some of these post card sets were sold in tourist areas in the West, the vast majority were distributed through mail order catalogues and retail outlets in cities and towns throughout the United States as well as Europe. During a time when photographs were not widely reproduced in other media, the post card and its predecessor, the stereoview, were the major media through which the public gained its visual image of people and scenes in distant and unfamiliar places.21' T h e pictures of American Indians that appeared in these sets appealed to a general consumer audience. Most of the pictures were 27 We have never seen an actual post card with a Gosiute subject, but we assume that, at least, privately used photogaphs of this group were printed on post cards. 28 Cf. Patricia Albers and William James, " T h e Dominance of Plains Indian Imagery in the Picture Post Card," Essays in Honor ofJohn Ewers (Cody, Wyoming: Museum of the Plains Indian, in press), for a more detailed discussion of the history of changing post card functions. 211 See George and Dorothy Miller's book, Picture Post Cards in the United States, 1893-1918 (New York: Clarkson N. Potter, Inc., 1976), for a general overview of the historical role of the picture post card.


Utah Historical Quarterly

86 OLD

COI.OHOW" C H I E F OK UTB

INDIANS

Fig. 12. Carson-Harper post card of Colorow, ca. 1901, reproduces a painted rendition of a photograph taken in the late nineteenth century by an unknown photographer. This post card of the Ute leader is one of several in a set called the "Rocky Mt. Series." Note written message on front of card.

portraits of Indian men who conformed to the popular image of the Indian as a "chief" or "warrior." T h e Ute Indians of Utah and Colorado were well represented in these early sets and series. Portrait pictures of Utes dominate some of the earliest post cards ever produced, including the work of the Denver publishers, CarsonHarper Company (see fig. 12), Buedingen Art Company, H. H. T a m m o n , and Williamson-Haffner. Ute portraits also appear on post cards published by the E. C. Kropp Company of Milwaukee, the Edward H. Mitchell Company of San Francisco, the Illustrated Post Card Company of New York, the Detroit Photostint Company of Detroit, and the Rotograph Company of New York. All told, there were well over a h u n d r e d different post cards with Ute subjects in various nationally produced sets and series. Most of the Ute pictures appearing on these post cards were taken in the late nineteenth century by studio photographers either in Washington, D.C., or Denver. But why were portrait photographs of Utes included in the popular card sets and series of the early twentieth century? Many of the forces and events that catapulted the figure of the Plains Indian into the national limelight also influenced the early appearance of


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Ute Indians on picture post cards. 30 First, and most important, the Utes lived a life and dressed in a fashion that conformed to the popular image of the Indian as a Plains Indian. Second, the Utes were known to the American public. It is important to remember that when post cards were first issued, Anglo-Americans were removed by only a few decades from their hostilities with the Utes. Another question that must be asked is why the preponderance of portraiture in the post cards that depict Utes? A significant characteristic of portraiture is that it places its subjects in pictures devoid of historical content. When a historical context is lacking, as provided by scenes of people engaged in activity or surrounded by features of their material environment, it is possible to remove a picture's subject from an authentic setting and place it in a situation where it does not belong. In other words, it becomes easy to project fantasized meanings onto pictures that have no basis in the lived, historical realities of the picture's principal subjects. In the case of pictures of Utes, historical authenticity was largely irrelevant. What mattered was the "artistic" illusion of the Ute as the "noble" savage. Standing stately before the camera, the Ute conveyed a picture of dignity and pride. He was the noble foe, the vanquished but valiant warrior. His romanticized life of equestrian buffalo-hunting and raiding could live on forever in the public imagination. No matter that the way of life he symbolized had been destroyed, and no matter that the people he represented lived in poverty and despair on reservations. By glorifying the Utes, who after all were a critical obstacle in the way of American expansion, the public ennobled itself and its fight against the Indian. And notwithstanding the fact that the Utes were stereotyped as wild and degraded savages when fighting was taking place with the whites, they were ultimately accorded a romantic place in America's mythical history. Along with other Indians who conformed to the Plains Indian model, the Utes came to symbolize the courageous and cunning foe who challenged the Anglo-American warrior. This image of the noble and spirited warrior became the national symbol of the American Indian, and it gained widespread appeal on the picture post card. In this light, it is significant to point out that other Utah Indians were not as frequently represented in national post card sets and 30 For a more in-depth discussion of this issue cf. Patricia Albers and William James, "Post Card Images of the American Indian, the Collectible Sets of the Pre-1920 Era," American Post Card Journal 7 (November 1982): 17-19, and Patricia Albers, "Post Cards of the Ute," Barr's Post Card News, January 1980, pp. 4-6.


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series. A few pictures of Navajo and Southern Paiute women and children a p p e a r in the ethnographically oriented sets by the Williamson-Haffner Company of Denver, the Selige Company of St. Louis, and the internationally renowned firm of Tuck and Sons in London, England. These sets, however, were never as popular or as widely distributed as those representing Indian people in a Plains Indian image. Regional Tourists During the period when post card sets of American Indians were being distributed nationwide, there was also an enormous output of post cards aimed at local and regional tourist markets. In Utah and the greater Southwest, local Indians were a popular subject in post cards sold at curio shops, resort hotels, scenic attractions, and train stations along the routes of the transcontinental railways. Fred Harvey, who was the major concessionaire in the Southwest for the Santa Fe Railway, distributed hundreds of different Indian post cards. Railway companies like the Union Pacific issued post cards to give to passengers en route to destinations in the West, and some of these included pictures of western Indians. All of the Indian groups in Utah, with the possible exception of the Western Shoshones and Gosiutes, were represented on post cards that were produced primarily for tourists. T h e Nevada relatives of Utah's Southern Paiutes were seen on a few cards distributed by the Union Pacific and other railways. T h e Utes appeared not only on the national sets, which were sold locally in tourist outlets, but they were also seen on a small number of cards issued by regional and local distributors of souvenirs and novelties. T h e Navajos, however, were the ones who received the greatest coverage in the early tourist-oriented post cards. Besides appearing on cards sold u n d e r the Fred Harvey name, they were well represented in the regional card selections of H. H. T a m m o n , Williamson-Haffner, and Curteich of Chicago. T h e popularity of Navajos in the tourist-oriented post cards of the pre-1920 era was clearly a function of their distinctive way of life. In this period of history, as today, a major feature of tourism was sightseeing, journeying to worlds apart from the common and everyday aspects of life. What could have been more distant and removed from the life of the early middle- and upper-class traveler than the cultures of southwestern Indian groups like the Navajos,


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who dressed in traditional costumes, lived in hogans, and created exotic crafts. It was the Navajos' unique culture, and that of their pueblo-dwelling neighbors, that served as a major attraction for the promotion and expansion of tourism in the Southwest. T h e Fred Harvey Company, for example, organized special tours to Indian communities, known as "Indian Detours." These trips, which were expensive and confined largely to upper-class easterners, brought tourists to a wide variety of Indian communities to witness ceremonials, to watch native craftspeople at work, and, more generally, to take in the ambience of life in what was advertised as an "enchanted" and "picturesque" world. 31 T h e Navajos most often pictured in the early tourist-oriented cards were from Arizona and New Mexico. Utah's Navajos, in contrast, were not as readily seen by outsiders. Removed and isolated from the major tourist areas reached by the railway, these Navajos were rarely subjects on the early post cards sold to tourists. It was not until the years after 1920, when automobile tourism emerged and when roads were open in the Four Corners region, that Utah Navajos became a popular post card subject. In fact, by the mid1960s, Navajos living in the Monument Valley area of Utah and Arizona had become the most frequently photographed Indian group on picture post cards. But if the appearance of Utah Navajos on post cards rose steadily in the years after 1920, post card pictures of other Utah Indians declined dramatically. T h e Southern Paiutes of Utah, Arizona, and Nevada were rarely seen on post cards for tourists, and after 1950 their pictures were virtually absent from this medium. T h e Utes continued to appear on post cards but only on a small number of views. Most of these pictures were sold in areas around their reservation settlements. Today, no more than five different pictures of Utes are seen on post card racks in Vernal and Roosevelt; and with the exception of one picture, all of the cards are reproductions of photographs taken in the late 1950s. Why, with the exception of the Navajos, did post card pictures of Utah's Indians dwindle? Probably one of the most important factors was the changing function of the post card itself. After 1920 the use of post cards as private mementos of local people, scenes, and events disappeared rapidly. Also in decline was the national publi31

1978).

Cf. D. H. Thomas, The Southwestern Indian Detours (Phoenix: Hunter Publishing Company,


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cation of topically oriented sets and series, including those that depicted American Indians. T h e two major types of post cards on which Utah's Indians had regularly appeared were no longer present. Increasingly, post cards functioned only as souvenirs for tourists. When this happened, the Indian groups who were not a focal point of regional tourism and its promotion gradually vanished from the picture post card. Only Indian peoples such as the Navajos, whose unique life-styles could be exploited to attract exotic tourist interests, remained an important subject in this medium. Yet, as indicated before, the pictures of the Navajos that have become so popular on post cards represent only restricted aspects of Navajo life in modern times. What is emphasized in these post cards is the hogan, not government tract housing, people in traditional garb, not Anglo-style clothing, and individuals posed in the scenic beauty of Canyon de Chelly, not workers in the coal fields of Black Mesa. In short, there is a major discrepancy in what the tourist sees on post cards and what the life of most Navajos is like.32 Modern tourism and the visual images that represent it seek to subvert real experience by making secular myths appear "real." 33 In the case of Utah's Indians, their place in tourism has been "real" only when their actual conditions and struggles have been hidden and when their past has been transformed into a curiosity â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a relic. But when Indian people and their cultures are fetishized, they become subject to the meanings and manipulations of alien interests â&#x20AC;&#x201D; those of tourists searching for romantic and spurious links with the symbolic Indian and those of entrepreneurs looking for ways to profit from the public's enchantment with the Indian myth. CONCUUSIONS

When the totality of post card pictures of Utah Indians is examined, one cannot help but recognize the diversity of Indian images that have appeared on this medium. Some post cards, especially those produced for local audiences in the early twentieth century, illuminated Indian life as it was lived and experienced. T h e vast majority of cards, however, have promoted illusions of Indian life in 32 This situation can be compared with what has happened to post card images of Indian people in the Great Lakes region; cf. Patricia Albers and William James, "Tourism and the Changing Photographic Image of the Great Lakes Indian," Annuals of Tourism Research 10 (1983): 123-48. 33 Cf. Nelson Graburn, "Tourism: T h e Sacred Journey," Hosts and Guests, ed. Valine Smith (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1977), pp. 17-31; and D. MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Schocken Books, 1976).


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the twentieth century. In the post cards produced for national audiences and tourists, the illusion of the Indian has come to represent the "reality" for vast numbers of Americans. Little wonder, then, that tourists become disappointed when they travel to the West and find that the Indian people seen in tourist brochures, posters, and post cards are not the same as those seen on the streets of places like Vernal and Cedar City, Utah. One consequence of viewing Indian people in terms of their post card image is that they are perceived as no longer "Indian." Instead, many Americans believe that Indians are a dead chapter in American history; they are vanishing, if not vanished, relics of an earlier era. Such stereotypical thinking, of course, obscures any real understanding of either the historical or contemporary conditions and struggles of American Indian people living in Utah and elsewhere in the western United States.


After 150 Years: The Latter-day Saints in Sesquicentennial Perspective. By THOMAS G. ALEXANDERand JESSIE L. EMBRY. ([Provo, Ut.]: Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, 1983. viii + 207 pp. $6.95.) A collection of essays about Mormonism, this work is distinguished as much by the omission of compositions on subjects relevant to the Latter-day Saint sesquicentennial as by those topics that are included. This observation may mean only that the editors' space limitations precluded tackling a d d i t i o n a l t h e m e s such as e q u a l rights, changes in church traditions, implications of the upcoming succession in the church presidency, priesth o o d for the blacks, M o r m o n materialism as evidenced by the proliferation of U t a h - b a s e d scams, church intrusion into secular affairs, the church educational system, and the c h u r c h as a c o r p o r a t e entity. Editors Alexander and Embry do not set out any obvious principles gove r n i n g their delimitations for this work. Essays in this t h i r t e e n t h monograph from the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies are tied together by form and content: they are personal discourses that deal with Mormon social and political adjustment over the past 150 years. What pervades these expositions and further unifies them is a sense of optimism c o n c e r n i n g the church's future in terms of continued success through head count, aggrandizement in wealth a n d power, intellectual strength, administrative efficiency, and devout conformity. T h e church will continue to roll forward whether by computer, missionary conversions, Mormon imaginative literature, or

sophisticated development in learning and transmitting the significance of its own history. This is a cozy inhouse consequential view. Four of the six authors teach at the church university, Brigham Young (where the Redd Center is located), and one at the University of Utah. One contributor is a non-Mormon. I find all the essays rather stimulating. Naturally, some notions are personally more intriguing to me than others. (I might add that all the ideas a r e accessible to the r e c r e a t i o n a l reader.) I shall lay out only three of several c o n c e p t s . J a n S h i p p s , t h e non-Mormon professor, asserts that Mormons do not yet have a handle on reality concerning the past of their own church. Joseph Smith said that no man knew his history; her idea is that Mormons may not yet know his or theirs. For instance, Latter-day Saints need more historiography: knowing the events s u r r o u n d i n g the t r a n sitional time of the Manifesto period is one example. T h e r e is a lot of Mormon history but not enough agreement a m o n g historians. T w o such literati as Mark Leone (Roots of Modern Mormonism) and Klaus Hansen (Mormonism and the American Experience) agree about the general thesis, which is also Shipps's, that Mormonism has survived and prospered because of the leadership ability to remodel the church politically, socially, economically, and even doctrinally. Yet, for Shipps, these authors and others do


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not agree sufficiently about the details of the Mormon past. Even though her solution to this problem may not be acceptable to every historian, it ought to be read. Incidentally, Professor Shipps's panacea does not mention the coherence truth-theory as a continuing means for getting at a definitive historical picture. Eugene England's thesis in his description of the Mormon attempt to make critically acceptable creative literature is that the ideal form is the personal essay, and the content, however inventive it may be, should be riveted to orthodox Mormon practice and dogma. England labors over the notion that the Mormon writer can be as conventionally Mormon as Flannery O'Connor was conventionally Catholic. (I was not much interested in the doctrine of the hypostatic union in her "A Good Man Is Hard to Find"; however, I never will forget her representation of the Misfit. But I will agree that the doctrine of the hypostatic union is part of the Misfit's character.) If England's Mormon author fails to attract a vast audience, the Mormon reading public alone must suffice. Why? Because he must remain a true follower of Christ while writing of Mormon traditions, practices, and spiritual experiences in a most believing way without being obtrusively didactic in the telling â&#x20AC;&#x201D; whether it be in poetry, drama, the short story, the novel, or the essay. He should tailor his writing so it conforms to church doctrine. It is indeed possible to practice "relating scholarship and artistic achievement to moral character or religious faith â&#x20AC;&#x201D; of connecting truth and goodness to beauty." In short, England says the great Mormon creative writers living or to be born will succeed by virtue of their Mormon virtues and not by their vices.

tinually adapting technological advances to an extent that might alarm some church members; however, the o r g a n i z a t i o n is b u s i n e s s - o r i e n t e d a n y h o w , so a c c e p t i n g most any technology as a tool for b r i n g i n g about desired change may never be insuperable: really, Mormon leadership has followed the western world into the postindustrial age. Allen's idea clearly is that the church will accommodate to any technology it can exploit successfully. Mormons are marrying technology and religion as the sine qua non for continued pragmatic success. Indeed, this marriage has been consummated in some repects: in the building program; communications; the financial department; missionary calls; the automated donations system; the membership department. Are Mormons prepared to accept such unsentimental efficiency (admittedly not yet integrated into one overall plan to "develop a t h e o r y of systematic technological planning for the entire c h u r c h " ) ? M o r e : will t h e c h u r c h m e m b e r s h i p a d a p t to genetic engineering? Clearly, given the church's history of expedient modification as viewed t h r o u g h o u t these essays, I have to answer yes, although such yea-saying by the membership may be disconcertingly cultish. T h e p l e a s u r e of r e a d i n g t h e s e commentaries is dulled by a slight uneasiness: I think my difficulty lies in attempting to reconcile conflicting images of sentimentally idyllic and r u r a l M o r m o n i s m , so very wellremembered by Edward Geary in this volume, with the intensity of singleminded Mormons bent on filling the whole earth by using divers means to reach that end. Please let the end never justify the measures; or, God does not design microchips.

Assumed vaunted success in literature and technology may be coeval. T h e church, says James Allen, is con-

ROBERT DALTON

Dixie College


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J. Reuben Clark: The Church Years. By D. MICHAEL QUINN. (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1983. xvi + 334 pp. $9.95.) This book is the second of a twovolume series dealing with the life of J. Reuben Clark. T h e first, J. Reuben Clark: The Public Years, was authored by Frank Fox. This monograph deals with Clark's involvement with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, with particular emphasis on the years from 1933 to 1961 when he served as a counselor to H e b e r J. G r a n t , G e o r g e Albert Smith, a n d David O. McKay. This twenty-eightyear period of time as a counselor in the First Presidency of the Mormon church was the longest that any counselor has ever served in that capacity. T h e book is divided into two parts. T h e first deals chronologically with Clark's church service, while the second half of the volume has eight topical chapters serving to elaborate on several aspects of Clark's service. Quinn has done extensive research for this volume and yet readily admits that the minutes of the First Presidency were not available for his use. Therefore, the present biography of President Clark's Church service had to rely on the scattered and incomplete references to his decision-making function found in such documents as his personal papers and those of his associates. Source availability determined the depth and breadth of the biography (p. xiv). T h e book is not without its frankness and its bias, both from Clark and from Quinn. Quinn writes as a historian and as a believing Latter-day Saint, noting his belief in divine inspiration of church leaders who are "mortal men with men's infirmities." Although born in Grantsville and spending his college days at the University of Utah where he graduated as v a l e d i c t o r i a n in 1898, J . R e u b e n

Clark, Jr., spent most of his adult life prior to his calling into the First Presidency outside the state of Utah. His involvement with the c h u r c h was often limited by geography and by his own choice. He noted that the payment of tithing was a real struggle and that the bad feelings he harbored toward Sen. Reed Smoot were based on other than church activities, but they affected his church activity in the Washington, D.C., area. Quinn notes Clark's strict observance of the Word of Wisdom requirement during the first decade of the twentieth century although the general church practice was still in a transitional phase. Clark was involved in d e e p religious thought and study during this period of his life and moved away from a strict adherence to facts to a faithoriented religious philosophy. Clark's calling to the First Presidency in 1933 when he was sixty-one years old was unusual. Heber J. Grant had to reach beyond the normal circle of church authorities, and so he called Clark as his counselor in that year and as an apostle in 1934. Clark's philosophy as counselor was When we were discussing some subject the President would turn to each of us and say, "What do you think about this?" or "What is your opinion?" When he asked me I gave it to him straight from the shoulder, as forthrightly as I knew how, even though my opinion was sometimes contrary to his. Then there was the business of resolving our different points of view. But when the President of the Church finaly [sic] declared, "Brethren, I feel that this should be our decision," President Clark said, "That was the Prophet speaking, and I stopped counseling and accepted without question the decision that he thus announced"(p. 290).


Book Reviews and Notices Quinn notes that Clark was always a strong counselor but never the "power behind the throne." It is in the area of First Presidency discussions and decisions that the records of the First Presidency would have been helpful in fleshing out the historical J. Reuben Clark. Prior to his participation in the First Presidency and particularly relating to the political activity of Reed Smoot (both an apostle and a U.S. senator), Clark had strongly opposed political involvement by church leaders. Yet he found it very difficult to r e m a i n u n i n v o l v e d a n d silent on political questions, including his antagonism to New Deal policies. His own involvement in the Republican party had been such that he was often suggested as a candidate for senator or governor, and such suggestions were often h a r d for him to resist. During his years in the First Presidency he served actively in a wide variety of non-church postions and on a n u m b e r of n o n - c h u r c h b o a r d s . Clark r e g u l a r i z e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e practices for the First Presidency. Quinn notes his difficulties in dealing with aging church presidents, his differences of philosophy with other church leaders, and the human problems of family members of church

95 leaders which Clark dealt with. Some of his strong feelings about church practices did not come to fruition until after his death and the movement into the decision-making role of some of his "proteges," including Harold B. Lee and Spencer W. Kimball. Quinn suggests that although Clark was a c o u n s e l o r he a d v o c a t e d a number of innovations that became church practices, including the centrally directed church welfare plan, reorganization of church finances, establishment of assistants to the Quorum of Twelve Apostles, establ i s h m e n t of r e g i o n a l p r i e s t h o o d l e a d e r s h i p , closed-circuit m e d i a broadcasts of general conferences to outlying church wards and stakes, simultaneous translation of general conferences into the languages of non-English speakers, and construction of multi-ward buildings. Certainly Clark was in the forefront of these innovations, but again without c o m p l e t e d o c u m e n t a t i o n of the church decision-making processes, we are left in the dark as to Clark's actual and total role in these decisions.

RICHARD W. SADLER

Weber State College

The Making of a Ranger: Forty Years with the National Parks. By LEMUEL A. GARRISON. (Salt Lake City: Howe Brothers and the Institute of the American West, Sun Valley, 1983. x + 310 pp. Cloth, $19.95; paper, $10.95.) Reading this autobiography is like experiencing a great symphony, or hearing a strirring sermon on the "Divine Land Ethic," or listening to Lon Garrison at a campfire relate the history of America's scenic wonderlands, interspersed with personal comments on his family and the National Park

family: . . . At daybreak Frank [Barry] and I walked in about 100 yards [off Yellowstone Lake]. We were in a

completely hushed and primitive environment. There was nothing to indicate that man had ever stood here before â&#x20AC;&#x201D; no ax marks, no footprints, just a quiet, deep spongy moss. We sat on a moss-draped log and conversed in whispers. I thought of John Muir's great dream: "Let nature's stillness and peace flow into you. . . ." It was humbling. We could hear the silence.


96 As we returned to the dinghy we found on the wave-washed beach the memorabilia of the boater and the fisherman â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the indestructible bits of nylon line, a wad of tin foil, bits of paper and plastic and a tin can. The moment of tranquility was lost. Before he went to Texas A 8c M University to lecture on outdoor lore and law, Lemuel A. Garrison had held thirteen different positions with the National Park Service. This Nebraska native who grew u p at Caldwell, Idaho, began his career as a firefighter in Alaska with the U.S. Forest Service, was a "seasonal" at Sequoia National Park, and served as a ranger at Yosemite, chief r a n g e r at Washington, D.C., and as superintendent or assistant at Glacier in Montana, Grand Canyon in Arizona, and Yellowstone in Wyoming-Montana. He was also regional director of the NPS at Omaha and Philadelphia, national chief of conservation and protection, and "helmsman" for the Mission 66 program that enriched the then failing national park system. He was head man at.Hopewell Village in Pennsylvania and Big Bend in Texas, and he directed the NPS Ranger Training Academy. Garrison gained wide acquaintance and devotees in Utah during his tenure at Yellowstone (where he won a notable fight in 1961 to zone Yel-

Utah Historical Quarterly lowstone Lake for motorboats) and maybe at Grand Canyon and Omaha. This ex-Salt Lake editorial writer thinks of Garrison in retrospect as always being persuasively present when national park problems were at serious issue. He undoubtedly remains the best known NPS official, with the possible exception of the late Bates Wilson of Canyonlands. Unlike many NPS officials, Lon Garrison made it his special project to win friends and influence p e o p l e in n e i g h b o r i n g communities and states â&#x20AC;&#x201D; wherever he could find them. He made anyone he could reach feel that he or she was important to the national parks. Lon Garrison's wife, Inger, who must have suffered d u r i n g those f o u r t e e n c h a n g e s of r e s i d e n c e , emerges as a heroine of Garrison's personal life and professional career. She did ceramics work wherever they lived and could set up her equipment. A daughter, Karen, and son, Lars, who is engaged in international energy sales, emerge as flesh-and-blood individuals. And the death of another son in a ski tow accident is described with devastating depth of feeling. Garrison's descriptions of natural p h e n o m e n a a r e as m e m o r a b l e as those of what man is doing to nature's jewels. ERNEST H. LINFORD

Laramie, Wyoming

Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870. By SYLVIA (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983. 301 pp. $21.50.) A good history text is a book that gives its reader new information, new interpretations, and new insights into the subject matter it presents. A very good text includes these same ingredients but, in addition, creates a tension of thought, a spirit of excitement that comes when a reader's imagina-

VAN KIRK.

tion is stimulated to the point that it j u m p s beyond the printed page and roams into new questions and speculations never before conceived. An excellent text is all of the above but is written in a style so well constructed and with words so carefully selected that the printed language itself takes


Book Reviews and Notices on an aura of beauty and life. Sylvia Van Kirk's first work on the women of the early fur-trade era in Canada is a very good text and one that will be considered in all bibliographies of fur-trade history for generations to come. T h r o u g h meticulous research and careful scholarship, this social historian has reintroduced us to a period of fur-trade history but from a totally new and e n g a g i n g perspective â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that of the women involved. Beginning with the founding of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1670 and continuing through the end of the old fur-trade order with the transfer of Rupert's Land to Canada in 1870, Van Kirk constructs an excellent picture of the lives, roles, a n d p r o b l e m s of women of the time. She points out that in the beginning the two major fur companies established definite but different policies for the governance of their employees' private lives. T h e Hudson's Bay Company, ruled directly from England, had the most unrealistic policy r e f e r r e d to as a "military monasticism." All employees were subjected to the strictest discipline and were required to live "virtuous, celibate lives, performing religious o b s e r v a n c e s a n d e s c h e w i n g d r i n k i n g and gambling." T h e enforcement of such rules, however, relied upon the power and desire of the enforcing officer and the geographic distance between the trader and the company post. Obviously, it was not long until modifications began to take place. T h e North West Company, on the other hand, was far more realistic in its approach, even advocating the formation of liaisons between its employees and the native women. T h e officers recognized that Indian mates for their traders opened doors for commerce with the natives and that the knowledge of Indian life and customs gained through such experience could only benefit the company.

97 T h e role of an Indian woman who left her tribe to live with a trader was far from insignificant; fur t r a d e would not have been nearly as successful if there had been no miscegenation. T h e work women did in making clothes, snowshoes, preparing food, and even trapping saved traders a great amount of time, allowing them to proceed directly with their work. At the same time, these Indian women should not be viewed just as sexually exploited servants. According to Van Kirk, the women actually benefited the most. Once an Indian married a trader her status within her own tribe increased. If, for whatever reason, she did return, she was highly respected and could easily find an Indian mate. With the white man, she gained access to many great conveniences of the industrialized world. Those that made her life much easier included metal cooking pans, matches, cloth, steel tools, and cabins. Although many of the Indian woman's duties were similar to those of her peers who stayed with the tribe, they were now more easily performed. Also, if she could learn the traders' language, she often acted as an interpreter, and many women thus rose to positions of great influence. If a "turning off' (ending of a relationship when the t r a d e r returned to Europe) did occur, most white husbands found their women a substitute mate to take their place. S o m e even p r o v i d e d a n n u i t i e s through the fur company for the women's continued support. Van Kirk's work can be considered quite remarkable when one realizes the handicap of having to depict accurately the women's environment and social structure while being restricted to sources consisting primarily of men's correspondence, reports, wills, and journals. This is especially true in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In later generations, when more mixed-blood women began to


98 obtain formal education, she was able to supplement her reseach with some of their personal correspondence. For this reason, relationships of women to one another are only hinted at until the end of the book. White women did not come into western Canada until the nineteenth century. With their arrival, Indian and mixed-blood wives found the social positions they had struggled to attain gravely threatened. Ironically, it was the European woman far more than any other force that created racism and class consciousness. Perhaps it was because the white women were threatened by the adaptability of their native counterparts and the fact that native women, more acculturated to the environment, proved to be more of an asset to traders. T h e r e was serious competition for m a r r i a g e a b l e males, but Victorian traditions and the growing white female population slowly began to dominate. T h e author lists numerous examples and accounts of specific individuals to prove each of her basic theses. Perhaps herein lies the one weakness of the book: it does tend to become a bit repetitive. (This is also partially due to the fact that it was originally written as a dissertation. Where one or two examples usually suffice to establish a point in a book for the public, a dissertation has the tendency to include several examples no matter how detailed.) This one criticism is minor

Utah Historical Quarterly and should not affect any but the most cursory readers. While annoying to some, it also has a positive effect for it helps the author avoid the melodramatic and sentimental descriptions that often occur when too much time is given to only a few characters. This woman's perspective of the fur-trade is unique and necessary. Excellent as both economic and social history, it raises n u m e r o u s u n a n swered questions. What about women in the American fur trade compared to their Canadian counterparts? Were their relationships, conditions, and social structures similar? Did American trappers take a more cavalier attitude toward Indian women than their British and French cousins? Was the chivalry of American mountain men a derivative of the British example or was it an extension of the American colonial version? etc. With this work Van Kirk creates many more questions than she answers. It should keep scholars working on new projects for some years to come. Most certainly it indicates that man works harder and succeeds far better when supported by a wife and family regardless of the hardships and environment involved. T h e Canadian fur trade would certainly have progressed at a much slower rate had it not been for its "many tender ties." DELMONT R. OSWALD

Utah Endowment for the Humanities

Historians and the American West. Edited by MICHAEL P. MALONE. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983. xii + 449 pp. $24.95.) In the past twenty years a revolution has swept through American scholarship, replacing more traditional diplomatic and political issues with new social, ethnic, and economic concerns. Even the most cursory comparison of today's professional journals with those of the 1960s and 1970s clearly illustrates the changing inter-

ests of American historians. Perhaps no other area of scholarly endeavor has changed as much as the field of American western history. One generation ago the American West was at the center of popular culture; films, books, and television programs worshipped the frontier, transforming Frederick Jackson Turner's thesis into


Book Reviews and Notices a national cult of individualism and democracy. T h e American West was a fitting altar for a society still interested in hero worship. But just as the sagebrush sets of the 1950s have given way to the high-tech imagination of Star Wars and E. T., the older questions and adulation of the frontier, mountain men, or environmental determinism have receded into the past. A new generation of historians is now asking new sets of q u e s t i o n s a b o u t t h e American West. Michael P. Malone's Historians and the American West provides an excellent survey of this remarkable scholarly transformation. Written by today's most notable western historians, the essays in Historians and the American West carefully and comprehensively examine the historiography of seventeen major western history topics. A few of them — Gordon B. Dodd's essay on the fur trade, W. T u r r e n t i n e Jackson's on transportation, Dennis Burger's on Manifest Destiny, a n d K e n n e t h Owens's on government and politics in the nineteenth century — focus on the h i s t o r i o g r a p h y of t r a d i t i o n a l themes and some of the classic works in w e s t e r n h i s t o r y . H e r b e r t T . Hoover's and Robert C. Carriker's essays on American Indian historiography both demonstrate the failure of ethnographers and historians to cross disciplinary lines and the superiority of public policy studies in the field. Other western "minority groups" are handled in Sandra Myres's article on women in the West, Thomas Alexander's excellent piece on Mormon historiography, and Frederick Leubke's superb analysis of the literature on

99 i m m i g r a t i o n a n d ethnicity in t h e trans-Mississippi West. Donald Cutter's essay on the Spanish borderlands adequately surveys the classic works of p e o p l e like H e r b e r t B o l t o n a n d Hubert Howe Bancroft, along with more recent studies of politics and settlement p a t t e r n s , but curiously enough neglects the recent monographs on Mexican American history. Several essays focus on economic concerns in the West — Gilbert C. Fite on the historiography of farming and ranching, William Lang on economics a n d the e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d Clark Spence on the mining frontier. Finally, four historians have provided first-rate studies of relatively new historical fields. Richard M. Brown's article on the historiography of violence in the West is excellent, as is Richard Etulain's on cultural history. F. Alan Coombs and Bradford Luckingham have written on still virgin fields — the urban history of the West and the twentieth-century West. Michael P. Malone and the University of Nebraska Press deserve a good deal of credit for bringing out such an excellent work. For every scholar and graduate working in the area of western history, the book is a must, one which will be referred to again and again. For anyone else interested in beginning a study of the American West or researching a particular topic in the field, Historians and the American West will be the place to start.

JAMES S. OLSON

Sam Houston State University Huntsville, Texas

The Rocky Mountains: A Vision for Artists in the Nineteenth Century. By PATRICIA TRENTON and PETER H. HASSRICK. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press in association with the Buffalo Bill Historical Center, Cody, Wyoming, 1983. xii + 418 pp. $65.00.) First impressions are rather sensual. T h e book has a substantive heft

to it, and the jacket a pleasing warm design centered on a grand Bierstadt


100 m o u n t a i n s c a p e . T h u m b i n g it, one feels a nice coated paper with opacity enough, and the scattered color plates draw the eye. T h e extensive and readable notes and bibliography suggest that here indeed is a valuable reference work. First impressions are deceptive in both a positive and negative way. Justice is not d o n e the greatest strength of the book — the text — by first impressions. T h e authors formed a fortunate collaboration, and the deft stroke of the editor's hand was felt in blending the two minds and styles. T h e acknowledgments, notes, bibliography, and index indicate a longtime search t h r o u g h many sources and ecompassing two graduate school projects and beyond. T h e result is a chronological move t h r o u g h a fascinating spectrum of painters and sketchers, both prominent and obscure. Each chapter is a delightful j o u r n e y , readable a n d facilely designed to grip a range of readers. Alas, in most of life's endeavors we fall short of perfection. Beyond a little "ghost" type (pp. 6 8 , 8 1 , 308, 321) and a negative scratch (p. 415), t h e r e looms a pervasive flaw. T h e blackand-white halftone reproductions are dismal, weak and flat on the page. Even the lithographs and engravings, with contrast built into the medium, are unacceptable. This is most disappointing in a book of this scope, intent, and format, and ironic in a book so freely discussing means of r e p resentation of art and the interpretation of engravers. T h e color plates are much better but still suspect because of a few examples this writer is familiar with. T h e most glaring is Bierstadt's Sunset Light, Wind River Range of the Rocky Mountains. T h e color separator must have read the title, for the color shift is extreme and the reproduction totally unrepresentative. T h e interesting brown and red points of detail are

Utah Historical Quarterly obscured, and the subtle greens in meadow and mountain, the blues in sky and water are totally eliminated. While color is a subjective matter in any reproduction (or original), this version bathes the entire work in orange and turns it from a Bierstadt to some copy photographer's false color interpretation. (For comparison, see pp. 28-29 in the August 1982 Ensign. T h e designer vividly recalls having trouble separating the 4 x 5 transparency he had shot by the same source this book credits.) One needs to see original works to make a final determination. Following is a sampling from many pleasures and a few gentle criticisms. "Art" remains a generally neglected source of insight for historical interpretation and change in the physical and cultural landscape. This book can serve as an inspiration in that direction. It is refreshing to see a pair of maps in the early pages and references to Fenneman and Atwood in defining geographical bounds of the Rockies (C. B. H u n t and others are more current and specific). T h e recent Fuller map is a nice gesture but more decorative than useful. It is impossible to trace even the major surveys mentioned in the text with it, let alone routes of some of the major artists. T h e significant influence of Alexander von Humboldt, the great precursor of the eclectic synthesizer and interpreter of phenomena in space — the geographer — is noted. His successors would like to see some cartographic interpretation of the text. Bierstadt's "pictorial artifices" (p. 126) of a photographer's eye for light, shadow directions and qualities, and selective focus and enlargement of foreground detail are noted for their "dramatic overtones." But this viewer wonders if they don't come closer to the emotional, sensory response than do the more literal interpretations of


Book Reviews and Notices e i t h e r m e d i u m . T h e q u e s t i o n is perhaps answered in the quote (p. 143) of an 1866 Rocky Mountain News writer responding to an art critic: ". . . They never see such a combination of scenery; such clouds a n d storm, such lights and shadows; hence they are in d o u b t if such can be. . . . He had better travel and learn, or else dry up." Bayard Taylor wrote in 1867 (p. 116), "You cannot cram this scenery into the compass of a block-book. . . . T h e eye is continually cheated, the actual being so much more than the apparent dimensions of all objects. . . . Even photographs here have the same dwarfed diminished expression. I can now see how naturally Bierstadt was led to a large canvas." Impressive of most of the artists represented in this book is their attitude of exploration, their exuberance in seeing and responding in their given medium to places new to them, their tenacity under trying living and traveling conditions, and their heightened powers of observation and appreciation. May we all take a leaf from their sketchbooks. T h e era of the great surveys was a transitional one, and we are fortunate to have the work of painters and sketchers as well as photographers because in the following few decades halftone reproduction of continuous tone photographs became practical and commonplace in printed reports. Unfortunately, artists in nonphotographic media were soon d r o p p e d from the geologic entourage. As the involved wet-plate process was replaced with smaller c a m e r a s a n d e m u l s i o n - c o a t e d films, even t h e specialist photographer artist disappeared from the survey teams as the geologists themselves, armed with box and folding cameras, "did their own thing" with widely varying results. This development was generally regrettable in that each medium and

101 each artist is uniquely capable of better r e n d e r i n g certain features for communication. A breadth of technique was lost. A full chapter is devoted to Thomas Moran; read and enjoy. Note that his oil, The Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone, 1872, is 84 x \44lA inches. It was recently h a n g i n g at the Buffalo Bill Historical Center. Moran said of it, "I did not wish to realize the scene literally, but to preserve and convey its true impression" (p. 184). In another fascinating story, Moran's working r e l a t i o n s h i p , s o m e w h a t symbiotic, with p h o t o g r a p h e r J a c k s o n is recounted. Called "basically a realist with a romantic spirit," Moran is given this sensitive tribute by the authors: "Despite his eclectic means, Moran's emotionally charged, romantic, grand mountainscapes find few competitors; in the end they even outshine their German models" (p. 205). U t a h r e a d e r s s h o u l d enjoy F. Piercy's 1853 study of Salt Lake City from Capitol Hill in its original pencil version! We are accustomed to seeing the engraved version from The Route from Liverpool to Great Salt Lake Valley. While more graphic and crisp, it has lost some subtlety and added a large, dramatic but obscuring cloud shadow. A. Tissandier's work should be mentioned for its culture landscape history content. T h e examples are from Leadville, Colorado, and Yellowstone, but the collection is extensive and housed at the University of Utah's Museum of Fine Arts. " T h e Regional Scene" (chap. 9) opens with a note that only Utah and Colorado were able to support local art communities and that "the land of Zion on Earth" experienced earlier growth and development due to its more stable population. Two important points are made regarding Utah's relative isolation. In a place so removed from nineteenth-century cosmopolitan influences in a struggling


102 s e t t l e m e n t - s t a g e e c o n o m y , it was difficult for artists to come by either patronage or supplies. Ottinger noted that people admired the pictures but had no money for them! T h e r e is mention of utility artists decorating the tabernacle and painting stage scenery for the Salt Lake Theater, but none of the temple murals â&#x20AC;&#x201D; an important commission of the t i m e . T h e p r o b a b l e influence of Moran on Culmer whom he met in 1873 in Salt Lake City is noted, but the important link of Bierstadt and Lambourne painting together is not made. Note 19 (p. 388) states that the whereabouts of Culmer's Shoshone Falls is u n k n o w n to t h e a u t h o r s . It is at Brigham Young University. T h e book states (p. 300) that "Mormonism was the chief factor that contributed to Utah's high standard of culture during the nineteenth century," yet the authors apparently did not examine the LDS church's extensive archives and collections for explanatory or visual material. They relied on H o m e (1914) and Haseltine (1965) when Utah's universities and individuals like Wesley Burnside and Robert Olpin are obvious resources to start with. Two Utah "art" individuals are acknowledged, but neither specifically recalls contact with the authors, so it is possible their staffs handled a routine request. While one might question why a visit to Utah or a bit of t e l e p h o n e research at least wasn't drafted into this book's research design in light of all the effort previously expended on two graduate school studies centered on Colorado, the preceding is not an indictment of the authors but of Utahns. Utah's art history remains unpublished if not u n r e s e a r c h e d . U t a h museums have not published catalogs

Utah Historical Quarterly or m o u n t e d traveling exhibitions. Utah scholars have not published much serious art history or criticism. And Utah archivists have for decades clipped and filed the doings of political, economic, education, and religious figures, but not Utah artists! As a result we have placed our rich art t r a d i t i o n in oblivion by d e f a u l t . T r e n t o n a n d Hassrick a r e commended for stating "the case for including these [regional] artists in the mainstream of American landscape art, an inclusion that would give us a fuller picture of the development of the genre in this country" (p. 315). T h e final chapter, "The Vanishing Scene," is a n o t h e r delight. As my master designer-illustrator friend says of the artists of this era: "Farney is great, even better detail than Russell," and "No one can design like Remington!" T h e lyrical impressionist Twachtman, using a more subtle pastel palette than his French contemporaries and at his best with more intimate landscapes, r o u n d s out the group. They signal a change in approach and the end of this volume as nineteenth-century Romantic-Realism finds a finale in the narrative artists of the "Vanishing Scene." So, what of The Rocky Mountains: A Vision for Artists in the Nineteenth Century} T h e authors have succeeded in meeting their goals. T h e text is excellent, the color plates are generally very good, and the black-and-white plates are disappointing at best. If Rocky Mountain landscape art and history are your bag, buy; because even at $65 you'll be richly rewarded.

GARY B. PETERSON

Bountiful


Book Notices 1856 Utah Census Index: An Every-Name Index. C o m p i l e d by BRYAN L E E DILTS. (Salt Lake City: Index Publishing, 1983. xviii + 292 p p . Cloth, $ 1 0 8 . 0 0 ; 48x diazo microfiche $51.00.) T h e 1856 territorial census was undertaken to prove that Utah's population was great enough to justify statehood. T h e 1850-51 census had enumerated 11,380 residents; the 1856 count came u p with a startling 76,427. Creative padding techniques included the listing of deceased persons and the multiple listing of individuals: ". . . If a c e r t a i n family h a d a d a u g h t e r n a m e d Mary Louiza Roberts, that daughter might be listed u n d e r 1) Mary Roberts, 2) Louiza Roberts, and 3) Louiza Newel, her married name." Whether dead, alive, or cloned, every person is alphabetically listed in this index to the census along with the place of r e s i d e n c e a n d microfilm frame number on which the name may be found. It will be a useful tool for researchers.

Standing Up Country: The Canyon Lands of Utah and Arizona. By C. GREGORY CRAMPTON. Reprint ed. (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith Books, 1983. xviii + 197 p p . Paper, $12.75.) One of the great canyon books is back in print. River runners, fourwheelers, and backpackers will do well to become familiar with Crampton's work, primarily in the University of Utah's Glen Canyon Series of An-

thropological Papers and back issues of UHQ. Standing Up Country is a good place to begin, for it is a digest of the research that went into those earlier publications, well written and attractively presented. Text a n d bibliography are current only to 1964, when the first edition appeared, but an expanded introduction sketches some of the important events and literature since then. Empires in the Sun: The Rise of the New American West. By PETER WILEY and

(New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1982. ix + 322 p p . $15.95.) ROBERT GOTTLIEB.

Two investigative journalists look at politics and economics in the West â&#x20AC;&#x201D; who has the power and how it is used in the six major power centers: Los A n g e l e s , San F r a n c i s c o , D e n v e r , P h o e n i x , Salt Lake City, a n d Las Vegas. Although there is not much new in the story of Utah's power brokers, one is reminded again that the "inside story" of political and economic maneuverings in Utah is almost never told by journalists inside Utah.

Hanes Cymry America: A History of the Welsh in America. By R. D. THOMAS. Translated by PHILLIPS G. DAVIES. (Lanham, Md.: University Press of A m e r i c a , 1 9 8 3 . xxi + 5 1 7 p p . Paper, $19.75.) T h i s is t h e only t r a n s l a t i o n of T h o m a s ' s 1872 v o l u m e which


Utah Historical Quarterly

104 explores the extent and n a t u r e of communities of Welsh in twenty-two American states. Those interested in ethnic studies, immigration, or Welsh genealogy will find it worthwhile. Quarterly readers will recall Professor Davies's translation of another Welsh traveler's excursion in Zion which appeared in the Fall 1981 issue. Ethnic Genealogy: A Research

Guide.

these towns are very different, each drew, because of its remoteness and unusual physical setting, artists, writers, and the rich who mixed with the locals. Once artists and the rich "discover" a place, the tourist and the developer are not far behind. Burt, a native of Jackson whose parents were writers from the East, gives us a personal vision of what it was like to be a part of the "in" crowd.

E d i t e d by JESSIE CARNEY S M I T H .

Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983. xxxix + 440 p p . $37.50.) This one-volume reference work provides the r e a d e r with research techniques, a bibliography of published and unpublished sources, descriptions of library collections, addresses of genealogical organizations and societies, and other sources and strategies essential to the successful pursuit of ethnic genealogy. It is a primary reference tool for those interested in ethnic groups whose origins have been considered difficult to t r a c e : A m e r i c a n I n d i a n , AsianAmerican, black, and Hispanic. Jackson Hole Journal. By NATHANIEL BURT. ( N o r m a n : U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma Press, 1983. x + 221 pp. $16.95 Jackson, Wyoming, like Carmel and T a o s , was once a backwater town where "tourists were only a fringe nuisance . . . nearly everyone was either a friend or identifiable." A l t h o u g h

Quarterdeck and Saddlehorn: The Story of Edward F. Beale, 1822-1893. By CARL BRIGGS a n d CLYDE FRANCIS TRUDELL. (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur

H. Clark Company, 1983. 304 pp. $29.50.) Volume 20 in A r t h u r H. Clark's Western Frontiersmen Series examines the life of a m a n of diverse achievement who has been largely unr e c o g n i z e d â&#x20AC;&#x201D; E d w a r d Fitzgerald Beale. A m o n g his o t h e r accomplishments, Beale forwarded the first official report of and the first sample of gold from the great California gold strike, served as the first superintendent of Indian Affairs for California and Nevada, directed the army's first and only e x p e r i m e n t with camels, built the first all-weather wagon road to California, and served in numerous government and military posts. In addition, he accumulated a fortune in agriculture, mining and oil, and eastern business and real estate holdings. T h e Beale-Heap expedition across t h e c e n t r a l Rockies b r o u g h t him through Utah in 1853.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY MILTON C ABRAMS, Logan, 1985

Chairman WAYNE K. H I N T O N , Cedar City, 1985

Vice-chairman MELVIN T . SMITH. Salt Lake City Secretary T H O M A S G. ALEXANDER, Provo, 1987

PHILLIP A. BULLEN, Salt Lake City, 1987 J. ELDON DORMAN, Price, 1985 ELIZABETH GRIFFITH, O g d e n , 1985

DEAN L. MAY. Salt Lake City, 1987 DAVID S. MONSON, Lieutenant Governor/

Secretary of State, Ex officio WILLIAM D. OWENS, Salt Lake City, 1987 HELEN Z. PAPANIKOLAS, Salt Lake City, 1985 ANAND A. YANG, Salt Lake City, 1985

ADMINISTRATION M E L V I N T . SMITH,Director

STANFORD J. LA YTON. Managing Editor JAY M. HAYMOND. Librarian DAVID B. MADSEN, State Archaeologist

A. KENT POWELL, Historic Preservation Research WILSON G. MARTIN, Historic Prescription Development PHILIP F. NOTARIANNI, Museum Services T h e Utah State Historical Society wasorganized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, u n d e r state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by ublishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other istorical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, o r its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah s past.

E

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended. This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C 20240.


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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X) EDITORIAL STAFF MELVIN T. SMITH, Editor STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing- Editor MIRIAM B. MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L. CANNON n.Salt Lake City, 1986 INEZ S. COOPER, Cedar City, 1984 S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH, Logan, 1984 PETER L. GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1985 GLEN M. LEONARD, Farmington, 1985 LAMAR PETERSEN, Salt Lake City, 1986 RICHARD W. SADLER, Ogden, 1985 HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City, 1984 GENE A. SESSIONS.Bountiful, 1986

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. T h e Quarterly is published by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $10.00; institutions, $ 15.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $7.50; contributing, $ 15.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space with footnotes at the end. Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion by contributors. Second class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.


HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Contents SPRING 1984/VOLUME 52/NUMBER 2

IN T H I S ISSUE

107

T H E BEST IN T H E WEST? CORINNE, UTAH'S FIRST BASEBALL CHAMPIONS

GERLACH

108

CANNON II

136

LEA NIELSON LANE

158

GARY TOPPING

165

BRADFORD BRADSHAW

179

LARRY

DESERETS, RED STOCKINGS, AND OUT-OF-TOWNERS: BASEBALL COMES OF AGE IN SALT LAKE CITY, 1 8 7 7 - 7 9

KENNETH

J O E T H E FISH LAKE GUIDE HARRY ALESON AND T H E PLACE NO ONE KNEW

R.

L.

T E N N I S IN U T A H — T H E FIRST FIFTY YEARS, 1 8 8 5 - 1 9 3 5

. . . AFTON

BOOK REVIEWS

197

BOOK NOTICES

208

T H E COVERyo^ Nielson, a guide at Fish Lake in Sevier County, Utah, for forty-five years, shows off a big catch. Photograph courtesy of Lea Nielson Lane.

© Copyright 1984 Utah State Historical Society


Books reviewed

D. MADSEN. Gold Rush Sojourners in Great Salt Lake City,

BRIGHAM 1849

and

1850

.

.

. T O D D I. BERENS

R. GERLACH. Blazing Crosses in Zion: The Ku Klux Klan in Utah . . . . JAMES B.

197

LARRY

ALLEN

198

. JAMES H . LEVITT

201

CONWAY B . SONNE. Saints

on

the Seas: A Maritime History of Mormon Migration, 1830-1890

.

.

WALLACE STEGNER a n d

.

RICHARD W.

Conversations with Wallace Stegner on Western History and Literature . . . . POLLY STEWART ETULAIN.

W. L. RUSHO. Everett A Vagabond

202

Ruess:

for Beauty

GARY TOPPING

203

KARL E. YOUNG

205

E. YOUNG. Back Trail of an

PAUL

Old Cowboy

MICHAEL S. BERRY. Time,

and Transition Prehistory

Space,

in Anasazi ROBERT NEILY

206


In this issue

Even if "The battle of Waterloo was won on the playing fields of Eton," historians have largely ignored sports and recreation, maintaining that they provide more grist for the anthropologist and sociologist than for the historian. Nevertheless, a number of present-day historians are finding leisure activities a fruitful area for research. T h e sporting aspirations of Corinne add color to the history of a brash frontier town; moreover, a detailed look at the Corinne baseball team reveals almost as much about the town as a study of the freight traffic â&#x20AC;&#x201D; its meteoric rise and fall, its transient population of young, single males, and its need to challenge the supremacy of larger, established towns. Similarly, the enthusiastic reception Salt Lake City gave baseball in the late 1870s demonstrates the tendency of more settled populations in the West to want to a p p e a r up-to-date by a d o p t i n g the latest fashions and cultural phenomena from the East, a tendency that has not abated much in a hundred years. Following these major pieces on the national pastime come the stories of a remarkably successful guide at Fish Lake and the quixotic career of Colorado River r u n n e r and guide Harry Aleson. A fifty-year history of tennis in Utah rounds out the issue and brings to light the state's major contributions to this sport nationally. Whatever one's opinion of sports, events like the World Series, the Super Bowl, and the Olympics capture the attention of millions, stimulate the expenditure of vast sums of money, and often provoke intense nationalistic feelings. No wonder historians are interested.


The Best in the West? Corinne, Utah's First Baseball Champions BY LARRY R. GERLACH

Corinne s baseball grounds lay northwest of town. A. J. Russell photograph, courtesy of the Oakland Museum.

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Utah's First Baseball Champions

109

A s THE DISPERSION OF DISCHARGED SOLDIERS and the rapid extension of telegraph and rail lines carried base ball (two words then) across the country after the Civil War, Utahns eagerly adopted the national game. 1 T h e first recorded organized base ball games in Utah terriDr. Gerlach is professor of history and department chairman, University of Utah. A version of this paper was read at the Thirtieth Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society in August 1982. 1 The best general histories of baseball in the nineteenth century are Harold Seymour, Baseball: The Early Years (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960), and David Quentin Voigt, American Baseball: From Gentlemen's Sport to the Commissioner System (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,

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110

Utah Historical Quarterly

tory were played in October 1869 in Salt Lake City, an exhibition game between members of the Eureka Base Ball Club followed by a contest between the Eurekas and soldiers from Camp Douglas. 2 By the spring of 1870 there were nine clubs in the territory: Box Elder County boasted three clubs â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Corinne, North String, and a county team; Ogden, the Weber County seat, had two teams, the Junction No. 9 and the Red Sash; Salt Lake, the territorial capital and largest city between Denver and San Francisco, fielded four clubs â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Eurekas, the Alerts, the Step and Fetchits, and the Camp Douglas team. In 1871, teams appeared in Brigham City, Willard, Plain City, Hooper, Ophir, and Stockton. T h e purpose of this paper is to examine the origin of baseball in Utah as an organized sport for adults by means of a case study of the Corinne Base Ball Club, the first territorial champions. T h e quintessential frontier boom town, Corinne was an unlikely hotbed of baseball. 3 Founded in March 1869 where the Union Pacific Railroad crossed the Bear River, the tent-and-shanty town was hailed as the future "Chicago of the Rocky Mountains" and the "Queen City of the Great Basin" on the assumption that Corinne's location adjacent to the transcontinental railroad would make it the primary transfer point for freight and passengers headed to or from northern Utah, Idaho, and Montana. Within a year the bustling community became the second largest town in Box Elder County, its population of nearly a thousand residents swollen by itinerant throngs of teamsters, travelers, miners, and laborers. Struck by the rawness of a town filled with "whitemen a r m e d to the teeth, 1966). For the development of baseball within the framework of western expansion, compare Cecil O. Monroe, " T h e Rise of Baseball in Minnesota, Minnesota History 19 (June 1938): 162-81; Writer's Program of Iowa [WPA] "Baseball! T h e Story of Iowa's Early Innings," Annals of Iowa 22 (April 1941): 625-54; Harold C. Evans, "Baseball in Kansas, 1867-1940," Kansas Historical Quarterly 9 (May 1940): 175-92; and Duane A. Smith, "Baseball Champions of Colorado: T h e Leadville Blues of 1882,"Journal of Sport History 4 (Spring 1977): 51-71. 2 Deseret Evening News, October 8,14, 1869. T h e earliest printed reference I have found to baseball is the J u n e 12, 1867, edition of the Daily Union Vedette (Salt Lake City) which notes of editor P. L. ShoafFs visit to Fort Bridger: "He is said to be indulging in the game of base ball." Phil Margetts, Jr., one of Utah's earliest players, recalled at an advanced age that the Eureka club was organized on April 15, 1868, and played its first match game against Camp Douglas. Salt Lake Tribune, August 17, 1930.1 suspect the date is incorrect because (1) it is improbable that no newspaper account of organized ball would have appeared for eighteen months, (2) the reference is to games that occurred in October 1969, and (3) announcement of the matches of October 1869 are worded as invitations to novel events rather than advertisements. For the early baseball in Salt Lake City, see Kenneth L. Cannon II, " 'The National Game': A Social History of Baseball in Salt Lake City, Utah, 1868-1888" (M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1982). 3 T h e standard history of the town is Brigham D. Madsen, Corinne: The Gentile Capital of Utah (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1980). See also, especially for economics, Jesse Harold Jameson, "Corinne: A Study of a Freight Transfer Point in the Montana T r a d e , 1869-1878" (M.A. thesis, University of Utah, 1951).


Utah's First Baseball Champions

111

miserable-looking Indians dressed in the ragged shirts and trousers furnished by the Central Government, and yellow Chinese with a business-like air and hard intelligent faces," a European visitor remarked that "no town in the Far West gave me so good an idea as this little place of what is meant by border-life, i.e., the struggle between civilization and savage men and things." Whether or not J o h n Hanson Beadle, one of Corinne's earliest citizens and editor of the newspaper, was quantitatively correct in placing nineteen saloons, two dance halls, and "eighty nymphs du pave" in the "thriving country village" soon after its founding, there is no question that in a community where almost two-thirds of the residents were male and 40 percent of those were single men over twenty-one, drinking, gambling, brawling, and wenching were popular pastimes. 4 So too, for a time, was baseball. It is historically fitting that baseball was initially played in Utah with the greatest enthusiasm and expertise in Box Elder County in general, Corinne in particular. In July 1849 Alexander Joy Cartwright, the New York City bank clerk who four years earlier had drafted the rules that transformed traditional town ball into m o d e r n baseball, traversed the California Trail through the northwestern portion of what would later be Box Elder County, Utah, en route to the gold fields.5 Far more important than the overland perambulaAlexander Cartwright. tions of the "father of baseball" was the Courtesy of the National Baseball Hall of Fame and passage through Corinne twenty years Museum. later of the Cincinnati Red Stockings, the first professional baseball team composed entirely of salaried players. After defeating the best teams in the Midwest and East, the 4 M. Le Baron de Hubner,/! Ramble around the World, 1871 . . ., 2 vols. (London: Macmillan and Company, 1874), 1:174. J. H. Beadle, The Undeveloped West; or, Five Years in the Territories . . . (Philadelphia: National Publishing Company, 1873), pp. 120, 123. C.C. Clawson counted 68 saloons in the town in late 1869. Madsen, Corinne, p. 70. Corinne's population was conservatively listed as 863 in the Census of 1870 and more accurately tallied at 1,004 by a city poll taken in 1872 in response to an obviously inaccurate county enumeration. See Corinne Daily Reporter, March 22, 28, 1872. 5 Harold Peterson, The Man Who Invented Baseball (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969), pp. 154, 159-60. For the route of the '49ers, see George R. Stewart, The California Trail (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962).


112

Utah Historical Quarterly

The Cincinnati Red Stockings passed through Corinne on the new transcontinental railroad in 1869, spreading "baseballfever" in the frontier town. Courtesy of the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum.

Red Stockings in September headed for San Francisco, the bastion of baseball on the Pacific Coast, on a trip only recently made possible by the completion of the transcontinental railroad on May 10 at Promontory, some twenty-eight miles west of Corinne." T h e publicity accompanying the first transcontinental road trip in the history of the sport was the catalyst that produced organized baseball in Utah. It is probably not coincidental that Salt Lakers, who read about the Cincinnati trek in the Deseret Evening News, organized the first club in early October shortly after the Red Stockings left California. And although there is no direct evidence that the train carrying the Red Stockings actually stopped in Corinne, it seems likely that the town would have been a logical, even necessary, point for resting and refurbishing; in any event, Corinnethians, as residents liked to be called, were surely aware of the team passing 6 Led by player-manager Harry Wright, the "father of professional baseball," the Red Stockings from late 1868 until an 8-7 loss in 11 innings to the Brooklyn Atlantics in J u n e 1870, won from 81 to 92 consecutive games depending on whether one counts exhibition games. For the early history of the team, see David Q. Voigt, "America's First Red Scare: T h e Cincinnati Reds of 1869," Ohio History 78 (Winter 1969): 13-24; Joseph S. Stern, Jr., "The Team T h a t Couldn't Be Beat: T h e Red Stockings of 1869," Cincinnati Historical Society Bulletin 27 (Spring 1969): 25-41; and Harry Ellard, Baseball in Cincinnati: A History (Cincinnati: Johnson and Hardin, 1907); for the trip to California, see Brian McGinty, "The Old Ball Game," Pacific Historian 25 (Spring 1981): 13-25, and Robert Knight Barney, "Of Rails and Red Stockings: Episodes in the Expansion of the 'National Pastime' in the American West," Journal of the West 17 (July 1978): 61-70.


Utah's First Baseball Champions

113

through on or about September 22 and October 10 and immediately adopted the national game. 7 During the winter of 1869-70 Corinne "ballists" informally organized a baseball club. As soon as weather permitted in early March they began "preparing the ground for coming sport with bat and ball" and formed a permanent organization by adopting bylaws and electing officers.8 T h e Corinne club had at least eighteen (enough for two teams) and probably twenty-five to thirty members. It was a wholly amateur enterprise in that the club neither paid salaries to players nor charged admission to games; membership dues and private contributions defrayed expenses of travel and equipment. Although organized for the primary p u r p o s e of playing baseball, the Corinne Base Ball Club (OB.B.C.) was a social club, a voluntary association no different in spirit or function from fraternal orders, mutual benefit societies, or civic improvement groups. T h e officers provide insight into the socioeconomic composition of the original club: President William W. Hull, 36, self-employed brickmason and plasterer from New York; Vice-president David R. Short, 36, real estate broker from Ohio; T r e a s u r e r Frank B. Hurlbut, 26, druggist and city councilman from Missouri; Secretary Edward M. Wilson, 22, printer from Oregon; and Captain J o h n Q. Harnish, 24, store clerk from New Hampshire. (Hull was soon replaced as president by Irish-born Dennis J. Toohy, 38, the town's leading lawyer and city attorney.) Each of the original prime movers of Corinne baseball hailed from a hotbed of baseball and thus presumably was knowledgeable about the game; each was engaged in a white collar occupation or skilled trade that afforded both the money and the leisure time to participate in "gentlemanly sport"; and each was a bachelor for whom the club provided social intercourse. As befitting a middle-class social club, the OB.B.C. upon formal organization changed its meeting place from Fitzgerald's Saloon to a private hall in Short's business building." T h e first organized baseball game in Corinne, which took place on March 25 as the featured event of the Pioneer Day celebration 7 T h e News printed telegraphic reports of the trip and of some games in California on September 17, 20, 24, 27, October 2, 1869. T h e reaction of the Corinne residents to the appearance of the premier baseball team of the day is unknown; the earliest extant issue of the Corinne paper, the Utah Reporter, is October 16, 1869. 8 Utah Reporter, March 10, 15, 1870. "Utah Reporter, March 10, 22, April 5, 1870; Daily Utah Reporter, July 22, 1870. Biographical information presented here and elsewhere in the paper has been drawn largely from the U.S. Census of 1870 and from information in the Corinne newspapers.


114

Utah Historical Quarterly

held to commemorate the anniversary of the founding of the town, pitted the Corinne Base Ball Club against the upstart Pioneer Base Ball Club. T h e city artillery unit fired a one-gun salute at the end of each inning and a nine-gun volley at the end of the game. A local photographer halted the action to take a picture of the two clubs. T h e Corinne newspaper attached enough significance to the event to publish the first description of a baseball game and the first box score in Utah history. T h e reporter who covered the game waxed enthusiastic about the historic contest: "The spectacle presented by these young men as they performed their manly sports, reminds one of the physical perfection of the ancient athletes." Although "the nines went at it in good style," the match was no contest: after three hours and ten minutes the final score was Corinnes 79, Pioneers 20.10 FIRST BASEBALL Box C O R I N N E BASE B A L L C L U B

Capt. J. Q. Harnish, c Alex. Wallace, p F. B. Hurlbut, 1st b Jas. McClay, 2d b A. D. Elwell, 3d b W. W. Rupp, ss C. S. Thomas, rf F. J. Taylor, If W. J. Priday, cf

Runs 6 10 9 9 11 11 8 10 5 Total 79

SCORE P U B L I S H E D IN U T A H * PIONEER BASE B A L L C L U B

Outs 5 3 4 2 1 2 3 3 4 27

Capt. Alf. Brewer, c D. Glascott, p S. Keephaver, 1st b A. Glascott, 2d b Dr. Walters, 3d b Jeo. Pace, ss Frank Tilton, rf W. Milliken, If C. C. Pace, cf

Runs 3 2 5 2 2 1 0 3 2 Total 20

Outs 4 4 1 4 0 4 5 2 3 27

* Utah Reporter, March 26, 1870.

As suggested by the Pioneer Day exhibition of sport as spectacle, Corinnethians were infatuated with the national pastime. T h e club laid out a ball grounds northwest of town, and J u d g e N. A. Woodbury donated "a spendid set" of official scorebooks. J. M. Langsdorf, captain of the Corinne "second nine," presumptuously dispatched a 10

Utah Reporter, March 26, 1870. T h e origin of the Pioneer Club is unknown. Madsen, Corinne, p. 228, may be correct in suggesting that members of the Corinne second team took the name Pioneer for the day. But the game was specifically referred to as a "match game," a term rarely used for intrasquad practices or exhibition games but instead reserved for official contests beteen rival organizations. Moreover, the captain of the Pioneer team was Alfred Brewer, whereas J. M. Langsdorf was the captain of the Corinne "second nine." Ibid., April 12, 1870. T h e n , too, Brewer later umpired a match game between Corinne and the Junction club of Ogden, an assignment that almost never went to a member of one of the participating teams. Daily Utah Reporter, J u n e 7, 1870. Finally, because the Pioneers were expressly designated a club with a slate of officers and none of them ever played for the Corinnes, the P.B.B.C. may have been organized by men excluded from the C.B.B.C. During the next two years numerous pick-up teams â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Crickets, Grasshoppers, McClellan's Nine, Short's Nine, and others â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were formed presumably from players outside the C.B.B.C.


Utah's First Baseball Champions

115

challenge to the Cincinnati Red Stockings." More realistically, club members spent the spring developing their baseball skills. Acquiring athletic dexterity, particularly eye-hand coordination, was a difficult process that could be painful, as David Short discovered when his nose "for a moment or two resembled the eruption of a small volcano" after his "proboscis [came] in contact with a 'flyer' " during a practice game. Practices produced major alterations in the lineups. By the end of May, William A. Hodgman, 31-year-old owner of a harness and saddlery firm, took over as captain of the first nine; only three of the participants in the Pioneer Day game (Rupp, Hurlbut, and Elwell) remained on the first team. T h e discrepancy in talent became so great that to enliven practice games the first and second teams played "for a wager of value" with the first team giving the second stringers "the advantage of two or three outs." 12 Much of the improvement in playing skills was due to newcomer Harry Taylor, partner in the Chicago mercantile firm of Taylor 8c Wright, who spent as much time instructing the Corinnes in the fine points of the game as in conducting business. He participated as catcher in intrasquad games and "by his skillful play gave our boys some valuable hints as to how things ought to be done." 13 T h e lure of competition prompted the Corinnes to test their prowess against other clubs in the area. On three successive Saturdays beginning May 28, the Corinnes whipped the visiting Box Elder Base Ball Club 90-50, won their first road and extra-inning game by defeating the Junctions in Ogden 46-44 in ten innings, and notched a victory over the North String Base Ball Club that was "not much credit" to the home team because the visitors were without all of their "first nine.'" 4 Elated by the three wins, the C.B.B.C. in mid-June announced a game on July 4 against Box Elder "for the Territorial championship and a prize." 15 11

Aaron B. Champion, president of the Red Stockings, politely replied that he was "pleased to know that the national sport has extended as far West as Utah" and promised "should the Red Stockings ever again travel your way, they will try to arrange matters so they may meet the Corinne Club in the field." Utah Reporter, April 12, 1870. Challenges for match games were normally sent by the club secretary; that Langsdorf contacted Cincinnati suggests that he may have become personally acquainted with the team during their stop in Corinne, perhaps in his capacity as the local Union Pacific agent. 12 Utah Reporter, April 28, May 10, 14, 1870; Daily Utah Reporter, May 31, 1870. i3 Daily Utah Reporter, May 19, 24, 1870. Word of Taylor's expertise quickly spread throughout the area; he was called upon to umpire an important match game in Ogden, after which he received "great praise" for his thorough "understanding" of the game as well as his "fair and just decisions." Deseret Evening News and Ogden Junction, May 25, 1870. '"Daily Utah Reporter, May 3 1 , J u n e 4, 5, 7, 12, 1870. '''Daily Utah Reporter, J u n e 17, 1870.


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Corinne's presumptuous arrangement of a championship elicited an immediate response from Salt Lake City. T h e Eurekas, the original club in the capital city, also had championship pretentions after first establishing local supremacy by defeating Camp Douglas 22-21 and the Alerts 35-27, and then, under the name "Ennea," humiliating the Junctions in Ogden 91-16 in the first intercity baseball game in Utah history. 18 As early as May the officers of the Eureka and Corinne clubs had without success engaged in "a diplomatic correspondence" to arrange home-and-home games. 17 But when the Corinnes defeated the Junctions and announced a match for the territorial championship with Box Elder, the Ennea on J u n e 23 proclaimed themselves "champions of the Territory" and "willing to meet any other club within the limits of the Territory who wish to dispute the claim and contest for the same." T h e very next day the Corinnes agreed to meet the Salt Lakers in a best-of-three series, traditional for championship competition. 18 It was appropriate that Corinne and Salt Lake City, bitter rivals in virtually every aspect of life in the territory, should meet in the first baseball championship and that the series should commence on July 4. By July 1870 Corinne, the lone non-Mormon town in Utah, was the self-proclaimed Gentile capital of the territory. T h e town newspaper — " T h e OFFICIAL PAPER of the City, County, Territory, and the United States" — was relentless in its attacks upon Mormonism in general and the leadership of Brigham Young in particular; to the Reporter, the Mormon church was nothing more than an un-American cult of polygamists, its prophet a veritable ]6 Deseret Evening News, April 28, May 7, 25, 1870; Ogden Junction, May 25, 1870. T h e name "Ennea" — derived from the Greek "Ennead" meaning a set of nine, especially groups of nine gods associated with the mythology and religion of ancient Egypt — may have been adopted to signify the creation of an "all-star" team to represent the city in territorial competition. Yet the Enneas were less a "picked-nine" than the Eurekas u n d e r a new name: nine of the eleven men who played for the Ennea had earlier performed u n d e r the Eureka banner, the lone newcomers being Arthur Pratt of the Alerts and one Badger. See Deseret Evening News, May 7, I 7 , a n d 2 5 , 1870; Salt Lake Daily Herald, July 27, 1870; Daily Utah Reporter, October 4, 1870. It was probably the carry-over in personnel, including secretary Charles Huey, that led the Deseret Evening News on J u n e 23-24 inadvertently to use the name "Eureka" instead of "Ennea" in printing the team's claim to the territorial championship. Whatever their origin, the Enneas replaced the Eurekas in Salt Lake baseball circles; originally described as the "Ennea Base Ball Players," the Enneas were subsequently regularly referred to as a base ball club. "Utah Reporter, May 5, 2 1 , 1870. ,8 Deseret Evening News, J u n e 23, 1870, Salt Lake Daily Herald, J u n e 24, 1870. According to the Herald, the Enneas had received a challenge from the Union Pacific Railroad Club of Bryan, Wyoming, to meet for the championship of Wyoming and Utah; apparently the Corinne contest was seen as a step toward an undisputed territorial championship. Jameson, "Corinne," p. 234, states that Corinne played Box Elder for the championship on J u n e 18 and that the Enneas subsequently challenged the Corinnes; neither statement is correct — Corinne simply dropped Box Elder in favor of the stronger opponent. See Daily Utah Reporter, J u n e 24-25, 1870. T h e series is covered briefly in Madsen, Corinne, pp. 229-30, and Cannon, "The National Game," pp. 36-40.


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theocratic despot. Moreover, the Corinnethean political establishment had initiated recent efforts to nominate a Gentile candidate for the post of territorial delegate to Congress, create the anti-Mormon Liberal party, and replace Salt Lake City as the seat of territorial government.'"July 4, 1870, was intended t o b e more than a patriotic commemoration of national independence in Corinne: locally dubbed "Gentile day," the Fourth was viewed as a celebration of civil liberties and federal authority in a land of ecclesiastical tyranny. 20 While the Salt Lake press made no mention of the upcoming contest, the Corinne newspaper referred daily to the game. T h e Reporter waxed eloquent in hyping "the day the covetous champions come together," and in anticipation of "a red-hot game," William Ellis and Franklin Winschell, "the beer king," agreed to supply the players "with the best of lager" during the game. 21 Unfortunately, the much publicized contest itself is a veritable mystery because of the unavailability of any issues of the Reporter for three days after the game; the Salt Lake Herald simply noted that Corinne defeated the Enneas by a score of 42-31 in a "closely contested" game in which the lead changed hands several times. 22 T h e triumph excited the nascent community striving for respect and recognition. With civic pride the Reporter proclaimed: "Base Ball is a popular game; aye, a national game, and a popular pastime, and Corinne, ever alive to her popular interests, is evidently taking a decided stand in the front rank of this popular, fashionable, national pastime." Worried that the "easy victory" over the Enneas would make the Corinnes "rather indifferent to the future efficiency," the paper soon exulted that the triumph had actually "awakened a lively interest among the boys of the bat" and that among the apparent champions of the territory "increased efforts to defeat any and everybody of the game's devotees are talked of, and not in a very modest manner either." 23 T h e braggadocio increased after the Corinne club massacred the previously undefeated team from the Thirteenth Infantry on July 13 by a score of 62-41 in a game marred by a "hurricane" wind and "dust so thick that fre'" For religious and political anti-Mormonism in Corinne, see Madsen, Corinne, esp. 14-18, 77-84,93-118, 193-203. See also Robert Joseph Dwyer, The Gentile Comes to Utah: A Study in Religious and Social Conflict, 1862-1890 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1941). 20 Daily Utah Reporter, July 4, 1870. "Daily Utah Reporter, J u n e 25, 26, 29, 1870. 22 Salt Lake Daily Herald, July 6, 1870. T h e Deseret Evening News did not mention the game. 23 Daily Utah Reporter, July 8, 1870.


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The Thirteenth Infantry from Fort Douglas suffered defeat at the hands of the Corinnes. USHS collections.

quently the ball was lost when near by the fielders." Granting that the soldiers had the "disadvantage of arriving off of a four h u n d r e d mile march through the scorching sun and dust," the Reporter ungraciously justified running up the score in the middle innings: "we had to try and win the friendly game." 24 Not even a formal remonstrance from the Enneas reminding the Corinnes that they were "not the Champion Club of Utah nor the Pacific Coast, unless they win the next game" curbed the arrogance. Replied the Reporter: "We admit we were a little hasty . . . in claiming the championship until the next game is played, but does anyone doubt the Corinnes are the champions nevertheless?" 25 Corinne boosters should have known that the rematch would be no lark, for the Enneas would benefit from a decided home field advantage. Just as the first game was deliberately staged in Corinne on July 4, the second contest was intentionally scheduled in Salt Lake to coincide with the commemoration of the arrival of the main body of Mormon pioneers into the Great Salt Lake Valley in 1847. (Because July 24 fell on Sunday, celebrations were held on Monday.) Although the Corinne-Ennea game was not part of the official 24

Daily Utah Reporter, July 14, 1870. 'Daily Utah Reporter, July 12, 1870. T o accommodate Corinnetheans who wanted to witness "the great match game," Dennis Toohy, C.B.B.C. president, secured special half-price rates for the train trip to Salt Lake; to the surprise of railroad officials, Corinne fans filled three excursion cars instead of one as anticipated. Utah Daily Reporter, July 21, 26, 1870. T h e club traveled by rail after plans to charter the steamer Kate Connor for the trip to Salt Lake City via the Great Salt Lake fell through. Daily Utah Reporter, July 8, 1870. 2:


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schedule of events, the contest was sure to attract the attention of the throngs drawn for the "Mormon Day" activities.26 Some 2,500 fans, including three excursion cars full of Corinnethians, gathered on the grounds north of the arsenal to watch the return match. T o the astonishment of all, the Enneas thrashed the Corinnes 74-23. According to the Herald: "The masterly playing of the 'Enneas' surprised even the expectations of their most ardent supporters, while the continued 'muffing' and wild play of their opponents caused more than one long face among their adherents." 27 T h e cocky Corinnethians were demoralized by the stunning reversal. Owen D. Huyck, publisher of the Reporter, could bring himself to print only the score of the game, observing that "base ball enthusiasm" was "below par" in the town. T h e community was "sort of old fogyishly quiet" partly because the Ennea victory had caused "several thousand dollars" to change hands. 28 T h e pallor was also due to the magnitude of the defeat. A visitor to Corinne a few days after the game noticed that a tombstone had been erected in the center of town, draped with a flag of mourning and inscribed with a sorrowful epitaph: "Base Ball Club No. 24 of Corinne, U.T. died July 24 [sic], 1870, at Great Salt Lake City, for the want of breath. T h e members of this deceased club are requested to wear a badge of mourning for thirty days."2!' A series of popular postmortem analyses testify to the depth of embarrassment caused by the Corinnes' first loss. Some residents, probably those who had lost wagers, were "prepared to make affidavit the game was thrown off." Other persons blamed "unfortunate circumstances" for the loss â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "bad ground, injured men, and general disadvantage at the beginning of the play." Still others were fatalistic: "the boys were too confident; they ought to have been beat; it will learn them better the next time." But according to Huyck, there was a simple explanation for the "remarkable odds in the 26 Pioneer Memorial Day, as the church-owned Deseret News reminded the faithful, was the commemorative event in Mormon Utah: "As citizens of the United States we all participate with zeal in the celebration of our nation's independence, the Fourth of July; but as members of the great latter-day Zion and Church of God, we recognize the 24th of July, as the day of all days worthy of being celebrated and honored." Deseret Evening News, July 23, 1870. 27 Salt Lake Daily Herald, July 27, 1870. The Deseret Evening News, July 26, carried only a brief note about the game. 28 Daily Utah Reporter, July 26, 27, 1870. Huyck himself apparently lost a bundle, for he editorialized: "We used to think a heap of base ball, and at one time seriously thought of advocating its adoption as the game of the period, but since the play made at Salt Lake on Monday we have concluded it won't do; there is too much margin, a man is liable to loose [sic] money on it." 2!) Helena Daily Herald, August 2, 1870, quoted in Madsen, Corinne, p. 230.


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score" if not for the defeat itself. Harry Taylor, the Corinne catcher and "by common consent the best base ball player west of Cincinnati," had been forced to leave after a few innings because of "a felon on the middle finger of his right hand, which was painful and uncomfortable in the extreme." With Taylor on the bench, the Enneas promptly went on a scoring rampage after which the Corinne players "took but little interest in the game, except to entertain the vast number of spectators." 30 When the third game of the championship series, scheduled for neutral Ogden in early August, was postponed for nearly two months because of a smallpox epidemic in the Junction City, the Corinnes regrouped. 31 A decision was made to reorganize the club u n d e r the supervision of Taylor, but in early August "Harry of base ball notoriety" returned to Chicago. Nevertheless, "quite a number" of personnel changes were made; throughout August the club held intrasquad games to sharpen skills, and in a tune-up for the upcoming championship game won two matches in September against the North Manual by Henry Chadwick, who String club, 41-40 and 58-38. 32 devised the box score. Courtesy of T h e Corinnes and Enneas met for the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum. the championship on Saturday, October 1. Despite the delay of nearly two months, popular interest in the title game remained high. A Salt Lake humor magazine in a rare note of seriousness remarked of the "considerable talk about base ball just now," and die-hard fans from Salt Lake and Corinne responded to pregame publicity by journeying to Ogden for the game. 33 T h e Corinne and Salt Lake newspapers held their presses until receiving telegraphic word of the outcome; upon receiving the 30

Daily Utah Reporter, July 28, 1870. On July 23 Mayor Lorin Farr imposed quarantine regulations, established a quarantine ground, and launched a vaccination campaign. At least ninety-nine cases were reported before the epidemic broke in early fall. Ogden Junction, July 23, October 15, 1870. 32 Daily Utah Reporter, July 30, August 5, 9, 12, 15, September 8, 12, 26, 1870. 33 T h e Keep a Pitchinin, October 1, 1870; Deseret Evening News, September 29, 1870; Salt Lake Daily Herald, September 30, 1870; Daily Utah Reporter, September 30, October 1, 1870; Ogden Junction, October 1,1870. Suggestive of the prominence attached to "ballists," the Keep a Pitchinin staff claimed to be undefeated "at a regularly scientific game of Base Ball" and boasted that "if our editorial duties were not so urgent, nothing would afford us greater pleasure than to pass through the Territory and beat the various clubs now organized." 31


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SCORE O F C H A M P I O N S H I P G A M E BETWEEN E N N E A A N D C O R I N N E *

T h e Score CORINNES O R ENNEAS Stone, 3d b 3 2 McCurdy, c Barnard, If 2 2 Arick, p Robey, ss 3 1 Snow, 3d b Orme, p 2 2 White, c Valentine, 1st b 4 1 H. Pratt, 2d b Hodgman, 2d b 1 2 Wickizer, 1st b Loveland, cf 4 1 Pitt, If Young, c 3 1 A. Pratt, rf Miner, rf 5 0 Huey, ss Total 27 12 Total Umpire — S. Bennett. Scorers — W. T. Fields and Jas. Dawson. Time of Game — One hour and forty minutes. Fly Catches McCurdy, 2; Arick, 2; White, 1; H. Pratt, 2; Pitt, 1; A. Pratt, 1. Total for Enneas, 9. Hodgman, 3; Loveland, 2; Young, 5. Total for Corinnes, 10. Innings 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

O 4 4 2 3 4 4 1 3 2 27

R 1 0 1 1 0 0 3 0 2 8

Total Runs

Ennea 0 1 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 8 Corinne 0 0 4 2 1 0 3 1 1 12 *This is a composite box score. "The Score" is taken from the Daily Utah Reporter of October 4. T h e Ogden Junction of October 5 enumerated "Fly Catches." T h e line-score ("Innings") was tabulated from the account of the game in the Reporter.

desired wire — "Kill the fatted calf. Corinne walks away with the championship. Corinne 12, Enneas 8" — the Reporter exclaimed: "It affords us unspeakable pleasure to be able to chronicle a complete victory for the young men of our city and county who compose the Corinne Club, and we congratulate them on their triumph of skill in the national method of proving the superiority of physical strength and activity."34 T h e match was in every respect worthy of being the decisive game for the first territorial championship. Featuring excellent pitching and superb fielding, it was the lowest-scoring and best played game yet staged in the territory. With the lead changing hands five times and the score tied twice, the game, rated "even u p " by gamblers, was a nip-and-tuck affair until Corinne bolted ahead with three runs in the bottom of the seventh. Each team was "whitewashed" (held scoreless) three times, and no less than nineteen "fly catches," daring maneuvers without gloves, were recorded. In commenting on the "magnificent exhibition of science and skill in 34

Daily Utah Reporter, October 1, 1870. T h e Deseret Evening News went to press before the end of the game after receiving word that Corinne was ahead even before batting in the bottom of the ninth.


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base ball," the Reporter asserted that "the game is unequalled on base ball records west of Chicago to the Pacific, and the famous crack clubs of the East cannot boast of any superior games." T h e only discordant note came after the game when the Enneas, in an unprecedented display of poor sportsmanship, refused to congratulate the victors with "the accustomed tribute" or join the Corinnes in the traditional postgame dinner. Undaunted, the Corinnes returned home to a reception "that a successful army might be proud of." Bonfires, fireworks, artillery blasts, and "cheer after cheer" accompanied the champions en route to the Uintah House and a victory banquet that lasted until after midnight. 35 T h e composition of the championship team reveals important changes had occurred in the nature and organization of Corinne baseball during the first season. Within six months the C.B.B.C. had been transformed from a social club intended to promote physical activity into a sporting association geared to athletic competition. T h e membership changed dramatically as physical skills took precedence over social status: by October talented "outsiders" outnumbered townsmen on the first team. None of the charter members who played in the inaugural Corinne-Pioneer game in March participated in the championship game, and only two of the Corinnes who competed against Box Elder in May (Hodgman and Stone) played against the Enneas in October. More important, five members of the championship team were not residents of Corinne. That Herbert Orme, Lyman Barnard, Heber Loveland, Joseph Valentine, and James Young had played previously with the Box Elder and North String clubs indicates that the Corinnes added "ringers" from the county. 30 Although the championship series was played amid pervasive religious and political animosities, baseball was above bigotry. Of the Enneas' trip to Corinne the Mormon-owned Herald noted that "before, after and during the game, the Salt Lake visitors were treated with the utmost courtesy and kindness." Similarly, the anti-Mormon 35 T h e Daily Utah Reporter, October 4, devoted two and one-half columns to the game, including the first inning-by-inning summary published in Utah. The Ogden J unction of October 5 printed only a box score. T h e Salt Lake Daily Herald on October 2 did not include the score in a brief account of the championship series; the Deseret Evening News made no mention of the game other than to print the telegram on October 1. 3fi Utah Reporter, March 26, \870; Daily Utah Reporter, May 31, July 14, and October 4, 1870; Salt Lake Daily Herald, July 26, 1870. O r m e first appeared as a pitcher for Corinne in the game against the Thirteenth Infantry in mid-July, and it is known that Barnard played against the Enneas in Salt Lake City; Valentine, Loveland, and Young first appear in the championship game. T h e other newcomers were recent arrivals in town: N. F. Miner, clerk at Diamond Q Billiards, and Robey, a printer for the Reporter.


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Reporter remarked of the return match in Salt Lake City that "the best feeling prevailed throughout the contest, and everything that could be done to make it pleasant for the Corinnes while in Zion was done." 37 And in sharp contrast to its braggadocio before and after the first game, the Reporter's account of the championship contest contained no boasts, no derogatory religious references, and no implication that the contest was a confrontation between Gentile Corinne and Mormon Salt Lake City. T h e Corinne-Salt Lake series was above religious partisanship for three reasons. First, organized sport was in its infancy in Utah and, as suggested by minimal newspaper coverage, the traditional notion of sport as play still obtained — i.e., games were nonserious leisure activities separate from everyday life. Second, as the Reporter observed, there was a genuine interest among advocates of the national pastime in "building up and maintaining an honorable base ball reputation for Utah." 38 But it is difficult to believe that the Corinne paper, the pages of which were routinely filled with antiMormon invective, would not have tossed a few barbs at the Salt Lakers had it not been for the third factor: the majority of the Corinnes was Mormon. T h e C.B.B.C. was originally non-Mormon, but the five Box Elder men on the championship team — Barnard, Loveland, Orme, Valentine, and Young — were LDS as were second-teamers Joseph Whitworth and J o h n Welch. T h e Enneas were also religiously integrated. T h e four stars of the club — Arick, the pitcher; Charles P. Huey, later a director of the Gentile "Deserets"; Don Wickizer, son of Joseph H. Wickizer, special agent for the U.S. Postal Department; and William N. "Billy" McCurdy, son of federal j u d g e Solomon P. McCurdy — were not Mormon; George M. Snow was probably not LDS despite his traditional Mormon surname. 30 In sum, both the Corinnes and Enneas were more concerned with athletic performance than theological presumptions. Undisputed territorial champions with a record of nine wins and one loss, the Corinnes hoped to extend their claim to baseball supremacy. But just as earlier efforts to arrange a match with the Bryan City, Wyoming, team for regional honors failed, late season 37

Salt Lake Daily Herald, July 6, 1870; Daily Utah Reporter, July 28, 1870. Daily Utah Reporter, July 28, 1870. 3 " Information about religious affiliation has been obtained from newspaper obituaries, the Early Church Information File and Family Group Records in the Genealogical Society of Utah, and the Patriarchal Blessings Index in the Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. I assume Arick was non-Mormon since that surname does not appear in any of the aforementioned LDS records. For Snow, see Cannon, "The National Game," p. 62. 3S


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challenges to teams in Nevada, California, and Oregon to play for the Pacific Coast championship came to naught. 40 T h e C.B.B.C endured the winter of 1870-71 by meeting frequently around the hot stove to plan for the upcoming season. T o show themselves "to good advantage," the club ordered "a splendid style" of gray flannel uniforms and caps from the leading manufacturer of baseball apparel in Philadelphia. T h e members also voted to adopt the name "Queen City Club," a "royal appelation" fitting for a team that intended to "carry off the laurels of a continent," but later decided to retain the more precise if less elegant "Corinnes." More substantive was the administrative reorganization of the club. Dennis Toohy, recently named editor of the Reporter, was reelected president, but the other officers were elected for the first time: Vice-president William H. Glascott, life insurance agent; Treasurer George T. Miles, co-owner of a hardware store; and Secretary Clarence M. White, merchant. Chosen to serve as a Board of Directors were Frank B. Hurlbut, city councilman and owner of a d r u g store; William T. Fields, head cashier of the Bank of Corinne and the city recorder; and J o h n E. Stone, proprietor of Diamond Q Billiards. Hodgman was again selected to captain the first nine, while Glascott was charged with supervising the second team. 41 Close connections with the business community ensured that the club would not lack financial support; nor, given Toohy's twin passions of Mormonbaiting and baseball, would the club want for publicity. Indicative of the C.B.B.C.'s prominence in the community was its sponsorship of the social event of the year, the grand ball held at the Opera House on March 24 to launch the annual Pioneer Day celebration. T h e highlight of the evening was the presentation to the club of a banner sewn during the winter by the women of Corinne. T h e ensign, of "standard army size" attached to a "a splendid staff with a spear head in gold," was made of Emerald green silk accentuated by "heavy silver bullion fringe and tassels." Inscribed on the front in golden letters was "Corinne" Base Ball "Club," the two middle words "expressed allegorically, with the implements of our national sport." T h e acclaimed "Base Ball ball" brought community

40

Negotiations to play the Wyoming champions apparently were handled by brothers Charles Stone of Bryan and J o h n Stone of Corinne, while Toohy formally offered "the gage of battle" to West Coast teams after the Corinnes defeated the Enneas. Daily Utah Reporter, March 10, July 8, October 4, 10, 1870. 4 'Daily Utah Reporter, January 26, February 1, 2, 9, March 6, 29, 1871.


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prestige to the team and a profit of $86.10 to the club treasury. 42 Sporting new uniforms and a club banner, the Corinnes eagerly awaited the 1871 season. After the club took to the "ball grounds" in March for the initial practice session of the year, Toohy chortled: "The boys have not forgotten how to do it." Actually, the team was stronger than the previous year, with two excellent players from Salt Lake City â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Adam Aulbach, who had recently purchased the Reporter, and Charles P. Huey, former secretary and shortstop for the Enneas, who upon moving to town was promptly elected secretary of the Corinnes. T h e best of the North Stringers again joined the club, and the decision not to hold practices on Sunday may have been a concession to the Mormon members. And much to the relief of all, Herbert Orme, the "celebrated Pitcher," returned from Nevada just in time for the baseball season. 43 Hoping to start the new season where it had left off, the C.B.B.C. invited the Enneas of Salt Lake to a match game on Pioneer Day. But when the Enneas declined the invitation, the Corinnes treated "a vast assemblage of ladies and gentlemen" to an intrasquad "display of physical culture." Although the first team bested the second nine 34-19, the Reporter boasted that the skill of both squads demonstrated that the Corinnes "can hold in reserve a force sufficient to keep the rear well protected in case the champion nine should ever meet with a reverse â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a thing most unlikely this side of the Atlantic Ocean." 44 Toohy's desire to "pit Boxelder [sic] county against the world" in baseball was genuine. On March 7 Secretary George Miles sent a letter to the editor of the San Francisco Chronicle proposing that the Corinnes travel to the Golden State during the summer to meet the California champions for "the championship of the coast." T h e Corinnes soon received a letter from the "Wide Awakes" of Oakland expressing "a hope to see the two organizations more intimately acquainted." 45 T h e determination to achieve supremacy in the West was so keen that the Reporter began printing reports of California matches, and the C.B.B.C. in early May sent Aulbach to San Francisco to represent the club at the annual meeting of the Pacific Base

'Daily 3 Daily 4 Daily 'Daily

Utah Utah Utah Utah

Reporter, Reporter, Reporter, Reporter,

March March March March

7, 10, 13, 23, 25, 29, 1871. 4, 16, 22, April 6, 1871. 16, 17, 20, 27, 1871. 12, 22, 30, 1871.


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Ball Association, the first time a Utah team had been involved in the regional organization. After watching the California championships, Aulbach commented: "I believe the Champion Nine of Corinne are the Champions of the Pacific Coast, and would make good that title in any game the so-called champions of the coast might see fit to engage in." Accordingly, he filed "the claims of the Corinnes to contest for the championship bat to be considered by the Pacific Base Ball Convention in July." 40 Meanwhile, the C.B.B.C. commenced its defense of the territorial title. T h e season opened with a pair of easy wins (28-13 and 21 -9) over the Willard City club. So great was community support for the team that "quite a number" of Corinnethians on horseback along with a Concord coach, a large hack, and six buggies "freighted with base bailers, and a merry party of ladies and gentlemen" traveled fourteen dusty miles to watch a game played on grounds which were "in primeval state, the diamond only having been cleared of sagebrush, and that was quite uneven." 47 T h e Corinnes then defeated the North Stringers 17-10 despite letting O r m e pitch for the opposition to increase the competition. 48 A trip to Ogden on May 27 failed to test the team; Orme, pitching brilliantly and hitting an unprecedented four home runs, led a 81-9 rout of the Junctions, termed "a repetition of the merciless manner in which the champions walk away with the laurels." 40 With baseball virtually abandoned as an organized sport in Salt Lake City, the Corinnes found themselves without competition. 50 Consequently, the self-proclaimed "best in the West" were reduced to playing exhibition games against pick-up teams in town. In early J u n e the Corinnes played two games with the C.B.B.C. Juniors, the first youth club in Utah. T h e teenagers provided the stiffest challenge of the season, and the future for baseball in Corinne looked 46

Daily Corinne Reporter, April 24, May 9, 15, 22, 1871; Corinne Daily Journal, May 16, 1871. Daily Corinne Reporter, April 24, May 5 , 8 , 187'1; Corinne Daily Journal, May 6,7, 19,21, 1871. 4S Corinne Daily Journal, May 19, 2 1 , 1871. Daily Corinne Reporter, May 22, 1871. 4!) Daily Corinne Reporter, May 22, 25, 29, 1871; Corinne Daily Journal, May 28, 1871; Ogden Junction, May 27, 3 1 , 1871. 50 Cannon, "National Game," p. 4 1 , terms the abrupt decline of baseball in the capital city "inexplicable" and surmises that the decline stemmed either from the embarrassment of the Corinne victory in 1870 or from a normal ebb in interest in a sports fad. Whatever the case, none of the three Salt Lake newspapers mention match games in the city in 1871; the only references I have found to Salt Lake baseball for that year are to the Ennea-Corinne game of July 4 and the Ennea-Ogden game of July 24. Salt Lake Daily Tribune, J u n e 21, 1871; Salt Lake Daily Herald, July 4, 1871; Ogden Junction, July 22, 1871; Daily Corinne Reporter, July 24, 25, 1871. Interest in organized baseball in Salt Lake did not revive until September 1873. 47


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bright; as Toohy remarked of the youthful nine: "We have seldom seen the skill of some of them excelled." 51 Later that month the Corinnes played the Alkali Blinders, composed of prominent middle-aged businessmen and professionals. T h e town fathers played with reckless abandon but minimal skill: Frank Evans "caught a fly in his mouth," Gumpert Goldberg took a "short hop in the region of the belt," and William Patterson, following a badly "muffed" throw, left the field "to get some beer." 52 But baseball was more than fun and games to the Corinnes, and the club desperately sought respectable competition during the summer. An empty challenge from Savannah, Georgia, typical of telegraphic boasts that publicized a club without the danger of an actual test on field, was dismissed as the Corinnes endeavored to enhance their regional reputation at the expense of Nevada clubs as a prelude to contesting for the West Coast championship. After more than two months of seeking a match with clubs from Carson City, Reno, Virginia City, or "any nine that Nevada can muster," the Corinnes dispatched a formal challenge to the reigning Nevada champions, the Silver Stars of Carson City, to meet in Elko (relatively equidistant between the two cities) "to decide the championship of the Great Basin."53 But the Stars would do no more than "consider" the challenge, leaving the Corinnes to d r u m up local competition. Desperate for games, the C.B.B.C. eagerly accepted an invitation from the Enneas to participate in "a friendly game" in Salt Lake on July 4 and delighted the "large number of ladies and gentlemen" who attended the "social match" by coming from behind to win 28-21.54 T h e Corinnes then endured a month of inactivity when the anticipated meeting with the Ophir club failed to materialize because the Silver Heels were unsuccessful at "screwing u p their courage to challenge the Corinne cusses to a strife for the belt." 5

51 Daily Corinne Reporter, J u n e 3,9, 12, 187'\;Corinne Daily Journal, J u n e 11, 1871. Presumably the Corinne Junior Base Ball Club was patterned after the junior clubs first organized in Ohio in 1867. T h e junior clubs, comprised of boys 15 to 20 years old, were essentially youth auxiliaries. T h e boys were divided into two teams based on age, wore uniforms identical to those of the parent club, and played scheduled games against other juniors. See Ellard, Base Ball in Cincinnati, p. 68-75. 52 Daily Corinne Reporter, J u n e 26, 29, 1871; Corinne Daily Journal, J u n e 27, 29, 1871. 53 Daily Corinne Reporter, May 24, 31; J u n e 13, 21, July 13, 20, 22, 24, 1871. 54 T h e line-up for the Ennea club was the same as in 1870. Corinne Daily Journal, J u n e 20, 1871; Daily Corinne Reporter, J u n e 20,26,30, July 5, 1871; Salt Lake Daily Tribune, J u n e 21, 1871; Salt Lake Daily Herald, July 4, 1871. 55 Corinne Daily Journal, J u n e 2 1 , 1871; Daily Corinne Reporter, June 24,July 8, 11, 17, August 17, 1871.


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Finally, in early August a match game was scheduled with the Echoes of Ogden, an all-star team drawn from the Junction and Red Sash clubs. Toohy had earlier scoffed at rumors of such a challenge, suggesting that a victory of the Ogdenites over "the champion base ball players of the West" would be "the wonder of the nineteenth century." That the Corinnes took the game lightly is understandable after stalwarts Hodgman and Stone, who played for the Enneas in a July 24 contest against the Echoes, brought back reports of the "exceedingly poor game" won by the hosts 55-54. Consequently, Captain Hodgman's appeal to the "championship nine" to report for nightly practices so that "they may not be caught napping" was to no avail. On August 12 the Echoes stunned the home team and a "large crowd" of spectators by whipping the Corinnes 46-38. T h e defeat could easily have been worse: T h e Echoes had tallied 15 runs in the top of the ninth inning when, with two outs, the game was called to allow the Weberites to catch a train back to Ogden. Chagrined, Corinnethians took solace from the fact that their club was without the services of three of its best players â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Orme, Huey, and Miles.56 While the Corinne players "took their defeat with a very good grace," Dennis Toohy did not. Outraged that the game had produced "a 'foul' blot on the hitherto untarnished record of our invincible players," Toohy argued that the absence of the three stars was no excuse for not having "made a better showing," and he was furious that "the old story of want of practice, no time to go out and play," was being offered as an excuse. 57 That the club president's stinging rebuke had an immediate effect is evident from the subsequent announcement in the Reporter: "Practice of the Base Ball Club this evening at 6." T o demonstrate that they were ready for the rematch, the Corinnes a week later traveled to Northampton and whipped the North String club 47-18 in a game that "the [Brooklyn] Eckfords or [Philadelphia] Athletics might be proud to emulate." Once again seized by "a fit of baseballomania," Corinne was ready for the showdown with the Ogdenites. 58 T h e return match took place on August 26 in Ogden. Excitement in Corinne was so great at the prospect of the locals winning â&#x201E;˘Daily Corinne Reporter, June 2, Ju\y 24,25, August 4, 5,11, 12, 1871; Ogden J unction, August 16, 1871. T h e Reporter posted the score as 54-38, but I have accepted the more detailed account of the game, including a box score, in the Ogden Junction; whatever the official tally, the Corinnes would have faced an insurmountable lead had they received their last bats. 5 ''Daily Corinne Reporter, August 14, 1871. 5S Daily Corinne Reporter, August 16, 23, 24, 1871.


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C O R I N N E S VS. O G D E N E C H O E S *

CORINNES Hodgman, c Stone, s.s Barnard, c f Orme, p Hurlburt, r.f Harnish, 3rd b Huey, 2nd b Valentine, 1st b Aulbach, l.f

1

2

O 2 1 1 0 4 4 5 6 4

R 8 9 10 9 6 6 6 5 6

27

65

3

ECHOES Burns, s.s Davis, r.f McCarty, l.f Keller, p George, 1st b Calhoon, 3rd b Elmer, c f Provost, 2nd b Young, c

Runs in Each Inning 4 5 6 7 8 9

O 1 5 2 4 5 3 3 2 2

R 4 2 4 2 2 4 4 4 4

27

30 Total

Corinnes 3 1 3 14 19 20 1 4 0 65 Echoes 1 1 0 7 2 2 6 8 3 30 Home Runs: Corinnes — O r m e 2, Huey, 2, Valentine, 1. Echoes — Young, 2 Umpire, Mr. Lowe Scorers: Corinne Club, Mr. Glascott Echo Club, Mr. Hobart * Composite box score drawn from the Daily Corinne Reporter, August 26, and the Ogden Junction, August 30.

back their "lost laurels" that the Central Pacific railroad offered special excursion rates to fans, and the Reporter dispatched a special correspondent to file an on-the-spot telegraphic report at the conclusion of the game. With O r m e and Huey back in the line-up and the experienced Valentine substituting for Miles, the Corinnes scored three runs in the top of the first inning and were never headed en route to a 65-30 victory. T h e C.B.B.C. put on an awesome display of hitting, but the Ogden paper identified the major difference in the two teams: "From the start it was easily seen that the pitching of Mr. Oram [sic] . . . was too much for our boys."50 Unfortunately, Corinne's supremacy in 1871 was more selfproclaimed than demonstrated despite a 7-1 record. First, the Ogden Junction denied that Corinne was the Utah champion. Contending that the Corinne-Ogden game of May 27 was a "social" exhibition instead of a match game, the paper argued that a third game was necessary to decide the titlist. But the Corinnes, considering themselves champions because they had twice defeated Ogden, declared the season at an end. 60 Both sides were technically correct: the first game was staged in conjunction with a Methodist church social, but ™ Ogden J unction, August 23, 26, 30, 1871; Daily Corinne Reporter, August 25, 26, 1871; Salt Lake Herald, August 27, 1871. T h e Daily Corinne Reporter credited the Echoes with 31 runs, mistakenly crediting McCarty with 5 runs; I have followed more detailed scoring in the Ogden Junction. ™Ogden Junction, August 30, 1871; Daily Corinne Reporter, August 25, 26, 1871.


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the Corinnes did defeat the all-star squad that eventually became the Echo club. Although the Corinnes were decidely superior to the Echoes, the caveat tarnished their claim to the territorial title. T h e n the Nevada Register chided Toohy for declaring the Corinnes the champions of the Pacific slope because the Carson City club "would make the Corinnethians see (Silver) Stars." After Carson City, which had steadfastly refused to accept Corinne's "declaration of war," was defeated 67-30 by the nondescript Social Base Ball Club of Virginia City, the C.B.B.C.'s claim to superiority in the Intermountain region was bolstered if unproven on the field.61 When word arrived in late August that the Chicago White Stockings might extend their western tour to California, the Corinnes began to dream of national recognition. Ecstatic about the prospect of meeting the professional powerhouse, Toohy was confident the Corinnes would "knock the snowy hose off the shins of the Suckers" and demonstrate the superiority of the "athletes of Utah" over the "dandy base-men of the East." "If Corinne does not walk away with Messrs. White Stockings," he crowed, "then Joe Smith was no prophet." But the Chicago team failed to cross the Missouri, and in mid-September Toohy announced: "Our champions of base ball have put away their armor for the year, no club in the country daring to pick up the glove."62 Ironically, just when C.B.B.C. reached the zenith of success â&#x20AC;&#x201D; strong community support, abundant financial resources, two consecutive territorial championships â&#x20AC;&#x201D; interest in the national pastime abruptly dissipated in Corinne. As if to presage the demise of the club, the "entire pavillion" was "stolen" from the ball grounds during the winter. Spring saw the "juveniles" breaking out the bats and balls, but no club was organized. Pioneer Day and Independence Day passed without the traditional ball game. And while it was reported in early July that "base ball is revived here," the summer passed without an organized game being played. 63 T h e following spring a baseball club was organized, largely at Toohy's insistence, and on May 17 the first practice game in almost two years was held. 61 Daily Corinne Reporter, July 24, August 31, September 4, 1871; (Carson City) State Register, August 3 1 , September 1, 1871. 62 Daily Corinne Reporter, August 29, 30, September 13, 1871. As repeated references to the White Stockings indicate, the Chicago club was the favorite professional team of the Corinnes, perhaps because of the influence of Harry Taylor. T h e Reporter occasionally carried news of Chicago's triumphs, and on one occasion declared "the pale shins have the sympathy of the champions of America." Daily Corinne Reporter, July 13, August 7, 1871. 63 Daily Corinne Reporter, March 12, 13, 25, 26; July 5, 6, 1872.


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"Of course the 'flies' were muffed and poor playing was consequent," commented the Reporter, "but taking into consideration the very long time that has elapsed since a game has been played, they did remarkably well." T h e n , with characteristic braggadocio, Toohy exclaimed: "Before the season is over a better and more athlete [sic] club will not tread with manly firmness the green playgrounds of the Pacific slope." At first such optimism seemed justified, as the club staged a "lively" intrasquad game later that month u n d e r the auspices of Captain Short. But by early J u n e Toohy lamented that "the base-ball fever, which at one time threatened to envelop the youth and vigor of Corinne in an overwhelming sea of glory has 'gone glimmering through the dream of things that were.' "64 That baseball remained dormant in Corinne during 1874 is suggested by renewed efforts to form a club in the spring of 1875.85 In announcing plans to organize participants in ad hoc games into a formal club, the Corinne Daily Mail reminded residents that the town "in former times had a Base Ball Club that was the acknowledged champion of the Pacific coast." But hopes of forming a club that would "equal the reputation of the former ones of the city" were illusory, for there is no evidence of any organized competition during the summer. 66 However, some of the former members of the 1870-71 club in early September arranged for a game against soldiers stationed near the town. A "large crowd" witnessed first-hand just how far Corinne baseball had deteriorated. After "a desperate effort" by the civilians for eight innings, the Mail remarked that "the score according to our account stood 1 to 888 in favor of the soldiers." Although the margin of victory was surely meant to be taken figuratively, the Mail's assessment of the Corinne team was accurate: "All the spectators present except those religiously inclined, were of the opinion that the newly organized club, instead of playing base ball, had played h â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1 with their reputation." 67 By the spring of 1877 Corinnethians were struggling to no avail to recapture lost baseball glories. On the eve of Pioneer Day, the Corinne Record proclaimed: "Our base ball club holds itself in readiM

Daily Corinne Reporter, April 5, May 12, 15, 19, 20, 24, 26; J u n e 4, 1873. T h e r e was no newspaper published in the town from November 1873 to September 1974. See J. Cecil Alter, Early Utah Journalism: A Half Century of Forensic Warfare Waged by the West's Most Militant Press (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1938), pp. 55-59. 66 Corinne Daily Mail, April 16, 17, 21, 1875. ^Corinne Daily Mail, September 3, 6, 1875. 65


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ness to accept a challenge from any nine that can be scared u p in Utah. Who wants to give them a rattle?" 68 T h e r e were no challengers, baseball in Corinne having long since gone full circle from organized sport to sandlot game. T h e demise of organized baseball in Corinne is attributable initially to socioeconomic conditions prevalent in the boom town. By 1872 Corinnethians increasingly had little time for systematic play as "scarcity of labor" was a constant complaint. T h e demand for workers both in town and on the railroad undoubtedly kept many men on the job and off the playing field.60 Moreover, the unstable, highly transient population took its toll on club membership: by 1872 ten Corinnes â&#x20AC;&#x201D; including Aulbach, Huey, Robey, Orme, Stone, and Elwell â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were gone, and when Toohy moved to Salt Lake in 1873 baseball lost its principal booster. T h e n , too, rapid community growth produced numerous social and athletic alternatives to a baseball club. Competition for the leisure time of ball players came not from fraternal organizations such as the Odd Fellows, Good Templars, and Masons, but from other sport clubs.70 During 1872 croquet matches sponsored by the West End Croquet Club replaced baseball games as the sporting passion. Although Toohy railed against "that anti-muscular pastime," there was no curtailing the popularity of "Presbyterian billiards"; by 1873 he admitted that "croquet has broken out all over town" and that the game was "the leading sport of youngsters." 71 By the summer of 1873 regattas were the rage, with "many" rowing and yachting clubs vying for aquatic honors; for landlubbers, the Lacrosse Ball Club promoted the latest team sport. 72 T h e reason baseball so suddenly lost its popularity in Corinne is uncertain. But whether because of the departure of key players or simple lack of interest, middle-class Corinnethians moved after 1871 toward other recreational pursuits and formed clubs for virtually every local sport including fishing, swimming, ice skating, roller skating, and gymnastics.

68 Salt Lake Herald, March 24, 1877. T h e r e was no newspaper in Corinne from October 1875 to the founding of the Reporter in February 1877; xhe Reporter lasted only ten months, and no copies are extant. See Alter, Early Utah Journalism, pp. 60-62, and Madsen, Corinne, pp. 202-3. 6!, See, for example, Corinne Daily Reporter, J u n e 22, 26, 1872. 70 No Corinnes are listed among the more than fifty members of the Masonic order. See S. H. Goodwin, Freemasonry in Utah: Corinne, and Corinne Lodge No. 5 (Salt Lake City: Grand Lodge of Utah, 1928), p. 23. 7 'Corinne Daily Reporter, June 20, July 9, 1872, March 29, April 11, J u n e 10, July 3, 1873. 72 Corinne Daily Reporter, March 17, April 23, May 9, 3 1 , 1873.


Utah's First Baseball Champions

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Local conditions notwithstanding, baseball in Corinne would have declined because of problems associated with organized sport on the frontier. First, as the infatuation with other sports suggests, baseball was a fad. Baseball lacked staying power in burgeoning western communities in part because early settlers, in an effort to achieve instant status and respectability, whimsically embraced the activities and behavior patterns of urban communities. T h u s in nascent towns as diverse as Topeka, Kansas, and Salt Lake City, initial enthusiasm for the national pastime was followed by a period of waning interest in the sport. 73 More important, it was difficult to maintain a team sport like baseball in a rural environment. Given the absence of formal leagues and the difficulty of traveling to distant towns, match games were played sporadically; without regular competition, baseball clubs could not sustain themselves on intrasquad games. Intercity competition in Utah virtually ceased for a decade after 1871, and no championship series was held until two Salt Lake City teams competed for the title in 1877.74 Corinne never experienced a baseball revival as did Ogden and Salt Lake City because the Burg on the Bear went bust. Organized baseball is an essentially urban activity, and Corinne never became more than a frontier boom town. T h e chronological parameters of organized baseball in Corinne are instructive: the C.B.B.C. was formed in 1869 soon after the completion of the transcontinental railroad, and the last match game was played in 1875 against soldiers sent to protect the community from a bogus "Indian scare." 75 T h e beginning of the end for Corinne came in 1871 when the Mormons began building a narrow-gauge railroad north from Ogden through Cache Valley to Franklin, Idaho; the death blow came in 1877-78 when the Union Pacific took over the Utah Northern and extended the line north to the Montana Trail, thereby removing Corinne's raison d'etre. T h e town, already a shadow of its former self, was virtually abandoned: only 277 inhabitants, mostly LDS, were enumerated in the 1880 census. Within a decade the commercial Gentile capital of Utah had become a pastoral Mormon village.76 Baseball, symbolized by the C.B.B.C, played a brief albeit important role in early Corinne. That several h u n d r e d spectators, 73

Evans, "Baseball in Kansas," p. 180; Cannon, "The National Game," p. 41. Cannon, "The National Game," pp. 63-65. 75 See Madsen, Corinne, pp. 281-85. 76 See Madsen, Corinne, pp. 299-316. 74


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mostly ladies and gentlemen, regularly attended home and away games demonstrated that the national pastime was regarded as a fashionable social event; that the newspaper gave the sport unusually extensive, often hyperbolic, coverage indicates that the club was a major source of civic pride. Corinne became obsessed with baseball because the team met important community needs. Participation in the national pastime fed the town's self-image as the outpost of national culture and authority in parochial Mormon society. T h e success of the C.B.B.C. fostered civic pride and brought positive publicity to an upstart community desperately seeking recognition and respectability. T h e club itself gave impetus to preferred community values â&#x20AC;&#x201D; social stability amid transiency, wholesome physical recreation amid leisure-time debauchery. Finally, the C.B.B.C, the first formally organized social club in Corinne, set the pattern for a secular organization of social and recreational activity that contrasted with the church-directed social life of Mormon Utah. In short, the C.B.B.C. fostered community cohesion and chauvinism, fundamental but often ephemeral commodities in nascent frontier towns. Although the C.B.B.C. caught the fancy of the entire community, a socioeconomic analysis of thirty-two players reveals that baseball most directly met the needs of a specific segment of the population. Because most Corinne males were engaged in bluecollar occupations (freighters, construction workers, day laborers), one would expect a blue-collar ball club in the frontier town. But a majority, twenty-one or 66 percent, of the C.B.B.C. held white-collar positions. T h e occupational profile shows the following class orientation: nine or 28 percent of the Corinnes were high white collar (businessmen, professionals); twelve or 38 percent were low white collar (clerks, bookkeepers); three or 9 percent were skilled blue collar (brickmasons, carpenters, printers); two or 6 percent were semi-skilled blue collar (painters); and six or 19 percent were unskilled blue collar (miners, farm laborers). If one excludes the five Box Elder County players, each of whom was a farm laborer, the white-collar level increases to 78 percent. T h e marital status of the members was also at variance with community norms. Whereas 62 percent of the Corinne males over twenty-one were single, a reasonable percentage for a frontier town, 78 percent of the ballplayers (25) were bachelors. Ethnically, the C.B.B.C. conformed to the gen-


Utah's First Baseball Champions

135

eral Utah profile: twenty-two or 69 percent of the Corinnes were natives of the United States, while the foreign-born members had a decidedly Anglo-Saxon configuration with five Britons, three Canadians, a Dane, and a South African. None of the Corinnes was a Utah native. 77 T h e Corinnes were young adults, the average and median ages being twenty-five and twenty-four years respectively; almost one-third of the members (11) were twenty-four years old at the time of the 1870 census. In sum, the Corinne Base Ball Club was a middle-class organization that met the social and recreational needs of the town's rising mercantile and professional bachelor subculture. 78 Because the ultimate measure of a baseball club is performance, the question remains: How good were the Corinnes? Judging from the scores of their games, they would probably not have fared so well against better teams in the Midwest or East where single- or low double-digit tallies were the norm. But as Aulbach maintained after observing the California championships, the Utahns may well have been the best in the "bush leagues" of far western baseball. That the Corinnes were especially talented is suggested by their consistent domination of local opponents compared with the erratic performances of top teams in Nevada and California. Certainly Herbert Orme, the "Sampson of Box Elder," was one of the premier players in the region. Arguably the best in the West, the Corinne Base Ball Club unquestionably deserves historical recognition as the first territorial champions and the progenitors of the national pastime in northern Utah. 70 77 For Utah demographics, see Richard D. Poll et al., eds., Utah's History (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), pp. 690-91. 78 Dennis Toohy, who never actually played baseball, and three members of the second team (William Glascott, William Munro, and David Short) were the only Corinnes identified with the community elite; Toohy was the lone Corinne to be a stockholder in the local opera house, the focal point of high society. See Rue C. Johnson, "Frontier Theatre: T h e Corinne Opera House," Utah Historical Quarterly, 42 (Summer 1974): 285-95. However, the C.B.B.C. was well connected with town government in the personages of Mayor Munro, City Attorney Toohy, City Recorder William T. Fields, Councilman Frank B. Hurlbut, and Marshals}. M. Langsdorf and J o h n Q. Harnish. 7!l As the "county" team, the Corinnes had a major impact on Box Elder baseball. Local tradition has it that "when the railroad came through and Corinne was established, the Corinne men introduced the games common in the East." T h e major eastern sport was baseball, and Herbert O r m e in particular is credited with helping organize teams in Brigham City, Honeyville, T h r e e Mile Creek (Perry), and Willard. Lydia Walker Forsgren, History of Box Elder County (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1937), p. 185.


Deserets, Red Stockings, and Out-of-Towners: Baseball Comes of Age in Salt Lake City, 1877-79 BY KENNETH L. CANNON II

Salt Lake City, late 1870s. Washington Square, where baseball was played, was then on the edge of town, four blocks south of the Gardo House in distant right of center of this C. R. Savage photograph, USHS collections.

1 HE LAST THREE YEARS OF THE 1870s witnessed a flowering of baseball in Salt Lake City with the first professional players in the city, the largest crowds to view local games in the nineteenth century, and controversy over the game that increased through the period. Baseball was the center of summer conversation for many Salt Lakers, and nearly everyone knew about the two best local clubs, the Deserets and Red Stockings. Religious affiliations increased local interest. T h e number of spectators attending games sometimes equalled 25 percent of the city's population, and more teams were fielded than ever before. These years and the two principal clubs Mr. Cannon is an attorney in Salt Lake City and a member of the Advisory Board of Editors of Utah Historical Quarterly.


Baseball in Salt Lake City

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were long remembered in the city's lore. In short, the period was the golden age of baseball in nineteenth-century Salt Lake City. Somewhat paradoxically, however, events during the period also undermined the local sport. Baseball had been introduced into Salt Lake City shortly after the Cincinnati Red Stockings traveled through Utah Territory in 1869 on the new transcontinental railroad. After a brief period of popularity in the early 1870s, interest waned in the "national game." Slowly a more mature community interest in baseball developed, and by the mid-1870s one club, the Deserets, dominated the local game and a diamond had been laid out on Washington Square. 1 By 1877 the Deserets were ready to take on clubs from rival Intermountain cities. In mid-May 1877 the Deserets met "to organize a representative club for the Territory and place it upon a permanent footing." T h e club had earlier elected officers, leased the east half of Washington Square, and hoped to improve the field so that outside teams could be attracted to play in Salt Lake City. T h e desire for outside competition seems only natural because the Deserets had found no local clubs that could hope to match them. Over eighty people had joined the club by the time of this initial meeting, including prominent local businessmen who threw their financial support behind the team. 2 Games reported in Salt Lake newspapers in April indicated there were at least seventeen teams in the city playing baseball. T h e reason, to the Tribune, was evident: "Salt Lake City has for a number of years fostered the game of base ball. In fact, our city would not be up in modern ideas did she not do so." 3 This was a theme local newspapers were to repeat for the next three years â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that Salt Lake City was as modern and up-to-date as any other city in the West and probably the country, and one manifestation of this was the interest in and support for baseball. 4 T h e newspapers were, according to urban community theory, attempting to draw on community pride to provide support for local baseball. T h e papers seemed to be

1

For a discussion of the earlier period see my " 'The National Game': A Social History of Baseball in Salt Lake City, 1868-1888" (M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1982), pp. 18-48; and Larry R. Gerlach, "The Best in the West? Corinne, Utah's First Baseball Champions," in this issue. Washington Square is where the Salt Lake City and County Building now stands. 2 SaltLake Tribune, May 15, March 18, 23, 1877. 3 Salt Lake Tribune, April 18, 1877. T h e Tribune continued, "In these times base ball clubs are almost an imperative necessity." 4 Salt Lake Herald, August 21, 1877, Salt Lake Tribune, September 6, 1877.


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telling local residents that if they wanted their city to appear modern they needed to support baseball. 5 T h e Deserets e x p e n d e d several h u n d r e d dollars in improvements for the ball park. T a m e grass was planted on the square for the first time, and a new grandstand and bleachers were constructed. By late April the Deserets' games were attracting as many as fifteen h u n d r e d spectators, even though scores were rarely close because of the Deserets' superior playing skills.6 T h o u g h many people attended games, baseball had problems in establishing its respectability in Salt Lake. Betting was indulged in at the ball park; crowds, especially on the sunny east side where the cheap bleacher seats were located, were often loud and sometimes offensive; and such activity as smoking and drinking (which many Mormons found offensive, at least in public) were often seen. 7 Because of this, the baseball clubs, with the help of the newspapers, tried to gain more respectability for the sport. "Ladies" were encouraged to attend and were provided with covered seats and free admission. 8 For one game the Tribune of July 22, 1877, promised: "Ladies may rest assured that nothing improper will be permitted on the grounds." Betting and boisterousness also undermined the game's respectability in other parts of the country, and similar attempts to attract women to the games were made: ". . . Experience has shown that nothing tends so much to elevate the game, to rid it of evil influences, to lead to proper decorum and to gentlemanly contests than the countenance and patronage of the ladies." 0 Campaigns to woo women to the contests were sometimes successful, but there is no indication that the presence of the "fair sex" made crowds less boisterous or hindered betting. Some prominent Salt Lake businessmen supported the baseball teams, and the newspapers were quick to point this out. In addition, the management of the ball park announced that "Disreputable characters will not be permitted on the grounds." Although the 5

Claude S. Fischer, The Urban Experience (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Janovich, 1976), pp. 102-103, 121. 6 Salt Lake Tribune, April 19, May 15, April 20, 1877. 7 Ibid., May 16, September 2 1 , 1877; Salt Lake Herald, J u n e 1, 1877, July 14, 1878. T h o u g h many Mormons at the time did not adhere strictly to their Word of Wisdom in private, most at least condemned public smoking and drinking. 8 Salt Lake Tribune, July 15, 1875, April 19, May 6, J u n e 1, 1877, J u n e 15, 1879; Salt Lake Herald, July 15, 1875, May 10, 1877. â&#x20AC;˘'American Chronicle of Sports and Pastimes, May 28, 1868, p. 172, as quoted in J o h n Rickards Betts, America's Sporting Heritage, 1850-1950 (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1974), pp. 218-19. For further treatment of the influence of women on sports, see Betts, pp. 218-31.


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Tribune and the Herald regularly reported odds that bettors were making on the game, neither paper approved of betting on "manly sports." Both papers also urged spectators to be polite. T h o u g h loud cheering might be condoned, offensive yelling would not. 10 By July 1877 an out-of-town team had been signed to visit Salt Lake City. T h e Cheyenne Red Stockings were coming, and the series between the Deserets and the Cheyennes was one of the chief topics of conversation in the city. It was reported that the Cheyenne team was the champion of Wyoming and further that it had beaten the best Denver team. Tickets for reserved seats were sold prior to the game at twenty-five cents for general admission and fifty cents for seats in the grandstand. By the time of the first game with Cheyenne seats were available for as many as two thousand. 11 T h e Cheyennes came into town for three games to be played over the Pioneer Day holiday. T h e initial game on July 23 was the first contest between a Salt Lake team and an out-of-territory club. T h r e e thousand spectators were present, which meant that many were forced to stand around the periphery of the playing field. T h e final score of 3-2 for the Deserets indicated the improvement in play from earlier days when both teams might score close to a h u n d r e d runs in a single game. Never had there been such a low-scoring game in Utah. T h e Tribune proudly reported: "The very small score of two to three has never been equalled before by any club west of Omaha." 12 Again, the newspapers were attempting to attract local interest by showing the Salt Lake players were as good as any in the West. Both the Tribune and the Herald published full reports of the game and included extensive box scores similar to those used now. T h e box scores recorded at-bats, outs, runs, total bases, put-outs, assists, errors, doubles, triples, runners left on base, called balls, strikes, strikeouts, out on flies, and flies missed for each team. This represents Salt Lake's growing sophistication in understanding baseball and also the newspaper readers' growing interest in the statistical data of the game." 3 More people than ever before in Utah turned out for the game on July 24. T h e Tribune reported that five thousand spectators were l0

Salt Lake Tribune, April 18, June 12, September 23, 1877; Salt Lake Herald, July 22, 1877, May 24, July 14, 1878, June 22, 1879. u Salt Lake Herald, July 22, 1877; Salt Lake Tribune, July 21, 22, 1877. i2 SaltLake Tribune, July 24, 1877. 13 Ibid.; Salt Lake Herald, July 24, 1877. Some historians believe statistics are an important component of modern sports. See Allen Guttman, From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern Sports


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present, while the Herald estimated the attendance at between five and six thousand. 14 These figures, if correct, were equalled several times later in 1877 and 1878 but were only rarely approached again until the twentieth century. Salt Lake City at the time had approximately twenty thousand residents so that the equivalent of 25 percent of the local population attended the game. T h e game was long and finally had to be called for darkness. T h e score stood at 18-18, and the Deserets kept their two-year unbeaten string of victories alive. Five thousand spectators also showed up for the third and final game on July 25, won by the Deserets 17-11. 15 T h e series excited a great deal of talk in town: Nothing since the exposure of the stealings of the City Hall ring by that immortal Grand Jury, has caused so much talk among all the classes. Judges, lawyers, Grand Jurors, Federal officials, merchants, ministers, tradesmen, and everybody else deserted the business part of town to go and witness the three successive matches, and still base ball is the chief topic of conversation.

Having a local team made u p of local players beat clubs from other Intermountain cities was a major source of pride. Residents now spoke of players on the Deseret club "As 'our pitcher, our catcher, our fielders,' etc." 16 Shortly after the Cheyenne series, two occurrences rocked the Deseret organization and undermined its unified support. T h e first of these was a charge made by the Cheyenne team that their pitcher had been paid by the Deserets to throw the games. This brought an immediate denial from the Deserets, who told the Herald that their club was organized to foster the national game in the territory and "to afford its members a means for physical culture,. . . and not as a medium for trickery and fraud." Charges of bribing opposing players were fairly common in the early days of baseball. Many believed the charges and objected to the game as a result. 17 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), pp. 109-10; Roger Angell, The Summer Game (New York: Viking Press, 1972), pp. 4, 303. 14 Salt Lake Tribune, July 25, 1877; Salt Lake Herald, July 26, 1877. A later reminiscence recalled the "exciting home games that used to deplete Main Street" (Salt Lake Herald, September 28, 1884). l! -Salt Lake Tribune, July 25, 26, 1877; Salt Lake Herald, July 26, 1877. ,R SaltLake Tribune, July 27, 1877. T h e Deserets at this time were made up of both Mormons and Gentiles, and so those interested in baseball from both groups probably supported the club. Gunther Barth argues that city people discussed games at work as a diversion from work, and thus sports provided an important socializing function in this way also. See his City People: The Rise of Modern City Culture in Nineteenth-century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 151. n Salt Lake Herald, July 31,1877. See also David Quentin Voigt, American Baseball: From Gentleman's Sport to the Commissioner System (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966), pp. 17, 20, 6 1 .


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Although this charge made the Deserets uneasy and forced them to defend themselves to the city, the second accusation had a more divisive effect. In a letter to the editor of the Tribune, "Consideration" (as the writer signed the August 3 letter) objected to the name of the local team because of the strong overtones of Mormonism included in the word "deseret," especially now that the team was predominantly non-Mormon. Many of the writer's friends believed the club to be largely Mormon because of the name and were reluctant to support the team for that reason. "Consideration" had no objection to Mormon baseball players, nor even to a team composed primarily of Mormons. Such a team, however, "would have to look for sympathy and assistance in a different direction to that from which the Deserets club receive the sinews of war." T h e writer believed that one might as well have "an apostle for a pitcher, 'Holiness to the Lord' on the bat and an 'All seeing eye' on the ball," as be called the Deserets. He concluded his epistle by stating that he would not personally withhold his "sympathy or support from the Deserets on account of their objectionable name," but felt that many others might. T h e directors of the club admitted that their support came largely from the Gentile portion of Salt Lake City (and therein told an important story), but they felt that it was only because "the Mormon classes are mainly foreign to the sport, and must be in a measure educated to it." Of the starting nine of the Deserets, four were Mormons, and they were good players who were respected by the club. T o the directors, " T h e question of religion is a subject which in social life should have no bearing." With respect to the name of the team, "The word 'Deseret' is the motto of the territory of Utah, and we certainly see no reason for changing the name.'" 8 T h e controversy did not end there; it had hardly begun. Two responses in the next day's Tribune came from Deseret players. G. W. Snow and W. George wrote that they were two of the four classed as Mormons in the first nine of the team by the directors and they objected "to any such classification. Please state that we belong to the non-Mormon element, and that the proportion of Gentiles to Mormons is seven to two, and not five to four." T h e other letter came ,s Salt Lake Herald, August 4, 1877. T h e statement that the major support for baseball came from the Gentile community is important, especially when it is understood that a large part of the Mormon population was made up of foreign-born or children of foreign-born. T h e sentiments of the directors were especially broad-minded considering the period in which they were written.


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from Charles P. Huey, one of the directors of the club. He protested the letter signed jointly by the directors of the club and objected strenuously to the statement that religion should have no bearing in social life. He highly regarded the Mormon players on the team but could not support so sweeping a social statement. These controversies caused the four players classified initially in the Herald as Mormons to leave the team and necessitated a reorganization of the Deserets. T h r e e of the four players — William George, Richard P. Morris, and Joe Barlow —joined the new Red Stocking club which had recently been organized out of the best players of the Deserets' two major rivals: the Metropolitans and the Rough and Readys. 10 With the addition of the three former Deserets to the team, the Red Stockings were almost as strong as the Deserets. What might have been disastrous for baseball in Salt Lake — the forced reorganization of the Deseret club — actually turned out to be a very healthy development. T h e Deserets were marginally weakened and the newly formed Red Stockings were strong enough to challenge the territorial champions. A series of games was arranged between the two teams. Soon people were talking about the upcoming August 25 game as "the sporting match of the season," and it was "the principal topic on the streets and in the parlor." 20 T h e Deserets were entirely Gentile after the reorganization, and the Red Stocking club was almost completely Mormon. T h e Gentile Tribune and the Mormon Herald favored the team each would be expected to, though both papers were generally pro-baseball. 21 T h r e e thousand enthusiastic spectators turned out for the game. It is probable that more were not there only because the pride Vi Salt Lake Tribune, September 9, October 7, 1877. Snow and George, the two who disavowed affiliation with the Mormon church, left the Deseret club along with the two acknowledged Mormons, Morris and Barlow. Morris was later a Democratic mayor of Salt Lake City in the early twentieth century (DeseretNews, April 3, 1925). Barlow's full name was Joseph Smith Barlow, and it is clear that he was a Mormon, as he was endowed in the Salt Lake Temple in 1874 (Family Group Records, Deseret News, March 25, 1919). 20 Salt Lake Tribune, August 24, 1877. 2 ' Of the nine Red Stockings who played in 1878 when they won the territorial championship (the lineup was only slightly different from the 1877 team), eight of the nine starters, Heber Grant, Dick Morris, Aflie Barker, Joe Barlow, Gronway Parry, Ollie Bess, Alexander Watson, and David C. Dunbar, were clearly Mormons. Only William George, who was at least seen as belonging to the "Mormon element" until he disavowed his church affiliation in his letter to the editor, could possibly not be classified as a Mormon. See Patriarchal Blessing Index, Historical Department of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City; Family Group Records, Obituary Index, LDS Genealogical Society; Deseret News, March 25, 1919, April 3, 1925, November 21, 1938, March 11, 1943. It should be noted that the father of the Red Stocking player David C. Dunbar was one of the founders and owners of the Salt Lake Herald and thus that paper had added reason to favor the Reds. See Deseret News, November 21, 1938.


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of the city was not directly at stake and because many still felt that the Deserets were invincible and believed the game would be one-sided. T h e Deserets lost, however, by a score of 22-14 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; their first loss in several years. 22 No longer did Salt Lake have only one "crack" (to use the then-popular term) team; it now had two clubs that would contest for the territorial championship. T h e second game was played on September 8 before a crowd estimated at four thousand by the Herald and twenty-five h u n d r e d by the Tribune. T h e Deserets returned to their winning ways by scoring a 6-3 victory in a closely contested game. 23 T h e Herald's reporter would have been happier with this score than with the first game's total, despite the outcome, because he had earlier written that he hoped the games would be low scoring so that local spectators could see "that Utah is not behind other states and territories in turning out good players of the national game." 24 T h e stage was set for the third and concluding game of the first real contest for the territorial championship in several years. Both teams had practiced daily in preparation for the first two games, and now they redoubled their efforts. Community interest was running higher than ever. Five thousand turned out for the third game. "Considerable sums of money" were wagered, and one Reds supporter put up $250 in bets. T h e more experienced Deserets won decisively by a score of 12-4, making some bettors very happy while others "seriously meditated upon the fleetness of riches and the mutability of h u m a n affairs." T h e Tribune regretted the gambling but felt that "In all out-door sports betting is a propensity that will ever be apparent, and it would be an exceedingly difficult matter to wean men from indulging in these occasional." 25 T h e 1877 season was to have ended with this series, but both teams agreed to play once more during the Mormon conference in October to give their "country cousins" a chance to see a good game of baseball. T h e teams were consciously trying to introduce the game to the hinterlands of Utah and thereby expand its appeal. T h e Deserets again won, 11-4.26 A number of new developments in baseball had been seen in Salt Lake during this season. Scores were lowered, indicating im22

SaltLake Tribune, August 26, 1877; Salt Lake Herald, August 26, 1877. Salt Lake Tribune, September 9, 1877; Salt Lake Herald, September 9, 1877. 24 Salt Lake Herald, August 21, 1877. 25 SaltLake Tribune, September 23, 1877. 26 Ibid., October 6, 1877. 23


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proved skills on the part of the teams. Alston, the catcher for the Deserets, who rarely completed a game without being knocked senseless by a foul ball or dislocating fingers or splitting thumbs, tried out a new wire mask like the one introduced the same year in the East.27 Alston's numerous injuries and his use of the mask provide further clues to why scores were going down: changes in pitching. Pitchers in Salt Lake introduced the fast ball into the local game in 1876, and in 1877 the best local pitchers }JC M, added curve balls to their repertoire (though they were still throwing underhand). These new and faster pitches W. A . C A N D Y C U M M I N G S made the catcher's job more hazardous PITCHED F I R S T CURVE B A L L IN BASEBALL but also lowered the scores. Both the fast HISTORY. I N V E N T E D CURVE A S AMATEUR ball and the curve came to Utah within a ACE OF BROOKLYN STARS IN 1 B 6 7 . E N D E D comparatively short time after these LONG C A R E E R AS H A R T F O R D P I T C H E R IN 28 NATIONAL L E A G U E ' S F I R S T Y E A R 1 8 7 6 . pitches gained wide usage in the East. C o m m u n i t y interest was high in 1877 because early in the season the DesW. A. "Candy" Cummings erets had defeated a club from a rival plaque at Cooperstown, N. Y Intermountain city. Salt Lake was still Courtesy of the National Baseball Hall of Fame and cohesive e n o u g h to feel c o m m u n i t y Museum. pride in such an accomplishment. T h e city was, however, growing rapidly, and much of the population may have been losing its interest in making Salt Lake appear up-to-date. As cities grow such broad community interest diminishes, but as it does residents begin identifying with smaller groups within the city. According to the subcultural theory of urban sociologists, the gathering of large numbers of people in a city produces new groups or subcultures that are not possible in areas with smaller populations. Sheer numbers increase the chances of finding enough people 27 Salt Lake Herald, August 21,1877; Salt Lake Tribune, July 26, September 23, October 7, 1877. T h e catcher's mask had been introduced in 1877 by Thayer, the captain of Harvard's team, who had James Tyng, his catcher, wear one. Voigt, American Baseball, p. 85; Will Irwin, "Baseball II â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Working Out the Game," Collier's, May 15, 1909, p. 15. 28 Arthur Cummings, a pitcher for the Brooklyn Stars, introduced "curved pitching" in 1867, but he had few imitators for a number of years, Will Irwin, "Baseball III â&#x20AC;&#x201D; T h e Art of Pitching," Collier's J u n e 5, 1909, p. 11; Voigt, American Baseball, p. 13; Seymour R. Church, Base Ball: The History, Statistics, and Romance of the National Game from Its Inception to the Present Time, 1902; reprint ed. Princeton, N.J.: Pyne Press, 1974, pp. 33-34.


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with similar interests in the city. Thus, many subcultures found in a city are not found in the country. Residents of cities tend to identify with these subgroups rather than with the city itself as the city grows. Most people, of course, are affiliated with a number of subcultures in the city, and there is much overlapping of groups. 20 It is evident that the series between the Deserets and Red Stockings attracted the support of several subcultures in the city: the baseball community, those interested in betting, and groups of Mormons and Gentiles who supported the two clubs and felt vindication at the victory of the "Mormon" team or "Gentile" team. At the end of the 1877 season, the Tribune published the Deserets' record for the year (13 wins, 1 loss, 1 tie) and announced that the team hoped to secure their own playing field and be reorganized on a "corporate basis" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; apparently meaning that there would be professional players. 30 T h e 1878 season opened, as the previous season had, with much public interest. T h e r e were now two "crack" teams in Salt Lake City, and many people wanted to see the Red Stockings and Deserets play. T h e Deserets had evidently been unsuccessful in obtaining their own park, for they once again petitioned the city council to lease the Washington Square field to them. However, a counter petition stated that a public area such as Washington Square should be used "for the public good, and not granted for private speculation." Later, another petition from cricket players and other baseball players also asked that the Deseret petition not be granted. These opposing players did not want one team to have a monopoly on the field as in the previous year. This apparently struck a resonant chord with the city council, because it denied the Deseret petition. That the council's opposition was due to reluctance to giving only one team control over the field and not opposition to "private speculation" (in the form of charging admission for games) soon became clear when the Deserets joined with other baseball and cricket clubs to form the Salt Lake Base Ball and Cricket Association and again submitted a petition. This time the petition was granted, and the grounds were leased to the new association. T h e terms of the lease included the right to charge for match games (twenty-five cents was to be the normal charge, but it could be raised to fifty cents for games involv211

Fischer, The Urban Experience, pp. 68-151. 'Salt Lake Tribune, September 26, 1877.

u


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ing out-of-town teams) and some control over the field in order to protect the improvements to the park. 31 In May the association improved the ball park by resodding the field, extending the bleachers, and constructing a new grandstand. In J u n e another grandstand was built, enlarging the seating capacity of the ball park. 32 Both the Deseret and Red Stocking clubs began playing teams in preparation for the inevitable championship series between them. After one such contest between the Red Stockings and the Mill Creek team, the Salt Lake Herald wrote that "The increasing interest in base ball is evident from the size and nature of the crowd that witnessed the game, many prominent citizens being among the most interested spectators." 33 T h e first game of the Reds-Deserets series took place on the first holiday of the summer â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Decoration Day (May 30). Interest was high in the game, and precautions were taken so that no one could enter the game without paying admission. Two policemen patrolled the fences and the grandstands to guarantee an orderly game. Fully five thousand people watched the game from the bleachers, grandstands, and grass a r o u n d the diamond and from buggies and treetops outside the park. T h e Red Stockings gave the Deserets their second loss in as many years, 11-3. TheHerald noted that the crowd's "sympathy was by large odds with the Reds." It is unclear if this was due to the fact that the Reds received their support from the Mormon population, which was numerically dominant in Salt Lake, or because the Reds were the underdogs. (The Reds had a new second baseman in 1878, future Mormon apostle and president Heber J. Grant. 34 ) Some suspected the Deserets of throwing the game to create greater interest in subsequent games, something that was denied emphatically by the Deserets. 35 T h e second match game, played almost two weeks later, also drew an "immense crowd" and again resulted in a win for the Red Stockings by a score of 9 to 6. T h e 31

Salt Lake City Council Minutes, March 19, 26, April 9, 23, 30, 1878, microfilm copy, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah; Salt Lake Herald, March 20, 27, April 10, 24, May 1, 1878. 32 SaltLake Tribune, May 7, J u n e 22, 1878. When this grandstand was completed it is probable that more grandstand and bleacher seats were available at Washington Square than would be again offered at a baseball park in Salt Lake until the twentieth century. 33 Salt Lake Herald, May 24, 1878. 34 Ibid., May 30, 1878; Salt Lake Tribune, May 30, 1878. Grant had played in 1877 for the Metropolitans, probably the third best team in Salt Lake; see Salt Lake Herald, April 19, 1877. 35 Salt Lake Herald, May 30, J u n e 1, 1878; Salt Lake Tribune, May 30, J u n e 1, 1878. Actually, the Deserets publicly offered (with their tongues firmly in their cheeks) to throw the game for $5,000 per player.


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The champion Salt Lake Red Stockings team of1878: Alexander Watson, Richard P. Morris, David C. Dunbar, Gronway Parry, HeberJ. Grant, Oliver Best, Joseph Barlow, Allie Barker, and William George. Improvement Era, November 1936.

Herald was disappointed with one of the Reds who wasted "fully fifteen minutes over a call by the umpire." 36 T h e Deserets played the third game on J u n e 29 with an "imported first baseman" who was probably the first professional player in Salt Lake, but he did not do well and made no difference in the game. A "tremendous crowd" had assembled at "the square" to witness what many had thought would be the last of the three-of-five games series, but the Deserets won by a big margin â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 22-6. 37 Now the two local teams were ready for outside competition and the Denver Browns arrived for a series of games against both the Deserets and the Red Stockings. These games attracted a "great deal of attention throughout the territory, and the railroad companies have made arrangements to run excursion trains, tickets for which will give general admission at the ball grounds." 3 8 Not only were Salt Lakers proud of their two "crack" teams, many in the territory also were, and they all looked forward to matches with "outside" teams to see how good their local clubs really were.

'Salt Lake Herald, June 16, 1878. 1 Ibid., June 29, 30, 1878; Salt Lake Tribune, June 29, 30, 1878. l Salt Lake Herald, June 28, 1878.


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Although Otero, the Denver pitcher, was the best hurler yet to play in Salt Lake with a "very swift ball" and "all the curves," the Deserets won the first game 13-6. They beat the Browns again on July 4 before another "immense" crowd, and the Reds beat them on July 5. T h e Browns finally won a game against the Deserets on July 6 but were again defeated by the Reds on July 7. This was the first time Salt Lake had seen a number of match games on successive days, and it taxed local interest. One man who wanted to form a quoits league found that "the continual cry" for baseball "is becoming confoundedly monitorious." T h e Herald was relieved to see the series finished. Fewer spectators had shown up at the park each day because "five consecutive games on consecutive days are rather more than the admirers of this amusement can endure." 3 0 T h e following Saturday the fourth game of the series between the Reds and Deserets was played, with the Deserets winning 13-3 before the noisiest crowd yet seen in Salt Lake City. Not only was the normally noisy east side loud, the west was "not at all backward in giving evidence of its loyalty by vociferous applause and not infrequent yelling," which was, however, "devoid of these idiodic and extremely insulting remarks which characterize the utterances from those on the sunny side." 40 T h e local spectators were becoming what would now be known as "fans" and what were called "cranks" in nineteenth-century America. 41 T h e arrival of a n o t h e r out-of-town team, this time from Cheyenne, was greeted with some fanfare because the Wyoming club reportedly had added several professional players from the East to its roster. T h e two Salt Lake teams made quick work of the Cheyenne Reds, however. T h e Deserets won by large margins in successive games, and then the Salt Lake Reds beat them by a score of 14-12, which appears quite close until it is realized that several Deserets played for the Cheyenne club.42i Finally the highlight of the season approached â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the deciding game in the territorial championship series. T h e Salt Lake Tribune reported that the games between the Deserets and Red Stockings 3!

Tbid., July 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 1878; Salt Lake Tribune, J u n e 30, July 3, 6, 7, 1878. City fathers, upset during the series because the management of the ball park had begun to charge seventy-five cents for seats in the covered grandstand, forced the admission price for the covered seats to be lowered; Salt Lake Tribune, July 4, 1878. 40 Salt Lake Herald, July 14, 1878. 41 Robert Smith, Illustrated History of Baseball (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1973), p. 28. 42 Salt Lake Herald, July 19, 23, 25, 27, 28, 1878; Salt Lake Tribune, July 23, 25, 27, 28, 1878.


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were far more interesting than the match games with teams from without the territory. Betting was light; there were few takers at three-to-one odds for the Deserets to once again take the territorial pennant. However, the Reds won 11-10 before "a tremendous and excited crowd." This game, when added to all the others of the year, had "broken the back of base ball for the season," according to the Herald. T h e r e had been enough baseball for one summer. After the game both teams had their pictures taken by pioneer photographer C R. Savage. At least the photo of the Red Stockings survives. 43 T h e 1878 season was probably the most successful year for baseball in nineteenth-century Salt Lake City. T h e city had two excellent teams that were well matched and that could beat other teams in the Intermountain West. Financial support was strong enough that both the Deserets and Red Stockings probably played on a semi-professional basis.44 T h e two teams apparently derived much of their support from different subcultures in Salt Lake and so provided not only a source of pride in the town and territory but also created a spirited rivalry in the city. This type of rivalry between Mormons and non-Mormons may have had a healthy effect on the everyday relations of the two groups by allowing them to take out some of their frustration with each other on the playing field. Baseball expanded a great deal on a more informal level in 1878. Teams made up of co-workers in stores and crafts played against each other on numerous occasions, and even such groups as the local yacht club split into two teams to play.45 It is likely that one could see a baseball practice or game on Washington Square every day during the summer except Sundays. 46 Such informal baseball

43 Salt Lake Tribune, August 3, 4, September 12, 1878; Salt Lake Herald, August 4, 1878; T h e photograph of the Red Stockings was published in an article on Heber J. Grant in xhe Improvement Era, November 1936, p. 663. 44 T h e r e are some oblique references in the papers to players receiving some compensation for playing. For example, when the Deserets played the Brown Stockings once in August, several of their players were unable to play and the team's roster was "padded out" with amateurs (Salt Lake Herald, September 1, 1878). Also, on July 3 a letter to the editor of the Herald referred to the players of both teams as "professionals" (ibid., July 3, 1878). An informal history of the local game written in 1884 stated that "there was a time in the history of the National Game in this city, when its devotees made as much from following it, as the average actor made from following the stage" (ibid., September 28, 1884). 4 *Salt Lake Herald, July 18, August 2, 1878; Salt Lake Tribune, August 1, 2, 1878. 46 Sunday baseball was outlawed and ordinances banning Sunday play were strictly enforced (Salt Lake Herald, May 26, 1874, J u n e 4, 1879). Later, when baseball was regularly played on Sunday in Salt Lake, the Deseret News strongly opposed such play (DeseretNews, October 12, 1891). Sunday play was a continuing source of conflict in baseball around the United States in the late nineteenth century (Harold Seymour, Baseball: The Early Years [New York: Oxford University Press, 1960], pp. 9 1 , 135, 139, 149, 211, 261).


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also provided an avenue for would-be Deserets and Red Stockings to develop skills and display their talents. T h e newspapers, which had played an important role in the popularization of baseball before, played an even more significant role in 1878. Upcoming games were heavily publicized and informal histories of the game in Utah were included in the papers. Extensive reports of games were published, indicating an increasingly sophisticated reading audience educated in part by the local newspapers. Detailed box scores showed a growing interest in the statistics of the game, further evidenced by the offer of a prize for the best batting aver47

age. By April 6, 1879, negotiations had been entered into by the Base Ball Association to have teams from Denver, Laramie, San Francisco, and Chicago visit Salt Lake. 48 T h e Chicago White Stockings had just two years earlier been A. J. Reach, a celebrated champion of the National League in the National League player of the league's first year of existence. 40 For once 1870s, later became an (and the unusual nature of this must be equipment manufacturer. emphasized), teams from each of these Courtesy of the National Baseball Hall of Fame and cities actually did play in Salt Lake City. Museum. T h e outside teams were being courted because "The manifest intention of the interested parties is to produce this season a better grade of playing than has ever been seen in this city." In addition, the Herald noted "a more friendly feeling between the local rivals . . . Every endeavor will be made to secure harmony between them, and the result will probably be more interesting games and better order." 50 T h e Salt Lake baseball fraternity was doing everything it could to make the 1879 season even better than the previous season. T h e Deserets and Red Stockings resumed their rivalry on April 12. A parade was staged before the game to advertise it and to give it 47

Salt Lake Herald, August 29, 1878. Ibid., April 6, 1879. 4!) Hy Turkin and S. C. Thompson, The Official Encyclopedia of Baseball, 6th ed. rev. (New York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1972), p. 43. 50 Salt Lake Herald, April 6, 1879. 48


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a little more "pomp." T h e Deserets won 9-5 in a game shortened to five innings because of inclement weather. After the game it was announced that the 1879 territorial championship would consist of a five-of-nine game series to be begun in two weeks.51 After the first Deserets-Reds game the Herald reported that "The outlook is such as would indicate a revival of last year's base ball fever." T h e Deserets won the first game of the championship series 12-8. It was clear that both teams had firm financial backing. T h e reorganized Red Stockings had new uniforms, the game was played for stakes of $250, and the Deserets once again fielded a paid player, this time a genuine professional. 52 R. E. McKelvey, the Deserets' new captain, catcher, and sometime pitcher, was only the first of several "imported" players the Deserets brought to Salt Lake in 1879. McKelvey had the year before played sixty games for the National League team in Indianapolis a n d was thus a g e n u i n e major leaguer. 53 In spite of the Deserets' new professional player (and possibly players, even this early in the season), the Red Stockings won the next game 11-9 in extra innings, once again before a large crowd. For some reason dissatisfaction was manifested with the Reds, because soon there was talk of getting the previous year's full team together to play the Deserets. This is difficult to explain in light of the fact that only three games had apparently been played between the two teams and the Red Stockings had won one of them. Perhaps other games had been played that went unreported because the Herald noted that "The failure of the Red Stockings of this year has brought their friends out, and they propose to see the best nine put forward." Much of the city was undoubtedly interested in seeing local players beat a team partly composed of imported professionals. Soon a game was arranged between the Deserets and the Red Stockings of 1878. "Barker, Morris, Grant, Watson, Barlow, McLain, George, Dunbar, and Bess" were all set to play the Deserets. 51 Ibid., April 13, 1879; Salt LakeTribune, April 13, 1879. T h e tradition of advertising the game by a parade continued in 1879 and in the 1880s after baseball was revived in the city. h2 Salt Lake Herald, May 1, 2, 1879; Salt Lake Tribune, May 2, 1879. 53 T u r k i n and Thompson, Official Encyclopedia of Baseball, p. 278. It is unclear whether the professional players were paid for playing baseball or were instead paid for no-show jobs. One of the primary sources for the fact that there were professionals in Salt Lake in 1879, an 1884 reminiscence, states that "McKelvey . . . [and others] had been paid regular salaries." However, the same article also states that the players were "provided with easy positions," indicating that they were not paid directly for playing baseball (Salt Lake Herald, September 28, 1884). If they were in essence paid u n d e r the table for playing baseball, this would mirror the early practice in the East, where for various reasons the first professionals were not paid openly (Smith, Illustrated History, pp. 23-24).


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T h e Tribune reported that "Friday's game continues to attract attention and in sporting circles it is the only thing of comment, in fact, a season of ball sport is now at hand that really promises well." T h e Deserets won 17 to 15 before a crowd that approached the size and enthusiasm of those of the previous year, but they had to rely on luck.54 T h e old Red Stockings had gotten together for only one game and had been defeated. T h e new Reds were apparently never to play as a team again. T h e Deserets were once again viewed as invincible. T h e Tribune hoped that "We of Salt Lake" would take pride in the Deserets as the city's representative in the baseball world and provide the support they needed to do well against other teams in the West.55 No longer would religious rivalry play a role in local baseball. Now the support would have to come largely from a sense of community pride. T o maintain its support the local club would have to be very successful against outside teams. In early J u n e the team from Laramie arrived. Actually the team was made u p of players from Laramie, Cheyenne, Green River, and Evanston and reportedly had once again a number of players from the East. An arrangement had been worked out among the Denver, Laramie, and Salt Lake teams to crown a Rocky Mountain champion based on games the three clubs would play against each other. On the day of the first game with the Wyoming team the grounds were filled "quite a while before the hour of commencement in anticipation of the finest base ball game ever witnessed here." Instead, the team was the poorest that had ever visited Salt Lake and lost 16-2. T h e Herald believed that at least six teams in Salt Lake could defeat the Laramie club. T h e Deserets won the second game by a score of 24-2, and the Herald reported "when we see a game we like to see it played by persons slightly acquainted with the game at least."5 Baseball observers in Salt Lake were no longer content to watch second-rate play. T h e next important development of the season came in late J u n e when the San Francisco Athletics, the first fully professional team to play in Salt Lake, arrived. Hopes were high that the local championship club could beat a professional nine. T h e Deserets brought in two more "imported" players: Funkhouser, who had ">4Salt Lake Herald, May 11, 25, 1879; Salt Lake Tribune, May 11, 28, 31, 1879. ^Salt Lake Tribune, J u n e 4, 1879. 56 Ibid., J u n e 4, 6, 1879; Salt Lake Herald, J u n e 6, 10, 1879.


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probably played with the St. Louis National League team the previous year, and C L. McKelvey, probably the captain's brother. T h e California team was alternately identified by Salt Lake papers as the California League champion and as the "best and most successful team in the West." Betting was heavy, and local gamblers had become sophisticated e n o u g h t h a t they s p e n t time watching the two clubs practice. T h e upcoming games were the talk of the territory: "Everything is base ball, and parties here are expecting friends from all parts of the Territory to visit them and spend a week, which will be one of pleasure ind e e d , unless s o m e t h i n g u n f o r e s e e n happens to mar it."57 On J u n e 28, the day of the first game, the ball grounds at Washington Square saw the biggest crowd ever. T h e c San Francisco club won a very close game « 13-12. T h e Herald, always desirous of gentlemanly conduct on the diamond, Player Harry Wright designed objected to the Athletics' "kicking" at the the standard baseball uniform. u m p i r e and the crowd's s u b s e q u e n t Courtesy of the National 58 hissing of the San Francisco players. Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum. Another large crowd was on hand for the second game in which the Deserets led until the ninth inning when the Athletics scored several runs and won 20-19. T h e Deserets had played with sore hands, one of the liabilities of playing without gloves in the 1870s. In addition, the Herald reporter found the game — exciting and close as it was — "tiresomely long." 50 But on July 2 the Deserets won 23-15, on the 4th they won by the low score of 5-3 before an "immense concourse of people," and on the 5th they won 18-7, thus taking three of five games from the professional Athletics. T h e Herald immediately proclaimed the Salt Lake club to be the champion of the West.60

S7i?

"Salt Lake Herald, J u n e 1 4 , 2 2 , 2 6 , 2 7 , 1879; Salt Lake Tribune, J u n e 13, 19,22, 1879; Turkin and Thompson, Official Encyclopedia of Baseball, pp. 176, 250. T h e entire west stands were covered and extra bleacher seats were added for the series. ™Salt Lake Herald, J u n e 29, 1879. 5! Tbid., July 1, 1879. See also Barth, City People, p. 151. 60 Salt Lake Herald, July 3, 6, 1879; Salt Lake Tribune, July 3, 6, 1879.


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When the San Francisco club left, they took with them the former Red Stockings' pitcher, Allie Barker. Barker, who was to r e t u r n to Salt Lake and remain prominent in baseball circles throughout most of the 1880s, was only the first of many home-town boys to be lured away from Salt Lake City by teams that could offer salaries and a chance to see more of the world. Barker was soon lauded by the Alta California for his fine pitching. 61 T h e next team to visit Salt Lake was the Omaha club, professionals in the Northwestern League. After Omaha won the first two games by close margins, it was decided that a championship series would be established among the California League teams, Omaha, and Salt Lake. Each team would play each of the others five games to determine the champion of the West. This fell through when Salt Lake beat Omaha in the third game. According to the Salt Lake papers, Omaha feared that they might actually lose to the Deserets and therefore left before playing all five scheduled games. Salt Lake's hopes of a grand league and a championship series were dashed. This was only one of many attempts by a Salt Lake club to form a league. Even when leagues were later established, few lasted through a season. 62 Denver suddenly got the urge to contest the Deserets in their claim for the supremacy of baseball in the Intermountain West: T h e Salt Lake Deseret club occupies too high a position in base ball circles to remain unmolested, they have scooped everything of a local nature there this year, bounced Laramie from the track, corraled the pets of San Francisco, scared out the Omahas, and made arrangements to tackle the champion Chicagos in October.

T h e n the Denver paper asserted that their local team was the best ever, "and if Denver cannot capture the laurels from the Deserets this season, she may as well give it up forever." 63 For the Denver series the Deserets signed Allie Barker, who had recently returned from San Francisco, and Bob Addy, who was an old professional. Addy was probably the third sometime major leaguer on the 1879 Deserets and the one with the most impressive 61

Salt Lake Herald, July 17, 1879; the Herald quoted Alta Californian, July 14, 1879. Salt Lake Herald, July 26, 27, 1879; Salt Lake Tribune, July 26, 1879. Even as late as 1905 leagues that Salt Lake teams were members of were unable to successfully complete a season (Salt Lake Tribune, J u n e 19, 1905). T h e Deseret News in 1906 divulged that through that year professional leagues in which Salt Lake teams had been involved had almost always gone bust (Deseret News, August 3, 1906). 63 Denver Tribune, August 2, 1879, as quoted in Salt Lake Tribune, August 19, 1879. 62


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Chicago White Stockings, 1876-77. The White Stockings traveled to Salt Lake City in 1879 for a series with the Deserets. Courtesy of the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum.

credentials. He had played in the old National Association from 1871 to 1875, was a member of the champion Chicago White Stockings in 1876, and was player-manager of the Cincinnati Red Stockings in 1877. T h e Deserets beat the Denver team four out of the five games. 64 T h e Rochester H o p Bitters arrived in September and were the first genuine eastern professional team to play in Salt Lake City. T h e Herald wrongly believed that the club was a member of the National League, but the team was very good nonetheless. Crowds of over one thousand turned out to watch the Deserets lose to the H o p Bitters 17-5 and 28-3. T h e Tribune expressed surprise at the skill of the Rochester team: "It was simply bewildering the way the Empire State club sailed in and sent the leather shooting to all points of the compass." 65 T h e Deserets then went to Denver for a return series with the Browns. A complaint that was to become common emerged during 64 Salt Lake Herald, August 21, 1879; Turkin and Thompson, Official Encyclopedia of Baseball, p. 74. Addy is credited with being the originator of the practice of sliding into base, though at the time his "act was largely thought a clownish one" (Smith, Illustrated History, p. 28); Salt Lake Herald, August 24, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 1879; Salt Lake Tribune, August 24, 26, 28, 29, 3 1 , 1879. 65 Salt Lake Herald, September 10, 1879; Turkin and Thompson, Official Encyclopedia of Baseball, p. 43; Salt Lake Tribune, September 19, 1879.


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this first road trip and indicates once again the increasing sophistication of baseball observers. T h e Deserets were losing to the Denver team they had so recently beaten, and "no one is surprised because they left many of their best players." 66 Time and again this same complaint was repeated against future Salt Lake teams that traveled elsewhere to play.67 T h e papers were apparently trying to salvage respectability and support for the local team by in essence saying the Deserets were better than Denver but were losing only because of poor management. T h e Herald reported the score of the first game as 10-6 in favor of the Denver club, and none of the Salt Lake papers reported the scores of the other games. Although the team lost every game in Denver, they received a warm greeting when they returned to Salt Lake City.68 Finally, the Chicago White Stockings of the National League arrived in town for three games with the Deserets. Chicago won 24-4 in the first game and 14-0 in the second (although McKelvey, who pitched for the Deserets in the second game, allowed only one earned run â&#x20AC;&#x201D; indicating the lack of defensive support a club might be expected to give). For the third contest the two teams split up, and the game ended 14-9 with neither club being able to claim victory or defeat. 60 T h e summer of 1879 had brought several new developments to the local game. For the first time clubs had visited that were entirely professional. Salt Lake had enlisted several "imported" players, who were being paid u n d e r the table if not openly, enabling the Deserets to play on equal terms with all but the professional teams from the East. Another first was also seen during 1879. Although Salt Lake teams had earlier planned road trips, they had never been able to take such trips. Their first road trip (to Denver) had been unsuccessful, but it was significant that a Salt Lake team had ventured out to play. Other developments would soon undermine baseball in Salt Lake City. No longer was there a brisk local rivalry to stimulate support. Thus, "subcultural" support for the game was weakened. Salt Lakers were now called upon to support a team made up increasingly of outsiders. "Cranks" had no close relationships with 66

Salt Lake Tribune, September 26, 1879. See, e.g., Salt Lake Herald, July 23, August 2, 1885. 68 Ibid., September 23, October 1, 1879. 6!, Ibid., October 11, 12, 1879; Salt Lake Tribune, October 10, 11, 1879. fi7


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these outside professionals, and thus support for the team had to be derived largely from a sense of community pride. T h e club had to be successful to insure such support. T h e 1879 season ended on an ambivalent note for baseball in Salt Lake City. T h e period of 1877-79 had seen a flowering of baseball in the city. Fan interest was often intense and baseball filled an important recreational need for players and spectators alike. Players' skills improved considerably to meet intense intracity and intercity rivalries. Salt Lake was proud of its "crack" teams, especially those made up of local players. Spectator interest soared during part of 1877, all of 1878, and part of 1879 for games between the Deserets and Red Stockings, which had strong religious overtones. T h e subcultural interest in the game was added to community interest to create the greatest support of baseball nineteenth-century Salt Lake City saw. Commercially, the sport was successful enough to enable the Deserets and Red Stockings to play on a semi-professional basis in 1878 and to enable the Deserets to attract genuine professional players in 1879. T h e addition of these new professionals led, however, to the dissolution of the Red Stockings, who found it impossible to compete. Support continued for the new Deserets as long as they were winning, but local spectators found it difficult to support players they did not really know when they represented Salt Lake and lost. Other aspects of the game weakened support for baseball in Salt Lake City. Widespread gambling was criticized in some quarters. Rumors of "thrown" games were often circulated. Loud, boisterous crowds worsened the reputation of the sport and did not endear baseball to those who lived close to Washington Square. Because of these problems the city council refused to relet Washington Square to the Deserets in 1880, and no high caliber baseball was played in the city for several years afterward. 70 T h e period of 1877-79 was the golden age of nineteenthcentury Salt Lake baseball. T h o u g h some developments encouraged local supporters of the game who looked forward to the 1880 season, other developments presaged the end of this golden age and a dim period ahead for baseball in Utah's capital city.

70

game.

See Cannon, " 'The National Game,' " pp. 97-118, for an account of the decline in the local


Joe Nielson hoists an impressive catch from Fish Lake. Courtesy of the author.

Joe the Fish Lake Guide BY LEA NIELSON LANE

1 HE MAN WHO "NEVER GOT SKUNKED, "Joe Nielson, my father, was a professional guide on Utah's Fish Lake for forty-five years. Getting skunked meant not catching a fish, and he was well known for finding the big ones. Mrs. Lane, a daughter of Joe Nielson, lives in Provo.


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It has been more than seventy-five years since Joe and a friend traveled on horseback up the hogback trail to the lake that had seldom been fished by white men. On a bright J u n e day in 1908 they came to the legendary lake like mountain men of an earlier age, packing their bedrolls, their grub in saddlebags, and a scrap of canvas for shelter. Early the next morning Joe and his friend built a raft and went out onto the lake's dazzling blue-green surface. T h e air and the water were as pure as they had been the first day of creation. As Joe later described it, "In the shadows of the east bank mackinaws lay and looked as big as logs." "There was no one else on the lake," he had continued his tale; "I was so eager I snarled my line the first cast." In the sparkling sunlight and glittering ripples they could see the small # 2 Colorado spinner touch the surface and the fish would come up to it. "In those days it was no trouble to catch the eastern brook," he said. He was a man of few words, but his eyes would light up when he talked of fishing with his friends and mentioned the steelheads, natives, and rainbow trout. "It was a great day," he said. "It didn't take long to get a box full." How big is a box full? How many pounds could a man eat and salt down to take home? T h e r e were no ice chests or refrigerators in those days. At night they strung the fish from a tent pole to a high tree to keep them safe from bears and other wild animals; in the day they hid them in their bedding to keep the fish cool and safe from flies. Or they put the fish in a gunny sack and anchored it in the cold, running spring water. Joe started fishing when Fish Lake was a wilderness area. Soon after his first trip to the lake, people from more distant parts than the next ranch to Grass Valley, Joe's home, started coming to the lake for vacations â&#x20AC;&#x201D; people with money in their pockets. And so my dad and my uncle, Sisson Hatch, decided to go professional. They put up a tent on the southwest edge of the lake near what they later named Doctor Creek, near Doc Easton's newly completed cabin. They h u n g out their shingles much the same as a lawyer or doctor did in those days: "JOE T H E GUIDE." This simple sign was destined to hang for forty-five years at one of the resorts that grew up around Fish Lake. Sometimes he would explain to us, as we clustered around him, that he went to the lake to make money to pay the taxes on our home and farm, but I know that he loved to go and loved the people he met, and so he worked for more than just money.


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As soon as the melted snows would let him through, Joe would haul his camp equipment u p the twenty-mile-long hogback trail, set up camp, then take the team and wagon back home as he needed to put in the crops on the small farm in Grass Valley. He would ride Old Bishop, one of our big work horses, back to the lake, then turn him loose to come home by himself. In a few weeks or a month, when Joe could no longer stand being away from his family, he would walk the twenty miles home. I remember when he would arrive in the night with a pack of dirty clothes on his back, and mother would get u p and cook a big meal for him no matter how late it was. After eating, he would turn out his pockets for us kids to see the small gold pieces with which his services had been paid. I remember him telling us that some rich man he had taken out carried his gold in a leather bag around his neck, and I visualized the bag as being huge. He would count his currency and silver, then give us a few coins saying: "Take care of that, it's hell to be poor when it snows." He might when it was morning send us racing to the store to buy penny-pieces, or chocolates, or even ice cream, always with the admonition to "bring back the change." When wagons and buckboards were being replaced by cars, the state built a dugway to Fish Lake to replace the old trail. From the valley we could see the dynamite blasts and, finally, the straight line cut into the steep mountainside. When we took our first ride to Fish Lake in a car we found the road was not straight as it appeared from the valley. It was full of curve after curve â&#x20AC;&#x201D; hairpin hair-raising curves â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a single lane of dirt, and if two cars needed to pass, one of them would have to back up to an inner curve that was a little wider. I was carsick and terrified. T h e dugway has long since been replaced by a modern highway, but the scar it left can still be seen from the valley. During the roaring twenties Joe bought a second-hand Model T Ford to drive to work and back. He seemed to have a lot of trouble with a leaking radiator, and he tried to stop the leaks with cornmeal, eggs, potatoes, or anything else anyone might suggest. When the old car would heat up on the steep hogback road that he still used, the steam would blow several feet high and spew forth a noxious mixture smelling like rotten eggs. He had trouble starting the car, and if he used it in winter it was the devil's own problem. I remember him building a fire u n d e r the engine and cranking like mad. He put wheat in his tires instead of using inner tubes and air. He would


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mount the wheat-filled tires and pour them full of water so the wheat would swell and tighten them up, making them blowout-proof. I remember one wild ride down when the brakes gave way. Rocks, scrub pine, and underbrush made a poor road as we screeched by, and only gravity held us on the earth. T h e wheat-filled tires did not blow out! Resorts grew u p a r o u n d the sapphire blue lake and the sportsmen came from farther and farther away. People from every financial level came and asked Joe to take them fishing, from Wallace Berry to the service station attendant. Both movie stars and service station attendants were new kinds of jobs, and Joe's was a new kind of job, too, all with new skills. Such men were signs of a new age. In 1922 Joe moved his guide service to Skougaard's Resort a few miles north and lived in a cabin with two small windows that had no glass but sliding wood shutters, two built-in beds, a few rough wooden shelves, and a small wood-burning iron stove. T h e r e was a porch where they could hang their fish high enough to be safe in the night. Surrounding the cabin were quaking aspen, wild roses, gooseberries, and icy streams. When I was old enough to go and spend an enchanted week with Dad, he had a nine-foot, flat-bottomed wood boat that he had made himself, a small Johnson outboard motor, and two buckets with holes in them like sieves. They were tied to the gunwales ready to be thrown over the sides in order to slow the boat down to the right speed for trolling. At this time he was using a Davis spinner. After buying the first one he made some of his own; after all, they were not patented, or if they were, no one knew much about such legalities. I have seen him cut the spoons from sheets of brass and hammer them into the right shape to make them spin. He used at least three sets of red glass beads alternating with several spinners. I can almost see them yet as he lowered them with loving care into the clear greenlooking water; in the sun's brilliant rays they cast their reflections in a whirlpool of light. I have seen him make other lures with feathers, colored threads, hand-carved wood â&#x20AC;&#x201D; painted and daubed, all combined with beads and metals. He was an artist with these lures, and they were big secrets for a long time, the assurance that Joe the Guide would catch fish when none of the other guides who came later and tried to imitate him could find any. Every summer, when my brother and sisters became old enough, each child would get a week's vacation at the lake with our


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dad. Although I was a girl, my father called me his Danish Boy, or Tick-Miern which meant fat Mary. I was treated like a boy until the boys started to follow me around and someone â&#x20AC;&#x201D; my parents together, probably â&#x20AC;&#x201D; decided I was too old to sleep with my dad. I remember many nights sleeping with him on the thick straw mattress u n d e r several wool-filled camp quilts. At the almost 9,000 foot altitude, it got very cold at night. Even now, so many years and miles away, I can still, almost, hear my uncle talking about the day's fishing. He talked all night, it seemed to me; he talked as fast as he ate dried-up chocolate cake soaked in milk. He would still be talking when I would hear my father say "Um-hum" a few times, then start to snore. I remember pleasant days of wandering around the resort alone, or finding a new acquaintance, or entertaining myself by following the creeks to their source and going through the small fish hatchery on one of the Twin Creeks. Sometimes, if my father was late in returning, I would worry about him. (After all, several men had drowned in the lake's icy waters. I would recall such tales â&#x20AC;&#x201D; stories my own dad had told and I knew he would not lie if it killed him.) I would want to do something for him, so I tried repeatedly to make a fire in that cute little stove that never worked for me. I remember hearing people say, "That's Joe the Guide's girl; he sure couldn't disown her," and I'd almost burst with pride. Occasionally, if Joe the Guide had only one or two people to take out, he would let me go on a trip with him. I seldom fished, preferring to watch the clouds and their reflections in the water, or look for the tantalizing gold and red Davis spinner and be the first to see the fish at the end of the spinner as the line was pulled in. I had never heard the word boredom. Sometimes I would row the boat, and then Father would not use the motor or the buckets. I loved the motion and rhythm of rowing and the speed I could make this isolated, minuscule world move across the water. At times Dad allowed me to take the boat out on the lake alone. T h e n I would feel like the center of the universe. I loved the silence and mystery of being by myself and in control of my life on the lake, but I knew he watched me because once a storm came up suddenly. I rowed as hard as I could, but I could not move the boat shoreward. T h e waves slapping against the boat terrified me. I could see little people on the pier, waving their arms, and I supposed they were trying to help me; but all I could hear was the wind and the splash of the whitecapped


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waves all around me that drove the boat harder than I could row. In spite of my greatest effort, I seemed to be drifting farther and farther out. T h e n I remembered the talk about the men who had drowned in the lake, "Got a cramp and went down like a rock . . . ," or my dad saying, "You can't swim in that icy water â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I've never tried" or "He stood up in the boat, must have been drunk. . . ." Before I lost control of myself and stood up in the boat or went down like a rock, I saw my dad. He had j u m p e d into someone else's boat and rowed out to rescue me. In the 1920s when I vacationed with my dad at Fish Lake, he charged $3.50 for a limit, or so much an hour â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I do not remember the hourly rate. If the fish were not biting he would stay out as long as his customers could take it, trying to give them their money's worth or even agree to try it again tomorrow for the same price. T h e price was always agreed upon in advance, Size of catches at Fish Lake and he never reneged on an agreement. diminished over the years. T h e resorts flourished d u r i n g the Courtesy of the author. 1920s and my father did well. Sportsmen came from far and near and told their friends about my dad and his intuitive ability to catch fish. Joe the Guide became famous. Not only did old customers come back, but new ones were swelling his list all the time. T h e fish in the lake were rapidly being reduced in number and becoming harder to catch. T h e Utah legislature passed laws to protect the fish, reducing the limit and forbidding the guides to fish. My father had a great respect for the laws of nature and the nation, and in particular for the Utah Fish and Game laws. When the fishing and guiding law was changed, forbidding guides to fish, my dad accepted the restriction. He talked about it, so we all knew of the change. He did not like it as it made his job harder, but for the survival of the fish he felt it was right. He was ahead of his time as an environmentalist and was careful to catch no more fish than the limit in pounds and length. Honesty was his religion. I was married and living away from home when I heard that Joe had been arrested for fishing while guiding. I said I did not believe it and became angry when I was laughed at. Joe was taken to court. He pleaded innocent and explained that from time to time it was neces-


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sary for him to touch a customer's line in order to know what was going on. Sometimes the fisherman would not know if he had caught a fish and might drag it to death, or he might get moss on the hook and drag that. I knew it was true, for I had seen him do that very thing many times. Simply by taking the line in his big, calloused hands he would know if there was a fish on the hook. T h e j u d g e believed him too, and Joe the Guide won the case. Tourists and fishing enthusiasts continued to come even during the Great Depression, and Dad never missed paying his taxes on our home and farm. Nowadays foreign cars, mixed with Chevrolets and Fords and all manner of recreation vehicles, overrun the Fish Lake Forest. Fishermen come with all kinds of lures and bait imaginable. Fish are planted regularly in an effort to fill the public's appetite. Some of the fingerlings may be hooked the very day they are released, and it is rare for one to survive many seasons or grow to a remarkable size. Old cronies and their sons came occasionally to visit Joe the Guide in the last years of his life, and they still talked about the "big ones" he had helped them catch. A sign has been posted in his memory beside a bush he used as a mark for the beginning of the mackinaw run, "Joe's Bush." Watch for it next time you are driving around Fish Lake. Not once, and I would wager more than my income tax rebate on this, did he ever take someone fishing who did not have a Utah license, or ask an unlicensed kid who had not fished to carry some of the fish as if they were his because the adults had caught far more than their combined limits allowed. Not once did he ever use this ploy to fool a game warden if they chanced to meet one. Sometimes I went on trips with another guide, a distant relative, and he set up this trick â&#x20AC;&#x201D; having me carry some of their fish. I never trusted that guide again, and I wondered if he might not have been the one who suggested to the game warden that Joe was breaking the law by fishing. "If I don't hit a stump, I'll be up there next year," I can hear my dad say, as I dream today u n d e r the twinkling leaves of the quaking aspens. "I'll be up there next summer. Come up and say 'Hello,'" he reminisced in 1954. He guided two more years, forty-five in all, and died when he was eighty-six, still remembering and still remembered. He outlasted all the guides.


Harry Aleson and the Place No One Knew BY GARY T O P P I N G

1 HE W E S T AS A SCENIC LURE for tourists is a well known fact, a fact that accounts for the existence of entire libraries of guide books, travelers' accounts, novels, and downright propaganda. Although the veracity of that literature varies widely, nearly all of it makes good reading, and it shows that the scenic West is and always has been, in various ways, big business. Among the western states Utah ranks high in scenic resources; perhaps only Yellowstone, Yosemite, and Grand Canyon National Parks possess scenic beauty and tourist appeal equal to or greater than the canyonlands parks in southern Utah. This is not to say that Utah has ever tried to realize fully its tourist potential; and one of its most magnificent resources, Glen Canyon of the Colorado River, has come to be known, through Eliot Porter's photographic essay of 1963, as "the place no one knew." 1 Whether Glen Canyon was generally unknown is a debatable point to which this essay will offer relevant data but does not pretend Dr. Topping is curator of manuscripts for the Utah State Historical Society Library. Eliot Porter, The Place No One Knew (San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1963).

1

Harry Aleson's boat near the mouth of Lost Eden Canyon, right, in Glen Canyon of the Colorado River, October 1955. Wk Courtesy of Dick Sprang.


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to resolve. It is true that few white men, with occasional exceptions like Cass Hite, Bert Loper, and Arthur Chaffin, had chosen to linger in Glen Canyon during the three-quarters of a century after Maj. J o h n Wesley Powell's first description of its beauties in his 1875 report. 2 Prior to the 1940s most of the human activity in the canyon resulted from three classes of people: prehistoric cliff-dwelling people who found the canyon's remoteness, its gentle climate, and plentiful supply of wildlife much to their liking, cattlemen, and various mining entrepreneurs who, singly and in groups, were lured in the years around the turn of the century by the idea that Glen Canyon's gentle currents and sandy river bottoms were "nature's sluice box," trapping all the gold washed out of the Rocky Mountains by the Colorado River. Glen Canyon had its gold, but it was much too fine to be practically recoverable, and more money by far was spent than earned on gold mining there. 3 H u m a n activity in Glen Canyon accelerated rapidly in the 1940s as entrepreneurs of a different kind began to mine the less tangible but more productive resources offered by tourism. Guides like David Rust and J o h n Wetherill had offered trips either on or around the river thirty years and more earlier, but it remained for Norman D. Nevills, operating from his Mexican Hat Lodge on the San J u a n River, to demonstrate the solid business potential of regular river trips for tourists on the San J u a n , the Green, and the Colorado rivers. T h r o u g h off-season advertising and recruitment of famous a n d articulate passengers like Barry Goldwater and Wallace Stegner, Nevills built a reputation as a knowledgeable and skillful river guide that no other individual, perhaps, has since been able to equal. From the late 1930s until the 1949 airplane crash that ended his life, Norman Nevills, in the minds of some, owned the Colorado River. Few seem to realize, though, that Nevills was far from alone on the river, for his success quickly bred imitators. T h e decade of the 1940s saw the birth and growth of a number of other firms, and the 1950s witnessed such growth in commercial river traffic that it was unlikely that one could take a trip through Glen Canyon during the 2

See the expanded version of Powell's report reprinted as The Exploration of the Colorado River and Its Canyons (New York: Dover Publications, 1961), pp. 227-34. 3 T h o u g h it only concerns directly the Stanton-Stone venture, C. Gregory Crampton and Dwight L. Smith's edition of The Hoskanini Papers: Mining in the Glen Canyon, 1897-1902, by Robert B. Stanton, University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 54, is a good introduction to the entire history of mining in Glen Canyon.


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tourist season of April to October without encountering several other boating parties. Among those who joined or followed the Nevills expeditions were the Hatch, Wright-Rigg, and HarrisBrennan firms and the parties of Georgie White, Ken Sleight, and several others. However, the most frequent trips through Glen Canyon were probably those guided by one of Utah's most colorful yet least known characters, a redoubtable Norwegian river boatman named Harry Leroy Aleson. Waterville, Iowa, where Aleson was born in 1899, was an auspicious name for the birthplace of a future riverman. T h o u g h he altered the family name of Asleson to the more manageable Aleson, he was fiercely proud of his Nordic heritage, a feature that he had in common with several other outstanding Colorado River explorers such as Amos Burg and Haldane Holmstrom. World War I interrupted his education after two years of high school and very nearly destroyed the rest of his life, for he was gassed in France , which left him with a severe chronic stomach ailment and entitled him to a total disability pension. For roughly twenty years after his return from the war, Aleson was adrift, unable to find a stable role in life. He completed high school and took a few engineering courses at Iowa State University which resulted in several insignificant jobs with geophysical exploration teams searching for oil in the Southwest. By the end of the 1930s, though, he had discovered the Colorado River and the Grand Canyon, and he quickly gave u p any desire for a life apart from the river. His love for the river cost him his marriage; after twelve years together, he and his urban-oriented wife separated in 1940. "So you want to go live at Meade [sic] Lake," his wife wrote, "Of course I don't have to tell you how I feel about it. T o make a success of my life I will have to live in a city, and I guess you know that." 4 Aleson had taken up residence at a tent camp in Quartermaster Canyon on upper Lake Mead. T h r o u g h the knowledge he had gained of the upper reaches of the lake and the lower Grand Canyon, he had secured sporadic employment by the Bureau of Reclamation and Grand Canyon-Boulder Dam Tours, the National Park Service-sanctioned concessionaires for tours on the lake. Since the firm knew little of the area in which Aleson was operating, he was useful to them in extending their tours. 4 Thursa Arnold Aleson to Harry Aleson, March 4, 1941. Harry Aleson Papers, Utah State Historical Society. All citations to Aleson documents are from this collection.


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It was not long before Aleson's penchant for offbeat activities on the river came to the fore. O n e of these was his love for hair-raising upriver motorboat runs, one of which cost him his job. One evening he borrowed a boat without authorization and r a n it u p t h r o u g h several big rapids where it eventually capsized. As he stood u p on t h e overturned hull of the boat to signal his fellow workers on the way back down, one of them sarcastically likened him to Christ walking on the water, but Aleson's employer failed to see the humor in Aleson repairing an outboard motor. the waterlogged motor and unPhotograph by James Tallon, USHS necessary risk to his boat. 0 collections. Aleson accomplished several other daredevil feats in the company of Georgie White, later famous (and still active though past eighty years of age) as "the woman of the river." Together with herpetologist Gerhard Bakker, Aleson and White hiked most of the intended route of the three ill-fated members of Powell's 1869 expedition from Separation Canyon to St. George, much of which Bakker covered while carrying a live specimen of a rare species of rattlesnake in a muslin bag on top of his backpack. 6 On another occasion Aleson and White hiked down Parashont Wash to the river and attempted unsuccessfully to build a raft in a reenactment of James White's supposed pre-Powell trip down the river. Unable to move their driftwood raft out of backcurrent eddies into the main river, they eventually inflated a small rubber raft they had fortunately brought along and completed the trip. 7 T h e most celebrated of their expeditions, though, were the two long life-preserver runs they made on the lower river in 1945 and 1946. In later years, 5 Jay M. Haymond and J o h n F. Hoffman, interview with Otis R. "Dock" Marston, May 28, 1976, Utah State Historical Society Oral History Collection, p. 105. "Georgie White Clark and Duane Newcomb, Georgie Clark: Thirty Years of River Running (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, n.d.), pp. 26-37. 7 Aleson, "Adventure on the Colorado," Beehive History 7 (1981): 15-18. This posthumous publication of Aleson's own account of the trip was edited by Miriam B. Murphy.


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responding to an inquiry from a man who wished to make a similar trip, Aleson remembered his experience with little enthusiasm: I can recommend it — ONLY — if you wear woolen long-handles and full rubberized suits. Otherwise, damnably cold on the water, — hour after hour. It is a 119V2 mile river trip. Some 16 years ago, Georgie White and I rode 60 Mi in lower Grand Canyon — Life preservers. Damnably cold.

Aleson's entry into the commercial guide business came about through a daring, though nearly disastrous, exploit. River trips through the Grand Canyon as late as the early 1940s were such an event that the Park Service, often accompanied by reporters, would send a large cutter up the lake to meet each expedition and tow it down to Boulder Dam. Knowing of the estimated time of arrival of the 1940 Nevills expedition and of the Park Service's reluctance to venture very far into the upper lake, Aleson and Louis West decided to surprise Nevills by meeting him with a motorboat in Separation Canyon and win his favor by towing his party through the still water of the upper lake. Arriving at the rendezvous point a few days early to explore the side canyons afoot, the surprisers were themselves surprised one morning to find that a rise in the river during the night had carried their boat away. Fortunately the Nevills party, which included Barry Goldwater and Aleson's future p a r t n e r Charles Larabee, saw their signal and took them down about ten miles to where the motorboat was lying adrift in a backwater. 0 In spite of Aleson's improper mooring of his boat, Nevills saw the advantage of a partnership with him that would save many miles of hard rowing each trip. T h e eventual agreement reached by the partners was ambitious and ambiguous in conception and erratic in practice. Aleson was either to meet each expedition or arrange for a motor to be left at a prearranged site in the lower canyon for a fee of thirty dollars. In addition, he was to recruit passengers for Nevills for a commission, which would be either a free trip for himself or 10 percent of the profit. Aleson was encouraged to build a permanent cabin at Bridge Canyon for tourist accommodations, evidently along the lines of Dave Rust's Phantom Ranch midway through the Grand Canyon. Finally, the two partners were to travel together, mainly in

8

Aleson to Robert F. Gardiner, August 6, 1962. The Aleson-West trip is documented by elaborate photographs and captions in the Aleson photographs at the Utah State Historical Society. See also Barry Goldwater's Delightful Journey (Tempe: Arizona Historical Foundation, 1970), pp. 178-82. !,


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, .,*â&#x20AC;˘

+ 'M. ,J*gj*- â&#x20AC;˘

'it?* Aleson explored lower Moki Canyon, eight miles from its mouth in Glen Canyon, October 1952. Courtesy of Dick Sprang.

the East, during the off-season to show movies of the Nevills trips and recruit passengers for the next year.10 T h e Nevills-Aleson partnership could not have lasted long, and in fact it was over by 1943, with most of the fruits of the association and all of the larger ambitions coming to naught. Both men had complex and capricious personalities, so much so that one might wonder that their association endured as long as it did. T h e two saw little of each other from then until Nevills's death. But one important result of the association was that Nevills introduced Aleson to the possibilities of river trips in Glen Canyon. Aleson's first river trip through Glen Canyon seems to have been on a Nevills run down the San Juan-Colorado from Mexican Hat to Lee's Ferry in 1941. Given the predominance of Glen Canyon in Aleson's later river trip business, the Nevills expedition must have had a profound influence on him. T h e documents, however, show no unusual interest until the following January when he suggested that Nevills might want to place special emphasis on Glen Canyon during his longer runs. "What are the chances," he asked, "for 'Norman D. Nevills to Aleson, November 29, 1940; January 16, 1941; December 16, 1943.


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adding a week for side canyon exploring by geologists, botonists [sic], etc.?'" 1 Aleson's early Glen Canyon trips, which began in 1944, were relatively unbusinesslike affairs that show that he had not yet completely made the transition from stunt man to tourist guide. For one thing, they were mostly upriver motorboat runs from Lee's Ferry as far upriver as he could get â&#x20AC;&#x201D; either to Mille Crag Bend or Dark Canyon Rapid. Also, his rates were not yet established at a reasonable amount. In recruiting for his river trips, Nevills seems to have charged whatever the traffic would bear, quoting as much as nearly sixty dollars per day per person (though only actually charging eleven), for example, for roughly a sixty-day trip over the route of Powell's 1869 expedition. Partly reacting against such high rates, partly aware of his own inexperience, Aleson charged only six dollars per day per person on his early Glen Canyon trips. 12 Eventually his prices would settle at something less than twenty dollars per day per person. Aleson's management of his early trips, too, elicited occasional criticism. One proposed two-week trip in 1945 lasted less than half a day, ending with a fierce altercation on a Glen Canyon beach when a passenger, complaining of Aleson's filth, lack of organization and proper drinking water, and general physical and mental unfitness, demanded to be returned to Lee's Ferry. Aleson demurred, protesting that eight food caches up the river would be lost to spring floods. When the passenger demanded immediate return, refusing to let Aleson leave the party to rescue his supplies, Aleson extorted a cancellation fee of ninety dollars â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in the form of a check on which the passenger promptly stopped payment as soon as they reached Lee's Ferry. 13 Overt conflicts of that kind were mercifully infrequent, but milder criticisms were common enough that Aleson must have realized that he had some lessons to learn. Randall Henderson, editor of Desert magazine, who was to become one of Aleson's closest 11

Aleson to Nevills, January 20, 1942. Aleson to Robert Sensibaugh, September 14, 1944; Aleson to Herbert MacEwen, October 4, 1944. Nevills to Aleson, November 28, 1939, warns of rates of from $2,500 to $3,000 for future trips, though he quotes $650 for the sixty-day trip that Goldwater took in 1940. In a letter to Aleson of April 15, 1941, he indicates that he was quoting prices as high as $3,500 (almost $60 per day) for the 1942 expedition. In a letter of July 8, 1942, he says he has signed a party of nine for the trip from Lee's Ferry to Boulder Dam at $500 apiece. T h u s the 1940 trip of about sixty days works out to almost $11 per person per day, while the 1942 trip of about eighteen days was about $28 apiece. 13 Frank J. Giloon to Aleson, April 29, 1945. See also Isabella M. Kays to Aleson, J u n e 27, 1945, and A. Reynolds Morse to Aleson, November 3, 1949, for other dissatisfied patrons' comments. 12


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friends, was a persistent critic in those early years. "You and Norman have chosen a fascinating vocation," he wrote in 1945, "and I anticipate that both of you will have more passengers than you can take care of when the war is over. My only suggestion is that you get together and improve your overnight camps — put in grills and garbage pits and keep 'em spic and span." As Late as 1948 Henderson was not yet convinced that the Aleson trips were being run well enough that his magazine would want to risk its reputation by accepting advertising: I have encountered some criticism of the organization of some of your previous trips. Under the circumstances I feel that until you get the new enterprise well organized and established on a basis that will be generally satisfactory to your patrons, we would prefer to remain on the side lines. . . . You have made a rather amazing record as a stunt navigator on the Colorado. I sincerely hope your public service plans work out as well.

T h o u g h H a r r y Aleson often humorously emphasized his Norwegian stubbornness — a fact of his personality remembered by friends to this day — he was able to learn from his mistakes, and his business steadily grew. One factor that may have helped him, as he mentioned in a 1944 letter, was the Second World War, which 14

Randall Henderson to Aleson, J u n e 26, 1945; October 25, 1948.

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t

Aleson and A. L. Chaffin boated visitorsfrom San Juan County to Garfield County on September 17, 1946, when the Hite ferry opened. USHS collections.

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4 ^


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restricted access to gasoline and spare parts for motors. Grand Canyon-Boulder Dam Tours, Aleson's previous employer and now competitor for tours on Lake Mead, was virtually driven out of business by such restrictions. Evidently Aleson, though he was subject to the same difficulties, did not have the overhead in his business that would cause him the problems experienced by bigger firms. As he shifted to oar-powered downriver trips in Glen Canyon, he could use his precious gasoline entirely for the Lake Mead tours. 15 Experience, then, and reduced competition were two factors giving Aleson's river business impetus as the country emerged from World War II. T h e r e were also other developments about that time that helped his postwar trips. One was his partnership with the financial backer Charles Larabee, his friend since the 1940 Nevills expedition. For interesting reasons, the exact nature of the partnership with Larabee is obscure. As a friend and supporter of Barry Goldwater, Harry Aleson fit comfortably into the right wing of the political spectrum. He went much further than even Goldwater in his opposition to big government, however, and often boasted that he refused to pay all taxes except those on his automobile and sales taxes, both of which could hardly be avoided. He doggedly refused to file income tax r e t u r n s , and somehow managed to evade, throughout his entire life, the tentacles of the Internal Revenue Service. A curious fact of Aleson's papers, then, is that while he kept, compulsively, records on the most trivial matters of his daily life, he studiously avoided keeping records of taxable transactions, including the Larabee partnership. It seems reasonable to assume, though, that the sudden acquisition in the late 1940s of a fleet of Navy surplus ten-man inflatable landing craft for the Aleson river tours was one product of the Larabee partnership. T h e boats were a giant step forward in comfort, safety, and off-stream portability; and they were a major factor in the success of Larabee 8c Aleson Western River Tours. T h e practicality of inflatable craft was a well-known fact after Amos Burg's historic 1938 expedition down the Colorado with Haldane Holmstrom, but the easy availability of the surplus boats after the war brought them within reach of anyone, and their obvious advantages have made them all but universal today. Larabee 8c Aleson's advertising literature was not backward in proclaiming the boats' virtues: '"'Aleson to Robert Sensibaugh, September 14, 1944.


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Utah Historical Quarterly These craft have now been used for three seasons on the San J u a n and five years on the Colorado and have proved to be the safest and most comfortable of all river boats. Each has 9 air-cells, making them virtually non-sinkable. They are 10-man boats but we allow only four passengers and a boatman to each craft so they will ride high in the water, with generous space for passengers and dunnage.

Besides the safe, comfortable boats, Aleson's cuisine no doubt accounted for much of the popularity of his trips. Aleson had learned the importance of food on river trips from the criticisms of Randall Henderson and others, and partly, no doubt, from bad experiences with Nevills. Experience belied Nevills's claim, in one of his early letters to Aleson that O u r food is from cans, and is plentifull [sic] and very well ballanced [sic]. I long ago found that good meals of a carefully prepared menu are great assets in making an expedition of this kind a success, in [sic] the old days, bacon, beans, biscuits, etc. were the main staples. It resulted in inevitable food shortage and upset stomachs. 17

Aleson once quoted with obvious pleasure a comment by Dock Marston, one of Nevills's boatmen, that he "could never quite figure out what [the Nevills menus] were supposed to balance, unless it was the Nevills budget." 18 Aleson made no such mistake. Although examination of his actual provision lists disclose a certain exaggeration in his advertising claims that he carried one h u n d r e d different foods, the lists reveal, nevertheless, that his passengers ate extremely well. Forced for most of his life by his World War I injury to restrict his own diet to baby food and other bland fare, Aleson poured his gastronomic fantasies into his river guests' meals. One provision list for a twoweek trip in Glen Canyon in 1955 shows that he carried eight different fruit juices, four different soups, six different dinner meats, seven different dinner vegetables, and five different varieties of canned fruit, candies, jellies, jams, and cheeses. Every meal, furthermore, was served on real china dishes â&#x20AC;&#x201D; no paper plates on an Aleson trip. 10 Glen Canyon soon became the favorite haunt of Harry Aleson. T h o u g h he varied his schedule somewhat with trips down the San Juan, the Green, the Colorado through the Grand Canyon, and Far 16

Advertising flyer for Larabee & Aleson Western River Tours, 1950 season. Nevills to Aleson, November 28, 1939. 18 Aleson to Charles Larabee, May 2, 1952. '"Provision list for Glen Canyon run of J u n e 6-18, 1955. 17


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Dick Sprang, left, and Harry Aleson planned explorations in camp at mouth of Fourmile Creek, Glen Canyon, October 1952. Note Utah Historical Quarterly in helmet at right. Courtesy of Dick Sprang.

North expeditions on the Peace, Slave, and Mackenzie rivers, he spent most of every river season in Glen Canyon: as early as 1947, he was offering two-week trips from Hite to Lee's Ferry every third week during the season April to October. 20 An Aleson Glen Canyon trip was a memorable experience, not only because of the comfortable boats and good food. Dick Sprang, one of Aleson's favorite boating partners, remembers that many of Aleson's passengers were attracted to him by his highly idiosyncratic behavior and mysterious sense of humor, characteristics that "drove everybody insane, but as their insanity increased, their love for him swelled by a multiplying factor often." 21 Elizabeth Sprang, who also knew him well, says that on the private trips he would put on clothes over his pajamas on a cold morning, then strip back to his pajamas during the heat of the day.22 Of course the canyon itself was the great attraction on such a trip; one could hardly name another trip anywhere in the West that 20

Aleson to Harry Miller, Utah Magazine, January 25, 1947. Dick Sprang to the author, December 6, 1979. 22 Elizabeth Sprang, Good-bye River (Reseda, Calif.: Mojave Books, 1979), p. 20.

21


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would expose the visitor to an equally varied concentration of scenic, geologic, archaeological, and historical features. Hole-in-the-Rock, the Stanton Dredge, Hidden Passage, the hike to Rainbow Bridge, Music Temple, Crossing of the Fathers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; these were only a few of the more memorable sites that met one's gaze on every hand. Besides being blessed with a high degree of innate curiosity, Harry Aleson considered it his responsibility, as an effective river guide, to be as thoroughly informed about the canyon's points of interest as possible. In addition to exchanging voluminous correspondence over the years with other students of the river, especially Dock Marston, Aleson used many days of his off-season time every year to explore, by boat and on foot, as much of the side canyon and plateau country as he could reach. In 1952 Aleson, Dick Sprang, and Dudy Thomas organized a group called Canyon Surveys to explore, research, film, and record systematically one-tenth of a mile at a time, every aspect of possible human interest in Glen Canyon. T h o u g h they made a valiant start on the project, the joys of relaxed river life soon overcame the researcher in all three; and the task of surveying Glen Canyon eventually fell to C Gregory Crampton, a more disciplined student of the river. This is not to say that the accomplishments of Canyon Surveys during the 1952 and 1953 seasons were insignificant, and only their laxness in reporting the discoveries recorded in their journals and on the U.S. Soil Conservation Service aerial photographs they used in lieu of maps has kept them from receiving considerable scientific recognition. No doubt their most dramatic discovery was Sprang's sighting, on October 23, 1952, of the Anasazi ruin known today as Defiance House, which they called "Three Warriors Ruin" after the now-famous pictographs. T h e canyon in which the ruin appears was unmapped in 1952, and Thomas's suggestion of the name "Forgotten Canyon" was accepted by later mapmakers. Spring and fall expeditions in 1953 accomplished a thorough survey of historical and archaeological sites along the Mormon road from Hermit Lake through the Clay Hills Pass, and of the lower twenty-five miles of Grand Gulch. 23 23 Canyon Surveys was first proposed by Dick Sprang to Aleson, March 17, 1952. C. Gregory Crampton, Historical Sites in Glen Canyon: Mouth of San Juan River to Lee's Ferry, University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 46; Historical Sites in Glen Canyon: Mouth of Hansen Creek to Mouth of San Juan River, University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 61; Historical Sites in Cataract and Narrow Canyons, and in Glen Canyon to California Bar, University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 72. T h e record of Canyon Surveys' 1952 and 1953 activities consists of aerial photograph tissue overlays and still photographs in possession of Dick Sprang, and of Aleson's motion pictures and 1952 journal.


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Where was the man who knew Glen Canyon when "the place no one knew" was consigned to the depths of Lake Powell? T h e question is worth asking, though one might more reasonably expect some of his over one thousand passengers to whom he introduced the canyon, many of whom were wealthy, articulate, and politically sagacious â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all qualities Aleson lacked â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to lead a protest against the Glen Canyon Dam. Aleson's strategy for fighting the Glen Canyon Dam proposal was complex, partly well conceived and partly bizarre. T h e bizarre part consisted of strong support for the alternative project to Glen Canyon, the Echo Park Dam, which would have flooded a part of Dinosaur National Monument. Aleson hoped that his support would entitle him to be called as an expert and favorable witness before the Congressional hearings. Once on the stand, he planned to deliver a fiery denunciation of the Glen Canyon project. This, of course, did not occur. 24 Aleson was rowing upstream against an irresistible political current by that time anyway, for the Sierra Club had already decided to sacrifice Glen Canyon to save Dinosaur. Much more promising was his attempt to enlist support from Sen. Barry Goldwater, his friend from the Nevills days and his only high political connection. But Aleson failed to realize that it was political 24

Aleson to George W. Clyde, January 11, 1954. T h e substance of the statement Aleson intended to make was contained in a document titled "Home Made Trinitrotoluol," dated February 16, 1955. T h e story of Aleson's plans for his "Homemade T N T " is told in a tape-recorded statement from Dick Sprang to the author, July 12, 1982.

Aleson, left, and companions drift down Glen Canyon of the Colorado River. USHS collections.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

suicide for any Arizona politician to vote against a water development project. "Just between us river rats, I wish they would leave the Colorado River alone," Goldwater wrote to him; "however, it is my duty and responsibility to see that the river is utilized for the benefit of most people and the U p p e r Colorado River Project at this time seems to be the answer." 25 During the 1960s Aleson conducted a few desultory exursions on Lake Powell, but with none of the enthusiasm or significance of the old Glen Canyon trips. With most of the old sites of tourist interest now u n d e r water and convenient access to the others by self-guided charter boats available at several marinas, Harry Aleson had become as expendable as Glen Canyon itself. An irreplaceable canyon and an irreplaceable man were both gone forever. 25

Goldwater to Aleson, February 27, 1956.


Tennis in Utah — The First Fifty Years, 1885-1935 BY AFTON BRADFORD BRADSHAW

a wide variety of games and recreational activities, tennis is not one of the sports usually associated with the frontier. Horse racing, pugilism, cricket, baseball, skating, hunting, and fishing were all popular in early Utah and the West, but tennis was considered the pastime of the eastern elite. After all, tennis began in England on the gracious lawns of estates and clubs of the well-born and wealthy. After the game was introduced to the United States in 1874, it remained mainly the sport of urban socialites until after World War I. A L T H O U G H WESTERN PIONEERS ENTHUSIASTICALLY EMBRACED

Mrs. Bradshaw earned a master's degree in history at the University of Utah in 1983. Many people have provided information for this study, but particular thanks are due David L. Freed, Utah's "Mr. Tennis," for valuable information and insight. Salt Lake Tennis Club at its Forest Dale location was the site of USLTA National Clay Court Championships in 1947. Photographfrom official program, courtesy of David L. Freed.

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ISO

Utah Historical Quarterly

Given the cultural elitisim of early tennis history, it is remarkable that the sport gained extraordinary popularity in the isolated valley of the Great Salt Lake only a decade after the game came to America (surprising testimony of the elan of the early Utahns). T h e fascination with tennis was no passing fancy, for Utah has maintained throughout its history an identification with the sport much greater than the population and climate of the state would suggest. T h e initial circumstances of the sport's introduction to Utah are unclear. T h e game may have been introduced by military personnel from Fort Douglas, since tennis was invented by an English army major and spread around the world through military people; it may have been brought from the East by recent arrivals on the new railroad; or it may have been introduced by M. H. Walker, a wealthy Salt Lake pioneer who hosted the first tournament. Regardless of who played the first game, tennis gained such rapid popularity that by J u n e 1885 a tournament was held in Salt Lake City. T h e matches were played on the court at the Walker Block, an area extending from Main Street to West Temple, from Fourth South almost to Fifth South. Glenn Walker Wallace, youngest and only surviving member of the M. H. Walker family, remembers the tennis court, greenhouse, stables, flowers, and green lawn that made the Walker Block seem "like a park." 1 It is not surprising that Utah's first recorded tennis tournament took place at the residence of one of the area's wealthiest families: Although new, or at least comparatively so in this city, and the knowledge of the game confined to but a few, yet the idea has already taken a firm hold upon large numbers of our society people.

T h e game's reputation in the nineteenth century as the pastime of the elite was evident in Utah, and tennis then, as now, reflected the socio-economic status of the times. 3 T h e "gay company of ladies and 1 Interview with Glenn Walker Wallace, Salt Lake City, Utah, May 19, 1983. When Glenn was six years old, her family moved from the Walker Block to South Temple and Sixth East (later the Aviation Club), and one of their first priorities there was to build a tennis court. 2 Salt Lake Herald, May 3 1 , 1885, p. 2. 3 T e n n i s generally was not played by the public until the 1920s, the golden age of sports. During the depression, tennis, like other sports, provided a release from difficult times. Tennis was scarce during World War II â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Wimbledon was turned into a civil defense center, and chickens enjoyed the shade of Centre Court; Roland Garros Stadium in Paris became a concentration camp. In the 1950s tennis became a mechanism for social integration, and Althea Gibson became the first black person to play in the U.S. Open at Forest Hills. It was not until the 1960s that tennis became part of a boom, when the counter-culture turned off team sport in favor of individual sports. No sport has undergone a more dramatic change in its character than tennis during the past fifteen years. Shaken from its clubby consciousness by the introduction of the open era that united amateur and professional in 1968, tennis moved from the classes to the masses. Only the wealthy could afford to learn tennis in the beginning, but it is difficult on today's courts to tell the mailboy from the president of the company.


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gentlemen" who were present when "the popular pastime was ushered in notably yesterday on the grounds of Mr. M. H. Walker" included a mining magnate (W. B. Conover), a jeweler (Boyd Park), a lawyer (J. M. Zane), two doctors (S. O. L. Potter and a Dr. Hall), a druggist (Bolivar Roberts, Jr.), five army personnel (Lt. Taggart, Lt. Burnham, Maj. W. H. Eckles and his clerk, C. B. Eckles, and "Miss McCook, of the Fort"), eleven "clerks" of various companies (Union Pacific, Auerbachs, Wells Fargo Bank, etc.), and one student (Samuel Park). T h e r e were no farmers or blue-collar workers. T h e r e was apparent religious diversity in the group, for the list included two employees of ZCMI (T. Hull and D. L. Murdock) and the bishop of the Episcopal church (D. Tuttle). T h e tournament also included "several members of the Walker families too numerous to mention," probably the wealthiest family present. Matthew H. Walker and his brothers, Joseph, Samuel Sharp, and David F., started Walker Dry Goods Company, a prosperous mercantile business that bought and sold buffalo robes, whiskey, wire, dolls, tobacco, and railroad and mining supplies. When Camp Floyd closed in 1860 the Walker brothers purchased surplus goods from the army for resale at a very lucrative figure. T h e Walker family also started Walker Bank (now First Interstate Bank). 4 T h e tournament at the Walker Block was not the only tennis action in Salt Lake Valley in 1885. A follow-up article reported that the "Tuesday match on the Walker Block court produced . . . the most perfect piece of tennis playing witnessed in the city," implying there was tennis to be witnessed at locations other than the Walker Block in 1885. The Daily Tribune account of the tournament includes the surprising fact that "competition was between the six Salt Lake clubs," an astonishing figure for a frontier town of about 30,000. 5 These early club players were concerned about tennis fashions. Late nineteenth-century Utah newspapers included many feature articles showing tennis attire. Men wore white flannel trousers, long-sleeved white shirts (sleeves were never rolled in the presence of a gallery), dark belts, high collars, ties, sometimes vests, and white shoes with dark stockings. Women wore regular street clothing: ground-length skirts, leather shoes, and wide-brimmed hats. 6 4 Salt Lake Herald, May 3 1 , 1885, p. 9; R. L. Polk, Salt Lake City Directory, 1884-85 (Salt Lake City: R. L Polk & Co., 1884); Walker Brothers Papers, 1860-1875, Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City. 'Salt Lake Herald, J u n e 4, 1885, p. 2; Daily Tribune, May 31, 1885, p. 4. fi For an example of tennis attire see Salt Lake Herald, July 9, 1893, p. 15.


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Initially, this cumbersome apparel seldom handicapped the players â&#x20AC;&#x201D; little movement was involved in playing the game. T h e high net (four and a half feet in the center, seven feet at the wings) prompted a very slow game, and players gently lobbed the ball back and forth over the lofty net. T h e net was soon lowered to its present height of three feet, but the play remained genteel. Most women players stayed safely and demurely at the baseline rather than risk hooking their heeled shoes on their voluminous skirts when they moved quickly Fashionable "tennis belt" to make a stroke or up to the net for a pictured in the Salt Lake volley. A woman who participated in the Herald of July 9, 1893. men's [!] doubles of the Deseret Club tournament in 1899 apparently followed this custom: T h e deciding set in the match between Miss Bessie Kirkpatrick and J. F. Sharp and Messrs. [Ralph] Richards and [D. B.] Kimball was won by Messrs. Richards and Kimball by a score of 6-4. T h e set was marked by very pretty back line play by Miss Kirkpatrick, excellent net work by Messrs. Richards and Sharp, and good serving by Kimball. 7

T h e tennis of the nineteenth century was not the game of speed and power that we know today. According to the Herald, "Although it is athletic, it is not too violent, and while affording plenty of exercise, it is not exhausting, and may be played by women and children." 8 Tennis was definitely "not too violent" in 1885. T h e game had a reputation of being effeminate in the beginning because of the way it was played â&#x20AC;&#x201D; u n d e r h a n d serves, few volleys at the net, no driving the ball straight for your opponent (that would probably have brought expulsion from the club). Add to that men's white flannels and women's long skirts and petticoats, "love" as a score, and "lawn" to describe the game, and it is easy to understand why tennis was considered a "sissy" game. Tommie Griffin, a tennis pioneer who arrived in Salt Lake City in 1897, confirmed the genteel game. Looking back many years 'Salt Lake Herald, September 16, 1899, p. 3. Dr. Ralph Richards was one of the organizers of the original Salt Lake Clinic. 8 Salt Lake Herald, May 3 1 , 1885, p. 2.


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later, Griffin wrote, "Tennis then was a game of gentility, a social function and pastime, not a gladiatorial conflict. . . . T h e r e were few volleys, no overhead smashes, the idea was to keep the ball in play until it was driven into the net or out of bounds. Most monotonous!" 0 Griffin wrote about the "tennis wheel horses" of early Utah, all successful in winning open state and Intermountain tournaments: Sam Neel (United States doubles champion), O. J. and Walker Salisbury (original financiers of the Salt Lake Tennis Club), Carl and Frank Roberts, E. M. Garnett, and T. B. Parker. Griffin modestly omitted his own name. He described early tennis equipment: Racquets were of the square headed vintage; strings heavy cat-gut; balls were heavy with little resiliency, sometimes without cloth covers. I recall a man asking me if a racquet was some kind of a harp and would I play him a tune!

Griffin claims to have played the first indoor tennis in the world: "Some hardy, ubiquitous Scotsman and myself enjoyed a rather unique experience, doubtless unknown elsewhere in the world, when we played in the old Salt Palace on an improvised court." Tommie Griffin was aware of only two public courts in Salt Lake City in 1897: "one where the Bransford Apts. now are [105 East South Temple], the other on First South St., opposite St. Marks Cathedral." He mentioned some private courts later in his article: "Play on Deseret and Roberts Courts was primitive. Tethered cows looked on in wonderment. Chickens ran across the courts." 10 Courts must have been crude before the turn of the century. Some owners probably scooped out the sagebrush, leveled the land, and painted the lines with lime: "No elaborate structure is necessary . . . simply a plot of ground 78 feet long by 36 feet in width, kept in good condition without any great amount of labor." An 1885 diagram showing how to "draw the lines" for a tennis court appeared in the Salt Lake Herald u n d e r the heading, "Lawn Tennis." 11 Although the early Utah courts are described by the English term, "lawn tennis," they were undoubtedly clay. Grass courts require a tremendous amount of upkeep, are far more expensive, wear out faster, require moving the lines often, and can be played upon only about twice a week and only during the summer months. "Tommie Griffin, "Tennis as Seen in Salt Lake Fifty Years Ago," Official Program, USLTA Thirty-Seventh Annual Clay Court Tennis Championships, Salt Lake City, June 28 to July 6, 1947, p. 21. 10 Ibid. 11 "Lawn Tennis, By a Sporting Tramp," Outing Magazine, July 1887, p. 325; Salt Lake Herald, May 31, 1885, p. 2.


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T h e Deseret courts, mentioned by Griffin, were built before 1899. A tournament chronicled in the newspapers early in September took place at the Deseret Club. T h e r e must have been other courts as well, for an article dated September 4, 1899, says that "most [not all] of the matches were played on the Deseret Club court." 1 T h e club's two clay courts were located east of the present Hotel Utah. Two asphalt courts were added behind the old LDS Church Office Building on South Temple around 1910, and the clay courts were replaced by concrete in the mid-1920s. By 1920 there were several private courts in Salt Lake City: Popperton Place (going east from Virginia Street), the Haxton Place and Miller courts (on Haxton Place, 940 East South Temple), Husler Flour Mills court on State Street, Rowland Hall (First Avenue and B Street), and the Roberts court. Ogden had its share of tennis activity at the turn of the century. A tournament was recorded as early as 1899: O G D E N S TOURNAMENT (By Telephone to the Herald) Ogden, Sept. 2 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; T h e tennis tournament begins Monday evening at 6 o'clock, at the club courts, corner Munroe avenue and Twenty-fifth streets, where spectators will be made welcome. Ogden, Sept. 3 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; T h e tournament of the Ogden Tennis club is scheduled to begin at 6 o'clock tomorrow, at the club courts. Any player who fails to appear by that time for his match forfeits the game. Mr. Bell of the Alferetta tennis club of California will referee the matches. All preliminaries will be decided by two out of three sets. 13

Tennis had not yet been organized in Provo. In 1911 a tennis club was started there, including mostly Brigham Young University students. T h e club was instrumental in building a tennis court on the south side of the college building "at a cost of three h u n d r e d dollars, the club members paying half and the University the rest. In 1912 two new tennis courts were started on the ground across the street west from the school."14 Don "Sanky" Dixon, a star of the BYU team of the late 1920s, remembers those courts across from the University (600 North and 100 East). As a young boy learning the game, however, he did most 12

Salt Lake Herald, September 4, 1899, p. 4. Salt Lake Herald, September 3, 1899, p. 3; September 4, 1899, p. 3. ,4 Sima Nikolic, "History of Intercollegiate Tennis at B.Y.U." (Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1970), p. 19. 13


Tennis in Utah

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BYU's championship tennis team photographed for the 1929 Banyan included Bruce Gilchrist, Wesley Porter, Eldon Brinley, coach Fred "Buck" Dixon, Don "Sanky" Dixon, Lewis Munk, and Paul Holt.

of his practicing at the T. N. Taylor court on 300 North and 500 West. T h e Taylor court was one of the private courts that contributed to the development of tennis in Provo, along with courts owned by R. Eugene Allen and J. Will Knight. Immediately after the War . . . clay courts were erected property of these three individuals. In fact, tennis, as a Provo was born on these clay courts. . . . Such players appeared on these courts; Fred Dixon, Sanky Dixon, [Hunter Manson], Lee Buttle, Paul Holt. . . .

on the private major sport in as youngsters, H u n t Madsen

After the old Knight Woolen Mills burned down, the Knight family donated that property for a tennis club (100 West at 100 North). Twenty-five active members, including J o h n Smith, Horace Merrill, Merle Taylor, Clayton Jenkins, and T. Earl Pardoe, paid a fifty dollar membership fee plus yearly dues of fifty dollars. "Showerbaths of cold water made these first courts, two in number, appear as tremendously fine courts. Only the cold weather kept the members off the court. . . . " T h e Knight Woolen Mills courts became the home courts for the BYU team in the late 1920s.15 Collegiate tennis had been slow in developing. Efforts toward the development of collegiate tennis before the turn of the century 15 Interview with Don "Sanky" Dixon, Salt Lake City, May 18, 1983; T. Earl Pardoe, "History of Tennis in Provo, Utah," Program, National Clay Courts, 1947, p. 23.


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had all failed. T h e University of Utah Chronicle reported interest in tennis as early as 1894: T h e University campus is to be cleared and levelled! T h e "boys" took the initiative step last Saturday, when a score or more of them assembled and removed the trees. T h e Athletic Association followed closely in a p p r o p r i a t i n g money to have the whole field ploughed and leveled. . . . That the ladies may not be entirely left out, several tennis courts will be arranged on the campus.

Unfortunately, the university "ladies" did not get their courts in 1894. "Lack of funds and the interest in football and baseball probably prevented the carrying out of the promise." Courts were not built until 1901. That year the student newspaper announced that "a double tennis court and also a basket ball grounds are now being constructed on the campus" next to the old gymnasium. 16 A tennis club organized at the University of Utah in 1904 continued to function in 1906: Tennis club meets regularly every day in L-5 or elsewhere. But no move has been made to improve the tennis court. T h e match announced in the last issue of the Chronicle has been called off. Fuzzy has given the assurance that as soon as the court is repaired, the match will be played.

Poor condition of the clay courts must have been a perennial problem. Concerning a men's doubles tournament in 1916 the student newspaper reported, "The condition of the courts precludes accurate playing. T h e hollows and small gullies give the impression of a golf course." Care of the university courts was apparently the responsibility of the club members. "Four members of the club were selected each week to take care of the tennis courts. These four members were to keep the courts well lined and in good condition. Club dues were fifty cents, and members had preference to the courts." 17 Club members must have kept the courts busy, as evidenced by the accelerated tennis activity during the second decade of the twentieth century. "Ever since the first little group of students were able to purchase a net and scrape together a bucket of lime . . . tennis has steadily grown to be the most popular sport of the University. . . ." Despite the popularity of the sport, facilities continued to ^University of Utah Chronicle, October 23, 1894; Walter A. Kerr, "Intercollegiate Athletics at the University of Utah," MS, Special Collections, Marriott Library, p. 453; Chronicle, April 10, 1901. "Chronicle, October 19, 1904, May 9, 1906, April 27, 1916; Kerr, "Intercollegiate Athletics," p. 454.


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be a problem. "On some occasions last spring as many as fifteen students waited for their turns to play. . . ." Finally, in 1917, announcement was made of "Four new courts to be constructed . . . east of the present 'Forty Lovers' Field."18 T h e question of whether the new courts were to be clay or cement prompted a trip to Logan by Professor A. L. Mathews, first tennis coach at Utah. His appraisal provides insight into the tennis situation at Utah State Agricultural College in 1917: Logan has the better of u s . . . in the matter of tennis courts. T h e Aggie courts are of the cement type . . . can be used later in the fall and earlier in the spring than can clay courts. They require no expert for upkeep, and most important of all, they seem to be more popular. . . . Authorities at the A. C. have promised the students two new cement courts, provided the students do the leveling and constructive work. 10

Utah State's tennis courts in the 1920s were not as wonderful as Coach Mathews claimed, according to Joe Cowley, Aggies star of the late twenties. Cowley remembers the cement courts, but "the cement ended at the baseline, and the cement and clay rarely came out even." 20 David Freed, a star of the University of Utah tennis team, described the Logan courts as "horrible." Intercollegiate competition had begun in 1912 in Provo, with BYU victorious over Utah in the first competition. Utah State had entered the meet but defaulted. "The Aggies forfeited both singles and doubles matches. Although the interest at the College was keen, the tennisters were not quite ready for the intercollegiate competition." By 1922 the Aggies were ready. They won back-to-back Rocky Mountain Conference championships in 1922 and 1923, led by Intermountain Doubles champions Cyril H a m m o n d and Wesley Howells. (The Men's Intermountain Doubles was the most coveted championship in Utah from 1922 to 1931. Winners were awarded a trip to Boston for the national championships, expenses paid by the United States Lawn Tennis Association.) Intercollegiate records from 1912 to 1935 show Utah State winning two championships, BYU four, and Utah seventeen championships. (There was no competition in 1917 due to World War I.)21 ^Chronicle, March 23, 1914, February 21, 1916, March 29, 1917. '"Chronicle, April 5, 1917. 20 Interview with Joe Cowley, Salt Lake City, J u n e 3, 1983. Cowley is attempting to improve conditions at Utah State through a Tennis Endowment Fund. 2 ' Kerr, "Intercollegiate Athletics," p. 455. Utah's domination in tennis has continued to the present, the Utes, coached by Harry James, winning the Western Athletic Conference the last five years (1979-83).


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Tennis boomed at all three universities during the 1920s. Earl Pardoe became player-coach at BYU in 1920, followed in 1928 by "Buck" Dixon, star of the "Y" team and one of the all-time greats of Utah tennis. Dixon also coached basketball, footP^S J^ ball, and golf. He coached the tennis <^| wL w m team until 1963, his thirty-five years <1 P J ^^yj\'%. topped only by T h e r o n Par melee, who coached at the University of Utah from 1921 until 1961, with the exception of three years' army service d u r i n g World War II. Utah State made tennis progress in the 1920s u n d e r C R.Johnson. Johnson taught at USAC, coached the tennis team, and worked with three Logan Jack Irvine and Wallace Stegner in High School tennis players whose the 1930 Utonian. names became quite well known throughout the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Joe Cowley, Hyrum P. "Dutch" Cannon, and Lund Johnson ( C R.'s son). T h e strength of the university tennis programs filtered down to the high schools. Good competition between the city schools and intercity competition among Salt Lake, Logan, and Provo developed during the 1920s. High school players looked forward each year to two big tournaments â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the state championships and the BYU Invitational (a tradition that continued until 1983). T h e Pardoe Cup, an intercity competition for juniors, was inaugurated in the twenties. T h e J. Will Knight Cup encouraged intercity senior competition. Tennis was flourishing at private schools as well. Rowland Hall in Salt Lake City had one of the earliest tennis courts in Utah, probably built around the turn of the century. Clara Colburn, principal of Rowland Hall from 1895 to 1913, explained the difficulties involved in building the first court: I think that you would be interested in knowing that the first tennis court I paid for by tutoring evenings, preparing a young man for Yale College. T h e whole lawn had been an alfalfa field on which the Bishop's cow had lived, and we had much trouble and expense killing the roots, as they grow very deep. At last, by the help of water, we froze the roots and had a good court.


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Lincoln House at Wasatch Academy. The Presbyterian school was an early tennis center in central Utah. USHS collections. I think I have heard that you have two courts now, but I believe you never had more joy over the second court than we had over the first, when, at last, we had conquered the alfalfa.

Another private school that emphasized tennis early was Wasatch Academy in Mount Pleasant. T h r e e courts were built there in 1924, influenced by the arrival of Ernest Brunger who became "coach of everything." Soon Wasatch Academy tennis teams were competing favorably with high schools around the state. 23 Utah's best junior college team in the early years was at Snow College in Ephraim. Snow established itself as the power of the Intermountain Collegiate Athletic Conference. 24 It is surprising that there is no indication of early competition in the southern part of Utah. One would expect tennis to have flourished in the favorable weather conditions of St. George. However, R. J. Snow, who grew up there, explains that there were no tennis courts in St. George until the 1930s; hence, no early tennis competition. 25

22

Interview with Frances Wilson, secretary of Rowland Hall alumni office, Salt Lake City, February 9, 1983; Colburn to Wilson, August 24, 1933, Rowland Hall alumni office. 23 Interview with Ernest Brunger, Mount Pleasant, Utah, May 15, 1983. 24 Interview with LaRue Nielsen and Lee R. Thompson, Ephraim, Utah, November 8, 1983. 25 Interview with R. J. Snow, Salt Lake City, April 15, 1983.


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Newhouse, Utah, a mining town near Milford, had a tennis court. Samuel Newhouse bought the town in 1900, following his financial success in Bingham. A tennis court was built there in about 1905, as well as an opera house, library, hospital, and hotel. When the Cactus Mine gave out five years later, the town was abandoned. An unexpected stronghold of tennis, away from the urban centers, was Manti in central Utah. Wilbur Braithwaite, coach of the Manti High School tennis team since 1952, credits the strength of Manti tennis to a long-standing tradition and an early Manti pioneer â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Dilworth Woolley. J u d g e Woolley (he was district j u d g e ) graduated from Brigham Young Academy, then left to study law at the University of Michigan. According to his son, Harold Woolley of Salt Lake City, "the J u d g e was a health nut who stressed physical fitness and was always telling his sons to run around the block." T h e j u d g e was very impressed with the physical condition and cleanlooking clothing of the tennis players he observed at Michigan. When he returned to Manti in the early 1900s he built a tennis court behind his house. T h e r e was so much enthusiasm for the game (there wasn't much else to do in Manti, according to Harold Woolley) that people lined up to play on the Woolley court and on two other courts built later in Manti Memorial Park. Manti has a long tradition Tennis players at Newhouse, Utah. USHS collections.


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in tennis and continues to be a strong tennis center today. Manti High School has won its regional championship twenty-five of the last twenty-six years. 26 Another tennis pioneer lived in Mayfield, Utah, about twelve miles south of Manti. "Charlie" Whitlock built a court on the clay at his property in about 1916. His daughter and sons, and others in the small community, kept the court busy until 1926. That year a new school building was constructed in Mayfield, and two tennis courts were included in the building project. T h e tennis players moved to the school courts and the Whitlock court was allowed to deteriorate, but there was considerable tennis action in the tiny town of Mayfield in the early 1900s.27 In view of nineteenth-century puritanical influences that considered sports, recreation, and amusement anti-religious, it is surprising to find strong support for tennis in such predominantly Mormon communities as Manti and Mayfield. However, the Mormon church has always been in favor of sports. T h e Mormons built the Social Hall in Salt Lake City for recreation and amusement less than six years after their arrival in the valley: "The Social Hall was used for socials and dances for more than half a century . . . and was also occupied as a gymnasium." T h e Mormon church later built many gymnasiums. Brigham Young asked for a new type of church architecture with recreation halls adjacent to the actual church building. T h e bishop of each local area was encouraged to provide facilities for the youth so that "young people would be able to engage in games and sports u n d e r the close supervision of the Church, and they would not be forced to seek these things elsewhere." 2 Mormon leaders were appointed to promote athletic participation. In 1911 a series of lessons were held at the Deseret Gymnasium to train directors in several sports, including tennis. Twenty-seven young men from twenty-seven wards and stakes were enrolled in lessons in "basketball, baseball, volley ball, and tennis. . . . T h e course was very short, lasting four weeks, with five hours per day. . . . 'Rejoice, O young man, in thy strength.' "20 26 Interview with Wilbur Braithwaite, Manti, Utah, May 11, 1983; interview with Harold Woolley, Salt Lake City, May 15, 1983. 27 Interview with Loyd Whitlock, Salt Lake City, November 8, 1983. 28 George D. Pyper, Romance of an Old Playhouse (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Book Company, 1937), p. 61; Darrell Lloyd Parkin, "The Athletic Program of the Mormon Church: Its Growth and Development" (Master's thesis, University of Illinois, 1964), p. 16. 2!, "The Normal Athletic Class," Improvement Era, January, 1912, pp. 285-86.


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Another organization that promoted athletics, particularly tennis, was the United States Army. T h e inventor of the game of tennis, Maj. Walter C Wingfield, was a British army officer who introduced "sphairistike" to his military friends at a lawn party in London in 1873, claiming it was a game played by the ancient Greeks. 30 T h e game spread around the world through military people. Mary Ewing Outerbridge learned tennis from British army officers while vacationing in Bermuda and returned home to lay out a court on an unused corner of the Staten Island Cricket and Baseball Club in 1874. Some accept that court as the first in America; others argue for different sites. A few military posts had tennis courts that same year, including Camp Apache in Arizona and Angel Island in San Francisco Bay. Fort Douglas must have played a role in the development of tennis in Utah, and the first tournament included several participants from the fort. T h e military-tennis connection is evidenced in an 1892 newspaper story about a Memorial Day celebration: T h e programme of athletic contests between the Utah university cadets and the students of the Ogden Military academy, attracted fifteen h u n d r e d persons to the baseball park yesterday afternoon. . . . Tennis was the first game to open up the programme. . . . Roberts did not play his usual game. . . . T h e Ogdens won the two sets by a score of 6 to 3.

T h e news that "Roberts did not play his usual game" suggests that the Utah cadets had played before. T h e article is also revealing in its indication that there was tennis in Ogden in 1892, at least at the military academy. T h e Fort Douglas Museum has 1917 photographs showing two tennis courts at the fort, but there is no record of the year of construction. T h e courts were apparently built before 1905 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a tournament was played on them that year. T h e first annual tournament of the newly-formed Inter-Mountain Lawn Tennis Association, which comprises the four states of Utah, 30 Rather than an ancient Greek game, Wingfield's tennis was more similar to "court tennis" of thirteenth-century France, a bare-handed game of hitting a stuffed cloth bag over a rope (later played with rackets). Wingfield combined elements of court tennis with other sports: net from badminton, ball from Eton fives (a form of handball), and method of scoring from hard racquets. Because it was played on a lawn, or perhaps because no one could pronounce let alone spell "sphairistike," Wingfield's game became known as tennis-on-the-lawn, and eventually lawn tennis. T h e Tennis Museum at Wimbledon, England, refers to Wingfield as "innovator" rather than "inventor" of tennis, but most tennis writers go along with his adaptation of court tennis as the beginning of the game we play today. Wingfield's most quoted defender is George Alexander of Boise, Idaho, in Lawn Tennis: Its Founders and Its Early Days (Lynn, Mass.: H. O. Zimman, 1974). Alexander is aided in his defense of the major by the Wingfield Club, a group that meets during the U.S. Open and USTA meetings. Secretary of the Wingfield Club is David L. Freed of Salt Lake City. 31 Salt Lake Herald, May 31, 1892, p. 5.


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Idaho, Wyoming and Colorado, with headquarters at Salt Lake City, was played August 7 to 14, 1905, on the fine clay courts of the Fort Douglas Tennis Club, located on the Military Reservation.

T h e r e were fifty-four entries in the tournament. First prize, the $500 Newhouse Cup, was won by R. G. H u n t from California. Runner-up was Frank T. Roberts of Salt Lake City. T h e Salisbury brothers won the Gentlemen's Doubles. 32 Another military tennis facility can be dated 1918. From 1917 to 1920, the area east of the present University of Utah Special Events Center was the site of a prisoner-of-war internment camp. German prisoners of World War I were housed there, as well as at other camps throughout the nation. Switzerland was the country charged with supervising the Fort Douglas internment camp, and many photographs were sent to Switzerland to prove that the prisoners were treated satisfactorily. Those pictures reveal two tennis courts next to the prisoner barracks, probably located where the Annex Building now stands. Frederick Wissenback (who had been studying for the ministry when he was taken from a seminary into custody) organized a tennis club at the camp. ZCMI donated equipment for the club, and the YMCA helped finance the facility.33 32 Bob Goodell, "History of Intermountain Tennis," Program, National Clay Courts, 1947, p. 27. R: G. H u n t was the father of Joe R. Hunt, who defeated Bobby Riggs for the Utah State Championship in 1937, and who went on to win the National Singles Championship in 1943. 33 Interview with Raymond Kelly Cunningham, Jr., Salt Lake City, April 14, 1983, author of "Internment, 1917-1920: A History of the Prison Camp at Fort Douglas, Utah, and the Treatment of Enemy Aliens in the Western United States" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1976).

Prisoners barracks and tennis court at Fort Douglas internment camp. U.S. Signal Corps photograph.


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T h e club that became the greatest force for developing tennis in Utah was the Salt Lake Tennis Club, first organized in 1912 on a site near Second South on Tenth East (later Victory Playground and now a senior citizens center). O. J. and Walker Salisbury, state a n d I n t e r m o u n t a i n t e n n i s c h a m p i o n s , financed t h e five clay courts. T h e club became the premier tennis facility in Utah and one of the first clubs in the West to join the United States Lawn Tennis Association, ruling body of American tennis. For twenty-one years t h e T e n n i s Club functioned at the Tenth East location, hosting almost every tournament held in Utah. A young high school student, David L. Freed and Ray David L. Freed, was paid "$2.50 per Forsberg in the 1930 Utonian. day in 1928 to water the courts at night, roll them each morning with a large, heavy roller, and then mark the lines with a paint brush dipped in lime water. A tough job! "34 Freed learned a lot about the lines of a tennis court — in 1954 he won the U.S. Seniors Championship and was ranked number one in the nation. H e also won the National Public Parks Senior Singles in 1957 and captained the Davis Cup team in 1960-61. Manager of the Salt Lake Tennis Club at that first location was Frank Capp, who had other interests as well — he was a bootlegger. "His liquor was furnished by Wallace Stegner's father. One day while Wallace was playing football at the Tennis Club, he hurt his finger and had to have it amputated," 3 5 but that did not stop him from becoming one of the top tennis players on the University of Utah team and a Pulitzer Prize-winning author as well. Stegner no longer plays tennis, but it is amazing how many of the early players do — a testimonial to the life-long aspect of tennis. Many of the tennis lettermen from the 1920s on are still playing tennis. T h e Salt Lake Tennis Club property was sold to Salt Lake City in 1927, but the club was allowed to remain at the T e n t h East location 34 35

Several interviews with David L. Freed, Salt Lake City, in 1983. Ibid.


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until 1933. That year the five clay courts were cemented and became a public facility. T h e Tennis Club moved to Forest Dale, which had been the second home of the Salt Lake Country Club (the first had been at Gilmer Park). T h e Country Club vacated Forest Dale for its present location on the east bench, leaving three clay tennis courts in a state of disrepair. T h e Tennis Club remodeled those courts and later added two new red clay ones. This excellent facility introduced a new era to Utah tennis. Utah State Championships held there each year b e g a n to a t t r a c t world-class fields: Bobby Riggs, T e d Schroeder, Frankie Parker, Joe Hunt, and many others. T h e Intermountain Championships were held there every other year, alternating with a Colorado location. T h r e e national championships were held at the Forest Dale facility.36 By 1935, fiftieth anniversary of the first tennis tournament in Utah, the game had exploded here. Utah's facilities had evolved from courts dug out of the sagebrush to outstanding tennis centers. Collegiate tennis had developed from no action before 1912 to one of the most popular sports at all three Utah universities in 1935. Utah players were traveling to tournaments throughout the nation, and some of the country's finest players were attracted to the Utah State and Intermountain championships. Tennis was no longer the genteel, lobbing game of the turn of the century but had become a game of speed, grace, and athletic ability. Players had discarded the bulky clothing: men wore short-sleeved, open-throat polo shirts and sometimes short pants; women's skirts had moved up to the kneecap, and Helen Jacobs brazenly wore shorts at Forest Hills in 1933. Utah tennis stars were becoming well known: David Freed, Buck and Sanky Dixon, Earle Peirce, Welby Emms, Ralph McElvenny, Mel Gallacher, Joe Cowley, Lee Buttle, Wes Howell, and Cy Hammond. Stars whose names were unknown competed in a new local tournament beginning in 1928. Only those who had never won a tournament were allowed to enter this unique competition â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Salt Lake Tribune No-Champs. 37 Internationally, the names of Bill Tilden, Suzanne Lenglen, and the French Musketeers became well known in the twenties; and the thirties brought talk of the famous American Helens â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Wills and Jacobs. Fred Perry and Ellsworth 36

National Clay Court Tennis Championships in 1947 in conjunction with the celebration of Utah's Centennial; National Hardcourt Championships in 1951; National Intercollegiate Championships in 1957. T h e hardcourt tournament was possible because the Tennis Club took out the clay courts in 1948 and replaced them with concrete courts, better suited to Utah's climate. 37 A half-century later there were almost 3,000 entries in the Tribune tournament. T h e No-


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Vines, stars of the thirties, played one of a series of matches in Salt Lake City, which prompted a full-page story in the Deseret News Society Section featuring the "smart young society matrons" who hostessed parties celebrating the matches. 38 Tennis was no longer a game for a lawn party but a spectator sport and prime box office attraction. T h e year 1935 concluded a half-century of tennis progress in Utah. T h e key to success was involvement. Utah's tennis pioneers established a tradition of activity and exceptional leadership that has continued through the years. Utah's contribution to the growth of the game of tennis (there are an estimated thirty million players in the United States today) has been greater than the population and climate of the state would suggest. Salt Lake City has hosted more national championships than any city in the country â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the NCAA Men's Championships twice, NCAA Women's Championships twice, National Clay Courts, National Public Parks twice, National Seniors many times, National Hardcourts, and others. Salt Lake City was first to host the Intermountain Championships in 1905. T h e State Championships became in the 1930s one of the prestigious tournaments of the West. T h e Salt Lake Tennis Club was one of the first clubs in the West to belong to the United States Tennis Association and in 1981 was honored as the outstanding "Member Organizaton of the Year." National rankings of the top players in the country list several Utahns every year, including the 1983 NCAA champion. 30 Community endorsement of tennis has been extensive: the Salt Lake Tribune has sponsored the No-Champs for over a half-century; the Deseret News sponsors a large tournament that has been on-going for twenty years; the Ogden Standard-Examiner has sponsored a tennis tournament for about eight years; the Mormon church for many years held a churchwide tennis tournament; local businesses underwrite many tournaments. Utah has a progressive development program for young players, aided by the Youth Tennis Foundation started by David L. Freed in 1935. Freed also originated Little League and Junior League Tennis, programs that have now been adopted all over the nation. T h e traditions of Utah's tennis pioneers continue. Champs is managed each year by Lee and Ruby Hammel. Lee was tennis coach at South and East High Schools in Salt Lake City; Ruby is the author's Saturday morning tennis partner. 38 Deseret News, February 27, 1937. 3!) Greg Holmes, University of Utah.


Book Reviews Gold Rush Sojourners in Great Salt Lake City, 1849 and 1850. By BRIGHAM D. MADSEN. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983. xvi + 178 pp. $17.50.) This descriptive m o n o g r a p h examines the mutually advantageous economic and social relationships that developed in Great Salt Lake Valley between Mormon and non-Mormon p o p u l a t i o n s d u r i n g t h e two-year period of the California gold rush. Madsen's highly readable narrative begins with the story of the Mormon experience in Great Salt Lake Valley prior to the discovery of gold in California, then shifts some t h r e e hundred miles eastward to the site of the Mormon ferry on the North Platte River. For it was really at this point that the emigrant gold seeker first e n t e r e d t h e s p h e r e of M o r m o n influence. Utilizing the seminal work of Dale L. Morgan on the subject of ferry operations during the gold rush period, Madsen breathes a new vitality into this oft-told story with his judicious selection of eyewitness accounts that superbly capture the excitement of the personal experiences shared by the boatman and the emigrant alike. Certainly, one of the pleasures of reading this scholarly work is to be found in the author's skillful editing of the original observer's remarks. With the crossing of the N o r t h Platte and the Green rivers safely behind t h e m , the e m i g r a n t t h r o n g s made their way to Salt Lake City, passing e n t e r p r i s i n g M o r m o n salvaging parties traveling eastward as far as Fort Laramie, retrieving items scarce in the valley that were jet-

tisoned by the o v e r b u r d e n e d gold seekers to reduce the strain on their animals. According to Madsen, fully one-third of the '49ers were to take the road to Salt Lake City â&#x20AC;&#x201D; usually those that were least well prepared, the latecomers, the ill, or the argumentive, who were often in search of legal services. Gleaning his information from the diaries and journals of reliable observers and from such contemporary sources as the Deseret News and the Millennial Star, Madsen uncovered a pattern of mutually beneficial economic and social exchanges between the emigrants and the Mormons that indicates t h e gold r u s h p e r i o d brought prosperity to the Mormon c o m m u n i t y , while the c o m m u n i t y provided succor for the emigrant. His investigations reveal that during the average one-week stay in Salt Lake City the emigrant was overjoyed to discover that he could trade his trailworn animals to the Mormons for fresh ones at a price that he could afford. Furthermore, his host, whose clothing had seen the ravages of two years wear, was eager to trade produce, milk, or eggs for the extra clothes that overburdened the emigrant. However, nothing enjoyed a more brisk exchange than did coffee, tea, or tobacco, for the M o r m o n community had little opportunity to procure such luxuries. Devoting ample room to the social


198 aspects of the relationships, Madsen noted that the natural warm spring on the north end of town found good use as a bathing place; likewise, many emigrants recorded their visits to the Bowery, observations of Pioneer Day celebrations, the Sabbath day services, and the sermons of Brigham Young; and many offered comments about the t h e n p r a c t i c e d i n s t i t u t i o n of polygamy. Yet, the o v e r w h e l m i n g number of sojourners were favorably impressed with Mormon hospitality. T h e emigrants took leave of Salt Lake City by one of three routes: north by the Salt Lake Road, west by the Hastings Cutoff, or south by the Old Spanish Trail. For some, however, the trail ended at Salt Lake City when they opted to "winter over," rather than face the prospect of crossing the Sierra in the dead of winter. Of those who elected to remain, many resumed their journey once the grass appeared in spring, while others converted to Mormonism and lived out their days in Zion. However, there was yet another group to emerge following the vernal equinox. This small but vocal band was composed of individuals who h a d b e c o m e v e h e m e n t l y a n t i - M o r m o n , and they began at-

Utah Historical Quarterly tacking the church. With regard to the latter, Madsen presents his closing thesis: that it was the negative publicity generated by the disgruntled few emigrants (particularly Franklin Langworthy, Nelson Slater, and J. W. Goodell) that would be responsible for the rupture of political relations between the Mormons and their national government before the end of the decade. For these emigrant malcontents were the "first to agitate for the kind of tight control of Mormondom which eventually led President James Buchanan to send an army to Utah" (p. 131). Illustrated with an excellent selection of contemporary sketches and photographs and augmented by three succinct m a p s , M a d s e n ' s welldocumented work is a worthy contribution to the literature of the gold rush and to the history of the emb r y o n i c City of Zion. Gold Rush Sojouners belongs on the bookshelf of b o t h the serious scholar a n d the amateur historian.

TODD I. BERENS

Lexington Jr. High School Cypress, California

Blazing Crosses in Zion: The Ku Klux'Klan in Utah. By LARRY R. GERLACH. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1982. xxvi + 248 pp. Cloth, $ 17.50; paper, $7.95.) Paradoxically, Larry Gerlach has written a highly significant book about a m o v e m e n t that had little significance: the Ku Klux Klan in Utah. T h e Klan's insignificance comes from the fact that during its heyday in the 1920s, as well as during its recent revival, it gained very few adherents in Utah, had virtually no political influence, and had little importance in any other way. T h e significance of the book, however, comes from the kind of questions the author raises. Why

did the Klan gain a foothold at all in Utah? What kind of people joined the Klan, and why? Why did it not become stronger, given the social climate that was, in many ways, amenable to its announced ideals? And why did it so quickly die out in the 1920s? In dealing with such questions, Gerlach provides an important social commentary on Utah that has significance far beyond the importance of the Klan itself. For once a dust jacket blurb is cor-


Book Reviews and Notices rect when it reads: "Well-conceived, appealingly written, and carefully researched, Blazing Crosses in Zion is the definitive history of the Ku Klux Klan in Utah." Gerlach's style is clear, lucid, a n d i n t e r e s t i n g . H e writes with enough spice to keep the reader interested but with no tendency at all toward flamboyancy or toward the kind of emotionally a p p e a l i n g or heavy-handed criticism that could be so natural with a topic such as this. His organization is well thought out, and he does his readers a service by putting the activities of the Utah Klan into their larger national political and social setting. In that sense, it is a fine commentary on American as well as Utah social history. His first chapter briefly summarizes the rise of the Klan movement and comments in particular on social conditions that helped account for its catching on in Utah in the 1920s. This is followed by an interpretive chapter characterizing the organization, personnel, and reasons for the decline of the Klan. T h e n comes a provocative chapter on its recent revival in Utah, which suggests some i m p o r t a n t changes in characteristics that have attracted to it a few more Mormons than before, and an epilogue that evaluates briefly its role today. Some nit-pickers might object to calling Blazing Crosses a "definitive" history, for Gerlach had no access to the kind of inside, Klan-generated sources that are generally so important to writing history. No membership rolls, minutes of meetings, correspondence, or official records of any sort were available to him. He did, h o w e v e r , m a k e use of over o n e hundred oral interviews, the papers of prominent people who were associated with or influenced by the Klan, and all the relevant government records (which yielded little of value). He also made good use of all the newsp a p e r s o u r c e s . W h a t he finally

199 created, by his own definition, was not an internal history of the Klan but, rather, a public history. And that is what makes the book so important. As a public history, it deals with the impact of the Klan on the public mind and the relationship between the activities of the Klan and the things g o i n g on a r o u n d it. In C a r b o n County, for example, one sees the relationship between the rise of the Klan and the tense labor problems that existed not only there but in other parts of the country in the 1920s. T h e book is n o t a n a r r o w l y focused m o n o g r a p h b u t , r a t h e r , a social analysis that uses the Klan as the focus for some significant commentary on Utah and its attitudes in general. In this sense it is the definitive history of the Utah Klan. Gerlach does it all with exemplary deftness. While he obviously does not like the Klan or its p r o g r a m s , he nevertheless tries to help the reader see Klansmen from their own point of view. He does not hesitate to name names, when necessary to the story, or to say other things Klansmen might not like, but neither does he hound them with critical epithets. He does not hesitate to express his own views about the negative results of Klandom, but neither does he run such commentary into the ground by repeating it endlessly. He sees that certain Mormon attitudes contributed to the rise of the Klan, yet is not heavyhanded in his treatment of the predominant Utah religion. His own assumptions are clear, yet he does not compromise his credibility by overstating them. When dealing with a topic as full of emotion-laden possibilities as the Klan in a Mormondominated state, it is a skillful historian who can do it with the balance and detachment that Gerlach accomplishes. T h e story becomes fascinating as o n e sees K l a n c r a f t . Kleagles,


200 Klaverns, Konklaves, the Kloran, and all the other Klanish paraphernalia marching across the pages of Utah history. Generally, Utahns were unfriendly to it, but certain factors in the social climate nevertheless made the Invisible Empire attractive to some of them in the 1920s. Even a few Mormons joined, though church leaders generally d e n o u n c e d it a n d most Klansmen were clearly non-Mormon. T h e pro-Klan movie, The Birth of a Nation, was as p o p u l a r in Utah as elsewhere. Utahns were highly susceptible to the one-hundred-percent Americanism preached by the Klan. Many were disturbed by the presence of the new immigrants, who where not as well assimilated into Utah society as were the nineteenth-century Mormon immigrants. T h e Mormon denial of the priesthood to blacks contributed to a racist attitude not unlike that of whites elsewhere, and Utah was not immune from anti-Semitism. In addition, t h e M o r m o n - n o n - M o r m o n dichotomy made the Klan's strong call for absolute separation of church and state an appealing factor for many non-Mormons. Gerlach systematically takes his readers through the many efforts to organize the Klan, most of these along the Wasatch Front. After 1924 the Klan practically disappeared. For a short time, however, hooded Klansmen and burning crosses appeared in Cache Valley, Ogden, Salt Lake City, U t a h C o u n t y , C a r b o n County, and elsewhere, though the greatest success was in Salt Lake and Carbon counties. But general public sentiment was opposed to the Klan. Mormon leaders made specific and pointed statements against it, and the newspapers were actively hostile. T o the Utah Klan's credit, however, Gerlach observes that it did not engage in many acts of violence, as did its counterparts elsewhere in the nation. One of the reasons for its demise, in

Utah Historical Quarterly fact, was the publicly attending certain violent incidents that were promulgated by others but blamed on the Klan. Another was the antimask ordin a n c e passed by some cities t h a t threatened to reveal the identity of Klansmen if they continued wearing their hoods. It is worthy of note that members of the recently revived Klan have a p p e a r e d in public w i t h o u t hoods and seem to have no fear of public exposure as did their predecessors in the 1920s. Though Gerlach succeeds in presenting a well-balanced history, he does not mince words in his denunciation not just of the Klan but also of the social conditions that fostered it in the 1920s and still allow it to exist today. T h e prejudice inherent in Klan motives and activities comes u n d e r severe indictment from his pen. Its history in Utah, he says, "is a tragic story because so many Utahns, like their fellow Americans across the nation, failed to learn from the experience." Most Utahns were not willing to join the Klan, but they p r o m o t e d discrimination in a way that only supported Klan objectives. It exists in Utah today, he says, for the same reasons, t h a t is, " b e c a u s e racism, nativism, and bigotry remain controlling social assumptions for many residents." One who reads the book must be challenged to take stock of himself, to see if such attitudes indeed exist within himself. If Gerlach is right, then "so long as people persist in making arbitrary j u d g m e n t s based solely on color, creed, or ethnicity, the Klan or similar organizations will continue to find a niche in society." Blazing Crosses in Zion is a book well worth reading â&#x20AC;&#x201D; not necessarily because of what it says about the Klan itself, but because of the deeper insight it gives us into the social nuances that go to make up Utah itself and because of the challenge it presents each Utahn who may read it. In that


Book Reviews and Notices way it becomes much more important than the specific topic announced by its title.

201 JAMES B. ALLEN

Brigham Young University

Saints on the Seas: A Maritime History of Mormon Migration, 1830-1890. By CONWAY B. SONNE. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983. xviii + 212 pp. $20.00.) "A church on the move": thus Conway B. Sonne aptly describes the Mormon experience of migration and immigration in the period from 1830 to 1890. Saints on the Seas reveals the m o v e m e n t of M o r m o n s and their converts by numerous water routes both to and from the North American continent. In this study we learn that Mormon missionaries were, almost from the church's inception, prepared to go abroad to seek converts. Many readers may be surprised that early missions often took churchmen into the Pacific: to India, Ceylon, New Zealand, and Australia. Although the harvest of converts yielded less than similar efforts in the Atlantic area, missionary efforts were active and s u s t a i n e d t h r o u g h m u c h of this period. Travelers crossing the Atlantic provided the bulk of overseas emigrants, and here Sonne makes an important contribution. Most non-Mormons, or those only casually aware of westward movement, are likely to view Mormon migration solely as an internal odyssey â&#x20AC;&#x201D; often by handcart â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to the valley of the Great Salt Lake. Sonne reveals in careful detail the extent of the overseas effort, tracing the importance of Liverpool as the principal port of embarkation for British and other European and Scandinavian converts. T h e j o u r n e y overseas for many Mormons, whether convert or missionary, often was a voyage of hardship, disease, and deprivation with many Saints finding themselves economically distressed. T h r o u g h the judicious use of brief but poignant quotations from the letters and diaries

of the participants, the author brings alive this phase of Mormon life. In the process he conveys the sense of purpose and the spiritual intensity that motivated these people. We learn as well of the importance of "gathering" as a spiritual and temporal force and, most important, as a device for moving large numbers of converts from distant continents to the Utah wilderness that had become their Zion. T h e book is filled with interesting tidbits. We learn that Joseph Smith with others purchased a steamboat in 1840 from Lt. (later General) Robert E. Lee and that in half a century only o n e vessel t r a n s p o r t i n g e m i g r a n t companies across the oceans was ever lost. At the same time, the author indirectly provides us with a sense of the ships and shipbuilding, of the evolution of ocean-going vessels from sail to steam, and of the n a t u r e of early transportation by water, which used America's inland water system with its rivers and canals. T h e work is not without some annoying features, perhaps unavoidable in this type of approach. From the very beginning careful attention is given to the proper identification of vessel names and types, but the reader is left to ponder what constitutes a bark, a schooner, a scow, or a ship until well into the text where these distinctions are finally, though ably, defined for us. T h e seemingly endless inclusion of names throughout the text, p e r h a p s a d e l i g h t to t h e genealogists a n d M o r m o n history buffs, is another annoyance in that it produces a cataloging effect that for the a v e r a g e r e a d e r c l u t t e r s this


202 otherwise fine narrative. Finally, although Sonne provides us with a sense of the global missionary effort on the part of the early Mormon church and notes in the final chapter that Mormon migration was but a part of the general movement of people from Europe during the nineteenth century, his failure to integrate this more fully into the text unnecessarily narrows his focus. T h e strength of this work lies in the author's undertaking of the Herculean task of sifting through newspapers, church records, diaries, ship's logs, letters, and a myriad of obscure documents to produce both a welldocumented text and an appendix of charts and lists that are a valuable part of this work. T h e old axiom "a picture is worth a thousand words" might be altered here to read "chart." These tabulations, especially the one dealing with emigrant companies, provide much information not only about people — the company leader, the

Utah Historical Quarterly ship captain, a n d the n u m b e r of Mormon emigrants — but also of vessel registry, ship names, d e p a r t u r e and arrival times, days required for passage, types a n d t o n n a g e , a n d places of construction — a veritable nugget in the history of transportation and an important acquisition for those interested in the development of maritime transportation. Although the general reader may in some instances feel the work to be encumbered with detail, this account of Mormon migration is sufficiently unusual and well written to hold one's attention and is well worth reading. For those interested in Mormon history and genealogy this story of Mormon movement adds the bonus of names and places and is highly recommended. JAMES H. LEVITT

State University College of Arts and Science Potsdam, New York

Conversations with Wallace Stegner on Western History and Literature. By WALLACE STEGNER and RICHARD W. ETULAIN. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983. x + 207 pp. $15.00.)

Utahns identify with and love Wallace Stegner in a way they do no other writer. Anyone who was at the University of Utah in the thirties — my mother tells me the enrollment was only about three thousand in those days — is likely to have known him either as an instructor or as a fellow student. (Once, about twenty years ago, an aunt of mine nearly floored me by making reference to "Wally" Stegner. She wasn't name-dropping; that's just what people called him at the U.) Stegner has a way, too, of recreating Salt Lake City's past that no one has matched. When Recapitulation was published five years ago, my

father reminisced fondly about the late-twenties n e i g h b o r h o o d s a n d downtown streets that serve as the novel's setting. Even people who have never met Stegner (myself, for example, though I used to date a fellow who eventually went to Stanford to study writing with him) have a special place for him in their hearts. In Conversations with Wallace Stegner on Western History and Literature, Stegner shows he understands why this is: "I was a gentile who didn't turn out to be a Mormon-hater. . . . "[T]he Mormon audience, the Utah audience, Mormon and gentile, has been kind to me because it seems to them I'm a local


Book Reviews and Notices boy made good." Stegner is one of our own. He is a superb writer besides, an artist of the first rank whose failure to be recognized properly by the eastern literary establishment makes us love him all the more fiercely. Our fondness for Stegner the man as well as for Stegner the novelist and historian is sure to make Conversations a welcome addition to home and public libraries throughout the West. We may thank Richard W. Etulain for conceiving the book. A respected hist o r i a n who is very familiar with Stegner and his work, Etulain conducted a series of ten informal interviews with him, each two hours long and each loosely addressing a particular topic, such as Stegner's life, his early and later works, the Mormons, western literature, western historiography, and environmentalism. Etulain says in an afterword that he and S t e g n e r e x a m i n e d the t a p e t r a n scriptions and "made minor changes in wording and punctuation, but the interviews are essentially as they were recorded." T h e text is generously interspersed with candid portraits of the two men, made during the interviews by p h o t o g r a p h e r Leo Holub. This presentation gives the book an immediacy that is most fetching. We discover, too, that Stegner's speech — while retaining the qualities appropriate to informal discourse — is as graceful, balanced, trenchant, and witty as his writing. I regret having to report that for all its a p p e a l , Conversations is deeply flawed by an unaccountable failure — Etulain's, I imagine — to supply a context for the interviews. T h e book is almost guaranteed to alienate outsid-

203 ers, for it presupposes that the reader knows Stegner, and it does not provide a scrap of introduction to the man's life a n d work. ( T h e list of Stegner's books is not enough. A full chapter of biographical and literary information was needed, but even a sketch of five or six pages would have been better than nothing.) T h e problem is worsened by Norman Cousins's foreword, which, though impressive, misleads the reader into thinking the book was meant to appeal to a general audience. T h a t it is not is demonstrated by Etulain's opening words: "I gather from what you have written in Wolf Willow a n d Big Rock Candy Mountain that your boyhood experiences gave you a s t r o n g sense of place." An uninitiated reader who comes upon these words immediately after reading Cousins's words is in danger of getting the bends. More's the pity. Conversations might have served as the book that helped outsiders — the eastern literary establishment, say — better appreciate Stegner; it might have made them interested in reading him not as a western writer but as a writer. It is, instead, the proceedings of a tight little club, a document almost inaccessible to outsiders at some points. I predict that r e a d e r s who have known Wallace Stegner personally, or who know his work, will find the book edifying and delightful. Readers who neither have nor do are likely to find it hermetic and frustrating.

POLLY STEWART

Salisbury State College Salisbury, Maryland

Everett Ruess: A Vagabond for Beauty. By W. L. RUSHO with the letters of EVERETT RUESS. (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith Books, 1983. xii+228 pp. $15.50.) T h e life of poet, artist, and canyon country wanderer Everett Ruess, who

vanished in 1934 at age twenty from Davis Gulch in the Escalante River


204 country, presents a series of nagging riddles, none of which can be completely solved. What forces d r o v e Ruess into the canyons and the desert? What could he have become at full artistic and literary maturity? What was his ultimate fate? T h e search for Everett Ruess began with Everett Ruess himself and it will not end with this book. It can hardly continue without this book, though, for W. L. Rusho has done a fine job of assembling and weighing the available evidence, and if he reaches few conclusions, it is because that evidence is so fragmentary and so contradictory that a full understanding of Everett Ruess will never be achieved. Like the man himself, the book fits fully none of the standard categories; it is biography, edited collection of letters, and detective story all at once. It is a stronger book for that, for Rusho has had the sensitivity to follow his materials where they led and to present them in what may be the only appropriate way, unorthodox though it may be. T h e biographical part is the slimmest. It consists mostly of editorial connective tissue among the letters, with the letters themselves bearing most of the biographical burden. This is perfectly appropriate, for what we want is not mainly a recital of the external facts of Ruess's life, in themselves relatively insignificant, b u t rather a feeling for his inner life â&#x20AC;&#x201D; his emotions, his motives, his aspirations â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that m a d e u p the real Everett Ruess. And this we get in generous measure, for Rusho gives us "most of the extant letters" (p. 10) written during Ruess's four years of wandering. This collection far surpasses in quantity the earlier anthology, On Desert Trails with Everett Ruess, published by Desert magazine in 1940, though that earlier volume, if only for its visual beauty, still merits a place in any worthy canyon country library.

Utah Historical Quarterly What do the letters reveal? Inevitably, they reveal immaturity in their melodrama and purple prose, and that of course is Ruess's great misfortune; who of us would like to be rem e m b e r e d only for that which he wrote before he was twenty-one? At their best, though, they are highly moving and challenging, strongly reminiscent of Thoreau in their disenchantment with modern civilization and in their childlike pleasure in things wild and unspoiled. They hint of deep undeveloped expressive resources that additional years might have discovered and brought u n d e r command. Even without that maturation, Ruess's influence is virtually inescapable for other canyon country writers, some of whom, like Edward Abbey, have had the time and the discipline to exploit the literary and philosophical potential in Ruess's basic perspective. Regarding Ruess's ultimate fate, one can have both the pleasure and the frustration of choosing a m o n g several colorful possibilities. Was he murdered by cattle rustlers? Did he drown trying to cross the Colorado, or perhaps the San Juan? Or is he alive today, spinning out his last years anonymously among the Navajo or in Mexico? All of these theories have devoted adherents, plausible evidence â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and equally damaging liabilities. A careful historian, Rusho advocates none of these nor any other theory, realizing that the available evidence is simply inconclusive. So the search for Everett Ruess goes on. In the meantime, pending discovery of some minute but pregnant bit of evidence in some unexplored rincon, we have this book, full of love of canyon and desert and of life apart from the shackling coordinates of civilization.

GARY TOPPING

Utah State Historical Society


Book Reviews and Notices

205

Back Trail of an Old Cowboy. By PAUL E. YOUNG. Edited by NELLIE (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983. 229 pp. $14.95.) Since this biography starts with a slow, low-key beginning, a r e a d e r might j u m p to the conclusion that the writer is no cowboy, is indeed a fake. But the account soon picks up and convinces the skeptic that not all cowboys were born in Texas. Here is an honest-to-God cowboy, who peeled b r o n c s , b u s t e d cows, d r a g g e d b o g g e d - d o w n c r i t t e r s o u t of t h e quicksand, lived part-time in dugouts, drank moonshine whiskey, outrode winter blizzards, and did it all without bragging. T h e story begins where the tracks were first made, in Heber, Utah, in 1892 by a boy from a typical frontier family where money was scarce and g r u b b i n g for a living the u n c o m promising rule. It was natural for Paul Young to learn how to mouth a horse to get his age and how to shoe him with plates in the summer and sharp calks in the winter. But where did he pick up that arcane lore that taught him to j u d g e a horse's character before he ever put a saddle on him? Unexplainable, except that it lay in the makeup of the boy, an observer with sharp memory and ambition. At age fourteen he was breaking horses, and at sixteen doing it for a living. By then he was really weaned and had left the family h o m e for good, although not in a bad sense. Young first rode for neighbors and friends who ran small herds of cattle on nearby mountains. One of his earliest j o b s was r i d i n g line on t h e mountain to keep cattle from getting higher up where the poison larkspur grew rank. Soon after that he hired as driver of freight wagons in the Mancos and Montezuma area. That job came b e c a u s e his e m p l o y e r h a d formed a good opinion of him from the way he handled his team while bucking a fresno scraper.

SNYDER YOST.

I talked low to my horses and was careful never to jerk them, even accidentally. I have made it a habit never to jerk a horse's rein or line when he had a bit in his mouth. A fellow might jerk a colt around, halter-breaking it, but that was a different deal. As he developed skill in breaking and handling horses, his reputation as a bronc twister began to bring him customers who wanted rough animals smoothed out and taught to give reliable service. At the same time he was learning from experienced cowmen how to handle cattle individually and in herds. And always he nurtured a dream about having a spread of his own with herds of sound horses and fat cattle. But with it all he kept an eye open for fun, never missing dances in small towns and practicing wrestling with an old friend who had turned pro and who taught him the fundamentals of t h e s p o r t . T h i s led to his b e i n g m a t c h e d o n e a f t e r n o o n with t h e young Jack Dempsey. They tangled in a sand lot behind a bar in Price, and he surprised the rowdy boxer by pinning him with a fall. T h e jargon used in Young's profession flows naturally from his pen. He even repeats the local folk corruptions of common words such aspanyards for panniers, the bags that hang on each side of a pack saddle. Some examples of his usage: "to bring a cut of yearling heifers back to the ranch" "They were corraling the remuda to catch up their night horses." "I told the snubber to hand me the rope and I would step on the bronc." "You rode him without pulling leather but you didn't have time to scratch him." And our cowboy certainly had an ear


206 for dramatic comments, as when a cocky Texas Kid walked up to an ex-outlaw at the bar and sneered, "They tell me you used to ride with the Wild Bunch." The ex-Wild Bunch rider's right arm went round the Kid's neck and his left hand snatched a gun from some place and shoved it, cocked, into the Kid's ear and twisted it, taking some skin off. "Now" he said, "after cleaning your ear for you maybe you can hear what I've got to tell you. It's simply this: I've walked away from you twice to avoid trouble. But don't crowd me again or you will have to be carried out." It was inevitable that Paul Young, whose tastes generally pointed him in the direction of horses, should have heard of a wild bunch of ponies that were getting fat on the slopes of Ute M o u n t a i n in s o u t h e r n C o l o r a d o . Naturally, he made plans to catch some of them. In this affair he was himself caught in a little mixup with the Utes, who resented any white activity on t h e i r r a n g e . T h e r e was shooting and Young left the region with eight horses he knew he could sell to miners in Park City. We can see him pack his animals, taking care to bal-

Utah Historical Quarterly ance meticulously the panyards so the uneven loads would not rub sores on the horses' backs. O u r subject frequently mentions characters known to local history buffs such as Matt W a r n e r of the Wild Bunch. But when he talks with pride and affection of his bootmaker, one Silcott, the small-town craftsman in Grand Junction, who made a pair of excellent boots for this reviewer in 1922, you know that Paul Young is a u t h e n t i c . T h i s cowboy d o e s n o t exaggerate, and if a reader relishes the anecdotes of cowboy life that reveal it without flinching, here is the book to check out. In p u r s u i t of his d r e a m Young finally went to Montana to get a ranch for himself. In the course of this move he found himself in Miles City, where he broke hundreds of horses, many of them outlaws, for inspectors from Britain, France, and Italy who were buying horses for WW I. Later, having b e c o m e comfortably well off, Young organized a polo club, a fair novelty in Montana. He died at age 92. KARL E. YOUNG

Brigham Young University

Time, Space, and Transition in Anasazi Prehistory. By MICHAEL S. BERRY. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1982. xii + 147 pp. $20.00.) If a basic criterion for determining t h e significance of a work is t h e amount of debate and discussion that it generates, then Michael Berry's study is a potentially important work. This study should stimulate a r e v a l u ation of the prehistory of the Southwest as well as the current paradigm of the cultural evolution of the Anasazi. Berry's principal goal in this study is a systematic reassessment of the prehistoric C o l o r a d o P l a t e a u d e n drochronological and radiocarbon chronometric data. Based on this data

and paleoclimatological information, Berry analyzes the trends of Anasazi cultural development. His theoretical s c h e m e eschews an e v o l u t i o n a r y " g r a d u a l i s m " as an i n t e r p r e t a t i v e framework in favor of an alternative biological evolutionary model. Berry initially applies his approach to the problem of dating the introduction of maize into the Southwest. Based on his reevaluadon of both the chronometric and extant archaeological data, he concludes that the introduction of maize took place much


Book Reviews and Notices later t h a n has b e e n previously suggested: after 750 B.C. in the Basin and Range area of the Southwest and after 185 B.C. on the Colorado Plateau. This event, he concludes, was the p r o d u c t of m i g r a t i o n s into each province, which in turn initiated an abrupt and profound transition in cultural development. While Berry's treatment of the existing but limited chronometric data is good, his interpretation of the data is not unequivocally supported. T h e reader, therefore, is asked to accept tacitly his assertions. T h e main body of this work is its d i a c h r o n i c reanalysis of c u l t u r a l c h a n g e in the s o u t h e r n C o l o r a d o Plateau from the i n t r o d u c t i o n of maize to A.D. 1450. Descriptive summaries of the well-dated sites from the pre-A.D. 700 period are presented and assessed in detail. Based on a ten-year i n c r e m e n t bar chart of all of the chronometric data, Berry suggests that cultural development occurred in discrete temporal stages corresponding to t h e stages of t h e Pecos Classification rather than in a continuous pattern. He concludes that the discontinuities between the stages d i s p r o v e g r a d u a l in situ Anasazi evolution. In the final chapter, "Climate, Migration, and Anasazi Evolution," Berry details his perspective on Anasazi evolution. He posits that cycles of drought, as interpreted from the current dendroclimatological data, provided the catalyst for migration, which he considers to be the principal survival response. He argues that during periods of severe drought the Colo r a d o Plateau was virtually abandoned with diverse groups aggregating in "refugia." These areas were generally located at higher elevations

207 w h e r e an a g r i c u l t u r a l subsistence strategy was still viable. It was during these transition periods, reflected as discontinuities in dated events on the Colorado Plateau, that the process of cultural evolution presumably took place. With the return of more favorable environmental conditions the culturally altered groups, manifesting those characteristics of the succeeding cultural stage, returned to the Colorado Plateau. T h e ideas expressed in this chapter are both provocative and controversial but often unconvincingly presented or documented. Berry's model oversimplifies complex processes of cultural change by considering only a single stress factor, drought, which he assumes was always equally devastating across the plateau. T h e model also assumes homogenous socio-political cultural development for any given time period and does not account for alternative organizational survival responses to environmental stress factors, i.e., alterations in exchange networks. F u r t h e r , the processes and mechanisms of cultural change are not discussed to any extent, nor are they related to the "punctated equilibria" evolutionary model. Despite these theoretical and interpretative weaknesses, Berry's book is one that should be seriously considered by all students of Southwest prehistory. His reanalysis of t h e chronometric data, in particular, provides a fresh perspective that should serve to stimulate research to reinforce or refute this alternative view of prehistoric culture change.

ROBERT NEILY

Bureau of Land Management


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Book Notices

The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918. By R U T H ROSEN. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982. xvii + 245 pp. Paper, $7.95.) This outstanding study of prostitution in the Progressive Era deserves a wide audience. T h e author analyzes the historical, social, economic, and political forces at work in the early twentieth century, painting a vivid portrait of the prostitute and her particular milieu as well as the larger society of which she was a part. In so doing, Rosen ably demonstrates what a very complex problem prostitution was and is. T h e success of Progressive reformers in closing notorious red-light districts in major cities "drove the Social Evil u n d e r g r o u n d where it became more closely yoked to . . . drugs . . . and increased violence." What had been essentially a "women's business" became in the later twentieth century "enormously profitable . . . with most of the profits siphoned off by men â&#x20AC;&#x201D; pimps, taxi drivers, members of organized crime, liquor dealers, physicians, and real estate speculators." Moreover, "the sexual objectification of women's bodies" now permeates everything from advertising to the slimiest pornography, producing, like prostitution, e n o r m o u s profits for someone other than the exploited women. The Lost Sisterhood represents a decade of reseach; the result has justified the effort, for Professor Rosen has given us a fascinating scholarly work that illuminates past and present.

^*CMJ,

Diary of the Jesuit Residence of Our Lady of Guadalupe Parish, Conejos, Colorado, December 1871-December 1875. Edited by MARIANNE L. STOLLER and THOMAS J. STEELE. Translated by JOSE B. FERNANDEZ. (Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1982. xlvi + 227 pp. Paper, $9.95.) This diary documents the religious life and the yearly cycle of events in Colorado's first Catholic parish, located in the San Luis Valley, an area of small, mostly Hispanic communities. T h e text, notes, and introduction t o g e t h e r p r o v i d e a p i c t u r e of nineteenth-century Hispanic Catholic life and culture that helps to define Utah's ethnic history, for many Utah Hispanos trace their roots to the Hispanic communities in southern Colorado and northern New Mexico.

Forging the Copper Collar: Arizona's Labor-Management War of 19011921. By JAMES W. BYRKIT. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1982. xvi + 435 pp. $24.95.) When some eleven h u n d r e d alleged Wobblies were forcibly removed from Bisbee, Arizona, to the New Mexico desert in boxcars in 1917 the event "charted a course of anti-unionism that is still being followed in Arizona." Byrkit contends that corporate interests m a n i p u l a t e d state politics, thwarted unionism, and set u p tax structures favorable to themselves during a period of turbulent social change.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY MILTON C. ABRAMS, Logan, 1985

Chairman WAYNE K. H I N T O N , Cedar City, 1985

Vice-chairman MELVIN T. SMITH, Salt Lake City

Secretary THOMAS G. ALEXANDER, Provo, 1987 PHILLIP A. BULLEN, Salt Lake City, 1987 J. ELDON DORMAN, Price, 1985 ELIZABETH GRIFFITH, Ogden, 1985

DEAN L MAY, Salt Lake City, 1987 DAVID S. MONSON, Lieutenant Governor/

Secretary of State, Ex officio WILLIAM D. OWENS, Salt Lake City, 1987 HELEN Z. PAPANIKOLAS, Salt Lake City, 1985 ANAND A. YANG, Salt Lake City, 1985

ADMINISTRATION M E L V I N T. SMITH. Director STAN FORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor JAY M. HAYMOND, Librarian DAVID B. MADSEN, State Archaeologist A. KENT POWELL, Historic Preservation Research WILSON G. MARTIN, Historic Preservation Development P H I L I P F. NOTARIANNI, Museum Services

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, u n d e r state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah s past. This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, u n d e r provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended. This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties u n d e r Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. T h e U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. I f you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.


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4 UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X) EDITORIAL STAFF MELVIN T. SMITH, Editor

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor MIRIAM B. MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L. CANNON n.Salt Lake City, 1986 INEZ S. COOPER, Cedar City, 1984 S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH, Logan, 1984

PETER L. GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1985 GLEN M. LEONARD, Farmington, 1985

LAMAR PETERSEN. Salt Lake City, 1986 RICHARD W. SADLER, Ogden, 1985

HAROLD SCHINDLER. Salt Lake City, 1984 GENE A. SESSIONS, Bountiful, 1986

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. T h e Quarterly is published by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $10.00; institutions, $ 15.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $7.50; contributing, $ 15.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space with footnotes at the end. Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion by contributors. Second class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.


HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Contents SUMMER 1984/VOLUME 52/NUMBER 3

IN T H I S ISSUE

211

125 YEARS OF CONSPIRACY T H E O R I E S : ORIGINS OF T H E U T A H EXPEDITION OF 1857-58 . . . . WILLIAM P. T H E "GENTILE POLYGAMIST": A R T H U R BROWN, EX-SENATOR FROM U T A H T H E 1876 ARSENAL HILL EXPLOSION

MACKINNON

212

LINDA THATCHER

231

MELVIN

L.

BASHORE

246

OWEN

C.

BENNION

256

MICHAEL W. HOMER

264

GOOD INDIAN SPRING "RECENT PSYCHIC EVIDENCE": T H E VISIT OF SIR A R T H U R CONAN DOYLE T O U T A H IN

1923

CREATING A NEW ALPHABET FOR ZION: T H E ORIGIN OF T H E DESERET A L P H A B E T

DOUGLAS

PAULA J. GOODFELLOW, and

D.

ALDER,

RONALD G. WATT

275

BOOK REVIEWS

287

BOOK NOTICES

298

T H E COVER Second South looking east from Main Street in Salt Lake City. The Wilson Hotel in the center of the block was a temporary residence of Anne Bradley in November 1906 before she followed former U.S. Sen. Arthur Brown to Washington, D.C, where she shot him on December 8. USHS collections.

© Copyright 1984 Utah State Historical Society


Books reviewed GARY L. BUNKER a n d DAVIS BITTON.

The Mormon Graphic Image, 1834-1914:. Cartoons, Caricatures, and Illustrations . . B . CARMON HARDY

287

J O H N G. FULLER. The Day We

Bombed Utah . .

KERRY WILLIAM BATE

FRANCES FULLER VICTOR. The River

288

of the

West: The Adventures of foe Meek. Vol. I: The Mountain Years, WINFRED BLEVINS, e d .

F R E D R . GOWANS

GORDON MORRIS BARKEN. The

289

Development

of Law on the Rocky Mountain Frontier: Civil Law and Society, 1850-1912 . PHYLLIS JOHNSON LIDDELL

291

G. DUNBAR. Forging New Rights in Western Waters . . . CRAIG FULLER

292

ROBERT

NANCY J . PAREZO.

Navajo

Sandpainting: From Religious Act to Commercial Art . . A N N HANNIBALL

294

THOMAS W . DUNLAY. Wolves for the

Blue Soldiers: Indian Scouts and Auxiliaries with the United States Army, 1860-90 . . J O H N R. ALLEY, RICHARD W H I T E . The Roots of

JR.

295

Dependency:

Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos . . . THOMAS F. SCHILZ

296

SHIRLEY HANSON a n d NANCY HUBBY.

Preserving and Maintaining the Older Home . . . PHILLIP W. NEUBERG

297


In this issue

V(D18

Dramatic events receive so much news coverage today that media reporting and analysis sometimes dwarf the events themselves. No hourby-hour coverage accompanied the move of almost a third of the U.S. Army against the Mormons in 1857-58 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; arguably the most dramatic event in Utah history since white settlement. However, the motives of the Buchanan administration became the subject of controversy almost at once. T h e first article in this issue looks at various conspiracy theories attached to the Utah Expedition and points out the most likely areas for fruitful research. This unique expedition will undoubtedly continue to fascinate historians. Other dramas from Utah's past quickly faded from historical view. T h e fatal shooting in 1906 of former U.S. Sen. Arthur Brown by his mistress and the devastating arsenal explosion of 1876 merit recounting because they remind us that the private passions and cataclysmic events on today's front pages have antecedents and will always be part of the news even when their effect on history is minimal. By contrast, the little drama enacted at Good Indian Spring in 1859 received no press attention then and likely would not today, for the first steps that humans of different cultures take toward understanding each other are the very antithesis of the violence and destruction that rivet our attention to the nightly news. T h e last two articles examine curiosities: psychic phenomena and spelling reform. T h e warm welcome Sir Arthur Conan Doyle received when he lectured in Salt Lake City in 1923 is in itself curious, given his earlier writings on the Mormons. That he spoke from the Tabernacle podium on spiritualistic matters is even more astonishing. T h e time, energy, and money the Mormons funneled into creating a distinctive phonetic alphabet when they were still struggling with the problems of settlement and survival remain puzzling, but the origins of many of the curious symbols in the Deseret Alphabet have been illuminated by contemporary research. T h e symbols above represent the sounds in Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the scene of countless dramas and curiosities.


A trooper of E. V. Sumner's First Cavalry Regiment, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Territory, 1858. Lee-Palfrey Family Collection, Library of Congress.

125 Years of Conspiracy Theories: Origins of the Utah Expedition of 1857-58 BY WILLIAM P. MACKINNON

T h e World generally is not interested in the motives of any overt act but in its consequences. Man may smile and smile, but he is not an investigating animal. He loves the obvious. He shrinks from explanations. Yet I will go on with mine. Joseph Conrad, The Secret Agent

AMERICANS, AMONG OTHER PEOPLE, LOVE CONSPIRACY THEORIES,

and

they have used them to explain a growing list of tragedies in U.S. Mr. MacKinnon of Birmingham, Michigan, is General Motors Corporation's vice president for personnel administration and development. This article is based on his paper presented at the 1983


Origins of the Utah Expedition

213

history ranging from presidential assassinations to the way in which the nation goes to war. 1 It is not surprising then that conspiracy theories have also clung to the historiography of the U.S. Army's operations in the trans-Mississippi West, including that of a campaign that without notice recently marked its 125th anniversary â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Utah Expedition of 1857-58. Interestingly, it is a campaign about which relatively little has been written during the past twenty years, notwithstanding the fact that James Buchanan's attempt to suppress what he believed to be a Mormon rebellion with nearly one-third of the U.S. Army was the nation's most extensive and expensive military undertaking during the period between the Mexican and Civil wars. 2 Estimates of the monetary cost to the U.S. government alone range between $14 million and $40 million, the real beginning of a large national debt. 3 T h e r e is no need to rehash the operational details of the Utah Expedition in view of the appearance in 1960 of the standard work on the subject, Norman F. Furniss's The Mormon Conflict, 18501859.4 But some background in summary form may be helpful. Irrespective of its origins, the campaign eventually pitted on the one hand Bvt. Brig. Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston's two federal brigades, a force larger than that with which Grant garrisoned a recalcitrant Mississippi ten years later; and on the other, Gov. annual meeting of the Western History Association in Salt Lake City. T h e accompanying 1858 photographs are from the Lee-Palfrey Family Collection and are published here for the first time with the permission of the Library of Congress. 1 T h e number of such events in American history which have been explained by conspiracy theories is enormous and growing, and the Arno Press now offers a collection of volumes u n d e r the series heading "Conspiracy: Historical Perspectives." If one examines alone the publications of the Organization of American Historians for late summer 1983, one finds that the August 1983 issue of OAH's Newsletter carries citations for a 1918 U.S. government pamphlet entitled The German-Bolshevik Conspiracy as well as for the television film The Lincoln Conspiracy; while the September 1983 issue of The fournal of American History reviews Jeffrey Rossbach, Ambivalent Conspirators: John Brown, the Secret Six, and a Theory of Slave Violence (Philadelphia, 1982) and advertizes David M. Oshinsky's forthcoming volume A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. 2 For the author's complaints about neglect of the Utah Expedition and its origins since the appearance of Furniss's work (note 4 below), see William P. MacKinnon, "The Gap in the Buchanan . Revival: T h e Utah Expedition of 1857-58," Utah Historical Quarterly 15 (1977): 36-46. Since the late 1970s only a few analytical studies or volumes of source material have appeared, including Ray R. Canning and Beverly Beeton, eds., The Genteel Gentile: Letters of Elizabeth Cumming, 1857-1858 (Salt Lake City, 1977); Paul Bailey, Holy Smoke: A Dissertation on the Utah War (Los Angeles, 1978); Everett L. Cooley, ed., Diary of Brigham Young, 1857 (Salt Lake City, 1980); Steven G. Barnett, " T h e Utah Expedition: A Prelude to the Civil War as a Collecting Subject," Manuscripts 24 (1982): 193-202; and Wilford Hill LeCheminant, "A Crisis Averted? General Harney and the Change in Command of the Utah Expedition," Utah Historical Quarterly 51 (1983): 30-45. Additional discussion of conspiracy theories is included in the author's review of Bailey's book in Utah Historical Quarterly 46 (1978): 416-18. 3 T . B. H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (Salt Lake City, 1904), p. 421, and B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of The Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Century I (Salt Lake City, 1930), 4:547. 4 Norman F. Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 1850-1859 (New Haven, 1960).


214

Utah Historical Quarterly

Barracks at. Fort Leavenworth, 1858. Lee-Palfrey Family Collection, Library of Congress.

Brigham Young's Utah Territorial Militia (Nauvoo Legion), a command perhaps larger than the entire U.S. Army. T h e scene was the mountain ranges and deserts of Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; not today's familiar nearrectangular state but rather a sprawling territory the boundaries of which ranged from Kansas Territory to California while encompassing the present states of Utah and Nevada as well as parts of what are now Wyoming, Colorado, and Idaho. As Johnston's command approached Utah in the late summer of 1857, Young reacted by recalling missionaries from Europe and the eastern states, pulling in the large Mormon colonies at San Bernardino, San Francisco, and Carson Valley, and by stockpiling arms and ammunition. He also proclaimed martial law and sealed the territory's borders. Young then mobilized the Nauvoo Legion which undertook an extensive scorched earth policy and campaign of guerrilla-style harrassment along Utah's eastern frontier. As a result, Forts Supply and Bridger were burned, mountain passes were fortified and blocked, and a significant portion of the federal supply trains was attacked and burned with huge losses of rations,


Origins of the Utah Expedition

215

Fort Kearny, Nebraska Territory, 1858. Lee-Palfrey Family Collection, Library of Congress.

uniforms, tents, and ammunition. When the Nauvoo Legion also put the torch to miles of grassland needed for forage, Johnston lost thousands of cavalry mounts and draft animals, a blow that sent federal detachments in search of remounts into the British possessions to the north and New Mexico Territory to the south. T h u s weakened and harrassed, Johnston concluded with the arrival of snowfall that he could not force the passes into Salt Lake City that winter. His command settled into the charred remains of Fort Bridger and an embarrassing, frustrating, and uncomfortable winter at half-rations. While waiting for spring, remounts, and reinforcements, the troops labored as draft animals, and pickets exchanged gunfire with Mormon scouts. In the meantime, the army's general-in-chief, Winfield Scott, prepared to inject a second brigade into Utah's western flank via the Isthmus of Panama and southern California, a plan that was abandoned in January 1858 in favor of a more conventional thrust from Kansas Territory in the spring. When President Buchanan undertook to end the campaign and his embarrassment through a negotiated settlement, Brigham


216

Utah Historical Quarterly

Fort Laramie, Nebraska Territory, 1858. Lee-Palfrey Family Collection, Library of Congress.

Young entered into discussions with Buchanan's civilian commissioners. In the summer of 1858 an agreement was reached. Young was replaced as territorial governor, and Johnston's reinforced command marched unopposed through a Salt Lake City deserted and ready for the torch to a site thirty miles to the south. This bivouac, Camp Floyd, became the country's largest garrison until the Civil War. Buchanan, in turn, issued a blanket pardon to Utah's population. 5 If the troop movements are clear, the expedition's origins are not, due in part to the destruction and loss of many of President Buchanan's and Secretary of War J o h n B. Floyd's personal papers. T h e absence of internal Cabinet and War Department memoranda add to the ambiguity. What is known is that in April 1857 significant troop movements were ordered, and on May 28 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; less than three 5 This summary description of the campaign is drawn in part from the author's July 21, 1983, letter to the editor of Parameters, Journal of the US Army War College which appeared in vol. 13 (September 1983): 85-86. This letter was, in turn, prompted by Professor J o h n M. Gates's failure to discuss the Utah Expedition in his earlier article entitled "Indians and Insurrectos: T h e US Army's Experience with Insurgency," Parameters 13 (March 1983): 59-68.


Origins of the Utah Expedition

217

Ruins of Fort Bridger, Utah Territory, 1858. Lee-Palfrey Family Collection, Library of Congress.

months after Buchanan took office and only days after General Scott himself opposed a move against Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Scott released a circular to the army's staff bureaus announcing the creation of a Military Department of Utah and the intent to garrison it with a multi-regiment expeditionary force of infantry, artillery, and dragoons to be marshalled at Fort Leavenworth. 6 A few weeks later, Scott's aide-decamp informed the expedition's commander that "The community and, in part, the civil government of Utah Territory are in a state of substantial rebellion against the laws and authority of the United States." 7 Buchanan and Floyd did not comment publicly on the subject until December 1857 in the former's year-end message to Congress, a point at which Johnston's first brigade was already 6 For the text of Scott's General Circular, May 28, 1857, see LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen, eds., The Utah Expedition, 1857-1858: A Documentary Account . . . (Glendale, 1958), pp. 27-29, or U.S., Congress, House, The Utah Expedition, 35th Cong., 1st sess., 1857-58, House Ex. Doc. 71, Serial 956, pp. 4-5. Scott's May 26, 1857, m e m o r a n d u m to Secretary of War Floyd counseling that the campaign be delayed until 1858 for logistics and weather reasons, a document of which Buchanan later argued he was unaware, is discussed in M. Hamlin Cannon, "Winfield Scott and the Utah Expedition," Military Affairs 5 (Fall 1941): 208-11. 7 Lieut. Col. George W. Lay to Bvt. Brig. Gen. William S. Harney, J u n e 29, 1857, Utah Expedition, House Ex. Doc. 71, p. 71.


218

Utah Historical Quarterly

'House and Harem of President Brigham Young, Great Salt Lake City, Utah Territory, 1858." Lee-Palfrey Collection, Library of Congress.

bivouacked in discomfort at Fort Bridger. Buchanan argued that ". . . for several years, in order to maintain his independence . . . [Young] had been industriously employed in collecting and fabricating arms and munitions of war. . . . This is the first rebellion which has existed in our territories, and humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last."8 From such thin documentary gruel have emerged 125 years of conspiracy theories to supplement Furniss's less sinister analysis of Mormon persecution, conflicts with federal surveyors over land claims staked u n d e r Mexican rule, Utah's violent religious reformation of 1856, and the often unacceptable behavior of federal appointees assigned to Utah Territory. Perhaps the first commentator to perceive a conspiracy behind the decision to intervene militarily in Utah was Brigham Young, then the territory's governor and superintendent of Indian Affairs, as well as commander of its militia and president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. 8

"First Annual Message of President Buchanan," Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 17891897, comp. James D. Richardson (Washington, 1897), 5:455-56.


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Notwithstanding James Buchanan's March 4, 1857, inaugural assertion that "Next in importance to the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union is the duty of preserving the Government free from the taint or even the suspicion of corruption,"" Young argued from the beginning that the campaign was undertaken largely to enrich commercial friends of the Buchanan administration, especially the large freighting firm of Russell, Majors & Waddell. On July 26, 1857, in his first public address after news of the Utah Expedition's approach had reached Salt Lake City, Young commented: I am a Yankee guesser, and guess that James Buchanan has ordered this expedition to appease the wrath of the angry hounds who are howling around him. He did not design to start men on the 15th of July to cross these plains to this point on foot. Russell & Co. will probably make from eight to ten h u n d r e d thousand dollars by freighting the baggage of the expedition.

One of Young's daughters later advanced the same argument 1 1 as did the Deseret News, which asked: And what, think you, is the plan? By carefully working the wires of slander . . . they have induced President Buchanan and his Cabinet to order a body of troops to proceed at vast expense to a country and people where all is and ever has been so orderly. . . . But what care those speculators and politicians for a far worse than useless expenditure of treasure, toil, and hardship, so their pockets are well filled by the operation . . .? 12

Here then is an economic interpretation of the Utah Expedition, one which, in turn, generated the label the "Contractors' War." Millions of military contracting dollars, of course, did flow into and through Russell, Majors 8c Waddell, but what did more than anything else to sustain those who scented a linkage between the firm and the Utah Expedition's origins was a miasma of corruption within the Buchanan administration generally and a spectacle of ineptness and misadministration in J o h n B. Floyd's handling of the War Department. Congressional committee after committee investigated Buchanan's abuse of the patronage â&#x20AC;&#x201D; often in connection with Kansas affairs â&#x20AC;&#x201D; while still other panels probed Secretary Floyd's contracting role in the construction of the Washington aqueduct, the ""Inaugural Address of James Buchanan," March 4, 1857, ibid, 5:433. 10 Hafen and Hafen, The Utah Expedition, p. 183. II Susa Young Gates and Leah D. Widtsoe, The Life Story of Brigham Young (New York, 1930), p. 182. ^DeseretNews

(Salt Lake City), July 29, 1857.


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220

Alexander Majors.

William H. Russell.

William B. Waddell.

From Raymond W. Settle and Mary Lund Settle's Empire on Wheels, 1949.

heating of the Capitol, the purchase of real estate for Fort Totten, the sale of Fort Snelling, and the purchase of horses, mules, cattle, flour, and transportation for the Utah Expedition. 13 T h e scene was such that in 1858 a 100-page satirical poem was published anonymously in Boston to ridicule the campaign and an unpublished play was drafted for the same purpose. 14 As Mary and Raymond Settle have indicated in their studies of Russell, Majors 8c Waddell, the firm's ultimate collapse rather than its prosperity was rooted in the Utah Expedition. 15 Nonetheless, Floyd was forced to resign in December 1860 and was indicted for malfeasance of office and conspiracy to defraud the government 13 For a discussion of corruption in the Buchanan administration and congressional investigations of Buchanan and Floyd, see: David E. Meerse, "James Buchanan, the Patronage, and the Northern Democratic Party, 1857-1858" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1969); Meerse, "Buchanan, Corruption and the Election of 1860," Civil War History 12 (June 1966): 116-31; and William P. MacKinnon, " T h e Buchanan Spoils System and the Utah Expedition: Careers of W. M. F. Magraw and J o h n M. Hockaday," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (1963): 127-50. For a floor speech linking the Utah Expedition to the spoils system, see the highly critical 1858 speech sarcastically entitled "The T r i u m p h s of the Administration" by Rep. S. A. Purviance of Pennsylvania, U .S., Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 35th Cong., 1st sess., 1857-58, pp. 414-15. 14 Anonymous, Mormoniad (Boston, 1858). 15 Raymond W. Settle and Mary L. Settle, Empire on Wheels (Stanford, 1949), and War Drums and Wagon Wheels: The Story of Russell, Majors and Waddell (Lincoln, 1966).


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when it became known that a distant relative had stolen $870,000 in bonds from the Interior Department to forestall disclosure of Floyd's inappropriate financing arrangements for the expedition with William H. Russell.16 In 1864, with the light of hindsight, General Scott commented in his memoirs: T h e 'Expedition' set on foot by Mr. Secretary Floyd, in 1857, against the Mormons and Indians about Salt Lake, was, beyond a doubt, to give occasion for large contracts and expenditures, that is to open a wide field for frauds and peculation. This purpose was not comprehended nor scarcely suspected in, perhaps, a year; but, observing the desperate characters who frequented the secretary, some of whom had desks near him, suspicion was at length excited. 17

More recent historians have been equally critical in their j u d g ments. In a 1963 study of Floyd's administration, W. A. Swanberg described him as " . . . a man so downright disorderly and careless that it is still hard to tell where confusion ended and mischief began," 18 while ten years later Professors C. Vann Woodward and Michael F. Holt also focused on Buchanan and Floyd in their analysis of executive misconduct for the Watergate impeachment proceedings. Woodward, for example, concluded that: Much of the improper conduct had been practiced since Jackson's time, but it culminated and flourished most luxuriantly u n d e r Buchanan. . . . His administration marked the low point before the Civil War and somewhat approached later levels of corruption. 1!l

Holt, in the same study, argued that: T h e Virginian Floyd does not appear to have profited personally from the War Department contracts or to have realized always how he was exploited. He was simply a careless administrator who tried too hard to please his friends and fellow party members. 2 0

Only J o h n M. Belohlavek, among recent historians, portrays Floyd as a reasonably competent but unlucky figure.21 16 In addition to the Settles' studies of this affair, see U.S., Congress, House, Select Committee, Report . . . Fraudulent Abstraction of Certain Bonds . . . Department of the Interior, 36th Cong., 2d sess., 1860-61, House Rpt. 78, Serial 1105. 17 Winfield Scott, Autobiography of Lieutenant General Scott (New York, 1864), 2:604. 1 W. A. Swanberg, "Was the Secretary of War a Traitor?" American Heritage, February 1963, p. 97. 19 C. Vann Woodward, ed.,Responses of the Presidents to Charges of Misconduct (New York, 1974), p. 20

Michael F. Holt, "James Buchanan, 1857-1861," ibid, p. 93. J o h n M. Belohlavek, "The Politics of Scandal: A Reassessment of J o h n B. Floyd as Secretary of War, 1857-1861," West Virginia History 31 (April 1970): 145-60. Floyd received even more sympathetic treatment at the hands of his grandson in Robert M. Hughes, "John B. Floyd and His Traducers," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 43 (October 1935): 316-29. 21


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Although it has been established that once the Utah Expedition was underway the Buchanan administration used patronage and contracting leverage to benefit its friends, it has never been demonstrated that the concept of an expedition against the Mormons was motivated by such a factor.22 Nonetheless, because of the corruption surrounding both the Buchanan White House and its War Department, the conspiracy theory of a "Contractors' War" lives on. One finds it even in the most recent monograph on the campaign. 23 Like other forms of intellectual activity, one conspiracy theory will sometimes spawn another. T h u s the combination of an existing "Contractors' War" theory, President Buchanan's subsequent ambivalence in the face of sectional conflict, the onset of the Civil War, J o h n B. Floyd's active (although ineffective) service as a Confederate general, and Northern introspection as to how the war began gave rise to what one might call the "Great Conspiracy" perception: the belief that Southerners or Southern sympathizers in Buchanan's cabinet â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Secretary of War Floyd, a Virginian; Secretary of the Treasury Howell Cobb, a Georgian; Secretary of the Interior Jacob Thompson, a Mississippian; and Secretary of the Navy Isaac Toucey of Connecticut â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were actively engaged through the Utah Expedition in weakening the federal establishment for the secessionist thrust ahead. Although he did not refer specifically to Utah, J o h n A. Logan, the Illinois politician and Union general officer, sketched the broad outline of the general theory in his 1886 book entitled The Great Conspiracy: Its Origin and History: But before leaving the [Buchanan] Cabinet, the conspiring members of it, and their friends, had managed to ham-string the National Government, by scattering the Navy in other quarters of the World; by sending the few troops of the United States to remote points; by robbing the arsenals in the Northen States of arms and munitions of war, so as to abundantly supply the Southern States at the critical moment; by bankrupting the Treasury and shattering the public credit of the Nation. 24

Nearly twenty years later T. B. H. Stenhouse formulated the specific linkage between Logan's belief and the Utah Expedition: It is difficult to resist the conclusion that the opportunity afforded by the U.S. military expedition to Utah in 1857 was not eagerly seized by Mr. Floyd as favorable to the long-cherished scheme for the rebellion 22

MacKinnon, " T h e Buchanan Spoils System," p. 148. Bailey, Holy Smoke, p. 105. 24 J o h n A. Logan, The Great Conspiracy: Its Origin and History (New York, 1886), p. 118. 23


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of 1861. At all events . . . placing "the flower of the American army" so far away from rail and water, with such a huge mass of munitions of war â&#x20AC;&#x201D; which were wholly lost to the nation â&#x20AC;&#x201D; was not inharmonious with the general plan of Mr. Buchanan's Secretary of War preparatory to the declaration of secession.

Fueling the controversy was the fact that on the eve of the Civil War the army was indeed scattered, with 183 of its 198 companies assigned to isolated army posts in the West, principally in Utah. In total, only five companies garrisoned nine thinly m a n n e d forts along the Southern coast.26 Buchanan subsequently complained that in November 1860 he held less than 1,000 men at his immediate disposal. 27 In his study of the War Department, A. Howard Meneely concluded that "It is inconceivable that military affairs could have been in a much more unfortunate condition than they were as 1860 drew to a close. . . ."28 Perhaps more inflammatory was the assertion made as the Civil War began and subsequently that during the antebellum period Floyd had transferred disproportionate quantities of small arms from Northern to Southern arsenals where tens of thousands of them were vulnerable to capture by secessionists. Similar attention has been drawn to Floyd's p r e m a t u r e and irregular attempt during 1860 to transfer 110 columbiad cannons and eleven 32-pounder cannons from the federal arsenal at Pittsburgh to forts at Ship Island, Mississippi, and Galveston, Texas. 2!) Both subtheories are tantalizing and have been much studied; neither has been established as conclusive evidence of secessionist urges on Floyd's part, let alone proof that as early as 1857 the Utah Expedition was being initiated or manipulated for pro-Southern purposes. 30 Two days before he resigned as secretary of war in 25 Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints, p. 346. Those who follow western conspiracy theories will recognize Stenhouse's comments as a second cousin of the assertion that, upon leaving Utah in 1860 to command the Department of the Pacific, Albert Sidney Johnston attempted to foster a secessionist movement in California or that as early as 1855 Floyd's predecessor, Jefferson Davis, had anticipated secession by appointing only Southern officers like Johnston and R. E. Lee to such new regiments as the Second Cavalry. See also Charles P. Roland, Albert Sidney Johnston, Soldier of Three Republics (Austin, 1964), pp. 185-237; Benjamin F. Gilbert, " T h e Mythical Johnston Conspiracy," California Historical Society Quarterly 28 (1949): 165-73; and Douglas Southall Freeman, R. E. Lee, A Biography (New York, 1942), l:349n. 26 A. Howard Meneely, The War Department, 1861: A Study in Mobilization and Administration (New York, 1928), pp. 22-23, and Francis Paul Prucha, "Distribution of Regular Army Troops before the Civil War," Military Affairs 16 (Winter 1952): 169-73. " J a m e s Ford Rhodes, History of the United States . . . (New York, 1910), 3:129. 28 Meneely, The War Department, p. 31. 2!, The principal primary source for the arms issue is U.S., Congress, House, Report on Disposition of Public Arms, 36th Cong., 2d sess., 1860-61, House Rpt. 85, Serial 1105. 30 Belohlavek, " T h e Politics of Scandal," p. 152.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

Secretary of War John B. Floyd. National Archives.

December 1860, Floyd argued that "There is not one branch of the military service that is not in perfect order. . . . No system of administration, no line of policy, I think, could reach better results. . . ."3 Yet a month later he cryptically told a Virginia audience, "I undertook so to dispose of the power in my hands, that when the terrific hour came, you and all of you, and each of you, should say, 'This man has done his duty.' "32 Meneely's 1928 assessment of Floyd's latter statement was that " . . . his blatant outburst was probably nothing more than self-glorification and an attempt to ingratiate himself and gain influence with the southern leaders, among whom he heretofore had but little standing." 33 Thirty-five years later, in an article entitled "Was the Secretary of War a Traitor?" Swanberg concluded that "Considering Floyd's capacity for creating chaos, it is hardly an exaggeration to say that when he quit Washington the Union's gain was the South's loss."34 T h e conspiracy theory that has been perhaps least developed over the years deals not with contractors or secessionists but rather 31 John B. Floyd to Hon. William Pennington, December 27, 1860, Report . . . Fraudulent Abstraction of Certain Bonds, House Rpt. 78, p. 352. 32 Meneely, The War Department, p. 41. 33 Ibid, p. 42. 34 Swanberg, "Was the Secretary of War a Traitor?" p. 97.


Origins of the Utah Expedition

225

Camp Floyd, Utah Territory, 1858. Lee-Palfrey Family Collection, Library of Congress.

with a linkage between political events and troop movements involving Utah and neighboring Kansas Territory. In a sense, two conflicting perceptions took shape around civil strife in Kansas. T h e first, frequently held by Republican critics of the Buchanan administration, argued that the Utah Expedition was devised not to suppress a Mormon rebellion but rather was intended to funnel large numbers of troops into Kansas for the purpose of opposing the abolitionist faction in that territory. Even as he marched to Utah, a pro-Fremont dragoon private in Johnston's command wrote to a Philadelphia newspaper: For my part, I continue in the belief that the United States do not want to punish Young at all. . . . May not this concentration of forces here be for the purpose of having them near at hand in case they should be needed to crush out "abolitionism" in Kansas, without subjecting the government to the accusation of keeping a large armed force in that territory? 3 '' 35 Private "Utah" to editor, Daily Evening Bulletin (Philadelphia), J u n e 25 and July 2, 1858, Harold D. Langley, ed., To Utah with the Dragoons and Glimpses of Life in Arizona and California, 1858-1859 (Salt Lake City, 1974), pp. 27, 30.


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Conversely, the Atlantic Monthly's correspondent with the expedition and other observers argued that Buchanan's real interest was to divert public attention from Kansas affairs while minimizing clashes between civilians and troops by reassigning the latter to Utah. 36 Within that context Furniss has noted that in April 1857 Robert Tyler of Virginia wrote to Buchanan to state: I believe that we can supersede the Negro-Mania [over Kansas] with the almost universal excitement of an Anti-Mormon Crusade. . . . Should you, with your accustomed grip, seize this question with a strong, fearless and resolute hand, the Country I am sure will rally to you with an earnest enthusiasm and the pipings of Abolitionism will hardly be heard amidst the thunders of the storm we shall raise. 37

A year later, with the spectacle of two brigades drawn from ten regiments already enmeshed in Utah, Mormoniad's anonymous author addressed the subject of President Buchanan's behavior in verse form: . . . "A Message from the President! An Army for the Mormon War!" T h e Speaker shouted, as he rent T h e seals asunder. "Hip! hurrah!" All hipped, and all hurrahed. . . . "Members of Congress," thus began T h e Message of the wifeless man [Buchanan], "'Tis time to pause; too long ye play — From morn to night, from night to day; Forgetful of the Eagle's Wing — T e n thousand changes on a string Of nigger catgut — botheration! — Which stretches, like an incubus Of one eternal, endless fuss, From North to South athwart the Nation! 'Tis time to pause, and, pausing, cut Forever this disgusting gut, That groans above us, in the middle, And place another on the fiddle! Admit Lecompton, and the curse Of curses leaves us in — a hearse! Admit, I say, Lecompton; and, sirs, I'll draw my army out of Kansas, And with it — what is needed most — Make Mormon Young 'give u p the ghost.'. . ." 36

Albert G. Browne, " T h e Utah Expedition," Atlantic Monthly 3 (1859): 364. Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, p. 75. Tyler's April 27, 1857, letter to Buchanan is reprinted in Philip G. Auchampaugh,Robert Tyler, Southern Rights Champion (Duluth, 1934), p. 180; the original is in the collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. 38 Mormoniad, pp. 21-22. 37


Origins of the Utah Expedition

227

Finally, Paul Bailey argues without supporting detail that "There were obscure political reasons for generating military hostility in the far west to forestall the divisive states' rights ferment which was gripping the nation." 30 In summary, then, each of the three principal conspiracy theories dealing with James Buchanan's decision to intervene with massive force in Utah Territory only months after taking office remains unproven. All offer simple and at times appealing explanations of the origins of a campaign rooted in a complex, decadeslong flow of events. That there was, in fact, a "Contractors' War" of sorts is clear; but with respect to timing, the twin forces of patronage and greed were unattractive by-products of the Utah Expedition rather than its source. Neither the multiple congressional investigations unleashed nor an examination of the papers of Russell, Majors 8c Waddell and its partners leads to any other conclusion, although the Buchanan administration's record of laxness, insensitivity, and boldness in the patronage arena, especially during the period 1858-60, have made it inviting for some analysts to project this record onto the decisionmaking process of the administration's opening days. Similarly, the concept of a pro-Southern cabal in Buchanan's cabinet has served to explain in some minds not only the secession movement of 1860-61 and the early reverses of the Union Army but the origins of the Utah Expedition as well. However, notwithstanding the Confederate war records or sympathies of Secretaries Floyd, Cobb, Thompson, and Toucey, it has yet to be established that any or all of them were traitors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; let alone prescient ones â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as early as the first quarter of 1857. Unlike the matter of Russell, Majors & Waddell, though, there has not been a rigorous, concerted analysis of the personal and official papers of these or other Cabinet officers or, equally important, those of General Scott for January-May 1857, the relevant decision period. An examination of these documents and any surviving papers of Harriet Lane, Buchanan's niece and official White House hostess, James Buchanan Henry, the president's nephew and personal secretary, or J o h n Appleton, the cabinet secretary, may shed light on decisions made by Buchanan early in his administration. T h e James Buchanan papers in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania yield little on this subject. 'Bailey, Holy Smoke, p. 99.


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James Buchanan. Library of Congress.

Gen. Winfield Scott. USHS collections.

Of all the conspiracy theories spawned by the Utah Expedition, perhaps the most complex but promising is that which deals with Kansas affairs â&#x20AC;&#x201D; not in the sense of a plan to channel troops into that unhappy territory but rather as a political strategy for syphoning soldiers out of Kansas to Utah. T h e objective of such a gambit, as Robert Tyler suggested to Buchanan in April 1857, could have been to reduce the public uproar over Kansas by minimizing clashes between federal troops and the various emotional civilian factions in that territory while simultaneously employing the former against Utah's highly unpopular and presumably libidinous Mormons. Although by the summer of 1857 it had become clear that Kansas rather than Utah was Buchanan's greater worry, the president's health, personal style, and reactions to pressure were such as to make it quite possible that the temptation to yield to the public demand for military action against Utah was irresistible during the first quarter of 1857.40 Here again, a more comprehensive search for and analysis of the papers of those people close to Buchanan's official and personal family is crucial to firm resolution of the conspiracy theories. Until then, Furniss's scholarly but less eclectic analysis of events and motivations stands as the most reliable one. Even with the passage of 125 years, the origins of the Utah Expedition warrant additional analysis. But then there are several other nonconspiratorial aspects of this campaign and its historiography that also offer intriguing opportunities for exploration. For 40 For a more extensive discussion of the linkage between events in the two territories, see William P. MacKinnon, " T h e Tactics of Diversion: Kansas Affairs and the Utah Expedition," President Buchanan and the Utah Expedition, A Question of Expediency Rather Than Principle (Senior Honors Essay, Yale University History Department, 1960), pp. 103-39.


229

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jmm**.'

Lt. Kirby Smith at Camp Floyd, 1858. Other men are identified as W. Lee and Charles McCarthy. Lee-Palfrey Family Collection, Library of Congress.

example, as discussed above, there has not yet been a comprehensive search of the papers of all of Buchanan's Cabinet officers for purposes of studying the decision to intervene in Utah. Neither has there been use made of the trail journal and daguerreotypes — some reproduced for the first time with this article — generated by William Lee, the civilian who accompanied the Utah Expedition's reinforcements in 1858.41 Similarly, we lack a unit history of the colorful volunteer infantry battalion virtually impressed into the Army of Utah by Albert Sidney Johnston and commanded by Barnard E. Bee.42 Missing also is a thoughtful analysis of Buchanan's over-all western military policy — not only the Utah Expedition and his related use of the army in Kansas but Buchanan's move to establish an American protectorate over northern Mexico 43 as well as the 41 T h e Lee material is in the Lee-Palfrey Family Collection in the Library of Congress's Manuscript Division. 42 T h e author is developing a history of this battalion. 43 Donathan C. Olliff, Reforma Mexico and the United States: A Search for Alternatives to Annexation, 1854-1861 (Tuscaloosa, 1981).


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so-called "Pig War" with Great Britain in the Pacific Northwest. 44 Finally, with a regular army and Nauvoo Legion heavily populated with emigrants, it is intriguing to consider the probability that, in addition to u n t a p p e d American sources, E u r o p e a n archives, manuscript collections, libraries, and attics are loaded with letters and diaries sent h o m e from the Utah Expedition. T o date, only Sgt. Eugene Bandel's letters to his Prussian parents from the expedition's Sixth Infantry have been r e t u r n e d to the United States, translated, and published. 45 As yet the letters of Sgt. Maj. William Porter Finlay (Battalion of U.S. Volunteers) and other soldiers remain undiscovered or unpublished. Just as the only surviving copy of the McClellan saddle field tested on this campaign has been located in such an unlikely place as a Danish m u s e u m , Europe's and America's trove of documents bearing on the Utah Expedition â&#x20AC;&#x201D; along with the key to u n d e r s t a n d i n g its origins â&#x20AC;&#x201D; await further exploration and eventual discovery d u r i n g the next 125 years. 46 44 Keith Murray, The Pig War (Pacific Northwest Historical Pamphlet No. 6, Tacoma, 1968), and Will Dawson, The War That Was Never Fought (Princeton, 1971). 45 Eugene Bandel, Frontier Life in the Army, 1854-1861, ed. Ralph P. Bieber and trans. Olga Bandel and Richard J e n t e (Glendale, 1932). 4K For the story of the first McClellan-type saddle see James S. Hutchins, " T h e United States Cavalry Saddle McClellan Pattern, Model 1857, in T0jhusmuspet, Copenhagen," Saertryk, AF Vaabenhistoriske Aarb0ger 16 (1970): 146-61. Similarly, some of the most extensive collections of eighteenth and nineteenth century Ottawa Indian w a m p u m belts and porcupine quill work are to be found today not only in the Andrew J. Blackbird Museum at Harbor Springs, Michigan, but also in the Natural History Museum of Vienna, Austria, and in museums in Munich and Dresden, Germany. For those who doubt the existence of additional undiscovered documents bearing on the Utah Expedition, consider the recent and unexpected a p p e a r a n c e of a large collection of Mexican War daguerreotypes now in the possession of the Amon Carter Museum of Fort Worth. These photographs were discussed in Martha A. Sandweiss's paper for the 1983 W H A annual meeting entitled "Daguerreotypes of the Mexican War."


Arthur Brown. USHS collections

The "Gentile Polygamist": Arthur Brown, Ex-Senator from Utah By LINDA T H A T C H E R

13, 1906, A R T H U R BROWN, one of the first two U.S. senators elected after Utah gained statehood, died in the Emergency Hospital in Washington, D. C , from complications following a gunshot wound. 1 He had been shot on December 8 by Anne Maddison Bradley, his mistress of several years, after a turbulent and wellpublicized love affair. Residents of Salt Lake City were "shocked but not surprised by the news that Mrs. Anna [sic] M. Bradley had shot O N DECEMBER

Ms. Thatcher is a librarian at the Utah State Historical Society and current president of the Utah Women's History Association. 1 T h e information for the main text of this article was taken from the Salt Lake Tribune and Deseret News, January 1896, September 29, 30, October 1, 1902; January, October 1903; Salt Lake Tribune, Deseret News, and Washington Star, December 8, 1906, to December 15, 1907. Membership records of the First Unitarian Church, Salt Lake City, were also used.


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ex-Senator Arthur Brown." 2 His death brought to a culmination an episode in Utah's history much written about at the time but little known today. Arthur Brown was born March 8, 1843, on a farm near Schoolcraft, Kalamazoo County, Michigan. When he was thirteen years old the family moved to Yellow Springs, Ohio, so that his sisters could attend Antioch College, which had been started by Horace Mann. His parents were interested in the college for his sisters, as it was one of the first to admit women on an equal basis with men. Arthur also attended the college, graduating in 1862. He then attended the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor, where he obtained a law degree in 1864. Brown practiced law in Kalamazoo, building a large and lucrative practice. He was also active in politics but never held office, although he tried several times to secure the nomination for prosecuting attorney of Kalamazoo. While living in Kalamazoo he was married to a women, later known only as Mrs. L. C. Brown, and they had one child, Alice. After his marriage he became e n a m o r e d with Isabel Cameron, the daughter of Alexander Cameron, a member of the Michigan State Senate. At the time they met she was running a newsstand in the Kalamazoo post office. T h e affair became public knowledge, and Brown and his first wife separated in the late 1870s. He moved to Salt Lake City in 1879 in the hope of being appointed U.S. district attorney for Utah. Failing to receive the appointment, he set u p a private law practice in the city. Isabel Cameron followed him to Salt Lake City, and they were married after he obtained a divorce from his first wife. They had one son, Max. 3 As a successful attorney, close to forty, Brown apparently settled down to respectable family life with his second wife and son and once more became active in politics. He rose to prominence in the Republican party and was nominated in 1896 by the Republican caucus of the predominantly Republican Utah State Legislature to run for the U.S. Senate along with Frank J. Cannon. Some representatives threatened to withdraw their support of Brown in the final election in the legislature because of his views on the "silver question." However, when Brown published a letter in the Deseret 2

Salt Lake Tribune, December 9, 1906. Mark Drumm, Drumm's Manual of Utah, and Souvenir of the First State Legislature (Salt Lake City: Mark Drumm, 1896), p. 69-70; Salt Lake Tribune, December 9, 1906. 3


"Gentile Polygamist'

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News stating that he supported the Republican stand on the controversial silver issue, he received the necessary votes from the legislature to secure the office. He drew the short term and served in the U.S. Senate from January 22, 1896, to March 4, 1897.4 It was primarily through his work in the Republican party that Brown became acquainted with Anne Maddison Bradley in 1892. By the time of his election in 1896, the fifty-three year old senator and the twenty-three year old Bradley were close friends. Anne Maddison Bradley was born January 7, 1873, in Kansas City, Missouri, a daughter of Matthew and Mary E. Cozad Maddison. T h e family lived in Kansas City until she was about eight years old, when they moved to Colorado Springs. She received her schooling in Denver and later worked for a clothing company there. When her family moved to Salt Lake City in 1890 she worked as a clerk in the Salt Lake Water Works Department for three years and eight months, quitting a week before her marriage on September 20, 1893, to Clarence A. Bradley who worked for the Rio Grande Western Railroad. Anne Bradley appears to have been a young woman of culture with a wide range of interests. Active in community affairs, she belonged to the Salt Lake City Woman's Club, the Utah Woman's Press Club, and the Poets' Roundtable. She was also, for a time, editor of the Utah State Federation of Women's Clubs' publication. In 1900 she served as secretary of the fifth ward Republican Committee and as secretary of the State Republican Committee in 1902. Local church records reveal that she was a charter member of the First Unitarian Church in Salt Lake City. She had two children by Clarence Bradley â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Matthew, born in 1894, and Martha Clare, born in 1898. According to Anne Bradley's testimony at her trial, she stopped living with her husband in 1898, and after first spurning Brown's advances discovered that she loved him. Before that time, she said, Senator Brown had told her much of his life, and said he was very unhappy. "I told him that what he wanted would be only sorrow," but, he replied, "Never! never!" . . . "He was a very strange man. Finally, he began coming to my house at very unseemly hours, and I told him it must stop, but he answered. 'Darling, we will go through life together. I want you to have a son' and after several months we did." 5 4

Deseret News, January 20 and 21, 1896. ^Washington Star, November 19, 1907.


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They started an intimate relationship in January 1899, and on February 7, 1900, Bradley gave birth to a son, claimed to be Brown's, who was christened Arthur Brown Bradley. However, according to a deposition given by her sister, Louise Maddison Garnett, Bradley lived with her husband on and off until around 1902, and Clarence was living in the house at the time Arthur Brown Bradley was born in 1900.6 In 1902 Anne Bradley took several trips with Brown and lived for a few months in Grand Junction, Colorado. While she was living there Brown assured her that he was taking the necessary steps to get a divorce and that the only problem was the property settlement. She claimed to have told Brown "to give everything to Max Brown and Mrs. Brown . . . [as she] wanted none of it."7 In March, while they were in Grand Junction, she said that he gave her an engagement ring. They took a trip to Washington, D . C , accompanied by his daughter Alice from his first marriage. On this trip, Bradley said, she traveled as Brown's wife. Brown separated from his second wife and was living in the Independence Block in 1902, while Isabel resided in the Brown residence at 201 East South Temple. Isabel Brown and Salt Lake City District Attorney Dennis C. Eichnor hired a private detective, Samuel Dowse, to follow Brown and Bradley in September. Dowse observed both Brown and Bradley going into Brown's room in the Independence Block, and on September 28, 1902, both were arrested on charges of adultery. 8 Bradley claimed at her trial that she had gone to the Independence Block to wait for a few days until Brown could accompany her to Idaho to visit his ranch. Brown signed two five h u n d r e d dollar bonds for himself and Mrs. Bradley and they were set free. Mrs. Brown started the adultery proceedings in retaliation for divorce proceedings Arthur Brown had started against her. According to Mrs. Brown's statements Mrs. Bradley has had Brown u n d e r her influence for nearly four years. During that time it is alleged that they have had apartments in various rooming-houses and business blocks, their room most of the time being in the Dooly block, room 410, and recently in the Central block, room 26. It is said that Mrs. Brown has in her possession a collection of nearly three h u n d r e d letters and telegrams which have been received 6

Deposition given by Louise Maddison Garnett, District of Columbia Criminal Case, No. 25,419, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 1 Washington Star, November 19, 1907. 8 Deposition given by Samuel Dowse, District of Columbia Criminal Case, No. 25,419.


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The Independence Block on the south side of Third South between Main Street and West Temple, was used by Arthur Brown and Anne Bradley. USHS collections. by Brown from Mrs. Bradley. Many of these letters were from the Brown ranch and are said to be not particularly readable. These epistles will be used when the case is called for hearing. 0

Mrs. Brown was against the divorce as ". . . she intended to be presented at court in England next year and, as divorced women are restricted from that court, she . . . [objected] seriously to being divorced at all."10 She offered to withdraw the charges against Brown and Bradley if he would d r o p his divorce proceedings. Meanwhile, Anne Bradley had gone to Brown's ranch in Idaho alone. While she was there Dr. David Utter of the Unitarian church visited her in an attempt to persuade her to end her relationship with Brown. When she returned to Salt Lake City to consult Brown on the matter, "He fell on his knees before me, and begged me not to desert him. . . . He said he had given up everything else in life, and was living for me alone." 11 â&#x20AC;˘'Salt Lake Tribune, September 30, 1902. 10 Deseret News, September 29, 1902. 11 Washington Star, November 19, 1907.


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In January 1903 they were once more arrested on a charge of adultery. Brown promised his wife that he would stop seeing Bradley, and Soren X. Christensen, a lawyer, was asked by Brown and his wife to stay with Brown to try and keep Brown away from Bradley. Christensen stated that during this time Brown would sometimes "call . . . [Bradley] vile names and abuse her, and at other times he would tell me that he couldn't live without her." 12 Brown and his wife also attempted to reach a settlement with Bradley: She would receive a home in California or Salt Lake City, "not to exceed $5,000 in value," and "$100 a month as long as she remained single, for her care and the care of the children." 13 She rejected the offer saying that "she wanted nothing but the Senator." 14 In April of that year Brown and Christensen planned to leave Salt Lake City for a few months, supposedly to escape Bradley. Brown went ahead and Christensen was to follow with his luggage. When Christensen found out that Brown had met Bradley in Pocatello, Idaho, he and Mrs. Brown followed them, to help Brown escape, if he really wanted to get away from Bradley. Christensen and Mrs. Brown were at the head of the stairs in their hotel in Pocatello when, according to Christensen's account, . . . Mrs. Bradley came up the stairs with â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I think she had a coat or ulster on her arm, and a grip in her hand, when Mrs. Brown said to her, "How do you do, Mrs. Bradley? I have wanted to talk to you!" Mrs. Bradley sort of cowed over to the wall, and Mrs. Brown walked up towards her and grabbed her by the throat and threw her down, and intended to kill her, I took it. . . . I separated them, they got up, and commenced talking in a very low tone of voice again, when Mrs. Brown grabbed her again. I separated them, and Mrs. Brown says, "Let me alone, I will kill her," and I says, "Not when I am here." T h e n Mrs. Bradley called out and says, "Arthur, they are killing your Dolly â&#x20AC;&#x201D; open the door." They was about 6 or 8 feet from the door at the time. T h e r e was no response from the Senator's room. T h e n they commenced talking again, the two women. T h e conversation I don't remember. I went and sat down and looked on. Finally Mrs. Brown rapped on the door of room 11, and said, "Arthur, open the door or I will mash it in," and the door opened and the two women went in, when Arthur Brown came and called me, and said "Come in, I don't want to be left alone here with them." T h a t was about 1 o'clock in the morning, and then there was a general conversation pertaining to their conduct, until 7:30 the next morning. 1 5 12

Deposition given by Soren X. Christensen, District of Columbia Criminal Case, No. 25,419. Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. 13


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During this dramatic confrontation, according to Christensen, Brown denied that he was the father of his son Max by Mrs. Brown and admitted to being the father of Bradley's son Arthur. All three accused each other of all sorts of indiscretions. After the incident, Brown gave Bradley a revolver to carry with her as protection from Mrs. Brown. Bradley had the impression that some sort of agreement had been made in Pocatello by Brown, his wife, and Christensen for a settlement so that she and Brown could be married. She remained at his ranch during the month of May, leaving only after she received a telephone message on J u n e 3 from Brown telling her to "get off the farm and remain off it."16 She returned to Salt Lake City about three months pregnant to find that Brown and his wife had reconciled. Brown had also denied fathering her child Arthur Brown Bradley in order to avoid going to prison. When Bradley confronted him on these issues, he told her that "when he had settled certain business matters he would right the wrong." He told her that he "would marry . . . [her] and give . . . [her] and the children all the protection that was necessary." 17 T h e court date was rapidly approaching for their adultery trial, and Bradley informed Brown that unless he acknowledged their son she would plead guilty at the trial. Brown refused to acknowledge the child, and Bradley pleaded guilty to the charges. Brown pleaded not guilty and was tried. Brown was later acquitted and Bradley was never sentenced. Before the trial Bradley said that Brown had pleaded with her not to testify against him, and "he promised to get a divorce from his wife within a year and marry Mrs. Bradley. T h e n they would leave the United States and settle in Poland." 18 Despite his reassurances to Bradley, Brown felt bitter toward her for pleading guilty, and their relationship deteriorated. He was not yet able to give her up, however. On November 24, 1903, a second son, supposedly fathered by Brown, Martin Montgomery Brown Bradley, was born. On August 22, 1905, Isabel Cameron Brown died of cancer in Salt Lake City.10 Bradley stated that Brown called on her the night after his wife's death and said: "Now, darling, go ahead and get your 16

Washington Star, November 19, 1907. Ibid. 18 Ibid. 19 Herald, August 23, 1905.

17


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divorce and we will make this matter right." 20 After her divorce she frequently approached him on the subject of marriage, but he was in no hurry to gain legal access to what he had enjoyed illicitly. He put her off, according to her testimony, with such statements as: "we want a courtship, don't we," or "we must have more regard for public opinion." 21 This charade apparently ended when they set a wedding date for J u n e 1906. Brown urged her to go away until the wedding, and they decided on Ogden so that he could visit her more frequently. He vowed he would not delay the marriage again, saying, "Dolly, if I don't carry out my promise [to marry you in June] I call upon God to avenge it."22 When the wedding day arrived, however, Brown was ill, and they merely had conversation on the telephone. In August 1906 she once more tried to get Brown to marry her. Thirty-three years old, divorced, and responsible for four children, she threw pride out the window. "I simply broke down and begged him to marry me. I told him I could never face the little children when they grew up, and I felt as if the future was very dark. I was very disconsolate and remained so for some time, notwithstanding that on the following night Brown had spoken more encouragingly on the future. His mood underwent frequent changes, and his talk corresponded with it."23 Brown told her several times that he would eventually marry her, she said, but the week before he left for Washington he acted very bitter toward her. Adding to her burdens, she once more found herself pregnant with a child which she lost a few weeks before the shooting. According to her sister's deposition, Bradley rented her house and moved into the Hotel Wilson in mid-November 1906 because she believed "that as long as she kept on housekeeping and living the way she was, trying to get along on as little as she could, that Mr. Brown would make no effort to change her condition at all."24 During this time Bradley also occupied Brown's home without his permission, making him more angry with her. She returned to the Hotel Wilson at her sister's insistence. Her sister said Bradley was very depressed as "Mr. Brown did not show any willingness whatever to take care of her, or to better her condition, and she did not 10

Washington Star, November 20, 1907. Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Garnett deposition.

21


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know what she was going to do." Bradley told her sister: . . . She had come to the conclusion that there was nothing for her to do but to start in some business for herself; that she realized she could not go on as she had been any longer, that she was weary and tired of living the life she had been living, and she realized that she could not stand it any longer, and that she would see Senator Brown and ask him if he would not help her to start some business for herself, some selfsupporting business. T h a t night she told me that she would see Senator Brown the next day, and would ask him if he would help her. T h e next afternoon she telephoned . . . me that Senator Brown said that he would help her to start in a business for herself, and would pay for a stock of goods for her, amounting to $2000.

Wanting to start a stationery store in Goldfield, Nevada,26 Bradley went about arranging for her stock. Her sister visited her on Thanksgiving Day, and Anne Bradley told her that "she believed Senator Brown was backing out of his promise to help her in her new undertaking." He had told "her to wait, not to start out in business yet, that she could do it later on, but he didn't want her to go away now." But Bradley said that "she was desperate, that she did not know what she was going to do." The next day she visited her sister's home and told her that "Senator Brown had said he would not do a thing. She said she was heartsick and life seemed to hold nothing for her now."27 A few days later, Brown left for Washington, D.C, to plead before the Supreme Court a suit filed against the St. Louis Mining Company by the Montana Company, Ltd. Bradley told her sister that "Senator Brown had left the city and had left no money for her."28 That evening she visited his law office and found that he had left a train ticket for her to Los Angeles. On December 3, 1906, she supposedly left for Los Angeles, but her sister received a telephone call from her saying that she had decided to go to Washington instead as "she believed if she went to Washington that Senator Brown would be willing to provide her with a stock of goods for her store; that he was there on some big, some important case, and that she knew he would rather buy her a stock for her store than to have her there bothering him."20 25

Ibid. She had a sister living in Goldfield, Nevada, and Brown had also talked of moving his law office there. 27 Garnett deposition. 28 Ibid. 2i, Ibid. 26


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Bradley changed her ticket for Washington, arriving on December 8. She went directly to the Raleigh Hotel and asked if Senator Brown was staying there. When she found out that he was, she also registered, signing as Mrs. A. Brown, Salt Lake City. T h e room clerk asked if she wanted to share a room with her husband, to which she replied "No, he is not my husband. I want a room alone." 3 After checking in, she located "Brown's room, where she found letters to Brown from Annie Adams Kiskadden, mother of the famous actress Maude Adams and an important actress in her own right. Kiskadden was born November 9, 1848, in Salt Lake City. She had first become acquainted with Brown in the 1880s when he settled her father's estate. Bradley returned to her own room where she read the letters and tore them up. From the letters she gained the impression that Brown and Kiskadden were soon to be married. According to a newspaper account, she became very upset after reading the letters and wandered the streets with no purpose. T h e account continued: . . . She went out of the hotel and returned several times, and was lying down in her room when she heard Senator Brown's step in the corridor, and she went to the door of his room and knocked. Brown called "Come in," and she entered. His first words were "What are you doing here?" and Mrs. Bradley said she replied: "I have come to ask you to keep your promise to me." . . . [She] declared she could not remember any of the events following. She did not know Brown was shot until she seemed to be awakened as from a dreath [sic] by the sound of a shot. Brown had rushed toward her and grabbed her, Mrs. Bradley said, but she did not remember drawing the revolver, aiming it at Brown or nulling the trigger. She had never fired a revolver before in her life. '

T h e revolver used was the one she said Brown had given her several years before to protect herself from Mrs. Brown after the incident in Pocatello. Brown was rushed to the Emergency Hospital and Bradley was taken to the First Precinct Police Station in Washington. Shortly after the shooting she stated that "she was the mother of four children, and alleged that former Senator Brown was the father of two of them and that he had not treated her properly." 32 She was also asked if Brown was a polygamist, to which she answered: "He is not a Mormon polygamist but a Gentile 30

Washington Star, December 9, 1906. Washington Star, November 20, 1907. 32 Washington Star, December 9, 1906.

31


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Anna M. Bradley and Central Figures in Her Trial on Murder Charge

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Salt Lake Tribune, November 19, 1907.

polygamist." 33 Brown was operated on, but the bullet was not removed as it was too tightly lodged in his pelvic bone. He regained consciousness several hours after the operation and said to the nurse: "I suppose there are some hard tales about me, but I am innocent of them all." Later he told one of his doctors "the shooting 33

Salt Lake Tribune, December 9, 1906.


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was all uncalled for. I never wronged that woman." He also requested that his law partner be notified "of the shooting, in the event of his death, [and] he stated, he wanted his children notified that the taking of his life was through no fault of his own."34 Public sentiment was immediately on the side of Mrs. Bradley. T h e Salt Lake Tribune reported: It is not overstating the case to say that there is little or no local sympathy with Senator Brown, and that his relations with the woman are condemned universally. T h e practically unanimous expression of the people here is that his shooting by the woman was the natural outcome of the relations which had existed between them for years, particularly in view of his refusal to marry her and thus legitimatize her children, after he was free to wed. Local sympathy is with the woman regardless of the fact that many people say she entered into illicit relations with Senator Brown knowing that he was married. Salt Lake people believe generally that, in accord with the "unwritten law," the woman will be acquitted of any charge which may be lodged against her in connection with the shooting. '

Alice Brown, his daughter by his first marriage, and Max Brown, his son by his second marriage, arrived in Washington soon after the shooting. Annie Adams Kiskadden announced that she would travel to Washington also. Brown lingered for a few days, but he had been u n d e r treatment for Bright's disease and finally died of kidney failure on December 13, 1906. Following an inquest Bradley was held for action by the grand jury. Annie Kiskadden, who was still active in the theatre at age fifty-eight, announced that she was the cause of the shooting, as she and the sixty-three year old Brown were to have been married. Kiskadden called herself Bradley's "best friend," in the matter, for: When the Senator first proposed marriage to me, I plainly told him that it was his duty to marry Mrs. Bradley. But he gave me every assurance that marriage with Mrs. Bradley was impossible. He refused positively to marry her and told me, he would not marry any one. Under these circumstances I consented to be his wife if he would arrange matters satisfactorily to Mrs. Bradley. He told me that he would do this and I understand that he had communicated with her and had asked how much money she would need.

Kiskadden wanted to accompany Brown's body back to Salt Lake City on the train, but his children objected: "We know nothing 34

Ibid. Salt Lake Tribune, December 10, 1906. 3,i Salt Lake Tribune, December 14, 1906. 35


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about her, or dad's relations with her," said Brown's son, Max, "and do not believe they were engaged to be married." 37 Max and his half-sister, Alice, accompanied the body to Utah, and Kiskadden went to New York City. On December 22, 1906, Brown's will, written on August 24, 1906, was published in the Salt Lake Tribune. In it he denied that Bradley's two youngest sons were his. 5. I do not devise or bequeath or give anything to the children of Mrs. Anna [sic] M. Bradley. I expressly refuse to give anything to Arthur Brown Bradley, sometimes known as Arthur Brown, Jr., or the other child of Anna M. Bradley, named by her Martin Montgomery Brown, and I refuse to pay or give anything to any child of Mrs. Anna M. Bradley. I do not think either or any child born of the said Anna M. Bradley is my child. But whether such child or children is or are mine or are not, I expressly provide that neither or any of them shall receive anything from my estate, and I will and direct that no child born to Anna M. Bradley shall receive anything of my estate. 6. I never married Anna M. Bradley and never intend to. If she should pretend that any relations ever existed between us to justify such inference, I direct my executor to contest any claim of any kind she may present and I direct that she receive nothing from my estate. 38

T h e newspaper concluded that the will "demonstrates the truth of the c o m m e n t . . . made upon Senator Brown's character since his death, namely: that he was a 'good hater.' "30 His estate was left to his daughter Alice and his son Max. Meanwhile, Bradley remained in jail awaiting her trial. T h e mental and emotional strain of the past few years had exacted its toll on the thirty-three year old woman. In addition, her physical condition had suffered from several miscarriages and three abortions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; one allegedly performed on her by Arthur Brown â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the latest of which had occurred only a few weeks before the fatal shooting. 40 In July 1907 she was transferred to the Providence Hospital where she was operated on by H. L. E.Johnson for "a badly lacerated cervix." 41 Her trial finally began on November 13, 1907, in Criminal Court No. 1. George P. Hoover, a young Washington attorney, and J u d g e Orlando W. Powers of Salt Lake City, a prominent attorney who had served as associate justice of the Third District Court in Ogden, served as her counsel. Powers told the press: 37

SaltLake Tribune, December 15, 1906. Salt Lake Tribune, December 22, 1906. 3!, Ibid. 40 According to testimony given at her trial, Bradley had abortions in 1902, 1903, and 1906. 41 Letter from Dr. D. K. Shute to Captain James H. Harris, July 6, 1907, District of Columbia Criminal Case, No. 25,419. 38


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Quarterly

Salt Lake Tribune, November 18, 1907. Out there [in Utah] the people are in full sympathy with Mrs. Bradley. At one time, it is true, sentiment was somewhat against Mrs. Bradley, but the people did not know half. It was not until the will of Brown was published that the real knowledge of what Mrs. Bradley had suffered and the irreparable wrong that Brown had done her were known.42

T h e jury selection was completed on November 14 and the trial began. T h e prosecution's main witnesses were Albert H. Kelly, a friend of Bradley, who testified that Bradley said "that unless Brown acknowledged her second child to be his son she would shoot him." T h e second witness, James A. Rowan, a guard at Brown's residence at 201 East South Temple, said that Mrs. Bradley had made two attempts to "get into the Brown house, on the first of which she flourished a revolver which, he said, she intended to use upon Brown, and on the second when she reproached Rowan for telling Brown about the revolver." 43 Bradley's defense of temporary insanity was based on testimony concerning "several criminal operations upon the defendant, one of which . . . was performed by Brown. T h e effect of these upon her system and mentality was very marked." 44 Additional testimony revealed that insanity existed in her family, as one of her aunts, Mrs. Shrewsbury, was confined to an insane asylum in Los Angeles, and another aunt, Mrs. Ryan, had had St. Vitus dance in her childhood and suffered from periodic attacks of insanity. Bradley's mother testified that Anne had been hit on the head as a child with a hoe and 42

Salt Lake Tribune, November 10, 1907. Washington Star, November 15, 1907. 44 Ibid.

43


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had suffered severe headaches for several weeks. Bradley herself "looking more wan that at any previous period"45 spent many hours on the witness stand detailing her relationship with Brown, and several of their love letters were read. The case was sent to the jury on December 2, 1907, and the following day a verdict of not guilty was returned. After the trial Bradley did not have enough money to return to Salt Lake City. A fund was started for her in Washington, but she rejected it, saying she had "plans to earn money in legitimate work that can be performed in her own room in Washington to raise the necessary money to take her back to Salt Lake."46 Reactions to her acquittal were mixed in Salt Lake City. The Herald editorialized: "the jury decided that Mrs. Bradley was insane when she killed Arthur Brown, and it seems a pity that, being insane, she cannot be deprived of the custody . . . of the two children whose lives are constant witness of her unfitness for motherhood." 47 A suit was brought against the estate of Arthur Brown on behalf of Arthur Brown Bradley and Martin Montgomery Brown Bradley, by their grandmother and guardian ad litem Mary E. Maddison. According to the probate records, the two boys never received a settlement from Brown's estate.48 After Bradley's return to Salt Lake City she worked at several jobs, including manager of the Railway Educational Association, secretary, and bookkeeper until 1914 when she and her children moved to Price.40 While living there tragedy struck again. In March 1915, while Mrs. Bradley was on a trip in Nevada, Matthew Bradley died from stab wounds inflicted by Arthur Brown Bradley during a sibling scuffle over who would cook and who would wash the dishes. A coroner's jury decided that Matthew had died from accidental wounds inflicted by his half-brother Arthur, and no legal action was taken.50 About 1921 Anne Bradley once more returned to Salt Lake City where she operated an antique store called "My Shop" at different locations around the city until her death at age seventy-seven on November 11, 1950, from a heart ailment.51 ^Washington Star, November 20, 1907. 4(i SaltLake Tribune, December 12, 1907. 47 Herald, December 4, 1907. 48 Salt Lake County Probate Record No. 49,241, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City. 411 R. L. Polk and Co., Salt Lake City Directory, for years 1908-14. â&#x201E;˘Deseret News, March 24 and 25, 1915. r,1 R. L. Polk and Co., Salt Lake City Directory, for years 1921-50; SaltLake Tribune, November 12, 1950.


The 1876 Arsenal Hill Explosion BY M E L V I N L. B A S H O R E

Looking north toward Arsenal Hill (present Capitol Hill), one can see the arsenal at extreme upper left. The powder magazines would have been on the hill also, to the right of the Beehive House. USHS collections.

SOME KINDS OF EXPERIENCE WHICH A person having passed through once in this life, never desires a repetition. Of this kind was the explosion of the powder magazines on Arsenal Hill." Those who witnessed the devastating explosion that Brigham Young wrote to his son Arta about would have echoed his sentiments. Accountably, it was one of the most terrible accidents on record in pioneer Utah. 1 On Wednesday, April 5, 1876, Salt Lake City was teeming with its semiannual influx of visitors to the general conference of the Mormon church. Conference-goers throughout the territory arrived early to visit friends and relatives and to take advantage of the special sales offered by local merchants. A raw north wind kept most people inside homes and stores during the day. A group of young boys, undaunted by the bitter weather, played ball on the old Deseret

" X H E R E ARE

Mr. Bashore is a librarian, indexer/abstractor, and long-time drag racing technical official at Bonneville Raceway. 1 Dean C. Jessee, ed., Letters of Brigham Young to His Sons (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1974), p. 255; Seymour B. Young, Diary, April 5, 1876, Utah State Historical Society Library, Salt Lake City; Mary Ann Burnham Freeze, Diary, April 5, 1876, Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah.


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Baseball Grounds behind the old city wall on Arsenal Hill. No one suspected or was prepared for the disaster and havoc that would wrack the northern portions of the city that evening. 2 At 5:00 P.M. an explosion of the powder magazines on Arsenal Hill rocked the city. T h e forty-second interval between the first and last of the three devastating blasts threw many citizens into a panic and caused widespread destruction. A deaf gentleman, quietly enjoying dinner at a restaurant opposite the Townsend House hotel, tried to find refuge from the window glass suddenly breaking over him. Although unharmed, he said, "it seemed as though the place was being blown to pieces." Initial reactions varied considerably. T h e immediate cause of the earthshaking concussions was not apparent to most people. Not a few thought the veritable j u d g m e n t day had come upon them. One distraught mother was reported to have run out of the house with her three children, whom she gathered around her kneeling in the street and imploring heavenward, "The end of the world! O, Lord, have mercy on us!" Two ladies reportedly rushed into the arms of a stranger on the street, shouting "Brother, let us pray; the world's coming to an end!" 3 Some thought that an earthquake or volcanic eruption was in progress. Some confided that they feared that the soldiers at Fort Douglas were cannonading the city to drive the Mormons out. Conversely, it was reported that others thought that Brigham Young was blowing up the city to rid it of the Gentiles. T h e thirty boys playing on the old Deseret Baseball Grounds, a quarter-mile southwest of the powder magazines, immediately realized the source of the blast. T h e force of the shock knocked several of them unconscious. Those who were able scurried to safety behind the old city wall and then fled in the wildest excitement to their homes. 4 2 Arsenal Hill, now called Capitol Hill, received its name from the old Nauvoo Legion arsenal building which was located south of the present Daughters of Utah Pioneers Museum, between T h i r d North and Hillside Avenue. That building was also used as a slaughterhouse for a number of years before a fire destroyed it. Deseret Evening News, October 12, 1870. 3 T h e powder magazines were warehouses for gunpowder and explosives sold by various businesses in the city. They comprised four buildings on the west rim of City Creek Canyon, directly north of the present Capitol Hill reservoir. T o give it a sense of scale, the magazine grounds extended from about Fourth North to Seventh North streets (if those streets were extended eastward onto the present precipitous hillscape), hugging the then-undeveloped steep rim of the canyon. T h e Townsend House was located at the southwest corner of First South and West Temple. Map of Salt Lake City and Suburbs (Salt Lake City: J o h n L. Burns, 1871); Historian's Office Journal, April 5, 1876, LDS Church Library Archives, Salt Lake City; J o h n Paternoster Squires, Journal, Book D, April 5, 1876, ibid; Samuel A. Woolley, Diary, Volume 14, April 5, 1876, ibid.; Thomas Higgs in Sixteenth Q u o r u m of Seventies, Minutes, April 16, 1876, ibid.; Deseret Evening News, April 6, 1876; Salt Lake Herald, April 7, 1876; Salt Lake Tribune, April 7, 1876. 4 Ruth May Fox, Autobiography, p. 29, Mormon Biographies Collection, LDS Church Library Archives; Frederick Kesler, Diary, April 5, 1876, Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of


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T h e first minute of panic and confusion, as horses stampeded and wagons overturned, was followed by a migration of curious people to the explosion site. Hordes of excited onlookers ascended the steep hill to four craters that marked the site of the powder magazines. Sagebrush was swept from around them. Fragments of the buildings and powder containers were strewn in the area. 5 T h e vanguard of the crowd sickened at finding bits of charred flesh and pieces of clothing scattered u p to a distance of a half-mile from the blast site. These grisly items were gathered up and taken to the city hall where they were placed on public display for identification. Children were unable to eat that night, made sick at the sight of h u m a n fragments being carried from the hill. Boots with severed feet in them and bits of clothing were found to belong to two teenage boys, Charles Richardson and Frank Hill, who were identified as the gruesome casualties. T h e mother of one of the boys went into shock at this horrifying news, never entirely recovering. T h e boys had been grazing their small herd of cattle on the side of Ensign Peak. Having seen a flock of wild chickens the previous day, Richardson had taken a gun along. T h e powder magazines had long been the object of thoughtless target shooting, and it was widely surmised that these boys had fired into the door of one of the magazines. 6 In addition to Richardson and Hill, a young boy and a pregnant mother lost their lives. T h r e e and a half year old Joseph H. Raddon, while playing with a half-dozen other children in his father's yard, was instantly killed by a hurtling rock. T h e five-pound missile passed entirely through his chest, carrying away his heart and lungs. On the opposite side of the hill in the Nineteenth Ward, a pregnant woman, Mrs. Mary Jane Van Natta, was struck by a boulder while pumping water at her neighbor's well, three-fourths of a mile due west of the magazines. T h e rock struck her in the back causing instant death. 7 Utah, Salt Lake City; 5a// Lake Herald, April 28, 1876; Louie Lenore Price Daniels, Autobiography, p. 77, in possession of Ferrel Bybee, Bountiful, Utah; Salt Lake Tribune, April 6, 1876. 5 Nelson Wheeler Whipple, Journal, p. 398, LDS Church Library Archives. 6 Richardson and Hill were buried in a common coffin in the Salt Lake City Cemetery. T h e author was unable to locate a grave marker. Archibald Hill briefly noted "the loss of my son, Frank" in his diary, in possession of Pearl Cross Baggs, Ogden, Utah. T h e ZCMI magazine had been broken into two years previous to the explosion and a large quantity of powder stolen. Access was obtained into the magazine by boring a hole into the wall by the side of the door facing the city. "Utah News," Millennial Star 36 (June 16, 1874): 382; Andrew Jackson Allen, Journal, April 5, 1876, LDS Church Library Archives; Oliver B. Huntington, Diary, p. 136, Utah State Historical Society Library. 7 Several other unverifiable deaths and premature births were also attributed to the shock of the explosion. Seymour B. Young, Diary, April 10, 1876; Salt Lake Daily Times, April 11, 1876; "Home Affairs," Woman's Exponent 4 (April 15, 1876): 173.


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The next day an inquest was held at the city hall. A preliminary verdict of the coroner's jury posited that the explosion was caused by a burning paper wad shot from a gun igniting loose powder that was strewn around the magazines. The jury also deemed the explosion accidental, attaching no blame to any persons or companies. The Salt Lake Tribune objected to this conclusion, calling it a "most remarkable verdict" and citing the lack of evidence to support that assumption. 8 That elicited a hasty response from one of the jurors, Joseph Gorlincks, that no official statement had been yet issued by the jury. He said that the jury had not reached a conclusion as to the cause of the explosion but had merely formed a preliminary opinion.0 The jury was unable to determine which magazine exploded first, although Deseret News journalist John Nicholson testified that the ZCMI magazine was the last to explode. The Du Pont Company's agent B. W. E. Jennens testified that he had notified city officials about the dangerous shooting practices and was in the process of replacing Du Pont's bullet-riddled door with a stronger one before the blast occurred. All magazines had been inspected by the city during the course of construction. Two were built of brick and two of rock. All had tin roofs and iron-faced doors. The site had been selected by city officials because of its elevation above the settled portion of the city. The city had not placed any restrictions on the quantity or kind of explosives stored, nor had any concern been manifested in having the city regulate their storage. An estimated 45 tons of explosives were in storage at the time of the explosion.10 The widespread devastation was attributed to the site's commanding elevation above the city and the rock and brick structures, which produced weighty projectiles. Some 500 tons of rock and other material was hurtled into the air. A Civil War veteran said that "Fredericksburg after being bombarded for a month did not show so much sign of wreck as Salt Lake did."11 8 Coroner's Record, Book 1, p. 167, Utah State Archives, Annex, Salt Lake City; Salt Lake Tribune, April 8, 1876. 11 Whether the coroner's j u r y needed to publish an official statement of their investigation to validate their findings is moot. T h e i r verdict was correctly reported by the Tribune and the j u r y engaged in no further investigation. Salt Lake Tribune, April 9, 1976. 1 ° T h e location of the magazines, with the closest to the city listed first, and the others in o r d e r to the north, was as follows: ZCMI, Du Pont Company, and Walker Brothers' two magazines. They were about fifteen to twenty yards apart from each other. T h e explosive powders involved included black, blasting, sporting, and the dangerous Hercules powder â&#x20AC;&#x201D; over three thousand kegs in all. Salt Lake Daily Times, April 6, 1876; Coroner's Record, Book 1, pp. 32, 164-67; Salt Lake Tribune, April 6, 1876. " J o h n Nicholson, " T h e Explosion" Juvenile Instructor 11 (April 17, 1876): 92; Salt Lake Tribune, April 6, 1876.


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#s^ifit£!t Section ofE. S. Glovers 1875 bird's-eye view of Salt Lake City shows three powder magazines on Arsenal Hill. USHS collections.

Shingleton's saloon, opposite the Salt Lake Theatre, exhibited a 115-pound boulder. It had been hurled over a mile before it penetrated the roof and saloon floor and came to rest twenty inches deep in the earthen cellar floor. It came within two feet of striking two men sitting at a table. C R. Savage's photograph gallery was a "sad wreck," suffering an estimated $500 in damage. Scores of huge plate glass windows in the business district, valued at from $50 to $500 each, were shattered by hurtling rocks and shock waves. T h e Tabernacle, where the Mormon conference would be held, lost nearly a thousand window panes on the north side. Conference proceeded in the building after cloth was nailed over the exposed openings. Brigham Young caught a "severe cold" from the wintry drafts, which absented him from the last two days of meetings. 12 T h e effect of the explosion in City Creek Canyon, directly beneath the powder storehouses, was devastating. Two of Daniel H. Wells's daughters walking in the canyon were thrown to the ground and badly bruised by the force of the concussion. At the mouth of the canyon the tanks of the waterworks and the dwelling house connected with it were crushed. T h e Empire Mill owned by Brigham Young — situated in the canyon nearly d u e east of the magazines — 12 Salt Lake Tribune, April 6, 7, 1876; Salt Lake Herald, April 6, 1876; Brigham Young to Alma L. Smith, April 22, 1876, Brigham Young Correspondence, LDS Church Library Archives; Thomas Cott Griggs, Journal, April 6, 1876, ibid.; Robert Taylor Burton, Diary, April 6, 1876, ibid.; Brigham Young to Don Carlos Young, April 17, 1876, Brigham Young Correspondence, ibid.


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probably suffered more than any other single structure. A worker loading a wagon next to the flour mill had a portion of the building collapse on him. " T h e floor over the wheel house was lifted bodily u p , fifty joists and thirty pieces of framing were broken and one piece of timber a foot square snapped in two." T h e miller's adobe house was damaged considerably and had to be demolished. T h e shattered windows were hurled with such force that pieces were e m b e d d e d an inch deep in solid red pine joists and nearby trees. 13 Damage in the residential areas of the city was extensive and occurred as far away as the T e n t h Ward on the eastern limit of the city, in the T h i r d Ward on the south, and the Fifth and Sixth Wards on the west. T h e explosion was heard by miners at Bingham Canyon; and J o h n D. Lee, confined at the penitentiary six miles from the city, reported that the cells and windows shook. T h e explosion and shock were reportedly h e a r d and felt as far north as Kaysville and Farmington, almost twenty miles away. Most of the direct damage from shelling occurred within a mile and a half radius of the powder magazines. Some of the private residences that suffered the most damage included the homes of Bishop Alonzo H. Raleigh near Warm Springs, Heber P. Kimball at the m o u t h of City Creek Canyon, and E. L. T . Harrison on the bench and the elegant residences of Feramorz Little and William H. H o o p e r . Someone r e m a r k e d that it looked as if Captain Hooper's house "had gone t h r o u g h a threshing machine." A fifty-pound rock crashed t h r o u g h Mayor Little's unfinished home, penetrating the roof and three succeeding floors below. Rocks b o m b a r d e d Kimball's home, one landing in a bed and another smashing a just-vacated table covered with dishes. Harrison's h o m e was extensively damaged; door panels were forced out and plaster work torn away. Mrs. Harrison was thrown from her parlor chair by the force of the concussion, and she and her infant were showered with shattered glass, suffering severe flesh wounds. 14 A vivid description of a h o m e that was more than a mile from the explosion site is representative of the damage sustained in the blast area: l3 Salt Lake Daily Times, April 6, 1876; Deseret Evening News, April 15, 1876; Brigham Young to George Q. Cannon, April 19, 1876, Brigham Young Correspondence. 14 Robert Glass Cleland and Juanita Brooks, e d s . , ^ Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, 1848-1876, 2 vols. (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1955), p. Ab\; Deseret Evening News, April 6, 1876; Salt Lake Herald, April 7, 1876; Salt Lake Daily Times, April 6, 1876. Modern boundaries of the general area of b o m b a r d m e n t damage are circumscribed by Ninth North, Sixth West, Ninth South, and Thirteenth East. Modern locations of the damaged residences are as follows: Raleigh, 4th North, between 5th and 6th West; Kimball, 150 N. Main St.; Harrison, 109 W. 3rd North; Little, 164 E. 1st South; and Hooper, 350 N. 200 West.


252

Utah Historical Quarterly T h e house seemed perfectly riddled, glass covering everything, locks broken entirely off, and things hurled about generally. O n my mantel-piece stands a rack filled as a medicine chest. T h e bottles we[re] thrown about almost everywhere and a large bottle of red ink seemed to have taken the entire sweep of the room, as the ink was thrown far u n d e r the bed, while the bottle stood on its bottom on the opposite side of the room. T h e screws holding the teeth of the sewing machine were even blown across the room u n d e r the stove, and my bed was covered with burnt powder. . . . T h e walls of our house, a new brick one, are badly cracked. . . .

Although many homes and businesses providentially escaped bombardment by flying debris, window damage was widespread. T h e shock waves "literally smashed the whole sash work in the 19th, 18th, 17th, 14th, 13th, 12th, 11th and 20th wards to atoms." T h e wooden sidewalks and streets in the business district were littered with broken panes of expensive plate glass. Some of the businesses that suffered window breakage included the newly opened ZCMI store, Eagle Emporium, Deseret National Bank, Townsend House hotel, Wasatch Drug Store, and W. F. Raybould's bookstore. T h e sheer quantity of glass breakage posed serious disposal and replacement problems. Many residents spent cold evenings huddled around fireplaces in drafty rooms until replacement sashes could be purchased. T h e commercial glass supply houses in the city were ill prepared to handle the requests for replacement glass. T h e "panic for glass" was immediate as window supply houses and glaziers tried to meet the emergency needs of the city. T h e morning after the explosion, Fred Culmer, a Salt Lake glass merchant, began purchasing and shipping glass stock from merchants in other cities in the territory. He publicly responded to rumors of unfair but unfounded rate hikes. Many businesses, homes, and public buildings temporarily covered their gaping window frames with boards, calico, or other fabric until glass could be purchased. In a few instances some were "keeping open house." 16 Damage estimates ranged widely, varying from over a $ 100,000 to diNew York Herald estimate of $500,000. T h e damage to glass alone was estimated at nearly $50,000. Repair estimates on some of the severely damaged homes ranged from $3,000 to $4,000 each. T h e loss on the four buildings that housed the blasting and sporting

x

*Salt Lake Herald, April 28, 1876. Ogden Junction, April 6, 1876; Salt Lake Herald, April 7, 1876; Deseret Evening News, April 14,

lti

1876.


253

Arsenal Hill Explosion

powder and their contents was appraised at $26,000. Admittedly, the real cost of the damage was incalculable. 17 Feelings of gratitude for having been spared were prevalent throughout the community. People questioned whether any other disaster of similar magnitude had resulted in so few being killed or wounded. Mormons saw the h a n d of God in their merciful preservation. It was mentioned in a church meeting that one of Apostle J o h n Taylor's boys, playing in City Creek Canyon, heeded "a voice commanding him to go home." He and his playmates who accompanied him home were spared a possible accident by following this spirit-born prompting. Rachel R. Grant, Caroline Raleigh, and Elizabeth Stayner similarly testified that the preservation of so many was a divine manifestation. 18

o. F. CULMER & ^

'?,.*';

A R E

SHXili^XSTG^

INDOW CL J S ^ At tlieir^dPricie^ w Salt Lake Daily Times, April 7, 1876.

T h e immediate concern in the organized cleanup and reconstruction effort focused on the safety of the citizens. Parents were warned to restrict their children from visiting the scene of the explosion. An immense a m o u n t of unexploded Hercules powder remained scattered a r o u n d the site. City officials sent a squad of men to search for and pick u p u n e x p e n d e d powder. Newspapers reported sticks of Hercules powder being discovered in yards and gardens as late as one m o n t h after the explosion. 10 T h e need for placing new powder magazines in a safer location became p a r a m o u n t when the public learned that two carloads of powder were en route and delivery expected within days of the disaster. City officials called a special meeting on April 7 to expedite 17

Samuel A. Woolley, Diary, Volume 14, April 5, 1976, LDS Church Library Archives; "Utah News," Millennial Star 38 (April 24, 1876): 271; Salt Lake Tribune, April 6, 1876. '"Thirteenth Ward, Relief Society, Minutes, April 27, 1876, LDS Church Library Archives; Nineteenth Ward, Ladies' Prayer Meeting, April 19, 1876, ibid.; Twentieth Ward, Young Ladies' Retrenchment Association, Minutes, April 12, 1876, ibid. v 'Salt Lake Tribune, May 5, 1876.


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this search. J o h n Sharp, Sr., and Elias Morris were appointed by Mayor Little as a special committee to recommend a new location for the erection of explosives storage facilities. After investigating several sites the committee recommended a location on the bench near the northern boundary of the city and northeast of the Warm Springs. They deemed this "safer and more suitable" than any other location within the city. T h e site had the additional advantage of allowing powder-laden railroad cars to be switched off the main track, unloaded at the Utah Central Railroad depot, and hauled through city streets up to Arsenal Hill. T h e committee also recommended the magazines be constructed of adobe. 20 Residents in the neighborhood of the proposed site unsuccessfully filed a petition against the selection and acceptance of this location. Another petition filed by Bishop Thomas Taylor and forty-five others requested the removal of powder wagons kept in the downtown business area by B. W. E. Jennens. Labeling that practice "a constant menace to their lives and property," the council instructed City Marshal Andrew Burt to enforce their immediate removal. Powder companies were granted the right to begin constructing new facilities in compliance with "An Ordinance Relating to Powder Magazines and the Storage and Sale of Powder and Other Explosive Compounds" drafted by the Committee on Municipal Laws and passed by the city council on April 18. Jennens had the Du Pont Company's new powder storage warehouse completed by the first week in May on the bench several h u n d r e d feet above the railroad, a half-mile north of the Warm Springs. It was double-wall construction built of brick, the outer wall being thirteen inches thick and the inner wall four inches thick, separated by a three-inch air chamber. T h e roof was covered with galvanized sheet iron, and the double doors were of iron, five-sixteenths of an inch thick. T h e four other magazines were located south of the Du Pont warehouse, the last one being constructed almost directly over the Warm Springs. 21 T h e Arsenal Hill explosion was widely reported throughout the United States and Great Britain. T h e interest in this disaster caused other cities to direct their attention to the condition and location of

20 'Salt Lake Herald, April 7, 1876; Utah Evening Mail, April 8, 1876; Salt Lake City, City Council, Minutes, Book G, pp. 325-26, LDS Church Genealogical Library. Warm Springs was located on 2nd West between 8th and 9th North. 21 Salt Lake City, City Council, Minutes, Book G, p. 329, LDS Church Genealogical Library; Salt Lake Tribune, May 9, 1876.


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Arsenal Hill Explosion

GUNPOWDER! T H E SALT LAKE A G E N C Y OF

E. I. DU P O N T DE N E M O U R S <Sc CO OF WILMINGTON. DEL., HAS .IV3T RECEIVED A OAR LOAD OF THEIIt

Celebrated GUNPOWDERS! BLASTING POWDERS! RIFLE POWDERS! SPORTING POWDERS, Etc. Can be purchased from the principal Merchants and Hardware Dealers of Salt Lake City. A8K

FOR

DU PONT'S GUNPOWDERS! B. W. E. JENNENS, Agent.

Salt Lake Herald, April 19, 1876.

their own powder warehouses. City authorities in San Francisco were concerned that the Giant Powder Company manufactured explosives only six miles from the city hall. Company officials invited the concerned authorities to a demonstration of the combustibility of their product. A h u n d r e d - p o u n d weight was d r o p p e d from a height of thirty feet onto a box containing fifty p o u n d s of powder. City officials unceremoniously scattered, sheepishly but cautiously returning to examine an utterly smashed but otherwise unexploded mass. T h e Ogden City Council, responding to citizen inquiries and concern for safety, investigated relocating their magazines. 22 T h e Arsenal Hill explosion had such a fearful impact on the residents of Salt Lake City that the Deseret News Weekly predicted that time would henceforth be reckoned from this eventful happening. 2 3 Notwithstanding the prediction, the memory of this disaster seems to have receded into the past. From this disastrous experience, Salt Lake City gained a more enforceable explosives ordinance and insured its citizens a safer future. It may have forestalled future calamities, but it came too late to prevent one of pioneer Utah's worst disasters. vl

Salt Lake Herald, April 13, 1876; Ogden Junction, April 8, 1876. Deseret News Weekly, April 12, 1876.

23


Good Indian Spring BY OWEN C. BENNION

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The lowest place on the skyline, near the center, is Keg Pass separating the western (left) and eastern (right) arms of Keg Mountain. All photographs furnished by author.

Capt. James H. Simpson of his exploration of a route for the Pony Express in 1858-59, I was intrigued by an account of his finding a spring with the help of a crippled Indian named Quah-not. Having spent several years homesteading with my father in what is called Riverbed, a Bonneville drainage system located in the area of Quah-not's spring, I was curious to see if I could determine the location of this spring. Captain Simpson left Camp Floyd in 1859 and traveled by a northerly route through Lookout Pass, past Fish Springs, south of Callao, and into Nevada on his way to Sacramento. Coming back from California, he explored a more southerly route. After entering what is now the state of Utah, he crossed White Valley and went through Dome Canyon over the House Range just south of Swasey Peak. He noted in his journal that about this time he was having

W H I L E READING THROUGH THE JOURNAL KEPT BY

Dr. Bennion is associate professor of multicultural education at Brigham Young University.


Good Indian Springs

257

trouble maintaining contact with his guide party. They were having extreme difficulty locating sufficient water and grass for the mules that pulled their wagons. The last good water was found at Chapin Spring and Tyler Spring. (These are probably the same as Antelope and Swasey springs on modern maps.) As they moved northward toward the Thomas Mountains (Topaz Mountain), they must have camped near the south end of McDowell or Keg Mountain 1 where they found a few springs with insufficient water for their animals. On their earlier trip westward to California, Simpson told of a red-shirted Ute Indian who had pointed southward from Short Cut Pass2 to the location of a spring in Keg Mountain, but now they were unable to find it. It was with the help of a crippled Indian they met that they were finally able to locate the spring. In his journal, Simpson considered this to be an act of Divine Providence and lauded the Indian for his unselfish effort to save the distressed animals from dying of thirst. He named the spring Good Indian Spring after old Quah-not. Since Quah-not was paralyzed from the hips down, he was forced to crawl about using his arms and hands to propel his body. He lived by the spring in his wikiup, cared for by his son, Ah-pon. Simpson rewarded Quah-not by giving him a pair of leather gloves to protect his hands as he pulled himself through rocks and thorny brush. That Simpson developed rather tender feelings for Quah-not is revealed by the following: At 7 P.M. the good old Indian, crippled as he is, came in and [we] discovered by his words and gestures that though he was very fatigued, yet he had a good heart toward us. He made signs to us to show that his helplessness was such as to make it necessary for him to be lifted from his horse. He was taken off and carried near the cook fire, and I had a supper prepared for him. All hands feel grateful to him for his extraordinary kindness to us. He has permitted his son, who was his only support and protector, to go away with the guide-party for several days, and now he had done us the signal service, crippled as he was, to conduct our mules to water, and thus possibly save them from perishing and us from failing in this portion of our route. Of course we felt grateful, and testified it by some presents to him and his son. The fine Spanish knife I gave him he seemed to particularly prize. Believing that "Wolfs Schnapps" would prove acceptable to him as a restorative, I 1 It is not easy to determine their exact route. Simpson indicates that they wandered between Tyler Spring and McDowell Mountain. 2 John F. Bluth, "Confrontation with an Arid Land: The Incursion of Goshiutes and Whites into Utah's Central West Desert, 1800-1978" (Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1979), pp. 49,55. Bluth indicates Short Cut Pass is Dugway Pass.


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1

T o p : Cove in the western arm of Keg Mountain cradles Good Indian Spring located al far end of small clearing. Bottom: Good Indian Spring as it appears today. h a n d e d him some, but he immediately smelt of it and replied, 'Wo Bueno" (no good), at the same time rubbing his hip, thus indicating that he wished it to be applied there. It was so applied, much to his satisfaction. His only m o d e of locomotion is on his haunches and hands just as I


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259

have seen children who could not walk propel themselves forward. Of course this mode of progression bore heavily on his hands, which were liable to be cut by the rocks and rough sage-brush over which he was required to make his way, and he expressed a wish that a pair of gloves might be given him to protect them, which was done. . . . O u r sympathy for the poor cripple has been such as to suggest a pair of crutches for him, and Mr. Jagiello has manufactured a pair. He is pleased with the present, but makes no attempt to use them. He is treated so much like a king that he looks upon us occasionally with a look of wonder, and seems to ask himself, "Is this attention indeed real?" and then breaks out into a laugh, in which is intermingled as much of astonishment as joy. At his request, I have permitted him to sleep in camp, the only strange Indian to whom this privilege had been granted on the trip.

From Simpson's map it appears that Good Indian Spring lies on the east side of Keg Mountain; however, the map lacks detail that the journal does give to the effect that the spring is cradled in a western arm of the mountain. Keg Mountain is an extinct, composite volcano with interlayerings of ash and lava. T h e r e are three springs that might be possible locations for Good Indian Spring, but only one that seems to fit the detail in Simpson's journal. Cane Spring sits on the west side of Keg mountain on the edge of open desert. Willow Spring is located on the east side of the mountain, tucked far u p in a narrow canyon on a hillside. Keg Spring is located between these two springs. T o get to it from the south, as Simpson did, you have to go over a low pass and drop down into a cove formed by a western arm of Keg Mountain. T h e spring is located at the lower end of a flat clearing in a thick forest ofjunipers and pinons. In Simpson's day, it was surely a grassy pasture. This area lies on the left side of the main body of Keg Mountain as you look northward toward the Simpson Range (what Simpson called Champlin Mountain). I should like to show, with excerpts from Simpson's journal, that Keg Spring is what Simpson called Good Indian Spring. In Simpson's July 28 entry his party left Tyler Spring and traveled about 36.9 miles to reach the Thomas Range (he noted that their course was evidently a crooked one). This probably put them east of Topaz Mountain and close to Keg Mountain (calculated from modern maps of the area). At this point they located several small springs, too small to alleviate the thirst of their suffering animals.

3 James Hervey Simpson, Report of Explorations across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utah 1859 (Washington, D . C , 1876), pp. 129, 130.


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rf

Map from James Hervey Simpson's 1859 report.

Here they also found Quah-not, the crippled Indian. He led them to a spring where he lived. In describing this place, Simpson wrote, "The mountains in which we are camped I call after Major Irvin McDowell."4 This correlates with the idea of a surrounding arm of 'Simpson, Explorations across the Great Basin, p. 128.


Good Indian Springs

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Map section from Landforms of Utah by Merrill K. Ridd, 1960, reproduced with permission. Good Indian Spring is to the right of the "Mc" of "McDowell Mountain." Heavy dashed line indicates author's approximation of Simpson's southern route.

Keg Mountain. Further, he said, "The springs near us are represented by the Good Indian as having been made by some horse thieves (white men) about a year ago." 5 This also fits Keg Spring which was an ideal place to conceal stolen horses. T h e clearing with grass and water was well hidden by a thick growth of trees and the surrounding mountain. 5

Ibid., p. 129.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

In telling how they traveled to get to the Good Indian Spring, Simpson said: O u r route today was across a divide about a mile from last camp, and then down a canyon, to within a mile of Sevier Lake Desert on the southeast side of these mountains, and then u p a ravine across the crest again of the mountain to the north slope of the canyon, leading down to Salt Lake Desert, or Sevier Lake Desert, as the dividing rim is scarcely perceptible. Road good. J o u r n e y , 5.6 miles. 6

This detail indicates that they had to be west of Riverbed and on the south side of Keg Mountain. From there they would have had to go over Keg Pass, since there is no other "good road" over the north drainage. It is also about six miles from the south side of Keg Mountain to Keg Spring. Simpson seemed uncertain as to whether this drainage emptied into the Salt Lake Desert or the Sevier Lake Desert.7 After camping at Good Indian Spring, while Quah-not and Ah-pon helped Simpson's men get their livestock over to better water at Death Canyon, Simpson noted on August 1: T h e civil portion of my party, with three wagons, therefore, move forward, leaving the balance to follow us as soon as the other mules arrive. Pass down canyon, in a northwardly direction, through a thick grove of cedars, over rolling country, skirting McDowell Mountains to o u r right, and in about seven miles reach a desert valley or plain r u n n i n g southeastwardly from Great Salt Lake Valley into Sevier Valley. 8

This excerpt leaves me with no doubt that Keg Spring is Good Indian Spring. The description of the lay of the land fits perfectly. As one leaves Keg Spring traveling north, Keg Mountain is to the right. This canyon is a tributary of Dead Ox Wash which empties into Riverbed. Simpson described Riverbed as a "desert valley or plain" connecting Great Salt Lake Valley and Sevier Valley. The distance from Keg Spring to Riverbed is about seven miles. From the good water at Death Canyon, Simpson made his way around the south side of Champlin Mountain (now Simpson or Indian Mountain) and probably went over Erickson's Pass. From 6

ibid.

7

T h e reason for this uncertainty is d u e to the near level condition of Riverbed at this point. A few miles north of where this canyon (now called Dead Ox Wash) empties into Riverbed an alluvial fan dams off Riverbed, forming a playa. This makes it difficult for the casual observer to tell which way the drainage goes. 8 Simpson, Explorations across the Great Basin, p. 130. Note here that Simpson is mistaken about the drainage. T h e desert valley he describes is Riverbed which drains northwestward from the Sevier Valley into the Great Salt Lake Valley.


Good Indian Springs

263

mm When Simpson left his camp at Good Indian Spring he headed north, as this view shows, with Keg Mountain to his right. Eventually the Simpson party returned to Camp Floyd.

there he probably went over Government Pass across Rush Valley and back to Camp Floyd. 0 In retrospect, another element in the account of Captain Simpson's encounter with the Indian has greater significance than finding the real location of Good Indian Spring. As Simpson explored westward along his northern passage, the ultimate Pony Express route, he encountered the Gosiutes of Deep Creek near the present Utah-Nevada border. Like many others of his culture, he described the deplorable level of their living conditions as if they were some kind of subhuman race. Yet on his return trip by a southern route, after his encounter with the awful rigors of desert survival, he saw his fellow being, Quah-not, in a new light. Humbled by the near failure of his endeavor and the suffering of his animals, Simpson was ready to see the virtues of Gosiute culture. Here were a people who were shaped by the merciless elements and whose true virtues were hidden by the wretchedness of their enforced poverty. "Today, Keg Spring has been trenched and piped down to a tank about half a mile to the north. My father, Glynn S. Bennion (a historian and rancher), once told me that Keg Spring was so named because of a keg, half buried in the mud of the spring, found by the California immigrants who camped there on their way to the gold fields. Keg Mountain got its name from the spring.


"Recent Psychic Evidence": The Visit of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle to Utah in 1923 BY MICHAEL W. HOMER

Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. Frontispiece from O u r Second American Adventure, 1924.

W H E N S I R A R T H U R C O N A N D O Y L E B R O U G H T his spiritualist crusade to Utah in 1923 he was apprehensive about the reception he would receive because his spiritualist ideas â&#x20AC;&#x201D; which included a belief that spiritualism was the simplification and purification of decadent Christianity, that the spirit continues to live after death, and that a person has the ability to communicate with deceased relatives through mediums â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were seemingly not compatible with Mormon beliefs.1 Worse yet, Doyle had criticized Mormonism's venerated leadership, history, and institutions in his first Sherlock Holmes detective story published thirty-five years earlier and reiterated his criticism of early territorial Utah in a book written several years Mr. Homer is an attorney in Salt Lake City. 1 For Doyle's treatment of spiritualist ideals see Arthur Conan Doyle, The New Revelation (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1917); Arthur Conan Doyle, The Vital Message (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1919); and Arthur Conan Doyle, The History of Spiritualism, 2 vols. (London: Cassell and Co., Ltd., 1926).


Sir Arthur Conan Doyle in Utah

265

before his visit. Yet, at a luncheon given for him shortly before his departure, Doyle was pleased to observe that he had been allowed to deliver his message to an audience of five thousand from the pulpit of the Mormon Tabernacle itself, expressed his "profound appreciation of the reception accorded him and his message," and confessed that before coming he "did not expect so much breadth of view."2 How did it happen that Doyle, the author of a sensational anti-Mormon melodrama and a proselyte of a cause that had been denounced by the Mormon hierarchy, could visit Utah with such positive results. Ironically, it may have been precisely because of the spiritualist message he brought and the fact that Doyle was the world renowned creator of Sherlock Holmes that Utah gave him such a receptive audience. Doyle's introduction to the beliefs and practices of spiritualism occurred more than forty years before his visit to Salt Lake while he was attending medical school at the University of Edinburgh. After beginning his practice of medicine in 1882 and later while embarking on his new career as an author, he became well acquainted with mediums and other adherents and after "years of patient investigation" 3 gradually became a "convinced spiritualist" and a zealous advocate of the movement. During World War I, after both his brother and eldest son were killed, he began to utilize his literary talents to advance the cause. In 1917 he authored The New Revelation and in 1919 The Vital Message. Following the war he took his message on tour â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to Australia and New Zealand in 1920 and to the United States in 1922 and again in 1923. 4 By the time Doyle came to Utah during his second American tour he was an experienced proselyter. But it was not the first time the residents of Utah had been introduced to the message of spiritualism. T h e Mormon leadership and its captive press in Utah were aware of and criticized the claims of spiritualism as early as 1851. 5 T h e subject was mentioned in discourses delivered from the pulpit of the Salt Lake Tabernacle during the 1850s by Parley P. Pratt and Jedediah M. Grant. During the same decade, spiritualism was denounced by the Deseret News and the Millennial Star. Despite these denunciations, and perhaps in part because of them, some 2

Salt Lake Tribune, May 13, 1923. Ibid., May 12, 1923. 4 Ronald Pearsall, Conan Doyle: A Biographical Solution (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1977). 5 Davis Bitton, "Mormonism's Encounter with Spiritualism,"/ourna/ of Mormon History 1(1974): 3


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dissatisfied Mormons were attracted to spiritualism beginning in the late 1860s, including William S. Godbe, E. L. T. Harrison, and a former LDS apostle, Amasa Lyman. 6 This Godbeite movement, guided by the principles and teachings of spiritualism, continued "for more than a decade as an important community force." 7 Not only did the Utah Spiritualists produce seances and preachments, "they spawned a rival church organization, the first successful anti-LDS newspaper, a seminal historical survey of Mormonism, and an unprecedented public forum that featured a stream of internationally renowned radical itinerants." 8 These itinerants, who were not allowed to speak to Mormon congregations, spoke from the pulpit of a newly constructed Liberal Institute and were, according to some observers, more popular than speakers at the Tabernacle. 9 Part of spiritualism's appeal for these disaffected Mormons were the similarities between the two "isms," both of which had originated in the Burned-over District of western New York. 10 Spiritualism's beliefs in "the existence and life of the spirit apart from and independent of the material organism, and in the reality and value of intelligent intercourse between spirits embodied and spirits discarnate" 11 were similar to Mormonism's beliefs in the existence of life after death and the concept of personal revelation. 12 In fact some Utah Spiritualists claimed to have talked with early church leaders in seances, including Joseph Smith, who was recognized by them as an unsophisticated medium who had misinterpreted his "revelations." 13 Although Utah spiritualism did not prove to be a serious threat to the stability of monolithic Utah Mormonism, its similarities and <Tbid., pp. 40-44. 7 Ronald W. Walker, "When the Spirits Did Abound: Nineteenth-century Utah's Encounter with Free-Thought Radicalism," Utah Historical Quarterly 50 (1982): 304, 309. Other studies by Professor Walker concerning the Godbeites include:""The Liberal Institute: A Case Study in National Assimilation," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 10 (1977): 74; " T h e Commencement of the Godbeite Protest: Another View." Utah Historical Quarterly 42 (1974): 215. 8 Walker, "When the Spirits Did Abound," p. 306. "Ibid., p. 312. 10 Cf. Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-over District (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950), pp. 138-50, 341-52. Doyle also noted these similarities several years after his visit to Utah. History of Spiritualism, 1:42. 11 Doyle, History of Spiritualism, 2:262. 12 For a more precise analysis of the similarities and dissimilarities between Mormon and Spiritualist beliefs, see Walker, " T h e Commencement of the Godbeite Protest," pp. 227-28; Walker, "When the Spirits Did Abound," pp. 317-18. 13 See, e.g. Walker, " T h e Liberal Institute," p. 78; Walker, "The Commencement of the Godbeite Protest," p. 230; Walker, "When the Spirits Did Abound," p. 315.


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experiences proved a dilemma to Mormons seeking to criticize spiritualism and were explained away by a variety of arguments: that the spiritual manifestations claimed by Spiritualists were fraudulent and even if some of the claimed communications were legitimate, the spirits responsible for such messages were inferior spirits. 14 By the turn of the century the Mormon response to spiritualism became more standard as a result of James E. Talmage's treatment of the subject in Articles of Faith, his text written for Latter-day Saint University instruction. In that work he asserted that "the restoration of the priesthood to earth in this age of the world, was followed by a phenomenal growth of the vagaries of spiritualism, whereby many have been led to put their trust in Satan's counterfeit of God's eternal power." 15 Spiritualism, in the Mormon view, had become a tool of the devil. This view was still prevalent several years before Doyle's visit and expounded upon by Joseph West in an article published in the November 1920 Improvement Era. West argued that the spiritualism espoused by Doyle in his two recently published works, The New Revelation and The Vital Message, was very different "from true inspiration or revelation from God!" 16 While noting the similarities of belief between Mormons and Spiritualists concerning conditions that exist in the spirit world, West reiterated Talmage's view that spiritualism was a counterfeit form of Mormonism: ". . . it is hard to get away from the conviction that Mr. Doyle found much of the truthful portion of his statements and descriptions of the spirit world in the doctrines of the 'Mormon' Church." 17 West also asserted that even though "the Lord permits loved ones who have gone before to bring comforting messages to the living . . . in all such cases, the communication is directly with the person for whom [it] is intended, and not through a third, irresponsible person." 18 If Doyle was aware of the M o r m o n position r e g a r d i n g spiritualism in general and his own works in particular, it is little wonder that he was apprehensive about coming to Utah. Yet, the fine distinctions noted by Mormon apologists were not as appreciated by the rank and file as the authors may have hoped. In fact, 14

Bitton, "Mormonism's Encounter," pp. 46-49. '"'James E. Talmage, The Articles of Faith (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1899), p. 236. '"Joseph A. West, "Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's 'New Revelation' and 'Vital Message,' "Improvement Era 24 (1920): 6-13. ,7 Ibid., p. 11. 18 Ibid., p. 13.


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some Mormons were curious — others even attracted — by ideas and experiences similar to those claimed by Spiritualists. Not only is Mormonism premised on a belief in supernatural experiences, but, in addition, Mormon folklore is replete with stories of supernatural events experienced by the lay membership, including stories about the T h r e e Nephites, visions of deceased family members, and persons returning from the dead. 10 Furthermore, by the 1920s Salt Lake City had a sizeable non-Mormon population. Some of these were undoubtedly caught u p in the resurgence of spiritualism — because of the consolation and hope it gave them — following the devastation and death of the First World War. In fact, Doyle believed that the war had been fought to produce precisely this result. 20 This curiosity about and interest in the supernatural and life beyond death by Mormons and non-Mormons alike must have been a strong drawing card for Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, who came to recount his research into spiritual phenomena. Shortly after noon on May 11, 1923, Doyle arrived at the Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad station where he was greeted by Dr. D. Moore Lindsay, a Salt Laker who had been a classmate of Doyle at the University of Edinburgh some forty years previously. Doyle was rather portly (about 235 pounds) but tall (6 feet 4 inches), had broad shoulders and chest, and sported a full head of gray hair and a bushy mustache. He also had a booming voice with a heavy Scot's burr. Although Doyle had been knighted some twenty years earlier for his service to the Crown and defense of British policy, he was, at the time of his visit to Utah, shunned by the British nobility and denied a peerage because of his tours on behalf of spiritualism. In addition, he was often the object of ridicule in the British press. It is, therefore, not surprising that Doyle traveled outside his country so much during the early 1920s. Although it was Doyle's first trip to the western United States, he had long been interested in the area (the plots of two of his Sherlock Holmes stories were centered in the West — one in Utah and the other in Nevada). He described the visit as "a new experience and wonderful" and noted that the Salt Lake "valley is very lovely and so well cultivated and neatly done. It is quite inspiring." 21 1; 'Cf. Bitton, "Mormonism's Encounter," p. 50; Austin E. Fife and Alta Fife, Saints of Sage and Saddle: Folklore among the Mormons (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1956). 20 SaltLake Telegram, May 11, 1923. 21 Deseret News, May 11, 1923.


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T h e evening of his arrival, Doyle addressed an audience of five thousand on the subject of "Recent Psychic Evidence" in the Salt Lake Tabernacle, site of so many denunciations of spiritualism and the Godbeites in the nineteenth century. After prefacing his remarks by thanking the Mormon church for its "open mindedness" in allowing him to speak in the Tabernacle, he began his discourse, which was essentially the same one he had delivered in other U.S. cities, consisting of "tangible proofs" of communication with the dead, including his own psychic experiences and those of others recorded on "spirit photographs." 2 2 His own experiences included messages he had received from his departed brother, mother, and son through mediums he claimed had no means of knowing the facts revealed. Doyle also showed two types of "spirit photographs" on a large screen erected on the stage of the Tabernacle. T h e first type purported to be photographs of materialized spiritual forms taken at seances. Spiritualists believed that during the visitation of some spirits a gelatinous material called ectoplasm "oozed from the medium's mouth, ears, eyes and skin" and formed around the spirit to give it a visible, three dimensional shape. 23 T h e second type of "spirit photograph" exhibited by Doyle consisted of photos taken of persons or groups in daylight where no spiritual forms were visible but which, when developed, showed spirits that had mysteriously appeared on the negatives. One such photograph displayed by Doyle was of war dead in London and showed a cloud of spirit faces, thirty of which the speaker "affirmed . . . had been positively recognized by relatives and friends." 24 In addition to these "tangible proofs" of spiritualism, Doyle spent a portion of his two-hour lecture explaining the doctrines of spiritualism, some of which were similar to Mormon beliefs. In particular, he described the Spiritualist's concept of heaven as a "land of realized ideals" 25 where spirits go after death and continue in "artistic, literary or other enjoyable pursuits," including "missionary duties which consisted in descending to a lower plane to instruct others." 26 He assured his audience that this view was corroborated by 22 For accounts of Doyle's remarks in the Tabernacle see Salt Lake Telegram, May 12, 1923; Salt Lake Tribune, May 12, 1923; DeseretNews, May 12, 1923. 23 Doyle, History of Spiritualism, 2:109. 24 SaltLake Tribune, May 12, 1923. 25 Ibid. 26 SaltLake Telegram, May 12, 1923.


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messages received from the spirit world. Doyle also argued that "one finds really but little of pure evil in the world," that "as a rule humanity deserved compensation, not punishment," and that even though the "spirits that are evil will be retarded . . . they, too, will have opportunity to go on as they grow into love."27 As the Godbeites had fifty years before, Doyle believed that Joseph Smith was a medium who had misinterpreted his messages, but there is no evidence he communicated this belief to his Utah audience. 28 Such optimistic ideals were evidently well received by the audience. T h e Salt Lake Telegram reported that Doyle "held his audience fascinated, proving beyond question the intense interest in his subject." Furthermore, as Doyle finished "it seemed as though his audience was loath to leave . . . [after being] . . . so enthralled by this striking message Sir Arthur delivered." However, the Telegram also noted that "when he grew argumentative . . . his logic at times appeared to be far from invulnerable." 20 T h e Tribune thought that Doyle by "self-evident sincerity and earnestness . . . sought by logic, patent facts and plain deduction" to deliver a message full "of cheer and uplift, calculated to inspire and help," and that such message was received by a strictly "attentive audience." 30 Even the Mormon 27 28

Ibid.; Salt Lake Tribune, May 12, 1923. Arthur Conan Doyle, Our Second American Adventure (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1924),

91-102. 2it

SaltLake SaltLake

30

Telegram, May 12, 1923. Tribune, May 12, 1923.


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Deseret News, which did not devote as much space to Doyle's visit as the city's other two dailies, wrote that Doyle had delivered an "optimistic lecture" with "an unusual earnestness." 31 As noted previously, Doyle's spiritualist message was not his only drawing card. His status as a world-famous author of detective fiction was mentioned by all of the Salt Lake newspapers in articles announcing his speaking engagement. 32 Nevertheless, he was not particularly proud of his Sherlock Holmes stories (even though he continued to write them until 1927) and upon his arrival in Salt Lake described them as "rather childish things" that were "of perhaps some worth" if "serving to rest and give recreation to busy people." 33 Doyle would rather have been remembered as a serious novelist of such historical works as Micah Clark, The White Company, and Sir Nigel; but his earliest character, Sherlock Holmes, would be remembered long after any subsequent characters he created. Ironically, several early Sherlock Holmes stories, written in the style of historical novels, have since been criticized for factual inaccuracies. 34 T h e most notable of these works is^4 Study in Scarlet, which was published in 1887 and recounted the story of the Mormons in Utah from 1847 until the early 1860s. T h e historical details of the story were drawn mainly from accounts written by Fanny Stenhouse, Eliza Young, and other sensationalist authors whose works were available to Doyle in Great Britain. 35 In addition, Doyle drew heavily from the plot of a story written several years earlier by Robert Louis Steven31

Deseret News, May 12, 1923. All three Salt Lake daily's gave advance publicity of Doyle's visit. T h e Salt Lake Tribune published short articles on Doyle's visit on May 7,9, and 11,1923. In an article entitled "Doyle Awakens Much Interest" the Tribune suggested that there was "striking evidence of the general interest in the appearance of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle" and that this was due to the nature of his lecture — answering "the query that is uppermost in the heart and soul of every thinking person: 'What of life after death?' " — and because he was the creator of Sherlock Holmes. Salt Lake Tribune, May 11, 1923. T h e Deseret News announced Doyle's speaking engagement several days before his arrival (Deseret News, May 9, 1923) and upon his arrival in Salt Lake City (Deseret News, May 11, 1923). T h e most exhaustive introduction to Doyle's planned discourse appeared on page 1 of the Salt Lake Telegram the day of his arrival. T h e Telegram noted that Doyle, who had "conjured and solved so many baffling mysteries in his detective stories, says he is on the eve of solving the greatest mystery the world ever knew, that of what awaits mortals in the great beyond." Salt Lake Telegram, May 11, 1923. 32

33

Deseret News, May 11, 1923. Cf. Margaret Marshall, "Alkali Dust in Your Eyes," The American Scholar 37 (1968): 650; Charles Higham, The Adventures of Conan Doyle (New York: W W . Norton & Co. Inc., 1976), pp. 73-77; Michael Harrison, In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes (New York: David 8c Charles, Newton Abbott, 1958), 112-15; Jack Tracy, Conan Doyle and the Latter-day Saints (Bloomington: Gaslight Publications, 1979). 34

35 Fanny Stenhouse, Tell It All: A Story of a Life's Experiences in Mormonism (Hartford, 1874); Ann Eliza Webb Young, Wife No. 19 (Hartford, 1876). Tracy has reproduced the title page of Doyle's copy of the Stenhouse work. Although Tracy does not mention Young's book, it appears that Doyle's reference to a discourse of Heber C. Kimball in which he alluded to his wives as "heifers" may have come from that book (p. 292). Tracy also speculates about other possible literary sources — both hction and nonfiction — which Doyle may have used. Tracy, Conan Doyle, pp. 53-65.


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son called "The Dynamiter." 36 Doyle's view of Mormon history and culture was tainted by these sensationalist authors and other English sources 3 7 of the period — especially their c o n d e m n a t i o n s of polygamy, autocratic leadership, and the activities of avenging angels. 38 Even though more objective accounts (which criticized the same church practices in a less lurid manner) were probably also consulted by Doyle, he chose to sensationalize his story of the Mormons. 30 Several factors may explain his decision. First, Mormonism in the late 1880s was a popular subject of the yellow press in England and could attract readers and generate income — "shilling shockers" — for Doyle's more serious literary pursuits. 40 Second, Doyle was genuinely opposed throughout his life to what Victorian society deemed "aberrations in morality" and, according to one author, "must have been very much against the Mormons in their search for moral freedom." 41 Finally, Doyle was apparently convinced that the types of things he wrote about had actually occurred since there was a significant amount of sensationalist material steeped in criticism of Mormonism written by persons who claimed to have lived in or visited Utah. Whatever his reasons were, the story of A Study in Scarlet is no more memorable than other sensationalist fiction of the period except for the fact that Sherlock Holmes is the book's hero. It is about the murders of Enoch Drebber and Joseph Stangerson, the polygamous sons of two members of the Council of the Sacred Four, the mythic leading council of the Mormon church. Jefferson Hope, a Gentile, falls in love with a Mormon girl named Lucy Ferrier, who has been promised — against the wishes of both Lucy and her father — to either Drebber or Stangerson by Brigham Young. Hope, who labors in mining camps in Nevada and California, returns to Utah to visit the girl just one night before her father must "voluntarily" release her to marry one of the two Mormon elders. Recognizing her 36

Cf. ibid., pp. 53-57; Higham, The Adventures, p. 75; Pearsall, Conan Doyle, p. 30. Ibid., pp. 74-77; Tracy, Conan Doyle, pp. 53-66. These other sources include various articles on Mormonism published in English newspapers and periodicals. 38 These were predominant themes in Doyle's interpretation of Mormonism in part 2 of A Study in Scarlet. 39 More objective accounts available to Doyle included: Jules Remy and Julius Brenchley, A Journey to Great Salt Lake City, 2 vols. (London, 1861); Richard F. Burton, The City of the Saints (London, 1861); T. B. H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (New York, 1873). 40 Higham, The Adventures, pp. 73-77. 41 Ibid., p. 74. Doyle refers to polygamy at least three times in his short account of his visit to Utah. Doyle, Our Second American Adventure, p. 87. 37


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desperate situation, Hope attempts to help Lucy and her father escape from Utah but fails because of the extraordinary talents of the avenging angels. Both Lucy and her father die in the escape attempt and Hope pledges vengeance upon their murderers, Drebber and Stangerson. Twenty years later he tracks them down in London and kills them; Holmes is called upon to solve the mystery. 42 This uncomplimentary characterization of Mormonism by Doyle appears to have been largely forgotten when he visited Salt Lake City, even though he had resurrected it himself in The Vital Message written in 1919. In that book Doyle suggested that the "murderous impulses" of the "early Mormons in Utah" had been "fortified" by reliance upon the "unholy source" of the Old Testament. 43 This reference may have been enough to prompt Joseph West's review of Doyle's spiritualist ideas in the Improvement Era, although no specific mention was made in the article about Doyle's reference to "early Mormons." No one seems to have focused on Doyle's account of early Mormonism when he came to Salt Lake except a non-Mormon doctor. In a letter written to Doyle at the Hotel Utah, G. Hodgson Higgins told the English author that his first impressions of Mormonism had been tainted by Doyle's work and that "the book gave one the impression that m u r d e r was a common practice among them." Higgins requested Doyle to "express his regret at having propagated falsehoods about the Mormon church and people." 44 Doyle reassured Higgins that in his future memoirs he would write of the Mormons as he found them on his visit. However, he indicated that "all I said about the Danite Band and the murders is historical so I cannot withdraw that tho it is likely that in a work of fiction it is stated more luridly than in a work of history. It's best to let the matter rest."45 T r u e to his word, Doyle, in his memoirs, wrote favorably of the Mormons and even mentioned the Higgins letter. He also indicated that A Study in Scarlet was "a rather sensational and over colored picture of the Danite Episodes which formed a passing stain in the early history of Utah." 46 However, he noted that he had refused a public apology because "the facts were true enough, 12

Arthur Conan Doyle, A Study in Scarlet (London, 1! Doyle, The Vital Message, p. 18. 14 Higgins to Doyle, May 10, 1923, LDS Church Library Archives, Salt Lake City. 15 Doyle to Higgins, May 10, 1923, LDS Church Library Archives. '"Doyle, Our Second American Adventure, p. 87. 13


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though there were many reasons which might extenuate them." 47 It is somewhat ironic that although Doyle's initial contact with Mormons resulted in a favorable impression, he remained convinced that his description of nineteenth-century Mormonism, patterned after sensationalist and lurid accounts, was accurate and historical. Perhaps his desire to be regarded as an author of historical novels required him to hold this view. Yet Doyle's attitude toward the Mormon pioneer was somewhat tempered during his visit. Unlike his practice in many cities on his tour where Doyle spent his spare time participating in seances, while in Salt Lake he chose to visit the Pioneer Museum. T h e r e he saw a group photograph of early pioneers that aroused his "intense interest." Shortly before his departure on May 12, Doyle spoke at an Alta Club luncheon â&#x20AC;&#x201D; attended by some of Salt Lake City's most influential citizens, including J o h n A. Widtsoe, Mayor Clarence Neslen, and Rabbi Adolph Steiner â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and took the opportunity to pay "eloquent tribute to the qualities of the Utah pioneers." He compared them to the settlers of South Africa he had met during the Boer War: "rugged, hard-faced men, the brave and earnest women who look as if they had known much suffering and hardship." 48 He thus left Utah, praising not only its present inhabitants for their "breadth of view" but also their forebears for their "pioneer pluck." Despite Doyle's prior writings against Mormonism and Mormonism's hostile attitude toward spiritualism and Doyle's advocacy of it, an apparently cordial interaction had taken place. In the final analysis, Doyle's reputation as a novelist and Spiritualist was perhaps the most significant reason he was successful in establishing such rapport with his Utah audience. But Doyle was also able to make good on his reputation because he was a charismatic and gifted communicator. In addition, the LDS church was anxious, during the postwar period, to improve its public image and put its controversial practices of the past behind it. Significantly, the church chose not to publicly challenge Doyle's past statements regarding nineteenthcentury Mormonism and must have been pleased by Doyle's praise of the church as "he now found it" and his statement that "the world will be none the worse in consequence" of the spread of Mormonism. 40 47

Ibid. Salt Lake Tribune, May 13, 1923. Doyle had earlier compared the Boers to the Mormons in his War in South Africa (London, 1902), p. 13. 49 Doyle, Our Second American Adventure, p. 104. 48


Creating a New Alphabet for Zion: The Origin of the Deseret Alphabet BY DOUGLAS D. ALDER, PAULA J. GOODFELLOW, AND RONALD G. W A T T

George D. Watt. From a biography by Ida Watt Stringham and Dora Flack.

1850s T H E MORMON SETTLERS IN U T A H were battling for their very lives. Their first decade of building an empire in the Great Basin had just begun and was still experimental. Yet, amid this struggle for survival, Mormon leaders decided to undertake a basic reform of the English language. They chose to divert time and precious hard currency to create a new alphabet, hardly an action that would yield crops or converts. Nevertheless, they made it the first agenda item of their fledgling University of Deseret, founded in 1850. What motivated their utopianism? What tradition did they I N THE

Dr. Alder is professor of history and geography at Utah State University; Ms. Goodfellow is a graduate student in linguistics at the University of Michigan; Dr. Watt is an archivist in the Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.


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join in the long line of linguistic dreamers? Where did they turn for their ideas? Did they invent this so-called Deseret Alphabet or did they link into a larger effort to perfect the English language? These questions surround the peculiar story of Utah's Deseret Alphabet. Everyone who uses the English language has some trouble with spelling; many people have trouble with it all the time. They may complain about the inconsistencies of English orthography as they reach for the dictionary, but not many people do anything about it. However, a few have tried to do something, and for some reform became an obsession. When someone gets the urge to reform English spelling, either he tries to work within the existing alphabet and get rid of those spellings that particularly irk him, or he tries to invent a whole new alphabet in which each letter represents only one sound and no sound may be represented in more than one way. T h e first method is usually called simplified spelling; the second produces a phonetic alphabet. Simplified spelling reformers include Benjamin Franklin, Noah Webster, Melville Dewey, Mark Twain, and T h e o d o r e Roosevelt. Phonetic reformers include George Bernard Shaw, Isaac Pitman, Brigham Young, and again Benjamin Franklin and Mark Twain. T h e earliest American spelling reformer, Benjamin Franklin, designed a new alphabet in which each letter corresponded to one sound and each sound was represented by only one letter. He enlisted the aid of his friend Noah Webster, and it was through Webster that spelling reform achieved its greatest success.1 When Franklin first tried to involve Webster in spelling reform, Webster was not interested. But by 1789 he was in favor of it and promoted the subject in his book Dissertations on the English Language. He introduced a system of simplified spelling and was responsible for many of the differences in English and American spellings today. Many of Webster's spellings have been accepted into American usage, such as dropping the final k from words like music, physic, and logic. His dictionary of 1806 was the first American dictionary of note. Melville Dewey, the inventor of the Dewey Decimal System, also devised a form of simplified spelling. His reform does not seem to have made much of an impact. 1 Benjamin Franklin, The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. William B. Wilcox (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1972), 15: 173.


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T h e Simplified Spelling B o a r d , instituted by T h e o d o r e Roosevelt in 1906, attempted to legislate spelling reform. With support from Andrew Carnegie, 2 Roosevelt enlisted some of the nation's leading minds: Nicholas Murray Butler, William James, Mark Twain, Thomas R. Lounsbury, Isaac Funk, and Richard Watson Gilder. In 1906 Roosevelt instructed the government printing office to publish all government documents with the new spellings the commission had developed, 3 but the new spellings were ridiculed in the public press and by Congress. 4 George Bernard Shaw, the British playwright, was greatly concerned with both written and spoken language. T h e pronunciation peculiarities of Englishmen and Americans greatly offended him. He saw himself as a great Henry Higgins out to reform a world of Eliza Doolittles. He wanted to find a system of orthography that would represent the actual sounds of the language and establish a standard of English pronunciation. Shaw also thought that a new alphabet could save time and space in printing. He and his friend Isaac Pitman worked together on the reform. Pitman, a schoolteacher in Bath, had developed a shorthand system he called phonography; it formed the basis for modern shorthand. T h o u g h he had to struggle to get it established, Pitman shorthand eventually became a national movement with its own schools, journal, and disciples. Shaw believed that Pitman's alphabet proved several things: that a forty-letter alphabet could represent English sounds, that a new alphabet could be accepted because the Pitman system had spread around the world, and that anyone who wanted to learn a new alphabet could do so.5 One of the many people who learned Pitman shorthand in England was George D. Watt who was born in Manchester in 1812. In 1837 he came into contact with Mormon missionaries and was baptized u n d e r the hand of Heber C. Kimball. Five years later he sailed for America to join the Mormons at Nauvoo. T h e r e he taught classes in phonography, made shorthand notes of official proceedings, and became president of the Phonographic Club of Nauvoo. Brigham Young studied phonography u n d e r Watt and began to 2

Clyde H. Dornbush, "American Spelling Simplified by Presidential Edict," American Speech, 36:

236-38. 3

Ibid. Albert C. Baugh, A History of the English Languages (New York, 1957), p. 389. 5 Abraham Tauber, ed., George Bernard Shaw on Language (New York: Philosophical Library, Inc., 1963), 183. 4


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think of developing a new alphabet, but the death of Joseph Smith and the exodus from Nauvoo ended his thoughts of language reform. Watt left Nauvoo in 1846 to fulfill a mission in Great Britain. Although family tradition says he went to better his knowledge of shorthand, he spent most of his time in regular missionary labors. 6 He did, however, use his shorthand at two church conferences and at a debate between a Protestant preacher and a Mormon elder. 7 Soon after the Mormons settled in the Great Salt Lake Valley, Brigham Young revived his ideas about language reform. On March 13, 1850, he presided over the organizational Board of Regents meeting of the University of Deseret and at the next meeting told the board that the language should be shortened. He left it to them to come up a means of accomplishing reform. On March 20 W. W. Phelps, who appears to have been given the assignment to present an alphabet, explained his method of shortening the language. It was evidently not related to Pitman shorthand. Young was pleased with the attempt but asked why the old (Latin) alphabet would not be acceptable, leaving out some letters that were not sounded. He also raised the question of using phonography. T h e type of alphabet Phelps submitted is not known, but he had apparently reduced the alphabet more than Young wanted. At their next meeting the board agreed to study the problem more closely before taking further action. They wanted a language that was simple and plain. For this reason they admired the beauty of Indian speech. T h e board's feeling of inadequacy in the area of language reform probably prompted Young to send for Watt who was still on his mission. He was released late in 1850 and returned to America, arriving in Utah late in the summer of 1851. Meanwhile, the board was very busy establishing a school system in Utah. In November 1850 some board members spoke of errors in the present orthography and desired a change so pupils might be advanced more rapidly. During April Conference in 1852 Chancellor Orson Spencer related what the board had been doing about education. Young also

"George D. Watt to Willard Richards, February 5, 1848, Willard Richards Collection, LDS Church Library Archives, Salt Lake City. 1 Report of Three Nights Public Discussion in Bolton, between William Gibson, H.P., Presiding Elder of the Manchester Conference and the Rev. Woodville Woodman, Minister of the New Jerusalem Church. Reported by G. D. Watt. (Liverpool: Franklin D. Richards, 1849).


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spoke about education, focusing a portion of his sermon on reform of the English language. He believed one letter should not have many pronunciations. Furthermore, If there were one set of words to convey one set of ideas, it would put an end to the ambiguity which often mystifies the ideas given in the languages now spoken. T h e n when a great man delivered a lecture upon any subject, we could understand his words. . . . If I can speak so that you can get my meaning, I care not so much what words I use to convey that meaning. 8

He also told the congregation that he had given the Board of Regents the charge of reforming English orthography. Nothing was done, however, until a regents meeting a year later on April 12, 1853. Present were Brigham Young, Willard Richards, Orson Hyde who was the chancellor-elect, Albert Carrington, W. W. Phelps, J o h n Taylor, George A. Smith, Ezra T. Benson, Wilford Woodruff, Franklin D Richards, Lorenzo Snow, Erastus Snow, Jedediah M. Grant, J o h n Vance, and George D. Watt. Vance and Watt were not members of the board but were present because of the topic under discussion. Vance remains a mystery figure in the introduction of orthographic reform in Utah. He was very prominent in the beginning, but little is known about him. He was born November 8, 1794, in Tennessee, spent some of his early life in Illinois where he was introduced to the Mormon church, and arrived in Utah with the Jedediah M. Grant company on October 2, 1847. He was a bishop at Winter Quarters, a counselor to Bishop William G. Perkins of the Seventh Ward, a member of the high council, a school commissioner, and a justice of the peace. At the meeting on April 12 "Brother J o h n Vance presented a new system of writing the consonants and vowels of his own discovery of the characters to those sounds commonly used in phonography." T h e board discussed sounds by combination. Later, in a letter to Brigham Young, Watt discussed Vance's amalgamation principle, which seemed to bring two sounds u n d e r one symbol. 0 T h e board concluded that the new system took half the amount of writing as present-day English and double the amount of space as phonography. T h e board seems to have had a problem deciding between reducing the number of characters to be similar to a shorthand or having one symbol for each sound. T h e reason for this %

Journal oj Discourses, 26 vols. (London, 1854-86), 1: 71. "Watt to Young, August 21, 1854, Brigham Young Collection, LDS Church Library Archives.


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was probably Brigham Young's own ambiguity on the subject. Vance's writing seems to have been a compromise. T h e subject of reform of the language came up at the next board meeting on September 20, 1853, when Brigham Young said that phonography and a system of hieroglyphics would provide a good method of instruction for children. A month later, on October 27, the board, on a motion from Daniel H. Wells, appointed Parley P. Pratt, Heber C. Kimball, and George D. Watt as a committee to bring the board a new alphabet. T e n days later Pratt, speaking for the committee, presented an alphabet to the board and called it Pitman's Phonographic Alphabet in Small Letters. T h e new alphabet of forty characters, each with a distinct sound, was actually Pitman's phonetic alphabet called phonotype. T h e committee had even prepared a visual display of the alphabet. T h e n at the next meeting, the board discussed alphabets for Indian languages but did not consider the new alphabet for that purpose. Watt was elected secretary of the board and for the next few meetings kept the minutes in phonotype. T h e assignment at the next meeting was for each board member to present his own alphabet. Wells suggested phonography and "in a neat speech gave his reasons for so doing." Ezra T. Benson "presented the old alphabet." Pratt favored phonotype; Wilford Woodruff also favored phonotype with three small changes. William Appleby and W. W. Phelps apologized for not bringing in a new alphabet. Phelps said it was too difficult, and yet in 1850 he had presented a "Mormon" alphabet to the board. A few days later, with Brigham Young and J o h n Vance in attendance, Vance again presented his alphabet to the board. Young told him that combining more than one sound in one character would not solve the problem. Each sound should have one simple sign. He also emphasized "that the object of the board was not to shorten or lengthen the written language but to give to every sound its accompanying sign in the formation of words." T h e regents, led by Young, t h e n went t h r o u g h each s o u n d that was p a r t of phonotype and phonography and approved them individually. They also named each sound. T h e process was continued at the next meeting. Phonotype had forty characters, but the board approved only thirty-eight. When the regents met again Willard Richards said that Pitman's phonotype was not the right alphabet. He wanted a completely new


Origins of the Deseret Alphabet

281

GjsatJi Prtsi 8^0.

3

x aj&a + Ji j i p s a j i . Letter. Name.

Long Sounds. Sound.

"1...-P

9 . . . .e. ..as in. ...eat. 8....a " ate. 8 ah " art. 6 . ...aw " aught. 0....0 " oat. (D... .oo " ooze.

a....b

Letter. Name.

Short Sounds of lhe above.

t J 4 J

as in " " "

r

"

S

"

it. et. at. ot.

ÂŤt. book.

Double Sounds.

di... .i as in. ..ice. 8 . . . .ow " owl. Y....ye Id woo f ....h

Sound.

i....t G....d C che as in cheese. 9....g 0....k 0 ga...as in...^ate. P . . . ,f 6....V L eth..as in.thigh. X . . . . the " thy #....s 6 ....z D esh..as in..flesA. 8 .. . .zhe " vision. t ur " bum. 1 1 D m H n M eng.as in.lew^th.

Deseret Alphabet from T h e Deseret First Book, 1868.

one, for the old symbols jumbled with the new ones would only confuse the learner more. Orson Spencer, W. W. Phelps, and Jedediah Grant agreed. Watt mentioned that the committee had been instructed to retain as many of the old letters of the alphabet as possible, and Woodruff told the board that if they found fault with the committee's alphabet they should present a better one. Near the end of the meeting Young walked in. He had not been there long enough to understand what had taken place, but he said he did not see any difficulty in establishing the new alphabet. T h e inscription on the reverse side of the display sheet made by the committee says, in phonotype, "rejected." 10 Phonotype transcripts of Board of Regents minutes, LDS Church Library Archives.


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T h e detailed Board of Regent's minutes end with that meeting. However, a short summary of later minutes provides some insight into what happened afterward. Between November 22 and December 22 the board worked on the new alphabet and asked the committee to devise a phonotype alphabet completely different from the English alphabet. Parley P. Pratt, a member of the committee, probably did not attend, because on November 22 a note from him asked that he be allowed to withdraw from the board temporarily because of other commitments. Heber C. Kimball never attended board meetings; thus it was left to George D. Watt to construct the new alphabet. T h e summary minutes simply state, "From November 18 to December 22, the board labored and investigated the matter of a new alphabet diligently, then they adopted unanimously the alphabet presented by their committee. T h e same is now denominated the Deseret Alphabet." 11 Where the characters for the Deseret Alphabet came from is not known. Several commentators have tried their hands at identifying the source of the peculiar characters. Hubert Howe Bancroft compared the letters of the Deseret Alphabet to some of the characters that the Book of Mormon plates were in,12 and some similarities can be seen, mostly in characters that are also similar to Greek letters. T h e Book of Mormon characters do not seem to have been an important source for the Deseret Alphabet. Brigham Young's secretary, T. W. Ellerbeck, wrote that Watt created the alphabet by designing some of the characters himself and taking others from the ancient alphabets shown in Webster's unabridged dictionary. 13 Hosea Stout also credited WTatt with working out the characters. 14 Jules Remy, a French visitor to Salt Lake City, reported that the alphabet originated with W. W. Phelps, 15 and Floris Springer Olsen said that some of the characters in the Deseret Alphabet could be traced to Pitman characters. 16 T h e evidence indicates that Watt did most of the work on the alphabet. It is still unclear, however, where the characters themselves came from. 1

' Summary of Board of Regents minutes, LDS Church Library Archives. Hubert H. Bancroft, History of Utah (San Francisco, 1890), pp. 712-13. 13 Samuel C. Monson, "The Deseret Alphabet," Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters Proceedings, 30: 23-29. 14 Hosea, Stout, Journal of Hosea Stout, ed. Juanita Brooks (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1964), 2: 509. 15 Jules Remy and Julius Brenchley, A Journey to the Great Salt Lake (London, 1861), 2: 185. '"Floris Springer Olsen, "Early Nineteenth Century S h o r t h a n d Systems and Possible Similarities between Any of T h e m and the Deseret Alphabet" (Masters thesis, Utah State Agricultural College, 1952), p. 49. 12


Origins of the Deseret Alphabet

283

It seems evident that the sounds (not the letters) of the Deseret Alphabet were borrowed entirely from Pitman shorthand. Observers have long cited Pitman as a source, 17 but now the tie is complete. In 1980, A. Hamer Reiser, longtime Pitman writer in the Church Office Building and the last of a long line of secretaries beginning with George Watt and continuing through David W. Evans who recorded general conference sessions in Pitman shorthand, examined the sounds of the Deseret Alphabet and confirmed that they were Pitman. He compared them to his own Pitman primer and explained how close the similarity was. With that insight the authors searched for an early Pitman primer, one that could have been used by Watt in Nauvoo and in the University of Deseret regents' meetings. At the Library of Congress the 1847 edition of Pitman was found; it corresponds completely to the Deseret Alphabet and seems to establish that the thirty-eight sounds and the structure of the Deseret Alphabet were borrowed entirely from Pitman. If the sounds of the Deseret Alphabet are now known to have been borrowed from Pitman, the design of the letters remains a mystery. T h e r e are several hints but no neat package of information to explain the origin of the letters. As mentioned above, some have thought that they were borrowed from an unabridged Webster's dictionary. William Nash postulated that the 1848 edition of the unabridged dictionary was used by Watt. On page lxxxiii Nash found a full-page chart of the Ethiopic Alphabet but after careful examination concluded that only eight of the Ethiopic characters were similar to Deseret Alphabet characters and that "the similarities . . . are probably accidental." 18 Recently, following a hint that Willard Richards had a book entitled Diacritical Remains and Antiquities of Ancient Britain, David Abercrombie of Edinburgh suggested that William Camden's book Remains Concerning Britain might have been the volume owned by Richards. Paula Goodfellow's examination of the 1605, 1623, and 1657 editions of Remains Concerning Britain produced no characters that could have served as models for the Deseret Alphabet. 10 17 S. George Ellsworth, "The Deseret Alphabet," American West 10 (November 1973): 10. A dissertation to be completed in 1985 by Douglas A. New, "History of the Deseret Alphabet and other Attempts to Reform Fnglish Orthography," will be useful to future scholars. 18 William J. Nash, "The Deseret Alphabet," May 1957/MS, p. 23, University of Illinois Library, Urbana. Stephen W. Stathis of the Library of Congress located both the 1848 and the 1841 dictionaries of Noah Webster. T h e former was published in Springfield, Mass., and the latter in New Haven. Both include the Ethiopic Alphabet and alphabets with Hebrew, Samaritan, Arabic, and Syrian symbols. '"Abercrombie to Goodfellow, December 22, 1982.


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Another suggestion is that the characters were adapted from the Pitman symbols. Both the Pitman and the Deseret Alphabet short sounds have a straight line as part of the symbol. T h e Pitman characters are differentiated by a dot or a dash in a certain position along the line. T h e Deseret characters have curls, lines through, or lines slanting off of the perpendicular line. As mentioned earlier, Brigham Young suggested that a new alphabet could be adapted from the existing (Latin) alphabet. Following this clue one can find several convincing adaptations. T h e e, for example, is turned upside down in Deseret. T h e 00 is an 0 with a line drawn down the middle to suggest two parts. T h e b is merely a reverse capital B. T h e che symbol is simply a capital C. T h e zhe sound in vision is represented by an 5. T h e 0 is an O, theg a stylized g, and the w a W. A backwards c a p i t a l s stands for the sound eng. T h e / is an / with a lefthand tail on it very much like a cursive /. T h e t is an upside down t without the crossbar. T h e n is a stylized n. T h e letter representing the sound ye could be considered an adaptation of)'. Obviously, other Deseret Alphabet letters are not related to the Latin. Alternative sources for some of them are not hard to find, the most fruitful being the Phoenician Alphabet 20 where the n symbol is most distinct. T h e Phoenician m appears in the Deseret upside down for the short vowel in the word hot. T h e Phoenician b could be turned upside down and become the Deseret short vowel mat. T h e Phoenician / resembles the Deseret t. T h e Phoenician n is very close to Deseret eng. T h e Deseret double 0 could have been adapted from the Phoenician q. Of the many alphabets examined, the Phoenician seems to be the most similar to the Deseret. Nonetheless, many letters cannot be found in the Phoenician or by adapting Latin letters. Many other possibilities exist. T h e r e are a few matches with Hebrew and Greek, and even runes offer some comparisons. T h e scholar is left with an incomplete detective job. It seems likely that the committee referred to several existing alphabets to design the new Deseret Alphabet characters. Researchers may one day find additional sources from which characters were borrowed. On the other hand, Watt or Richards or Phelps or even Brigham Young may have designed some characters fresh.

20 Hans Jensen, Sign, Symbol and Script, tran. George Unwin (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969), pp. 291, 452. See also Ernst Doblhofer, Voices in Stone (Souvenir Press, 1961), p. 35; Alfred C. Moorhouse, The Triumph of the Alphabet (New York: Henry Schuman,), fig. 30; and Ignace J. Gelb, A Study of Writing (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press,), p. 137.


Origins of the Deseret Alphabet

285

Why Mormon leaders undertook such an exotic experiment as the Deseret Alphabet is hard to understand. Certainly in 1853 they had more urgent business. Yet they allocated thousands of dollars of hard currency to have the new alphabet cast in type in New York. Cash was especially dear to the Saints who were trying to bring immigrants to Utah and to procure necessities for building an empire in the Rocky Mountains. They could ill afford to waste cash. Spelling reform seems a strange concern for a group of people trying to build the kingdom of God. However, the Mormons believed that someday there would be a great reform in language and a perfect language would be restored to earth. A resolution of the Deseret Typographical Association affirmed that the Deseret Alphabet was just a step in this great reform, 21 a belief that provides a glimpse into the Utopian mind set of the Mormons. They were convinced that they were building a new society uniting religious principles with political and economic activities. In many way's the Deseret Alphabet was just one more aspect of the perfect society the Mormons were hoping to build in anticipation of Christ's return. On a more practical level, Brigham Young felt that children should not be forced to spend long hours sitting quietly in school "on a hard bench until they ache all over." They should be able to move around and do things that interest them. T h e Deseret Alphabet would make it easier for children to learn to read, and they would not have to spend as much time in school. He also told the Board of Regents that the alphabet could aid foreigners in learning English. 22 A later theory states that the alphabet could have been designed to keep the children of Deseret protected from outside influences. 23 This argument does not seem to fit evidence from the period of the designers' deliberations. T h e Deseret Alphabet has to be considered an expensive failure. Several primers were printed, classes were held, and attempts were made to convert the Saints to using the alphabet. But even during the lifetime of Brigham Young the project failed to gain solid support, and following his death the alphabet silently died. T h e cumbersome alphabet characters failed to capture the imagination of the church m e m b e r s h i p . T h e alternative of using Pitman 21 Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, August 2, 1855, microfilm in Special Collections at Utah State University, Logan. 22 Ibid., January 31, 1859. 23 A. J. Simmonds, "Utah's Strange Alphabet," True Frontier, November 1968, p. 28.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

Title page from The Deseret First Book, 1868.

shorthand characters would not have gained a following either. So the Deseret Alphabet remains a historical curiosity, a testament to visionary men who succeeded in building an inland empire but could not replace the existing culture that surrounded them despite its linguistic imperfections.


Book Reviews The Mormon Graphic Image, 1834-1914: Cartoons, Caricatures, and Illustrations. By GARY L. BUNKER and DAVIS BITTON. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983. x + 154 pp. $25.00.) It is doubtful that anything exceeds humor .as a villifying device. From near the time of its founding in the 1830s until past the turn of the century, Mormonism was the frequent object of graphic caricature. Bunker and Bitton have provided students of Mormonism with an excellent survey of the religion as t r e a t e d by cartoonists a n d i l l u s t r a t o r s in t h e nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. T h e first half of the book is organized chronologically. Between 1830 and 1850, illustrations in books â&#x20AC;&#x201D; invariably negative â&#x20AC;&#x201D; focused predominantly on Joseph Smith, spiritual wifery, a sinister l e a d e r s h i p , a n d s u p e r s t i t i o u s followers. H e r e , as elsewhere, Bunker and Bitton provide t h e r e a d e r with i n t e r e s t i n g findings arising from their research. An intriguing example is their failure to locate a n y w h e r e an illustration dealing with Joseph Smith as a presidential candidate in 1844. With the profusion of illustrated periodicals after midcentury, Mormonism was a popular subject for lampooning in publications such as The Lantern, Frank Leslie's Illustrated Weekly Newspaper, Harper's Weekly, and Vanity Fair. If Mormons were represented no more harshly than other minorities, the authors make it clear that, nevertheless, a distorted stereotype was developed that came to be a c c e p t e d by t h e vast majority of

Americans as the way Mormons really were. T h e exploitation of women, sexually and otherwise, was a common theme in these portrayals. From 1869 to 1890 Mormon life was subjected to increasing scrutiny in books, magazines, and newspapers. Brigham Young was an especially favored subject with illustrators, but allegations of treason and the supposedly unattractive appearance of Mormon females were also common. From 1852 until the time of the Manifesto in 1890, polygamy was far and away the most p o p u l a r aspect of M o r m o n i s m with illustrators and writers alike. Between 1890 and 1914 magazines were replaced by newspapers as the primary medium in which illustrations treating Mormons a p p e a r e d . Most important, the character of these representations reflected a growing accommodation between the Morm o n s a n d A m e r i c a n society. Although both the B. H. Roberts case and the Reed Smoot hearings generated considerable attention, and insidious representations continued to appear even after Senator Smoot was seated, by the time of World War I the Mormon stereotype with its sexual, alien, and untrustworthy overtones was largely a thing of the past. T h e latter half of the book addresses five different themes that the authors found to be prominent and instructive in the graphics they studied:


288 "Troublesome Bedfellows: Mormons and other Minorities"; "Henry Ward Beecher and the Mormons"; "Political Caricature and Mormonism"; "Double Jeopardy: Visual Images of Morm o n W o m e n " ; and, "Mischievous Puck and the Mormons." These are excellent essays that could be published as separate studies, each with a scholarly integrity of its own. My favorite was "Henry Ward Beecher and the Mormons." It was perhaps inevitable that the Beecher-Tilton scandal would be l i n k e d with M o r m o n polygamy by illustrators. Both carried enormous potential for titillation. But the authors show that however much cartoonists wished to yoke the two as partners in sin, neither condoned the behavior of the other. Yet, both found qualities (non-sexual) in each other to p r a i s e . C e r t a i n M o r m o n s even suggested that some of Beecher's opinions may have been divinely inspired. With all that is so well done in this book, including the outstanding reproductions of prints and cartoons,

Utah Historical Quarterly complete footnotes at the bottoms of the pages, and large attractive format, some shortcomings exist. This reviewer counted over a dozen typographical errors. J o h n H. Miles is mistakenly given as Owen Miles (pp. 49, 110). And the index is inadequate. None of this, however, detracts from the authors' objectives: to illuminate the Mormon graphic image during those years when the church was viewed as outside the American mainstream; to explore the stereotyping process as illustrated by visual representations of the Saints; and to d e m o n s t r a t e how tragically consequential such projections can be when t h e g r o u p c o n c e r n e d , as with nineteenth-century Mormons, has no effective means to counter the invidious portrayals made of it. This book will long c o n s t i t u t e a t r e a s u r e d documentary collection as well as a valuable commentary on the Mormon past. B. CARMON HARDY

California State University Fullerton

The Day We Bombed Utah. By JOHN G. FULLER. (New York and Scarborough, Ontario: New American Library, 1984. 268 pp. $16.50.) T h e 1950s seemed idyllic to many of us naive residents of St. George, with a Republican finally in the White House, Joseph McCarthy rooting out Communists, the polygamists ("Cultists") at Short Creek being periodically rounded up, and school children buying savings bonds and learning to play a cheap, squeaky, high-pitched plastic instrument called the flutophone. Every spring 4-H Clubs were organized, with silly names suggesting the lighthearted attitude toward a simple life: "Six Small S e w e r s , " "Stitchin' Stinkers," "Happy Homem a k e r s , " "Pancake Pussies," "Klu Klux Cooking Klan," " F o u r Food Burners," and the "Up and Atoms."

Why the "Up and Atoms"? Because in 1951 the Atomic Energy Commission began testing atomic weapons in Nevada, and townspeople were intrigued by the constant rumblings in the earth, the dirty clouds, and the visits of the sociable AEC folks who said fallout was as harmless as x-rays. But, it t u r n s out, t h o u s a n d s of sheep were killed and thousands of people dangerously exposed, and the far-reaching effects are still unknown. John G. Fuller's The Day We Bombed Utah is a study of the actions of the United States g o v e r n m e n t d u r i n g those years in our state. Fuller begins with the story of the now famous radiated sheep, carefully tracing the episode from the first tests


Book Reviews and Notices to the still-active lawsuit and skillfully presenting evidence showing these sheep died as a result of the testing and that a purposeful cover-up ensued. Unfortunately, he is less adept in detailing the human casualties. Most of the evidence is anecdotal, particularly the story of The Conqueror, a movie filmed in Snow Canyon. Fuller charges that almost half of the cast and crew died of cancer, but he does n o t d o c u m e n t this a l l e g a t i o n or adequately document other allegations that h u m a n suffering was directly related to the radiation. T h e r e were people in s o u t h e r n Utah who were always frightened of the testing and did not join their neighbors as "guests" of the AEC to view the tests. Ralph J. Hafen, a law student at the University of Utah, wrote a letter to the local paper explaining "your health, your children's health, and the health of generations unborn are at stake." T h e AEC m u s t have felt very threatened by Hafen's letter, for they promptly stepped up their efforts to make local leaders accomplices. They were certainly successful. Utah's congressmen, St. George officials, and the mayors of Washington, Hurricane, and Santa Clara all in one way or another suggested the testing was safe. They were joined by a Chamber of Commerce that, as late as 1960, pro-

289 tested in the name of "southern Utah businessmen" air force plans to close H u r r i c a n e Mesa and transfer that AEC testing to New Mexico. State health officials cooperated, and the local newspaper devoted more space to a proposal to flouridate the water than to publishing fears about radiation. This "St. George boosterism" is still with us. T h e St. George Magazine, published in spring 1984, carries a detailed story about the filming of The Conqueror and never mentions suspicions that some of the cast and crew were fatally exposed. I do not suggest that we must blame the victims: my own father, in the area during the testing and on the set of The Conqueror repeatedly, died at the age of forty-nine from a heart attack brought on by a mysterious blood disease. But Fuller would have done a better service if he h a d carefully e x p l o r e d t h e issues s u r r o u n d i n g c o o p e r a t i o n of local l e a d e r s a n d documented his charges of h u m a n suffering. These tests exposed many of us to unknown dangers. It is certain that i n a d e q u a t e p r e c a u t i o n s were taken. Fuller does not provide enough information about how and why this was allowed to happen to serve as a warning for the future.

KERRY WILLIAM BATE

Salt Lake City

The River of the West: The Adventures of Joe Meek. By FRANCES FULLER VICTOR. Vol. I: The Mountain Years. Edited by WINFRED BLEVINS. (Missoula, Mont.: Mountain Press Publishing Co., 1983. 282 pp. Cloth, $24.95; paper, $9.95.) T h e Mountain Press Publishing Company of Missoula, Montana, has begun publication of a new series entitled Classics of the Fur T r a d e with the biography of Joe Meek, The River of the West by Frances Fuller Victor, selected as the first book in the series. Published in 1870, Victor's first book

is regarded by most western historians as a classic. Even with the mistakes in the text due to the questionable narrative of Joe Meek or the author's own faulty interpretation, the book remains one of the best authoritative sources available to the student of the fur trade.


290 In 1970 the Brooks-Sterling Company of Oakland, California, produced a facsimile edition for the collectors of Western Americana. However, there still remained the need for an edited edition. Subsequently, when Mountain Press decided to publish their new series, Winfred Blevins, the general editor, accepted the responsibility of editing the new text. T h e book will be printed in two volumes. T h e first, u n d e r review, contains the life and adventures of Joe Meek up to 1840. Blevins's new edition has very little to offer, the major problem being that many of the mistakes made by Victor in the original text have gone uncorrected. In the prefatory chapter several errors regarding Ashley's activities in the mountains are overlooked, such as the assumption that Ashley explored the Sweetwater River and its source on his first trip to the mountains and that Ashley's actual earnings taken from the rendezvous of 1825 and 1826 represent about one-third of the amount suggested by Victor. Additionally, the observations that Ashley built a fort near Ashley Lake (Utah Lake) and visited the Great Salt Lake are unfounded. In chapter two Victor states that an agreement had been made in 1827 between Jed Smith and William Sublette to meet on the Snake River in the summer of 1829 and that Sublette met Davey Jackson at Lewis Lake (Jackson Lake) p r i o r to finding Smith in Pierre's Hole. T h e editor fails to inform the r e a d e r that Jackson had been traveling with Smith prior to the rendezvous of 1829. T h e two partners h a d m e t q u i t e accidently n e a r Flathead Lake in March. Sublette was searching for Jackson when he encountered both of his p a r t n e r s in Pierre's Hole. T h r o u g h o u t the text Victor implies that there was a merger between the American Fur Company and the

Utah Historical Quarterly Rocky Mountain Fur Company beginning in 1834. This is far from accurate. T h e AFC financially destroyed the RMFC and purchased the remains from its various owners. T o assume from chapter four that William Sublette had the AFC u n d e r his control makes the viewer question Blevins's understanding of the events taking place in the mountains and St. Louis during the 1830s. In chapters five and six the story of Fitzpatrick's being lost and not arriving at the 1831 rendezvous with the supplies is accurate, but the account of his activities in the fall, winter, and s p r i n g of 1831-32 is i n c o r r e c t . Fitzpatrick returned to St. Louis in the fall of 1831 after d e l i v e r i n g t h e supplies to Henry Fraeb near Laramie Creek. He remained in the city all winter, a c c o m p a n y i n g the supply train to the rendezvous in the spring of 1832. Also, the Nathaniel Wyeth- Milton Sublette controversy described in chapter ten is not clarified by Blevins, and it is very apparent that Victor did not understand the events of the episode. T h e sparse editing that accompanies the new edition is, in most cases, accurate and in a few areas very thorough. However, the notes are not without mistakes. Ashley went to the mountains in 1825 and 1826, and Jed Smith was at the big bend of the Bear River (Soda Springs, Idaho) when he left for California in 1826. Also, the exact location of the 1835 rendezvous has been determined from the diary of Samuel P a r k e r . T h i s reviewer would also question why the editor would refer the reader to Washington Irving's a c c o u n t of the Battle of Pierre's Hole. He was not present. Why not the eyewitness accounts of Ferris, Wyeth, Nidever, or Leonard? One of the critical needs of the text is a selection of maps showing the travels of Joe Meek. T h e one map provided in the book is so elementary


Book Reviews and Notices that it is virtually worthless to the reader. T h e bibliography is very limited; yet, if read, many of the mistakes could have been avoided. T h e book does contain an adequate index. The River of the West by Frances Fuller Victor deserves much better. It would be desirable for future editors involved with the publication of the

291 Classics of the Fur T r a d e Series to try to maintain the quality of Aubrey Haines's Journal of a Trapper, Dale Morgan's The Rocky Mountain Journals of William Marshall Anderson, or J o h n C. Ewers's Adventures of Zenas Leonard, Fur Trader. FRED R. GOWANS

Brigham Young University

The Development of Law on the Rocky Mountain Frontier: Civil Law and Society, 18501912. By GORDON MORRIS BAKKEN. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983.x + 200 pp. $29.95.) D u r i n g t h e second half of t h e nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth, ranchers, miners, and farmers settled the Rocky Mountain states and territories of Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, Idaho, Utah, Arizona, and Nevada. Mormon pioneers brought with them to Utah and Idaho the City of God and suspicion of eastern laws and society. New Mexico, before the pioneer influx, had an established S p a n i s h legal system. H e r e also, courts and legislature for the first time in Anglo-American legal history had to deal with questions of irrigation and water appropriation in a semiarid region. During this same period they increasingly became involved in questions of capital and labor, the rights of injured workmen to recover from their employers, and the protection of workers in dangerous occupations in the mine and on the rails. How can an author make such a dynamic time and place, the background of the western novel and a Time-Life series of books, seem dull a n d soporific? Professor G o r d o n Morris Bakken in The Development of Law on the Rocky Mountain Frontier: Civil Law and Society offers a model. First, assume the region is a historical laboratory for testing, say, Turner's thesis of the frontier's influence on the

development of law. Second, write for a limited audience â&#x20AC;&#x201D; those owning both Black's Law Dictionary and a working knowledge of the history of each of the eight states. (Actually, the audience for this book is quite obviously libraries of law schools and western universities.) T h e n , in 200 pages discuss each subtopic such as contract, water, labor, and corporate law at least twice. Finally, succumbing to an occupational hazard for the historian who must read journals edited by law students, adopt law review style. Yet, when Bakken breaks away from t h e p r o - , anti-, a n d n e o T u r n e r i a n debate and looks to his extensive compilation and organization of published court decisions and statutes, he makes a contribution to our understanding of what was happening in the area to the law. T h e c h a p t e r on labor law sticks most closely to the statutes and the cases and is the best in the book. It is also there that the author seems on the verge of drawing his own interesting conclusions. His discussion clearly shows the Utah court and legislature at the forefront in the "willingness to protect the unorganized underdog" worker. Bakken implicitly suggests the question, "Why?" but does not even offer his usual discussion of Mormon influence on the law. Was


292 this influence unimportant in the field of workmen's compensation, eighthour days, and tort law? B a k k e n also fails to discuss adequately the contribution of the Mexican experience to the development of range law. He notes that few cases involving cattle were appealed, if they ever reached the courts at all. T h e reason for this, however, may lie less in acceptance of an established English Common Law tradition than in the three-century history of raising beef cattle in Mexico.

Utah Historical Quarterly As a final c o m m e n t , n u m b e r s abound in this book yet are surprisingly uninformative. A few charts and graphs, percentages, and n u m b e r s would give a better picture of what type of cases were heard by the courts and which legislatures passed what kinds of laws. A study of cases and statutes lends itself to this type of visual quantification, and with them Professor Bakken's study would be more useful. PHYLLIS JOHNSON LIDDELL

Salt Lake City

Forging New Rights in Western Waters. By ROBERTG. DUNBAR. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983. xvi + 278 pp. $19.95.) Norris Hundley, Jr., in his preface to Water and the West, writes: "No area of the world is more aware of the curr e n t w a t e r crisis t h a n is w e s t e r n America. . . . [and] that the control of the West's water means control of the West itself. . . ." Yet with this continued and ever-present water crisis facing westerners, most of them fail to understand their unusual water conditions, be they urban or rural water users. Most assuredly, people living in the humid East do not understand the importance water has on the economic, social, and political character of the semiarid West. A quick review of titles found in most any library card catalog reveals a virtual flood of articles, books, and studies devoted to some aspect of water or irrigation d e v e l o p m e n t s . Most books found are written by irrigation e n g i n e e r s , hydrologists, or water specialists for a technical audience. Salt Lake City's main library, for instance, currently lists approximately 90 books on irrigation and some 290 titles on water d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e Utah State Historical Society's research library, with one of its areas of collecting interests being water resources, has over 310 entries on water

and nearly half of a card catalog drawer on irrigation. Even this reviewer has added to the growing body of written material on the subject. Yet it is often difficult to find good books that provide a historical perspective to western water rights development. A few historians, writers, and engineers such as C h a r l e s B r o u g h , G e o r g e T h o m a s , Elwood M e a d , G e o r g e Strebel, Wells Hutchins, Paul Gates, and Wallace Stegner have greatly contributed to understanding the role that water has had in forming western society. But what has been lacking in this body of literature on water and irrigation development is a concise, well-written volume on the subject that a newcomer can use to reach a better understanding of this scarce resource. Robert Dunbar has provided such a volume. In sixteen chapters Dunbar directs the reader through the complicated developments of western water rights, from the early Pueblo Rights established by Spain in Alta California to the more recent developments of interstate and international water compacts. T h e first several chapters deal with the earliest I n d i a n , Spanish, a n d


Book Reviews and Notices American water practices. For this reviewer these early chapters and the last two are the weakest. It is in the first several c h a p t e r s t h a t a few b u t nevertheless irritating errors occur. For instance, the preferred spelling of a person residing in Utah is Utahn rather than Utahan. T h e proper capitalization for the official name of the Mormon church is T h e Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints despite what many dictionaries and the University of Chicago's A Manual of Style insist. It is with chapter six, "Modification of a Property Right," that Dunbar directs the reader into the main current of the book. In the West it was the miner not the farmer who radically altered the eastern practice of riparian water rights. T h e discovery of gold and silver on public lands in the dry canyons a n d gulches of the West forced miners without benefit or contraints of law to develop new means of determining water use and ownership. As a result, the miners adopted the rule of "first in time, first in right" to water. T h i s practice was later adopted by the California legislature in 1851. From the precedents established by the California legislature, Dunbar, a former resident of the Centennial State, points with some pride to the important role Colorado has had in shaping appropriative water rights law. But the author's pride in Colo r a d o does not o v e r s h a d o w t h e significant role Wyoming and particularly Elwood Mead, a former professor of irrigation from Colorado, had in formalizing a p p r o p r i a t i v e rights. Wyoming's water law is the model that nearly every other western state has adopted in dealing with surface water rights. Dunbar has not overlooked a second yet equally important source of water in t h e West. T h e issue of ground water rights surfaced early in

293 southern California settlement and development. But it was in the state of New Mexico that laws were fashioned that resolved ground water rights and that other states in the West have adopted. As in the case of surface water rights, ground water rights law has been formed out of the physical environment and legal cases. Fortunately, Dunbar has successfully avoided the temptation of permitting legal cases and decisions to dictate the flow of the volume. T h e final chapters deal with the f e d e r a l t h r e a t s to w e s t e r n w a t e r rights. T h e a u t h o r concludes that western water rights are safe and secure. But any westerner may wonder if this conclusion is correct. In recent years the Bureau of Reclamation has taken on an increasingly larger and more dominant role in western water developments. Perhaps the old saying "water flows to money" may eventually win out over "first in time, first in right" water use as adopted and practiced by western water users. Dunbar also slides over other pressing water conflicts that western water users are c u r r e n t l y facing. Oil shale developments, nuclear power plants, and the placement of intercontinental missiles are a few of the national interests that demand enormous amounts of western water. In conclusion, there are always a few errors found in any written volume. T h e r e are points of view that are not shared by everyone. But for this reader these errors and differences are overshadowed by the contribution this book has made to furthering the basic understanding of western water rights. It is a book that anyone interested in this scarce resource should read.

CRAIG FULLER

Utah State Historical Society


294

Utah Historical Quarterly

Navajo Sandpainting: From Religious Act to Commercial Art. By NANCY J. PAREZO. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1983. xxiv 4- 251 pp. $29.95.) Perhaps the most important thing about Navajo Sandpainting: From Religious Act to Commercial Art is the central q u e s t i o n it p o s e s : how did sandpaintings, the powerful sacred maps that lie at the very heart of Navajo c e r e m o n i a l i s m , b e c o m e transmuted into a kind of secular airport art? It is a difficult question, involving as it does the necessity of analyzing the spiritual context of another culture. T h e r e are risks in pursuit of such answers. Navajo Sandpainting seems to me to consist of two distinct parts. In one, the author examines the original nature of sandpaintings and the first d o c u m e n t e d instances of their reproduction outside of a sacred context. T h e discussion of ceremonialism is admirable: brief and straightforward. T h e a u t h o r wisely d e p e n d s heavily on Gladys Reichard and resists the temptation to catalog or interpret the many pertinent Navajo rituals. (Readers who wish to delve m o r e deeply into this subject can consult the careful bibliography. See especially the work of Reichard, Washington Matthews, and Gary Witherspoon.) T h r e e t h i n g s a r e clear: s a c r e d sandpaintings must be produced by trained singers under carefully prescribed c o n d i t i o n s ; they m u s t be meticulously accurate; and they must be i m p e r m a n e n t . Serious consequences can arise from the deviation from any of these conditions. We are told that the early permanent reproductions of the sacred images took the form of drawings or sketches. They were always made by Navajo singers (men trained to create sandpaintings as part of a larger religious act) at the request of an Anglo, often a trader, or else by Anglos allowed to be present during a ceremony. Parezo (and others) contend

that "the idea that Navajo religion was doomed was an important factor in convincing Navajo singers to make permanent sandpaintings in the first place" (p. 5). It can be inferred that t h e act of p r o d u c i n g p e r m a n e n t sandpaintings was the cause of much anguish and doubt a m o n g Navajo people and that the making of these images was profoundly iconoclastic, although this idea is incompletely documented. T h e book provides a useful guide to the location of these early images; they are evidently often consulted today by the Navajo artists who produce commercial sandpaintings. T h e second p a r t of Navajo Sandpainting examines sandpaintings as curios â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the sand, adhesive, and plywood composites that are sold today. This phenomena had its roots in the 1940s and centrally involved Anglos. Only one of the four artisans who p i o n e e r e d the techniques of permanently applying sand to backing was Navajo. In the discussion of the history of commercial sandpainting, a craft effectively founded in the early 1960s, the a u t h o r ' s careful research and scholarship are particularly evident. She places the production and merc h a n d i s i n g of c o m m e r c i a l s a n d p a i n t i n g in the l a r g e r context of southwestern I n d i a n crafts. A remarkable survey of c o n t e m p o r a r y working s a n d p a i n t e r s is carefully documented in a series of appendices. This is a carefully, clearly written book, i n c o r p o r a t i n g m e t i c u l o u s scholarship, scrupulous notes and relevant illustrations with a fine bibliography. However, the two sections of the book seem to be curiously unconnected, as though perhaps the center is missing. I think the missing center has to do with the place of traditional


Book Reviews and Notices Navajo cosmology in contemporary life and in the lives of generations of Navajos living between 1900 a n d 1960. It seems to me there is very little connection between the contemporary curios and the original holy act. It is also evident that the Navajo people p r o d u c i n g secular s a n d p a i n t i n g s since 1962 feel no sense of irreverence or danger about their craft and that their motives are almost purely economic (only one percent of the 291 painters surveyed said they m a d e sandpaintings to preserve the Navajo heritage). Many of them must consult the published images for information about design and structure. T h e book does discuss the process of rationalization: the m o m e n t in which the

295 sandpainting becomes sacred and the effects of design change on the holiness of the image. However, it all seems irrelevant to the craftspeople producing commercial sandpaintings today. Navajo Sandpainting tells us that a profound change has occurred in the production of sandpaintings, and it documents many of the mechanics of that change. I am left, however, with an unsatisfied curiosity about why such a thing was possible. T h e central question seems to me circled, incompletely answered, in this otherwise admirable book.

ANN HANNIBALL

Utah Museum of Natural History

Wolves for the Blue Soldiers: Indian Scouts and Auxiliaries with the United States Army, 1860-90. By THOMAS W. DUNLAY. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982. xii + 304 pp. $21.95.) H e r e is p r o o f that at least o n e seemingly exhausted field of western history can reward further examination. T h e western Indian wars have been worked over so thorough!/ that it is almost shocking to find neglected as important a topic as that covered in this absorbing work, all the more so because here is a mirror image of colonial military conquest as it was anywhere we look in the Americas, anywhere we look at all. T h e Aztecs were not subdued by Cortez and a handful of enthusiastic followers alone; instead, they faced the multitudes their opportunistic and resentful tributary states sent along. T h e Romans on their frontier set many earlier precedents for exploiting local rivalries or absorbing c o n q u e r e d armies. T h e employment of Indians to find and fight other Indians during the war for the North American West â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the subject at hand â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in scale may be more readily compared with earlier exam-

ples closer to home: the Pequot War, the French and Indian War, and so forth across the continent. In virtually every case of Indian-white conflict, Indians were allied with invading conquerors against Indians. This is a sensitive topic to some, perhaps even to some Native Americans; b u t w i t h o u t b e i n g too p r e sumptuous, I think I can say that most Native Americans, to a far greater degree than other Americans, are acutely aware of the divisions between and within their societies. Such divisions are, after all, a fact of life between and within nations, peoples, and ethnic groups t h r o u g h o u t the world. But American mythology portrays all Indians as the Indian; the concomitant image usually comes from the Plains. Perhaps Thomas Dunlay would find irony in that image juxtaposed against the results of his research, for the Plains Indians were as socially and politically, even cultur-


Utah Historical

296 ally, divided as any peoples forced into proximity. They were, by the last half of the nineteenth century, pursuing conflicts which, among them, had lasted generations; the United States and its army brought a new and decisive dimension to the fighting, but they did not initiate it. So the questions Dunlay confronts, in a masterly fashion, include why did Indians choose to fight each other, both intertribally and intratribally? T h e answers are more varied than I have suggested above, and they range from economic or political advantage to revenge to reading the writing on the wall. Given the earth-shattering, for the Indians, events of that time it is impossible for anyone to j u d g e who was right, even who was patriot and who was traitor to his people. Dunlay's consideration of the issues is thorough and thoughtful. Particularly impressive is the aut h o r ' s b r o a d a n d imaginative a p proach to his subject. He has sought to look at it from many different angles, not only tracing the evolution of Indian auxiliaries into regular army units but also examining how they went about their work, military and other attitudes toward them, and the acculturative impact of their associa-

Quarterly

tion with white troops. T h e Pawnees and Apaches, two of the more active scout groups, are treated in separate chapters. Of local interest to UHQ readers are the numerous references to W a s h a k i e a n d t h e S h o s h o n e s . Dunlay also examines his work's implications for historical comparison. In doing so he has consulted a large body of secondary sources. His research in the primary sources, especially military memoirs, archives, and official reports, is equally extensive. This book is sure to be a lasting reference and standard. It opens the way for a whole new interpretative direction to research into the western Indian wars. It is ground that has been partly plowed in other regions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; for example, the work of Oakah L. Jones and Philip Wayne Powell in northern New Spain comes readily to mind â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but there are still many possibilities, in the Plains and elsewhere, for closer examination of individual tribes and for b r o a d e r c o m p a r a t i v e studies. Wolves for the Blue Soldiers will long serve as a worthy guide for those who

follow.

JOHN R. ALLEY, JR.

University of California, Santa Barbara

The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos. By RICHARD WHITE. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983. Xx + 433 pp. $26.50.) Historians and ethnologists searching for the causes of decline among American Indian tribes have traditionally blamed this process on the introduction of whiskey or the extermination of game animals, both attributable to E u r o p e a n invaders. Richard White's volume carries this argument further by examining the relationship of three Indian tribes to their environment prior to contact with the white man. From this starting

point, White explores the influence of changing conditions on these tribes and shows how their culture declined as their environment changed in the face of European intrusion. White's book is not without flaws. T h e section on the Pawnees is somewhat confused and lacks a strong theme. T h e chapters on the Choctaws and Navajos, on the other hand, are excellent, and show a clear insight into the relationship between environ-


Book Reviews and Notices ment and culture. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, the Choctaws occupied only a small portion of their national territory. In that area they practiced sophisticated agriculture, and the remainder of their lands was reserved for hunting and gathering â&#x20AC;&#x201D; two activities essential to their survival. T h e advance of the American frontier, however, spelled ecological disaster to the Choctaws. As their hunting lands shrank, those individuals in the tribe who relied solely on h u n t i n g a n d g a t h e r i n g went h u n g r y . Mixed bloods, on the other hand, survived and prospered because they adopted the American practice of plantation farming. In the end, mixed bloods such as Greenwood LaFlore signed away their tribes' lands in the Mississippi for personal gain. On the other hand, the Navajos suffered a catastrophe as a result of their clash with the market system values of twentieth-century America. During the Hispanic period, White argues, the Navajos developed agricultural and stock-raising techniques to supplement hunting, gathering, and raiding activities. Close proximity to the A m e r i c a n f r o n t i e r in t h e nineteenth century resulted in the elimination of hunting and raiding as economic activities, but by 1890 these had been replaced by silverworking and rug making. When Americans crowded the Navajos onto a reservation their envi-

297 r o n m e n t rapidly deteriorated. T h e Four Corners area had been subject to erosion for centuries, but the presence of so many people practicing improper agricultural techniques and pasturing too many sheep and goats accelerated the process. By the 1930s the United States government sought to reduce the Navajos' h e r d s as a means of slowing this deterioration and increasing the animals' market value in the depressed economy. T h e government failed to understand that the Navajos lived off their livestock r a t h e r t h a n used them as m a r k e t "products." T h e resulting slaughter did little to strengthen the tribal economy. On the contrary, many Indians suffered an overwhelming cultural shock because of their emotional attachment to their dead animals, and because the reductions fell heaviest on poorer Indians, this action left many people on the brink of starvation. As a result, many Navajos were forced to rely on welfare or wage labor as a s o u r c e of i n c o m e , even t h o u g h neither means benefited very many individuals. White provides an excellent bibl i o g r a p h y a n d his work is well documented and easy to read. This excellent study is certain to become a standard work in Indian history.

THOMAS F. SCHILZ

New Mexico State University

Preserving and Maintaining the Older Home. By SHIRLEY HANSON and NANCY (New York: McGraw-Hill Company, 1983. xi + 237 pp. $29.95.) Glamour and design have for too long been the staples of historic preservation in this country. History is sacrificed all to often to aesthetic preference for this period over that one. T h e "correct" visual picture becomes more important than the panoramic historic one. T h e "correct" picture is

HUBBY.

designed, the sterile replicas are obtained, and the replacement of historic building materials is undertaken. T h e irony of historic preservation today is that those who a p p r o a c h preservation through discreet restoration are destroying the very history around us.


298

Utah Historical Quarterly

T o the rescue is Preserving and Maintaining the Older Home by Shirley Hanson and Nancy Hubby, one of the most thoughtful books to come out regarding historic preservation in recent years. Addressing the owners of older homes, this is one of those rare books that is able to convey effectively some of the most sophisticated professional philosophy in a very readable format for the layman. T h e homeowner is made aware that the biggest concern in a preservation project is not who does it but why it is being done; and, most significant, the authors explain that repair is preferable to restoration because so much more of the house's fabric, which makes it historic, is preserved. Until now old-house homeowners had to rely upon government literature that was technically abstruse or t r a d e books t h a t e m p h a s i z e d replacement of historic fabric with replicas. This book encourages the reader to repair and maintain the historic fabric so that r e p l a c e m e n t is not needed. And when replacement is absolutely necessary, it is clearly a new design decision â&#x20AC;&#x201D; even restoration. T h e authors have chosen a format reflective of sound conservation prac-

\X\-J h\j&\M-

wtfm

tice. T h e bulk of the text addresses the various architectural components of the older h o m e : roofs, chimneys, walls, etc. Over these chapters a helpful structure is superimposed. T h e building component is identified both historically and scientifically. T h e authors describe how these components were installed, inherent design features and faults, and their typical behaviors. These methods of identification allow the reader the opportunity to understand better the reasons for the component's deterioration. Maintenance and repair methods are applied for each component and its materials and, only where necessary, r e p l a c e m e n t strategies. Wholesale replacement is discouraged, and the authors usually refer the reader to professionals for answers to the questionable activity of replacement on preservation projects. Well written in an informative and informal style, the text is well aided by Betty Anderson's neat and simple line d r a w i n g s . T h i s book is r e q u i r e d reading for preservationists.

PHILLIP W. NEUBERG

Utah State Historical Society

Book Notices

American Protestantism and United States Indian Policy, 1869-82. By ROBERT H. KELLER, J R . (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983. xiii 4-359.) T h e title gives little indication of the fascinating material within. Keller's

comprehensive study of Indian policy during a critical decade and a half challenges many assumptions about the historical separation of church and state. Ulysses S. Grant's Peace Policy called for a radical reformation of the administration of Indian affairs


299

Book Reviews and Notices at more than seventy agencies a n d initiated "the most far-reaching example of Church-State cooperation in A m e r i c a n h i s t o r y . " It is a highly significant story, well told. Danish Emigrant Ballads and Songs. By ROCHELLE W R I G H T a n d ROBERT L. W R I G H T . (Carbondale: S o u t h e r n

Illinois University Press, 1983. x 4302 p p . $30.00.) " E m i g r a t i o n f r o m E u r o p e to America, in many respects the major social movement of the nineteenth century, is reflected in songs from many nations," the Wrights state. This collection focuses on popular songs, primarily street ballads, from Denmark and includes songs about the Mormons. Of the 300,000 Danes who emigrated between 1850 and 1914, 17,000 were Mormon converts (not all of w h o m r e m a i n e d in t h e i r newfound faith), a larger percentage of t h e total t h a n a m o n g Swedish o r Norwegian emigrants. T h e introduction analyzes Danish emigration a n d discusses the kinds of songs balladeers wrote about it. T h e songs themselves will i n t e r e s t b o t h h i s t o r i a n s a n d folklorists. Mormons and Muslims: Spiritual Foundations and Modern Manifestations. E d i t e d by SPENCER J . PALMER. (Provo, Ut.: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1983. xii + 225 p p . $12.95.)

T h e comparisons with Mormonism and Joseph Smith are restrained. T h e quest is for comprehension a n d community. W o m e n , p r o p h e t s , a n d Islamic history generally are treated in some depth. This book will appeal both to Mormon readers and students of the Muslims as well. It is volume eight in the fine Religious Studies M o n o g r a p h Series sponsored by Brigham Young University. Servant of Power: A Political Biography of Senator William M. Stewart. By RUSSELL R. ELLIOTT. (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1983. xi + 347 p p . Paper, $11.25.) A major figure in Nevada political a n d legal history, William Stewart served as the state's first U.S. senator after helping to lead the statehood drive. He wrote the National Mining Act of 1866 a n d the final draft of the Fifteenth A m e n d m e n t to t h e U.S. Constitution. His achievements remain clouded, however, by his involvement in p r o m o t i n g worthless m i n i n g stock, t h e most n o t o r i o u s example being stock in t h e E m m a Mine at Alta, Utah, which caught him up in an international scandal. Utahns will also be interested in Stewart's schemes to annex part of Utah Territory and his anti-Mormon attitudes. Western Pacific Timetable and Operations: A History and Compendium. By J E F F S. ASAY. Railway

This book is a collection of talks a n d essays p r e s e n t e d at t h e B r i g h a m Y o u n g University C o n f e r e n c e o n "Islam: Spiritual F o u n d a t i o n s a n d Modern Manifestations." T h e scope of the topics is wide-ranging, with impressive scholarship from both within and outside of Utah and Mormonism. Spencer J. Palmer has p r o v i d e d readers with a useful general overview of these papers in his introduction.

History

Monograph, vol. 12. (Crete, Neb.: J-B Publishing Company, 1983. iii 4- 147 p p . Paper, $18.00.) This m o n o g r a p h will appeal to railroad historians a n d those who love anything connected with railroads. T h e first chapter gives a very brief historical overview of the Western Pacific. T h e remaining chapters are full of detail on construction a n d op-


Utah Historical Quarterly

300 erations. T h e r e are photos of many WP stations, including the impressive edifice at Wendover, Utah, and reproductions of many timetables. The Latter-day Saints' Emigrants' Guide. By WILLIAM CLAYTON. Edited by STANLEY B. KIMBALL. (Gerald, Mo.:

Patrice Press, 1983. vi 4- 107 p p . $9.95.) Although Clayton's classic guide has been reprinted several times, this is the first edition to offer a biographical introduction (by James B. Allen) as well as an editor's preface that sets the guide in its historical context. Kimball's annotations will help travelers and trail buffs locate sites.

Peyotism in the West. By OMER C. STEWART and DAVID F. ABERLE. (Salt Lake City: University of U t a h Press, 1984. viii 4- 291 p p . Paper, $17.50.) T h e Univerity of Utah Press has republished in one volume Professor Stewart's major papers on peyotism: Ute Peyotism: A Study of a Cultural Complex (1948), Washo-Northern Paiute Peyotism: A Study in Acculturation (1944), and Navaho and Ute Peyotism: A Chronological and Distributional Study (1957, with David F. Aberle). Also included are two 1982 journal articles by Stewart: "Friend to the Ute" and " T h e History of Peyotism in Nevada." T h e earlier pieces have been out of print for some time.

The Newspapers of Nevada: A History and Bibliography, 1854-1979. By RICHARD

E.

LINGENFELTER

and

KAREN RIX GASH. (Reno: University

of Nevada Press, 1984. xxvii + 337 pp. $32.00.) T h e authors have produced an outstanding reference work on Nevada newspapers that could well serve as a model for other states. It is exhaustive, including over 800 publications from traditional newspapers to penny shoppers. T h e format is both useful and attractive. Each entry supplies a brief history of the newspaper and documents frequency of publication, proprietorship, title changes, printing locations, and political affiliation. Information on the location of known copies of each newspaper with inclusive dates a n d t h e availability of microfilm copies is also included.

Rolling Rivers: An Encyclopedia of America's Rivers. Edited by RICHARD A. B A R L E T T . (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1984. vii + 398 p p . $29.95.) More than a h u n d r e d U.S. rivers are described in this volume. T h e essays outline each river's course and the human history associated with it. T h e Bear, Colorado, and Sevier rivers in Utah are included. T h e Green and San J u a n rivers a r e t r e a t e d as tributaries of the Colorado r a t h e r than as separate entries, a decision Utahns may well question. T h e individual river stories are highly readable little narratives for the most part, but researchers will have to consult other sources for detailed data, e.g., annual freight tonnage on the Mississippi.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD O F STATE HISTORY MILTON C. ABRAMS. Logan, 1985

Chairman WAYNE K. H I N T O N , Cedar City, 1985

Vice-chairman MELVIN T . SMITH. Salt Lake City Secretary THOMAS G. ALEXANDER, Provo, 1987

PHILLIP A. BULLEN, Salt Lake City, 1987 J. ELDON DORMAN, Price, 1985 ELIZABETH GRIFFITH, O g d e n , 1985

DEAN L. MAY, Salt Lake City, 1987 DAVID S. MONSON, Lieutenant Governor/

Secretary of State, Ex officio WILLIAM D. OWENS, Salt Lake City, 1987 HELEN Z. PAPANIKOLAS, Salt Lake City, 1985 ANAND A. YANG, Salt Lake City, 1985

ADMINISTRATION MELVJN T . SMITH, Director

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor JAY M. HAYMOND, Librarian DAVID B. MADSEN, State Archaeologist

A. KENT POWELL, Historic Preservation Research WILSON G. MARTIN, Historic Prescription Development P H I L I P F. NOTARIANNI, Museum Services

l h e Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, u n d e r state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, o r its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah s past. This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended. This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation erf historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.


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The German-speaking Immigrants of Utah


UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042- 143X) EDITORIAL STAFF MELVIN T. SMITH.Editor

STANFORD J. LAY ION, Managing Editor MIRIAM B. MURPHY,Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L. CANNON u.Salt Lake City, 1986 INF./ S. COOPER, Cedar City, 1984 S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH, Logan, 1984

PETER L. Goss.Salt Lake City, 1985 GLEN M. LEONARD, Farmington, 198 5

LAMAR PETERSEN, Salt Lake City, 1986 RICHARD W. SADLER,Ogden, 1985

HAROLD SCHINDLER.Soft Lake City, 1984 GENE A. SESSIONS,Bountiful,

1986

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. T h e Quarterly is published by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $10.00; institutions, $ 15.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $7.50; contributing, $ 15.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space with footnotes at the end. Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion by contributors. Second class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.


HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Contents FALL 1984/VOLUME 52/NUMBER 4

IN T H I S ISSUE

303

T H E GERMAN-SPEAKING

IMMIGRANT

EXPERIENCE IN U T A H T H E WAVES OF IMMIGRATION

ALLAN KENT POWELL

. . . .

RONALD

DIE AUSWANDERUNG T H E MEMORY BOX

K.

DEWSNUP

347

ALDER

370

IRENE STOOF PEARMAIN

389

WALTER KOCH

393

PHILA HEIMANN

396

DOUGLAS

WE ALL WORKED LIFE MORE SWEET T H A N B I T T E R

D.

304

BOOK REVIEWS

399

INDEX

406

T H E COVER Tabernacle organist Alexander Schreiner, immigrants on board ship in 1925, and John Baumann, a Swiss handcart pioneer who settled in Utah's Dixie; on back: society matron Sarah Cohen Kahn, band in Midway, and Emil Fischer demonstrating early concrete block making technique. USHS collections.

© Copyright 1984 Utah State Historical Society


Books reviewed Merchants and Miners in Utah: The Walker Brothers and Their Bank RONALD G. W A T T

JONATHAN BLISS.

399

RICHARD F. PALMER a n d KARL D .

Brigham Young: The New York Years. . . .RICHARD S. V A N BUTLER.

WAGONER

400

ROBERT GLASS CLELAND a n d

A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee,

JUANITA BROOKS.

1848-1876

MELVIN T . SMITH

401

JAMES S. OLSON a n d RAYMOND WILSON .

Native Americans in the Twentieth Century.

.

.

.

JODYE DICKSON SCHILZ

GREGORY J . W. URWIN. The United

Cavalry: An Illustrated

States

History.

BRUCE HAWKINS a n d JERRY M C G A H A LINDA JONES GIBBS.

403

404

Masterworks.

RICHARD L. JENSEN a n d RICHARD G. OMAN.

C. C. A. Christensen, 1831-1912: Mormon

Immigrant

Artist

ARLEY G. CURTZ

405


In this issue

Ethnic studies, once criticized by some as trivial and unworthy of scholars' or students' time, have become staples on college campuses and have filtered into public school curricula as well. In the past decade alone, hundreds of books and countless articles have examined in detail particular aspects of the ethnic experience in America. In Utah the Utah State Historical Society has marched proudly in the forefront of the movement to bring the highest scholarly standards to the study of this state's ethnic heritage and to disseminate the product of such research as widely as possible. In the late 1920s Utah Historical Quarterly articles on Indians, AfroAmericans, or Spaniards were not perceived as "ethnic studies," but the commitment to explore the population's diversity was there and remained firm. When a new generation of scholars began producing excellent ethnic studies in the 1970s the Society took the lead in publishing them. T h e spring 1970 Quarterly was devoted to Greek immigrants, spring 1971 to Native Americans, and summer 1972 to ethnic minorities. In 1976 came The Peoples of Utah, the Society's Bicentennial book. T h e winter 1984 Quarterly examined ethnic folklore, and in this issue German-speaking immigrants stand in the limelight. Diversity, cultural pluralism, ethnic pride lie near the heart of the American experience, and as new waves of immigrants from Asia and Central America bring their unique heritage to the United States in the 1980s it seems more important than ever to increase our understanding of what it means to be ethnically different and yet fully American.


The German-speaking Immigrant Experience in Utah BY ALLAN KENT POWELL

1776 The Lossberg Regiment left the army garrison at Rinteln, a G e r m a n town on the Weser River fifteen miles downstream from Hameln of Pied Piper fame. Included in the ranks of this regiment of Hessian mercenaries was Anton J o h n Watermann, a twenty-year-old weaver born near the Weser River village of Fischbeck. Sailing first to Portsmouth, England, Watermann and his comrades left for the New World on May 6, 1776, and landed at Staten

I N EARLY SPRING

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Island, New York, on August 15 just in time to take part with the English against the American rebels in the Battle of Long Island. Successful in the Long Island fight, the battle of White Plains, and the capture of Fort Washington, the Lossberg Regiment was sent to Newport, Rhode Island, on December 8, 1776. Shortly after his arrival in Rhode Island, Watermann deserted the English forces, escaping north into Massachusetts where the Norton town records for February 15, 1777, reveal that he and H a n n a h Newland petitioned for permission to marry. Forbidden to do so by the town selectmen, apparently because of the German's questionable background, the young couple left Norton and were married in an German-bom Richard K. A. Kletting designed the Utah State Capitol. USHS collections.

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unknown location. After establishing residence in North Providence, Rhode Island, Watermann joined Capt. Stephen Olney's company of volunteers and fought against his former comrades in an unsuccessful attempt to drive the British and the hired Hessian soldiers from Rhode Island. Fearful that his status as a deserter might be discovered, Watermann changed his name to J o h n Christian Burgess and continued to serve as an American with the Rhode Island troops until the end of the war. About 1790 J o h n and Hannah moved to the Lake George region of New York where eleven children were born to them. A number of the children joined the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints in 1832 and participated in the events in Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois before their exodus to Utah in 1848. Once in Utah the Burgesses continued their pioneer ways, operating saw mills in Parleys Canyon and Pine Valley in Utah's Dixie, farming and herding livestock in Wayne County, keeping bees in Huntington, and raising a large posterity for the one-time Hessian mercenary. Thousands of Utahns and millions of Americans are descended from German-speaking people like J o h n Watermann. Though motives and reasons varied for coming to America, the Germanspeaking immigrants who came from present-day West Germany, East Germany, Austria, Switzerland, parts of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Rumania, H u n g a r y , Yugoslavia, and Russia have had a significant impact in shaping the patterns and texture of our national and state history. Utah's German-speaking population came primarily from Germany and Switzerland. Beginning with a population of 60 in 1850, the number grew steadily to 4,000 in 1900 and then nearly doubled to 7,500 by 1910. World War I saw the influx of Germans d r o p dramatically during the second decade of the twentieth century and by 1920 the population was 6,000 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a figure that remained constant until World War II when another significant d r o p of nearly 25 percent occurred. T h e upheaval and destruction of World War II coupled with close ties between Utah and Germany saw a dramatic increase in the number of German-born emigrating to Utah in the 1950s. Coming at the rate of between 300 and 500 a year during the decade after the war, the present German-born population in Utah is estimated at about 20,000.' 'Information on the number of German immigrants is taken from Douglas Dexter Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration to Utah, 1850-1950" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1959); and


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T h e vast majority of German immigrants to Utah came because of the Mormon church. However, an i m p o r t a n t g r o u p of n o n Mormons came because of business opportunities, including a substantial n u m b e r of Germanb o r n Jewish m e r c h a n t s in the 1860s and 1870s. Others came because of the transcontinental railroad completed in 1869 or because of m i n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s made possible by the railroads. We may never know the first G e r m a n - b o r n w a n d e r e r to set foot in Utah. However, one of the first to write about Utah was the Alexander von Humboldt. USHS famous German geographer, collections. Baron Alexander von Humboldt. He studied the journal of the 1776 Dominguez-Escalante expedition to Utah and, based on that information, prepared a map of the Lake Timpanogos, or Utah Lake, area that was included in his Political Essay on the Kindgom of New Spain published in 1811. 2 A case can be made for J o h n H. Weber as the first German in Utah. T h e fur trapper for whom Weber Canyon, Weber River, and Weber County are named was born in Altona near H a m b u r g in the state of Holstein in 1779. Holstein, though its population was overwhelmingly German, was then u n d e r the control of Denmark. 3

Gabriele Barbara Kindt, "Statistical Study: Emigration of German Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints," Research Paper, History 490, University of Utah, August 17, 1977, on file at the LDS Church Library-Archives, Salt Lake City. 2 T h e volume was published in Paris as Essai Politique sur le Royaume de Nouvelle-Espagne. See also Ted J. Warner "The Spanish Epoch," in Richard D. Poll, ed., Utah's History (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), p. 48. i n f o r m a t i o n about J o h n H. Weber is very sparse and the question of his nationality confusing because of the political situation of Altona â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a German city u n d e r Danish control. Dale Morgan describes Weber as Danish and J. C. Hughey, who first met Weber in 1852, wrote of him: "By birth he was a Dane. For six years he sailed a Danish vessel as skipper, before coming to America. . . . when I knew him he had forgotten his native language and spoke the English language freer from provincialism than most natives do." J o h n D. Weber's son, William, is less definite about his father's nationality, stating only that the man "was born in the town of Altona, then part of the kingdom of Denmark in 1779." See Dale Morgan, Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1953), p. 42, and the biographical sketch of J o h n H. Weber by LeRoy Hafen in LeRoy Hafen, ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, vol. 9 (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1972), pp. 379-84.


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Weber's son recalled that his father "received a fairly good education, and grew to a vigorous and well developed manhood. While quite young he ran away to sea and . . . was captain and commander of a passenger ship before he was 21 years old." By 1807 Weber had given up the life of a seaman, immigrated to America, and settled in Ste. Genevieve, Missouri. T h e r e he became acquainted with William H. Ashley and Andrew Henry whom he joined in their first fur trading venture in 1822. Two years later Weber led a party of trappers, one of whom was Jim Bridger, to Bear Lake which was known among American fur trappers for a time as Weaver's (Weber's) Lake in honor of his discovery in 1824. From Bear Lake Weber's party moved into Cache Valley, then called Willow Valley, where they spent the winter of 1824-25. Pushing south out of Cache Valley in the spring of 1825, Weber was one of the first white men to see the Great Salt Lake. He trapped the mountains of central and northern Utah until he left the fur trade in 1827. Frederick A. Wislizenus, an adventuresome German traveler cut from the same mold as his countrymen Frederick Paul Wilhelm â&#x20AC;&#x201D; duke of Wurttemberg, Prince Maximilian of Wied-Neuwied, Karl Bodmer, and Heinrich Baldwin Mollhausen, journeyed to the Rocky Mountains from St. Louis in 1839 with a fur trading party u n d e r the leadership of Black Harris. A native of SchwarzburgRudolstadt, Wislizenus had studied at the universities of Jena, Goettingen, and Tuebingen before joining with a number of student revolutionaries on April 3, 1833, to seize two important military buildings in Frankfurt am Main, the Constables Watch and the Main Watch. T h e abortive revolution was quickly quelled, though most of the young students managed to escape, including Wislizenus who made his way to Switzerland where he took his degree as doctor of medicine at the University of Zurich. In 1835 he arrived in New York; a year later he continued west' to St. Louis; and three years later he found himself on the Green River in Wyoming as a witness to the last great fur trade rendezvous. At the conclusion of the rendezvous, Wislizenus traveled to Fort Hall, Idaho, where he spent eight days. Abandoning his plan to continue on to the Columbia River and then California and Santa Fe, he and two others enlisted a Mr. Richardson as guide and began the return trip to St. Louis. Opting to travel south toward the Santa Fe Trail they made their way to Soda Springs, then to the Bear River


The German-speaking Immigrant

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which they followed for four days, then southeastward to Henry's Fork which they followed to its junction with the Green River at a point just inside the present Utah-Wyoming border and now covered by the waters of Flaming Gorge Reservoir. They continued for two days down the Green River to Fort Davy Crockett, a trading post operated by three Americans named Thompson, Gray, and Sinclair. T h e fort, Wislizenus reported, was "a low one-story building, constructed of wood and clay, with three connecting wings, and no enclosure . . . the whole establishment appeared somewhat poverty stricken, for which reason it is also known to the trappers by the name of Fort Misery." 4 Their meat supply exhausted, the fort proprietors purchased "a lean dog from the Indians for five dollars and considered its meat a delicacy. Wislizenus disclosed, "I too tried some of it, and found its taste not so bad." 5 From Fort Davy Crockett the party continued southeastward to the South Fork of the Platte River and Bent's Fort on the Arkansas River before returning to Missouri where Wislizenus helped found the St. Louis Academy of Sciences and the Missouri Historical Society and served as president of the St. Louis Medical Society. He died in St. Louis in 1889 at the age of seventy-nine. While Wislizenus was the first known German to write of his travels in present-day Utah, he also hinted that other Germans may have preceded him. He wrote of a few other Germans being in the Black Harris party, a German at Fort Hall, and a former student friend from Jena who had been in the mountains as a trapper for six years and whom he hoped to meet at Fort Davy Crockett: "To note the metamorphosis from a jovial student at Jena into a trapper would be interesting enough in itself. T h e presence of S. would have afforded me pleasure far beyond this, as we had not seen each other for ten years. Unfortunately, I learned that he had gone beaver trapping and would not return before fall."" In 1843 Charles Preuss, born in Hohscheid, Waldeck, Germany, on April 30, 1803, and the official cartographer and artist for the J o h n C. Fremont first, second, and fourth expeditions, entered Utah about September 1. Preuss, the well-known frontiersman Kit Carson, and Fremont visited the Great Salt Lake where they "ferried with our miserable rubber boat to the next island which Fremont 4 F. A. Wislizenus, A Journey to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1839 (Glorieta, N.M.: Rio Grande Press, 1969), p. 129. 5 Ibid., p. 130. 6 Ibid., pp. 28, 106, and 130.


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christened Disappointment Island [now called Fremont Island] because he expected game there but did not find it."7 Preuss was not overly impressed with the Salt Lake region: "Everything here looks level and white, Partly water, partly dry land. Is this the Salt Lake or not? . . . for exploring regions like this, few people and many beasts of burden to carry provisions are needed." 8 T h e concern with provisions was inspired by that night's meal when, Preuss recorded, ". . . we devoured seagulls, the only thing we could shoot. How hunger makes people quiet, no cursing or laughing to be heard."" Eight months later, in May 1844, Preuss, Fremont, and Carson reentered Utah following the Old Spanish Trail into present-day Washington County and traveled north to Utah Lake where Preuss recorded a much more favorable impression of Utah Valley than that of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake. 10 T u r n i n g east from Utah Valley, the Fremont expedition worked its way into the Uinta Basin and then into Brown's Hole where they intersected the Wislizenus route of five years earlier and followed it to the South Fork of the Platte, Bent's Fort, and back to Missouri. T h e maps produced by Preuss for the Fremont expedition reports were the first maps of the West based on modern principles of geodesy and cartography. They were studied and used by many western pioneers, including the 1847 Mormons en route to Utah and forty-niners traveling to the California gold fields. T h e next Germans to enter Utah were not adventurers witnessing the waning of the western fur trade or explorers documenting and marking the great western expanse; instead they were pioneers en route to California and the promise of a far western paradise. In 1846 Heinrich Lienhardt from the Canton of Glaurus, Switzerland, with two countrymen named T h o m e n and Ripstein and a man named Diel from Darmstadt and another named Zins from Lorraine, made their way to California and elected to follow the newly opened Hastings Cutoff which pushed west from Fort Bridger instead of following the traditional circuitous trail northwest to Fort Hall, then back southwest to the Humboldt River. Traveling across the Wasatch Mountains, Lienhardt and his company made their way 7 Charles Preuss, Exploring with Fremont, trans, and ed. Erwin G. and Elizabeth K. Gadde (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), p. 88. 8 Ibid., pp. 87 and 89. "Ibid., p. 89. 10 Ibid., pp. 133-34.


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down the boulder-strewn Weber River and into present-day Davis County where Lienhardt lamented, "If there had only been a single family of white people here, I probably would have remained. What a shame that this magnificent region was uninhabited." Stopping for a bath in the J o r d a n River and a swim in the Great Salt Lake, his favorable impression of Utah was evident as he wrote: "The clear, sky-blue water, the warm sunny air, the nearby high mountains . . . made an unusually friendly impression. I could have whistled and sung the entire day." 11 This joy was not shared by a group of Germans a few weeks b e h i n d t h e m on the Hastings Cutoff. T h e y i n c l u d e d Lewis Keseberg, his wife, and two small children from Westphalia, the Wolfingers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a man and his wife â&#x20AC;&#x201D; August Spitzer, J o s e p h Reinhardt, and Karl Burger. All members of the Donner Party, these German-born pioneers passed down Echo Canyon, up Big Mountain, across Little Mountain, and down Emigration Canyon a year before the Mormon pioneers would follow the same route into the Salt Lake Valley. After continuing across the Great Salt Lake Desert and into the snow-covered Sierra Nevadas, only three of the Germans survived the winter of 1846-47 to reach California. 12 T h e influx of German-born Mormons to Utah began with Konrad Kleinmann. Born April 19, 1815, in Bergwasser, Landau, Germany, Kleinmann was one of the original 143 Mormon pioneers to enter the Great Salt Lake Valley with Brigham Young in July 1847. After living in Salt Lake City and Lehi, Kleinmann was called to St. George to help open the Dixie Cotton Mission in 1861. He lived there until his death in 1907 at the age of 92. 13 Another of the early German-born converts to Mormonism was Alexander Neibaur. Born January 8, 1808, in Ehrenbreitstein, a village with an impressive fortress overlooking the junction of the Rhein and Mosel rivers at Koblenz, he was encouraged by his parents to prepare for a career as a rabbi. Instead, Neibaur attended the University of Berlin to study surgery and dentistry. Graduating before he was twenty, he moved to England where he joined the Mormon church. He left England and arrived in Nauvoo, Illinois, in 1841 where he set up a dental office in Brigham Young's front room 1 '"Journal of Heinrich Lienhardt" in Dale Morgan, ed., Westfrom Fort Bridger, published as vol. 19 of Utah Historical Quarterly in 1951, p. 134. 12 For an account of the Donner-Reed Party see George R. Stewart, Ordeal By Hunger (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1960). 13 Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (Salt Lake City, 1914), p. 661.


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and also taught German to Joseph Smith. After crossing the plains to Utah in 1848, he farmed, practised denistry, m a n u f a c t u r e d matches, and taught German classes.14 After 1853 Mormon missionaries began to preach in Germany. Their efforts resulted in a continual number of converts who left the homeland for Utah. One of the first German converts to join the Mormon church was Karl G. Maeser. He was baptized in the Elbe River on October 14, 1855. An educator by training and vicedirector of the Budich Institute in Neustadt, Dresden, Maeser had talents that were quickly utilized upon his arrival in Utah on September 1, 1860. After a number of assignments to teach in Salt Lake City schools and a three-year mission back to Germany, he was called by Brigham Young in 1876 to move to Provo to establish the Brigham Young Academy. Beginning with two classes — a primary and intermediate grade — the institution founded by Maeser is known today as Brigham Young University. He was the first in a long line of Germans — both Mormon and non-Mormon — to serve Utah's institutions of higher learning. 15 While Karl G. Maeser was pioneering the development of education in Utah, other Germanspeaking immigrants were struggling with the urgent issues of developing farms, building homes, and establishing frontier enterprises. Mormon missionaries met with some success in Switzerland during the late 1850s and 1860s, and most of their Germanspeaking converts were touched by the desire to gather to Zion. Once in Utah three communities outside Salt Lake City — Providence, Midway, and Santa Clara — drew most of the Swiss immigrants. Swiss-born J o h n T h e u r e r was one of the original 1859 settlers of Providence in Cache Valley. Enthusiastic over the prospects of Providence and anxious to persuade his countrymen to settle in Cache Valley, he made several trips to Salt Lake City to meet incoming groups at the mouth of Emigration Canyon. He induced a number of the Swiss immigrants to continue north to Providence where they formed a dominant element in the community. A German-speaking Sunday School was established, a German church constructed, a German choir organized, and sauerkraut making l4 Utah Genealogical and'Historical Magazine 5(April 1914): 53-63. See also the Alexander Neibaur Journal from 1841 to 1862 in the LDS Church Library-Archives. 15 For biographies of Karl G. Maeser see Reinhard Maeser, Karl G. Maeser, a Biography by His Son (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University, 1928), and Alma P. Burton, Karl G. Maeser, Mormon Educator (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1953).


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practiced â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a Providence tradition that has continued to the present.111 Another favorite gathering place for Swiss immigrants was Midway. Founded in 1859 and located in the beautiful Alpine-like Heber Valley, Midway quickly attracted Swiss immigrants of the 1860s and continues to foster its Swiss heritage through its annual Swiss Day celebration and its 1941 City Hall built in a Swiss Chalet Style. Most Swiss immigrants who had not settled in Providence or Midway by the fall of 1861 were called by Mormon leaders in October 1861 to move to Utah's Dixie in an effort to bolster the Cotton Mission. Within a few weeks, approximately forty families comprised of about eighty-five individuals found themselves on the banks of the Santa Clara River where, according to historian A. Karl Larson, "They could neither speak nor understand English, and the country they were entering was about as different from their native Switzerland as could be imagined." 17 These Swiss pioneers had to contend not only with a landscape accented by red instead of green, but they were newcomers and problems soon arose with the older American and Anglo settlers. T h e Swiss group was principally without means, lacking plows, teams, and even some of the most elemental necessities for subduing a new land, and they had to depend upon working for those who had these things to pay for their use at brief intervals. Because of the shortage of teams and wagons, the Swiss brethren were unable to procure the p r o p e r fencing materials for their small patches of ground, and their crops, when finally growing, were subject to the depredations of the livestock belonging to the older settlers. Indeed, stock-raising was almost the major activity of the first pioneers of Santa Clara, while farming was secondary. T h e resultant damage to the crops of the newcomers was a great annoyance to them and could easily have led to serious trouble. For the stock were necessary to the well being of the one, and the only place where they could graze them was on the public domain; crops, on the other hand, were absolutely essential to the other, for they lacked other means of sustenance. T h e situation spelled trouble. 1

In the early 1860s food shortages plagued the Dixie settlers and especially the Swiss converts. J o h n S. Stucki recorded that often his family's only source of food was pig weeds "cooked in water without '"Providence History Committee, Providence and Her People, 2d ed. (Providence, Ut., 1974), pp. 11-13, 51-52, and 227-31. ' ' A n d r e w Karl Larson, "7 Was Called to Dixie"; The Virgin River Basin: Unique Experiences in Mormon Pioneering (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1961), p. 46. 18 Ibid., p. 48.


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anything more nourishing to go with them, as we had no cow, no flour, no seasoning of any kind, not even a bit of bread for the children." 10 T h e situation improved slightly when Stucki found work and lodging in the town of Washington with a Danish couple named Iverson. I have never forgotten when on a Sunday morning I would go home the eleven or twelve miles to see how my folks were, and the good old lady would give me quite a big lunch of pancakes to take along for my dinner. How I used to rejoice to think that I could bring those pancakes to my little brother and sister so they could have a little better dinner on Sunday, and I could eat the pig-weeds instead of them. 2 0

But the hard times and conflicts did not last forever. A measure of prosperity was attained and spirits lifted when a Swiss band was organized in Santa Clara by George Staheli. A native of Amersville in the Canton of T h u r g a u , Staheli had served as a bugler in the Swiss army and played in a Swiss band which traveled all over Switzerland and across the border into Germany. After joining the Mormon church, he left Switzerland with his precious cornet and served as the camp bugler as the band of Swiss converts marched west to Salt Lake City in 1861. Tradition holds that Brigham Young wanted George Staheli to remain in Salt Lake to teach music, but because he could not speak English and wanted to be with his friends and relatives, he elected to join the group headed south for Santa Clara. 21 As the group made its way south from Cedar City toward St. George along the nearly impassable road, the cornet, which had been tied to a wagon, "was loosed from its moorings and went tumbling into the wheel track to be rescued only after it was smashed 'flat as a pancake' by the heavy wheels which ran over it."22 Staheli endured without his beloved musical instrument until about 1864 when J o h n R. Itten, another Swiss, received ten band instruments as an inheritance. When the instruments arrived from Switzerland, Itten gave them to the community. George Staheli taught a number of men how to play the cornet, tuba, tenor horn, alto, bass, and valve trombone. Since no written music was available, he wrote music for each instrument, and in time Dixie celebrations rang with the sound of Swiss band music. 23 1!,

Ibid., p. 49. Ibid. 2 'Hazel Bradshaw, ed. Under Dixie Sun (Panguitch, Ut., 1950), p. 159 22 Ibid., p. 157. 23 "7 Was Called to Dixie" pp. 493-94. 20


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>.*-,. \Y^Mfc Naegle winery in Toquerville was built by Bavarian John Naegle at Brigham Young's request. USHS collections.

Music was not the only means to help Swiss and other settlers cope with the rigors of pioneer Dixie. Wine-making became an important industry, and one of the best known Dixie wine makers was J o h n Naegle. Born September 14, 1825, in Albersweiler, Bavaria, Naegle immigrated to the United States with his parents in 1832. At the age of nineteen he joined the Mormon church, marched with the Mormon Battalion to California, took part in the discovery of gold at Sutter's Mill, and operated a successful farm and ranching enterprise in California until 1853 when he came to Utah. In 1865 he was called by Brigham Young to move to Utah's Dixie, plant vineyards, and help develop a wine industry. He established himself in Toquerville and constructed a large sandstone building as a winery and residence. By the late 1850s a number of non-Mormon merchants began to arrive in Utah and establish businesses in Salt Lake City. Many were Jewish, most of whom were German born. They included the Auerbach brothers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; David, Frederick, Samuel, and Theodore; the


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Frederick, left, and Samuel H. Auerbach, right, German J ews, built retail outlets in several Utah towns, including this one in Ogden, ca. 1860s. USHS collections.

Ransohoff brothers — Elias and Nicholas Siegfried; the Siegel brothers — Solomon, Henry, and Joseph; the Kahn brothers — Emanuel and Samuel; and the Watters brothers, Abraham and Ichel. In Odgen early German-born merchants included Frederick


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J. Kiesel, Gumpert Goldberg, and the Kuhn brothers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Adam and Abraham. When the Salt Lake Jewish community constructed the temple of congregation B'Nai Israel, Philip Meyer, a German architect, drew plans for the structure based on the Great Synagogue in Berlin. T h e temple was c o m p l e t e d in 1891. Utah's G e r m a n / J e w i s h community would play an important role in the economic, reTemple B 'nai Israel on Fourth East in Salt ligious, educational, and politiLake City, designed by Philip Meyer, is a cal life of the state. One of its replica of temple in Berlin. USHS collections. members, Simon Bamberger, born February 27, 1845, in the village of Eberstadt in HesseDarmstadt, served as Utah's fourth governor from 1917 until 1921. 24 German immigrants also played an important role in the development of mining in Utah. T h e mining region of Mercur was named by Arie Pinedo, a Bavarian, who discovered the Mercur lode on April 30, 1879. According to tradition, he discovered a vein of cinnabar, the principal ore in which mercury if found. Pinedo named the discovery Mercur after the German word for mercury, merkur.2" Unfortunately for Pinedo, he was unable to successfully extract the mercury, though he sold his claim for a reported price of $10,000 and left the area. Even more successful was John Beck. Born in the town of Aichelberg in Wurttemberg, Germany, on March 19, 1843, J o h n Beck became one of Utah's most successful mine owners with his celebrated Bullion-Beck mine near Eureka in the Tintic Mining District. J o h n Beck ranks with Jesse Knight, David Eccles, and Alfred McCune as an eminently successful late nineteenth-century Mormon businessman. He had joined the Mormon church in Switzerland in 1862 and served as a missionary in Germany and Swit24

Frank Thomas Morn, "Simon Bamberger: A Jew in a Mormon Commonwealth" (Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1966). "Douglas D. Alder, "The Ghost of Mercur," Utah Historical Quarterly 29 (1961): 35.


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Entrepreneur J ohn Beck developed, among other things, a spa on the Great Salt Lake and the Bullion Beck and Champion Mine and Mill in Eureka. USHS collections.

zerland before leaving in 1864 for Utah. After his arrival, he moved to the newly established community of Richfield to farm but was forced to leave in 1866 when the town was abandoned during the Black Hawk War. He moved to Lehi where he farmed, herded sheep, cut wood, and made charcoal. In 1870 Beck purchased an interest in the Eureka Mine, spent six thousand dollars in developing the property, but lost everything through litigation. His next effort, the Bullion Beck Mine, proved a success and catapulted him into other mining investments, development of Beck's Hot Springs resort north of Salt Lake City and Saratoga Springs west of Lehi,


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investments in Utah's sugar beet industry, and involvement in asphalt and gilsonite. A devoted Mormon, J o h n Beck married five wives and returned with part of his family to Germany as a missionary in 1887. T h e r e he organized a branch of the church in Stuttgart. Beck actively promoted emigration to the United States by over two h u n d r e d German converts, providing employment in his Utah mines for the men. His efforts in this regard are reflected in the remarkable increase in the number of German-born heads of household in the Tintic Mining District â&#x20AC;&#x201D; from two in 1880 to sixty-five in 1900. He was the first president of the German branch of the LDS church in Eureka and constructed and furnished, at his own expense, the first LDS church building in Eureka. 26 Two other sons of the German region of Wurttemberg are well-known Utah architects, Richard Karl August Kletting and Carl M. Neuhausen. Born the same year, 1858, the two men designed a host of Salt Lake City's most important public, religious, business, educational, and residential structures. Born in Unterboihingen, Neuertingen, Wurttemberg, Germany, Richard K. A. Kletting is honored as the dean of Utah architects. His father and uncle were railroad builders throughout Germany. Writing of his early years, Kletting recalled: . . . My constant close connection with construction camps and . . . engineers, listening to their talks of their travels and their engineering accomplishments made me more and more desirous of becoming an engineer. From the time I was five years old, I had mostly mechanic's tools and drafting instruments for my playthings and as soon as I was able to read, I could not leave books alone. In many of the books were fine prints and illustrations of buildings, bridges, etc. which trained my eye for form and outline and was a factor in my life in later years to become an architect. Most buildings in Wurttemberg were at that time built of stone. I was told that it would be a wise thing for me to learn how to cut soft and hard stone. Following this advice, I spent my vacation between school terms in a stone yard and gained a good knowledge of how to cut the different stones which in later years proved very useful in building the Cullen Hotel and the Deseret News Buildings. . . .

26 For biographical sources on J o h n Beck see Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah, 4 vols. (Salt Lake City, 1892-1904), 4:496-98, and the Salt Lake City Beobachter, October 4, 1895, p. 2. 27 From an autobiographical sketch by Richard K. A. Kletting, p. 1, in the Kletting Folder, Utah Architect's File, Historic Preservation Research Office, Utah State Historical Society. For a biography of Kletting, see Craig Lewis Bybee, "Richard Karl August Kletting: Dean of Utah Architects, 18581943" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1980).


Richard K. A. Klettings numerous buildings in Utah and the West included the original Salt Palace. USHS collections.

Kletting worked for a time as a draftsman in the g o v e r n m e n t engineering offices on railroad construction work. T h e n in 1879 he journeyed to Paris and found work as a draftsman for a large French construction firm. He prepared drawings for several notable Paris buildings. His Paris work was interupted for a year's military service in the German army, and in April 1883 he left Paris for the United States. After short stays in Philadelphia and Columbus, Ohio, Kletting headed west to Denver. T h e r e , he recalled:

I was unable to get work in my line but hearing about some activity in Salt Lake City owing to the finishing of the D. & R. G. Railroad a few days before, I left immediately for Salt Lake City. T h e day after I


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arrived in Salt Lake, I was engaged by Mr. J o h n Burton, architect, where my first job was the drawing of plans for the old University on second West Street. 28

In time Kletting left the employ of J o h n Burton and opened his own office. His most famous work â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the design of the Utah State Capitol â&#x20AC;&#x201D; was selected from among twenty-one entries in a nationwide design contest. His numerous other designs are scattered throughout the state and Intermountain West. They include the original Saltair Pavilion; the original Salt Palace; Mclntyre Building; Lollin Building; Felt Building; New York Building; the State Mental Hospital; the Bryant, Lowell, Grant, Oquirrh, Jefferson, Riverside, Whittier, and Ensign schools; and residences for Enos Wall, Henry Dinwoody, J o h n A. Evans, William F. Beer, George H. Dern, and Albert Fisher. Kletting's Swiss-born wife, Mary, described him as Stern, exacting, honest but with all a good sense of h u m o r which endeared him to young and old. He spent a great deal of time helping young students with their technical training. Soon after his arrival in Salt Lake City he opened, by request of many prominent business men, [the] first night school in the city to give instruction in geometry, algebra, languages, and science. [He] also catalogued the Salt Lake Public Library. He was always interested and worked for the preservation of the state forest and water supply. . . . [His chief hobby was] walking in the hills for relaxation and inspiration."

Richard Kletting died September 25,1943, when he was struck by an automobile. T h e second German-born architect to leave a prominent mark on Salt Lake City was Carl M. Neuhausen. Born in Stuttgart, Neuhausen graduated from the Stuttgart Polytechnic School in 1878 and eight years later came to the United States. After stops in Iowa, Minnesota, and Montana, he arrived in Salt Lake City in 1892. He worked three years with Richard Kletting before opening his own office on January 1, 1895. A Catholic and member of the Knights of Columbus, Neuhausen undertook a number of major projects for Salt Lake City's Catholic community, including St. Ann's Orphanage, the Thomas Kearns Mansion, and the Cathedral of the Madeleine. He was also architect for the O r p h e u m Theater, known today as the Promised Valley Playhouse, and a number of private 28

Kletting autobiographical sketch, p. 3. This information was provided by Mrs. Kletting in November 1943 to James T. White and Company, New York publishers, for inclusion in theirNational Cyclopaedia of American Biography. Copy in the Kletting Folder, Preservation Office, Utah State Historical Society. 2l,


residences. He designed and built his own residence at 1265 East 100 South. Five of his buildings are listed in the National Register of Historic Places. His career was cut short by an untimely illness to which he succumbed in 1907.30 While the G e r m a n Catholic community in Utah is represented by men like Neuhausen, perhaps the largest non-Mormon German group in Utah is Lutheran. Efforts toward establishment of a German L u t h e r a n congregation in Utah were launched in September 1890 when the Reverend P. Doerr arrived in Salt Lake City and con-

'4

Carl M. Neuhausen, another German-born architect, also left an enduring legacy. St. Ann's Orphanage, now a school, was built for Catholic community. USHS collections.

30 Information on Carl M. Neuhausen from Utah Architect's File, Historic Preservation Research Office.


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German-speaking Lutherans built a church on Salt Lake's westside but later met in the more centrally located Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church. USHS collections.

ducted services in both English and German. 31 By March 1892 the Reverend Otto Kuhr had been assigned to work exclusively with the Germans and was holding German services in Salt Lake City and Ogden. In the summer of 1894 a frame church with brick foundation was constructed for the Salt Lake City congregation at Seventh South and Fifth West. T h e Lutheran congregations grew steadily, but not spectacularly, until World War I, drawing from German immigrants who found their way to Utah to seek their fortunes or recover lost health or who had become dissatisfied with the Mormon church. T h o u g h efforts were generally confined to Salt Lake City and Ogden, there were exceptions, such as the work of the Reverend William J. Lankow. In 1908 he began holding German-language services in Delta for a group of Germans who had migrated to Millard County from Colorado and Nebraska to homestead land 31 Information on the German Lutherans in Utah is found in Ronnie L. Stellhorn, "A History of the Lutheran Church in Utah" (M.A. thesis, Utah State University, 1975).


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made available under provisions of the Carey Land Act. In Delta a Sunday School was organized and worship services held in the German language until 1916.32 Although occasional German language services were held in Utah after the Great War, the hysteria that flourished during World War I caused Lutheran church leaders to abandon the use of German in favor of English. T h e issue of Germans in America and World War I became especially significant in Utah on May 2, 1917, when public announcement was made that Fort Douglas was to be the site of one of three internment camps for German prisoners of war taken from naval vessels captured when the United States entered the war on April 6, 1917.33 T h e other two camps were located at Fort McPherson and Fort Oglethorpe in Georgia. Work began immediately on the fifteen-acre camp located just west of the fort on ground now occupied by the University of Utah Annex parking lot and the adjacent playing field. T h e compound included about fifty buildings with a capacity of between 1,800 and 2,000 prisoners. In J u n e 1917 some 321 German prisoners arrived at Salt Lake City's Denver & Rio Grande Railroad Depot where they were met by a contingent of sixty soldiers from the prison and a throng of spectators who had come to view the German enemy firsthand. T h e men were from the SMS Cormoran, a German auxiliary cruiser that had been interned at Guam since December 15, 1914, when the ship entered the harbor of Apra in an unsuccessful effort to secure enough coal and provisions to reach the nearest German port in East Africa. T h e German sailors remained at Guam until April 1917 when they were captured by United States forces, but not before they successfully scuttled the Cormoran, preventing it from being of any use to the Americans. Sent by troop transport under the guard of fifty marines, the prisoners arrived in San Francisco on J u n e 8 and were placed on board a special train that arrived in Salt Lake City at 1:20 A.M. on J u n e 10. After each prisoner was thoroughly searched â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a process that took the rest of the night â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the heavily guarded prisoners were loaded into seven streetcars that, with an escort of automobiles, rattled up South Temple to the unfinished compound. 32

Ibid., p. 56. Information on German prisoners of war at Fort Douglas during World War I is found in Raymond Kelly Cunningham, Jr., "Internment 1917-1920: A History of the Prison Camp at Fort Douglas, Utah, and the Treatment of Enemy Aliens in the Western United States" (M.A. thesis, University of Utah, 1976), pp. 87-96. 33


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T h e next large contingent of naval prisoners arrived three months later on September 14, 1917. In included 179 men from the SMS Geier and its collier Locksun, vessels that had been in the harbor at Honolulu, Hawaii, since October 15, 1914. T h e sailors were taken prisoner at Hawaii in early spring 1917, held in temporary confinement at Schofield Barracks, then transported aboard the Sherman to San Francisco and by train to Salt Lake City. At the railroad station the German naval officers dined with American officers before they were taken to Fort Douglas. Life for the German prisoners of war was occupied with construction work to finish the compound, gardening, educational classes, regular church services, moving pictures shown twice a week, theatrical performances, dances (where the men had to dance with each other), and concerts by an orchestra composed of band members of the Cormoran and Geier. A number of officers' wives had accompanied their husbands, and visits were permitted. T h e prisoners of war were well treated and food was plentiful. As one German sailor wrote: Daily fresh meat, daily fresh bread and very often fresh fruits, quantities as well as qualities, leave nothing to be desired. Rations are issued us and prepared in accordance with our own tastes by our own cooks. After all there is nothing of which we could justly complain.'

T h e 507 naval prisoners of war remained at Fort Douglas until late March 1918 when they were transported by train to Fort McPherson, Georgia, after it was decided that the Utah compound would be used exclusively for some 870 civilian enemy aliens and 200 conscientious objectors. T h e civilian enemy aliens were r o u n d e d up by local authorities in most western states including Texas, California, Arizona, Washington, Oregon, Nebraska, and South Dakota. Most were of German or Austrian birth and were interred because of obviously pro-German sympathies, membership in the Industrial Workers of the World, Socialist leanings, or other activities held to be out of the mainstream of 100 percent Americanism. T h e first of the enemy aliens arrived at Fort Douglas in July 1917 and the last left in May 1920. T h e incarceration of most was the result of a war hysteria that branded otherwise acceptable residents as traitors. Others, as in the case of the Socialists or members of the Industrial Workers of the World, were held out of intolerance for their "radical" political views. 34

Ibid., p. 95.


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In Utah a number of arrests occurred that were perhaps representative of those in other states. Alexander L. Lucas, age seventytwo, the supervising architect at Fort Douglas who had assisted in the building of cantonments at the fort, was arrested as an enemy alien on March 6,1918. 35 Otto Heinrich Thomas was arrested in Ogden in July 1918. At the outbreak of World War I, Thomas had been a soldier and photographer in the Austrian army. Captured by Russian forces in the Carpathian Mountains, he was sent to Siberia after the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. He escaped by bribing a guard. Crossing the Gobi Desert, he made his way to the Pacific Ocean, caught a ship for San Francisco, and continued on to Ogden where he opened a photographic shop. A short time later he was arrested as an enemy alien for owning a motion picture camera. 36 Another incident involved the Reverend B. Henry Leesman, pastor of the German Evangelical St. Paul's Church in Ogden, and Augusta Minnie Deckman whose fiance, Ernest Leybold, had been arrested in Seattle and sent to Utah. Deckman followed Leybold to Salt Lake City where she enrolled at the University of Utah. In February 1918 Pastor Leesman, who traveled from Ogden to the prison camp to conduct religious services, was arrested for trying to pass a note from Deckman to Leybold. A few days later the young lady was arrested on a visit to the prison headquarters as she sorted through the prison mail in the censor's office trying to intercept a note from Leybold before it was rejected by the censor. T h e trap had been set by Maj. Emory S. West. Deckman was imprisoned and in May 1918, along with Pastor Leesman, tried for "smuggling information into a military prison." Both were acquitted, though Deckman was again arrested as an enemy alien and deported in 1919. Leesman was freed after a reprimand by the j u d g e that if "he were on trial for the misuse of his holy office, the verdict might be different." 37 T h e Leesman episode and the repercussions of anti-German sentiment led to the demise of the German Lutheran church in Ogden. 38 Anti-German sentiment was not focused solely on the prisoner of war camp. T h e State Textbook Commission and State Council of Defense passed resolutions calling for an end to teaching German in 35

Ibid., p. 121, and Salt Lake Tribune, March 7, 1918, p. 18. Cunningham, "Internment 1917-1920," pp. 72-73. See also Salt Lake Telegram, July 19, 1918, section 2, p. 4, and Salt Lake Tribune, July 19, 1918, p. 20. " C u n n i n g h a m , "Internment 1917-1920," pp. 113-114. 38 Stellhorn, "A History of the Lutheran Church in Utah," p. 50. 36


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all schools and colleges. 30 Responding to government pressure "that the teaching of the language would be an aid to German propaganda in America and the presentation of . . . every thing unfavorable to the German nation . . . would tend to weaken the morale of the German army," principals in the LDS church school syst e m voted u n a n i m o u s l y to eliminate the teaching of German for the duration of the war. This action was taken even though "a number of the school Anti-German sentiment was high during World War I. Poster in USHS heads declared that they saw collections. not the slightest relation between the teaching of the Teutonic language in the classroom and the successful waging of the big war."40 Nevertheless, by July 1918 sentiment against gatherings of Germans and the use of the German language reached a point where LDS church leaders decided that services for German groups in Logan and Salt Lake City should be discontinued. 41 Despite the obvious war hysteria in Utah, the state's Germanborn population could be thankful that anti-German sentiment did not reach the level it did in other states. This was due in no small measure to Utah's chief executive during this period, Simon Bamberger, a German by birth, who actively supported the war effort and the Liberty Bond drives, and who remained a highly respected figure in the state. A measure of tolerance was reflected in the fact that Utah's German-language newspaper, the Salt Lake City Beobachter, was not forced to cease publication during World War I. For pre-World War II Germans in Utah, the Salt Lake City Beobachter, published weekly from August 9, 1890, to October 3, 1935, was important. T h e

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SaltLake Tribune, April 14, 1918. *°DeseretNews, April 18, 1918. 41 7>s*r^A^5,July 20, 1918.


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newspaper included articles on local and international political affairs, translated sermons by LDS church authorities, and carried news stories about the activities of members of the Utah German community and a great variety of organizations including the German Dramatic Society, Schiller Lodge, Goethe Lodge, Swiss Colony, Swiss Club, Gymnastic Society, Athletic Club Germania, Karl G. Maeser Society, German American Citizens League, Chemnitzer Society, Steuben Society, and many others. It also offered poetry, stories, jokes, articles on American history and government, and news from Germany, Switzerland, and sometimes Austria. Like other American weeklies, the Beobachter featured serialized novels and editorials commenting on political, social, and religious issues of the day.42 Published for forty-five years, the Salt Lake City Beobachter found its way into many homes of German immigrants in the Intermountain West. It was also sent in large quantities to Europe where its distribution among Mormon converts helped, in some measure, to bridge the gulf between Utah and the far-flung German branches. Several factors contributed to the Beobachter's demise â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a decision by LDS church authorities that the newspaper was no longer needed as a bridge between Utah and the Saints in Germanspeaking countries, a declining number of local subscriptions, and concern by church authorities that the foreign-language newspaper continued to foster a cliquishness among the German immigrants that hindered them in acquiring "an American identity [rather] than a typical, restricted German identity." 43 After the church withdrew support for the newspaper, efforts were made to continue the Beobachter as an independent newspaper, financed by subscriptions and some support from the Democratic party. T h e effort was unsuccessful because of financial instability and the controversy manifest in the newspaper between supporters and opponents of Adolf Hitler and his goals for a greater Germany. At the center of the storm was Reinhold Stoof. A native of the Pflaueninsel, near Berlin, Stoof had served as editor of the Beobachter in the 1920s before leaving in 1926 to serve as the first mission president in South America. After nine years in South America, Stoof returned to the United States in 1935 and worked for a time on 42 Thomas L. Broadbent, "Salt Lake City Beobachter: Mirror of an Immigration," Utah Historical Quarterly 26 (1958): 329-50. 43 Jean Wunderlich Interview by James B. Allen, August 16, 1972, p. 15, typescript in LDS Church Library-Archives.


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the Beobachter staff until his criticism of the Nazi regime led to his dismissal. Stoof s opposition to Hitler was evident early. His mission correspondence is loaded with explanations of his hostility toward Hitler, such as the following, written to Elder Emil Schindler in 1934: You must know why I am an opponent of Hitler. I have written it often. I despise every dictator. . . . I despise every oppression of the most sacred rights of man . . . rights which the Hitler regime have brutally trampled under. I despise every persecution of an individual because of his political opinions or because he belongs to a race which is in the minority. . . . Hitler will insure that there will shortly be no more unemployment in Germany. They will all find employment. T h e demand for cannon fodder will be so large, that it cannot be filled.44

Stoof carried his crusade against Nazism forward in the pages of the Salt Lake City Beobachter and met with some encouragement. One reader, Ewald Beckert, living in Zwickau, Germany, wrote to Stoof on September 21, 1936, declaring full support for him and proclaiming that millions of Germans were also of the same opinion. Closing his letter as "a voice from Germany," Beckert vowed that should they ever meet, "it would be a great joy to shake your hand as 44 Stoof to Schindler, February 2, 1934, in Reinhold Stoof Papers, box 1, folder 5, LDS Church Library-Archives.


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a courageous fighter for T r u t h and Justice. Your writing is only a few lines, but they tell more than an entire book." 4 ' Stoof had little tolerance for Germans living in America who trumpeted praise for Hitler. Attacking one Beobachter writer who proclaimed that "Hitler and the whole German people follow the banner of liberty, morality and virtue," Stoof lashed out with his own statement of loyalty to Germany and the United States. I wonder why he and others who sing loudly, not beautifully, Hitler's praise, are still in this country. Why don't they want to enjoy the blessings of the Third Reich over there? Why revive them secondhanded here? You all who cannot appreciate the blessings of this free and great country; you who adore a dictatorship, entirely opposed to the great ideals of the U.S.A. Constitution; you who think that freedom has its abode in Germany, please, go there, go to day! You are not worthy to live u n d e r the star-spangled banner, in the land of the free and the brave. I love truly my fatherland and want to see it, therefore, in her glory as a free country, a light to the world, as it had been once, but you hate your fatherland, without knowing it, for you cry "Heil" to a tyrant apparently appointed by destiny to kill the last spark of freedom in Germany. 4 6

On two occasions in the summer of 1936 letters from Stoof were published in the Deseret News declaring that the majority of Utah Germans did not support Hitler and that the German people were being denied religious freedom by the Nazi regime. 47 T h o u g h quite mild compared to Stoof s other writings, these two letters continued to fan the flames of controversy and led Richard P. Lyman, who was preparing to leave Salt Lake City to take over as president of the European Mission, to discourage Stoof from writing further letters and the Deseret News from publishing them. With concern for what effect the letters might have on relations between the church and the Nazi government, Lyman wrote to Stoof on August 28, 1936: I am sure that these articles of yours will make my work and the work of other missionaries in Germany exceedingly difficult if these sentiments in print get into the hands of those who are opposed to us and to our doctrines and our teachings over in Germany. I am sending this with the hope that in the future you will not put views of this kind in print while I am on duty to carry the Gospel to the great German people.

45

Beckert to Stoof, September 21, 1936, Reinhold Stoof Papers, box 1, folder 12. Undated letter entitled "Strange Propaganda." Apparently the letter was intended for the editor of the Deseret News. Reinhold Stoof Papers, box 2, folder 6. 47 Deseret News, ]u\y 21, 1936, p. 5, and August 7, 1936, p. 5. 46


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I have already drawn this to the attention of the city editor of the Deseret News and am sending him a copy of this letter.

With little apparent support from LDS church authorities for his anti-Hitler crusade, Stoof turned to Rabbi Samuel H. Gordon of Salt Lake City for help in publishing an article in German "to show the German people of this city and its environments, who are mostly L.D.S. Church members, that the dictatorship in Germany with all its evil actions and consequences, especially in regard to its attitudes towards the Jews, is in strict contradiction to the teachings of Mormonism." 40 Nothing came of the proposed article as a personal tragedy — the death of his wife Ella in January 1937 — forced Reinhold Stoof to give full attention to earning a living and caring for his seven motherless children. Stoof s efforts to dramatize the plight of Germany's Jews would have found strong support from Sigmund and Emma Helwing. They were two of the thousands of Europeans who fled their homeland in the 1930s in fear of the Nazis. In 1940 the Helwings arrived in Utah. Before leaving Austria, they had enjoyed an upper-class standard of living. Emma Kofler was born in 1893 on a huge country estate in the Polish part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and had spent her summers traveling to resorts like Ems on the Rhine River and Bad Reichenhall in Bavaria where she became friends with members of the high German aristocracy, including the family of Kaiser Wilhelm. In 1920 she married Sigmund Helwing, a recent graduate of the University of Vienna who held an important position in a Viennese bank. For eighteen years they enjoyed frequent vacations in almost every European country and collected valuable art and other treasures. T h e n in March 1938 Austria was annexed by Germany. For the Helwings the next nine months were filled with indescribable fear and terror as the Nazi persecution of the Jews steadily increased in scope and intensity. On one occasion, while visiting their aunt's family, Emma recalled: . . . the pest knocked at our door and took the whole family away because they were Polish subjects. They left the two of us u n h a r m e d in the apartment, since we were Austrian citizens. If there ever was a nightmarish night — for us this was it. We did not sleep a wink but were sitting and waiting in anguish and grief. At dawn uncle came back; he 48

Quoted by Stoof in a letter to Rabbi Samuel H. Gordon, November 23, 1936, Reinhold Stoof Papers, box 1, folder 6. 4i, Ibid.


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im<m

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Passport of Emma Helwing stamped by Nazi chief of police in Vienna in 1938. Helwing, second from right behind Hattie Feldman, helped prepare traditional Passover Seder for Jewish soldiers visiting Utah. Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Utah Library.

was limping after a leg fracture which never healed perfectly. . . . Aunt Eva, Genia, Henry and William stayed in the city jail for another two days. We were broken in spirit, knowing what our dear friends had to go through. They were dismissed after having signed a pledge to leave Vienna very soon. I shall never forget the hour when they finally came home. We all cried and felt lost not knowing what the next hour will bring.' 0

T h e Helwings were more fortunate than their family and other Jewish acquaintances: " T h e s u p e r i n t e n d e n t in o u r house on 50 Emma Helwing Autobiography, p. 102, in the Sigmund and Emma Helwing Papers, Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City.


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Sigmund Helwing, second from right, with soldier companions â&#x20AC;&#x201D;probably during World War I. Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Utah.

Elizabethstrasse, was my housekeeper and deeply devoted to us â&#x20AC;&#x201D; so that she never let any harm happen to us. She was the living proof that one cannot condemn an entire nation." 51 They were also fortunate in being able to secure permission to leave the country, obtain an entrance visa to the only port open to them, Shanghai, and book passage on the luxury Italian steamer Conte Rosso. Two tickets had been returned to the travel office just as Sigmund began his quest for the means to escape their beloved Vienna. Leaving Vienna by train for the Adriatic coast on December 4, 1938, the Helwings sailed from Trieste on December 6 and after a twenty-five-day voyage reached Shanghai. In Shanghai they were employed making buttons. With the meager income from the buttons and by selling possessions they had brought from Austria, they existed until September 1940 when they obtained American visas. Tickets for passage to San Francisco on board the Japanese liner Assama Maru were purchased with "a beautiful sterling set of flatware for 12, complete with all imaginable extras." 52 'Ibid. ! Ibid., p.


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In San Francisco they were met by representatives of the Council of Jewish Women who arranged for them to continue on to Salt Lake City where they were assisted by the Jewish community in beginning their new life in America. Sigmund secured a position as an accountant and accepted a job for Emma as janitress for the office. Recalling her first job in America, Emma wrote: We both could not sleep that night for happiness. Next morning Kotek [her pet name for Sigmund] started at nine a.m. and I at five p.m. How big was my surprise when I learned, that two stories were assigned to me with fifty-two rooms and two huge halls to clean. I was determined not to turn it down. I was instructed by the Superintendent about my duties and worked until about eleven p.m. with the understanding that I have to come back to dust at six a.m. until nine a.m. That night before I could not sleep for happiness, this night I was aching all over, so that I did not sleep a wink. At six sharp I was at my job again. Kotek used to help me, after his work was over, to empty heavy waste-baskets. . . . My hands were swollen and also the feet. T h e eyes were deep in the sockets . . . it never entered my European mind that I ever could do such a job! For our Viennese ten-room office, we had three women and still thought that they were working very hard. ' 3

Despite the difficult beginnings, adjustments were made. Emma was soon able to give up her job as a janitress and devote her time to many community service and charitable undertakings, including the Red Cross, Community Chest, polio, heart, and cancer drives. During World War II, she recalled: I was also very active in the U.S.O. I became a perfect short order cook, malted drinks mixer, and a skilled waitress. When a separate U.S.O. for colored personnel of the armed forces was formed, I preferred to work for them. I felt highly rewarded by the appreciation the boys and girls showed me for being attentive and polite to them. This was. . . the only place they could get meals. They often told me their woe about not being admitted to any restaurant in town. I felt ashamed and bewildered that such things happen in a democracy, which in my estimation should be a beacon of light and justice to the entire world.'14

Even with its shortcomings, Utah, for the Helwings, proved a return to the security and happiness, if not financial status, of their pre-Nazi Austria. We loved Salt Lake City from the first minute we saw it. . . . T h e canyons are very lovely and one, the Memory Grove, is within walking distance. On Sundays we hiked to the Rotary Park about 7 xh miles one ">3Ibid., p. 113-14. 54 Ibid.


The German-speaking Immigrant

335

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German prisoners of war at Camp Ogden during World War II. USHS collections.

way and always enjoyed it. When people heard about it they did not believe their ears. Almost everybody rich or poor, owns a car and so they almost forgot the use of their legs. . . . People in humble walks of life, drove up to the park in their own cars packed with the best food, cooked in the fire-places, provided by the city, and enjoyed themselves like only rich people in Europe could afford to. We often wondered whether they appreciated the bounty this wonderful country offered them â&#x20AC;&#x201D; we had the definite impression they took it for granted! 00

Another group who seemed to appreciate America were the German prisoners of war, most of whom were captured during the North Africa campaigns. In Utah they were interred in base camps at Clearfield, Fort Douglas, Hill Field, Tooele, the Utah Army Service Forces Depot in Ogden, and the Deseret Chemical Warfare Depot, and in branch camps at Logan, Orem, Salina, Tremonton, Dugway Proving Ground, and the Bushnell General Hospital in Brigham City. In accordance with international law the prisoners were required to work but not in military activities or in the production of war materials. Many German prisoners were employed by local farmers under a contract arrangement with the government. Farmers agreed to pay the minimum wage for the prisoner's labor, about $2.20 a day. Of this amount the prisoners received 80 cents a day to spend as they wished, and the balance was retained by the government to help cover housing and food expenses. This pro55

Ibid., pp. 111-112.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

gram stimulated many friendships between German prisoners of war and the farmers for whom they worked. 56 Several prisoners elected to return to the United States to live after emigration from Germany was permitted in the late 1940s and 1950s. In retrospect, the German prisoners of war in Utah were very fortunate. They were spared the continual threat of death and injury that had accompanied them as combat soldiers before their capture. They escaped the chaos, bombings, and food shortages in Europe, and they eluded capture by the Russians and their infamous prisoner of war camps. In Utah, the German prisoners were well fed and well housed, given opportunities for educational and recreational persuits, received without hostility by most Utahns, and, given their status as POWs, enjoyed a relatively significant level of freedom. However, one event, the killing and wounding of twentynine prisoners of war at Salina on July 8, 1945, clouded what was otherwise a generally positive assessment of the sojourn of German POWs in Utah. Just after midnight on July 8, 1945, Pfc. Clarence V. Bertucci opened fire on the sleeping prisoners with a 30-caliber machine gun from his guard tower on the west end of the Salina prison camp. Thirty of the forty-three tents were struck by bullets before Bertucci was subdued while reloading his weapon. Five prisoners were killed outright, two died in the Salina hospital, and one five days later in the Kearns hospital. Twenty-one prisoners were wounded by the flying bullets. Bertucci offered no explanation for his actions beyond the fact that he did not like Germans and on previous occasions had felt a compulsion to turn his machine gun on them. T h e residents of Salina reacted first in bewilderment, then with compassion for the dead and wounded prisoners, and finally with resentment against the guard whose cold-blooded action had come two months after the collapse and surrender of Germany. 57

56 For accounts of German prisoners of war in Utah during World War II see Ralph A. Busco and Douglas D. Alder, "German and Italian Prisoners of War in Utah and Idaho," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (1971): 55-72, and J o h n LeRoy Caldwell, "German Prisoners of War in Utah during World War II," Research Paper for History 301-1, University of Utah, December 11, 1969, on file in Special Collections, Marriott Library. "German POWs Maintain Some Orem Ties," Salt Lake Tribune, January 22, 1984, p. 10W, reports that Roy Gappmayer had corresponded for over thirty years with Kurt Trieter, one of the prisoners who worked for him, and that Gappmayer's daughter, Mrs. Max Pyne, had been warmly received by Trieter when she visited him in Germany. Jeff Simmonds, curator of Special Collections at Utah State University, reported in a conversation with the author on January 11, 1984, that his father had corresponded for many years with one of the German prisoners of war who worked on their farm in Cache Valley. "Caldwell, "German Prisoners of War," treats this incident in detail.


The German-speaking Immigrant

337

As the United States entered World War II Germans living in Utah were subject to some restrictions and lived cautiously, though the intensity of the World War I anti-German hysteria was not repeated. However, the German LDS Organization was considered a political liability by Mormon church leaders during World War II and disbanded. J. Peter Loscher, who was president of the organization at the time, wrote of the experience: All foreign church organizations . . . were discontinued at the request of the presiding brethren when the U.S. entered the war. T h e F.B.I, questioned many of our foreign born people and several ardent defenders of the Third Reich, such as Willy Renkel and a few others were put in concentration camps. . . . war brings hate and suspicion to otherwise very decent people.' 8

This wartime hatred was manifest in the schools as Americanborn children of German parents were taunted because of their ancestry. 50 Sometimes potential conflict was handled with great diplomacy. Viennese-born Professor Phila Heimann described an incident when her daughter was outside playing with the neighborhood children, one of whom was Richard Cracroft, now d e a n of humanities at Brigham Young University. Professor Heimann recalled: . . . He was two or three years older than my daughter and he was a very patriotic young American. His brother was fighting in the war, and every morning he marched up and down the street with an American flag singing from the Halls of Montezuma. My daughter was outside playing, and I came out and she came and talked German to me. T h e boy came and asked, "What is she talking?" I could think it quicker than I can say it now, but I thought, "Oh boy, if I tell that boy German, he doesn't know any better. Everything that is German is wicked. Hitler is German and he is wicked." I was afraid the boy would be mean to my girl. For a moment I thought French, then I thought no, perhaps one of the mothers had some high school French, and I would be a liar. So I said, "Oh, she speaks Austrian." He was impressed as he said, "Oh, Betty Heimann is smart. She can speak Austrian and English." 60

But living cautiously in a country at war with the homeland was only half of the story. Concern about relatives and friends in Europe caused great anxiety among Utah's German community. Between 1939 and 1946 there was no contact or correspondence between America and Germany. At war's end, after months of newspaper 58 J. Peter Loscher, Autobiography, (n.p., n.d.), p. 72. â&#x20AC;˘'"Interview with Irene Stoof Pearmain, September 27, 1983. 60 Interview with Phila Heimann, May 3, 1983.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

reports of staggering military casualities, incomprehensible civilian losses through the Allied bombing of German cities, and accounts of severe food shortages, Utah's German community waited anxiously for news from abroad. Few were spared the sorrow of belated mourning for a brother who fell in combat, a mother killed during one of the night bombing raids, or a father who survived the war only to contact typhus or another disease and die. But for the survivors, Utahns reacted with great compassion and humanity by sending thousands of packages to Europe. T h e LDS church sent thousands of tons of food and clothing through its welfare program. T h e German LDS Organization, which was reestablished after the war, sent large amounts of food. Individuals, using their own resources, sent hundreds of packages to friends and relatives. One 1927 immigrant from Germany mailed twenty packages every three weeks and by the end of 1949 had sent a total of 468 food and clothing packages to his friends. 61 Assistance with food and clothing was soon followed by help to secure emigration for friends and relatives from war-torn Germany to Utah. These post-World War II immigrants arrived in Utah in a whirl of emotions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; excitement, bewilderment, anxiety about the future and not being a burden to family or friends, and fatigue from the long trip. They realized that entry into the Salt Lake Valley was, in no uncertain terms, a new birth into a new world. It was the beginning of a new life. Most immigrants were met at the points of debarkation by family or friends. T h e n , as now, travelers had to contend with unexpected problems. Typical is the account of Jonny Schlact, who at the age of fifty arrived in Salt Lake City on May 22, 1952, with his wife and children. Traveling by Greyhound bus from New York City, they arrived in Salt Lake City twelve hours before anyone expected them because of a mix-up in the bus schedule. His son, who had immigrated earlier, had an apartment on Eleventh East and Second South which he had vacated for his parents, moving himself into another apartment on Indiana Avenue. Making their way to the latter, Jonny left his family there and took the city bus to Rose Park where his son was building houses. Following directions, Jonny got off the bus in Rose Park and started u p a street. He was observed nearing the construction site by a man who said to the younger

"Gilbert W. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1970), p. 138.


The German-speaking Immigrant

339

The German LDS Organization met at the Assembly Hall on Temple Squarefor many years. USHS collections.

Schlact, "If I am not mistaken, that man looks like he must be your father." So the premature reunion took place on a Rose Park building site, and Jonny Schlact's son honored the occasion by taking the rest of the day off from work. 62 For German immigrants to Utah, perhaps the most important group outside the family was the German LDS Organization. Prior to its disbandment in 1963 this organization held monthly meetings in the Assembly Hall on Temple Square where new immigrants were introduced into the Utah German community; friends from Europe became reacquainted; recruits for the German chorus, German theater, and German soccer teams were found; and young men and women met. T h e German LDS Organization paid great attention to the welfare of German immigrants. Its leaders approached Salt Lake City employers with the message that they were anxious to provide qualified workers for any positions that were open. When German B2

Interview with Jonny Schlact, March 22, 1983.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

workers were mistreated by employers, organization leaders intervened in behalf of their countrymen. Representative of this activity is the example recorded by organization secretary Gerald Wanke: Herr Hellwing has developed an occupational disease while working in the soap factory. We will try to find other work for him. In the three months he has worked there he has not received any pay, except for some groceries. That should be investigated. Brother Tschaggeny will undertake it."

On another occasion the Western Savings and Loan Company contacted the German LDS Organization presidency when a German immigrant stood to lose his house if he did not pay at least the interest owed. Again, the organization interceded in behalf of the German, contacting him, his ward bishop, and the loan company to deal with the problem. Such assistance was not confined to German members of the Mormon church alone. When the organization presidency learned that Elisabeth Carlson, a member of the Lutheran church, had a serious eye disease, they helped send her to San Francisco for special treatment, arranged for payment of the apartment rent when she returned for convalescence in Salt Lake City, took up a collection to help pay for her return to Germany where she could receive the treatment she needed and would be more comfortable, and contacted her mother and sister in Germany about her condition. Finally, the organization worked closely with the German consul's office in San Francisco in looking after the welfare of German citizens in Utah, providing information needed by the consulate, and, at the request of the consul, placing a wreath in the Fort Douglas cemetery on Memorial Day for the German prisoners of war buried there. Nevertheless, the German LDS Organization was a subject of concern for certain LDS church authorities. Some felt that it fostered Old World ties, traditions, and acquaintances that hindered Germans from integrating fully into Utah society. Concern was also expressed that the monthly meetings held on Temple Square, the showplace for Mormonism, created a poor impression of the church for American visitors. Immigrants, often clad in threadbare suits or out-of-fashion European and second-hand American clothing, chattering away in German, and obviously different in mannerisms K3 Minutes of the German LDS Organization Presidency, March 21, 1961, LDS Church Library-Archives.


The German-speaking Immigrant

341

and customs from the Utah brethren, were not considered by many to convey the proper image of the church. When leaders of the German LDS Organization were asked to look for another meeting place away from Temple Square, they were unable to find any LDS buildings large enough to accommodate the two to three thousand who regularly attended monthly meetings. T h e n the minister of the Baptist church on Thirteenth East and Eighth South invited the organization to use his church free of charge. Faced with the prospect of Mormons meeting in a Baptist church, LDS authorities allowed the monthly Assembly Hall meetings to continue. A second point of contention between the German LDS Organization and church authorities came over the construction of an old folks home for elderly German immigrants. T h r o u g h the sponsorship of semi-monthly German films and other fund-raising activities, the organization accumulated sufficient funds to purchase materials for the facility. With promises of donated labor, a parcel of land, and a set of donated architectural drawings for the structure, there was strong support for the proposal within the German LDS community. 65 However, the project was scuttled by church authorities concerned about the precedent a home restricted to only German-speaking members would set by operating outside the established church organization, competing with private nursing homes, and possibly prolonging the assimilation of Germanspeaking members into the mainstream of Utah Mormonism. Counseled to abandon the project and donate the money for the project to the church missionary program, leaders of the German LDS Organization reluctantly, but dutifully, followed the advice of their superiors. In 1963 the German LDS Organization was dissolved and a German LDS ward reestablished for the older immigrants who had not learned English and for recently arrived immigrants who wished to attend church services conducted in their native language. T h e German ward and German-language temple sessions have been a vital part of the New World experience for many German-born converts to the LDS church. Most immigrants came to Utah as trained workers or professionals. Some were able to resume their professions here in Utah. 64

Interviews with Eric Heimann, June 24, 1983, and July 1, 1983. Ibid.

65


342

Utah Historical Quarterly

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For e x a m p l e , H a n s H e u t t l i n g e r , t r a i n e d as a s t o n e sculptor in Baden Wurttemberg, arrived in Salt Lake City in 1958 and was immediately e m p l o y e d by t h e W a l k e r Monument Company. Others, trained as painters, carpenters, and builders, were able to find work in which they could use their skills. But for most, immigration to Utah required accepting menial jobs far below their qualifications and abilities. T h e experience of Reinhold Stoof is representative, if n o t typical. T r a i n e d as a teacher in Germany, he came to Utah in 1923. His firstjob, as an elevator o p e r a t o r , lasted only one hour. He then found work as a baker's helper and later as a worker in the Oregon Short Line freight depot. He returned to the bakery as an office helper and worked there until he was employed as editor

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The German-speaking Immigrant

343

of the Salt Lake City Beobachter. After serving as the first LDS mission president to South America from 1926 to 1935, he returned to Utah in the midst of the Great Depression, when work was very difficult to find, and was forced to accept donations and help from friends. In a letter to his sister Liese Schultze, living in Potsdam in 1946, Stoof recounted his employment history with interesting insights into labor practices during the 1940s: Since May 15, 1944 I have worked in a shipping business. . . . In English I am called a shipping clerk. T h e word is hard to translate. I have to take care of everything that has to do with the receiving and shipping of goods. Every minute of the eight and a half hours is filled. It seems that they are not satisfied with me. A half a day each week we have free, or better said, we should have free. Often it is not. For example when there is a lot of work that cannot be put off or when I don't have a helper, which happens quite often because Americans don't like to stay very long in one place. T h e last years have been a time of change for me with my work. In 1943 I gave up my night work [he was employed as a night watchman] because the employment situation became better, a consequence of the war. For a half a year I worked as a salesman in a large warehouse with paint and handtools until a new director came "who knew not Joseph," as the Bible says. T h e cost of employing men was too expensive for him, so he tried it with girls, but they left him one after another. No wonder, they did not like to carry the large gallons of paint. My section leader, earlier a German missionary, was so upset that he resigned at the first opportunity. I tried to work with freight by the railroad. In 1923 I had done this kind of work, and then it was not very hard. I took the job because they needed good help. But the body was unable to do what it once could. After two weeks I quit. I tried to be a handy man "Mann fuer alles" in a large meeting house of the church, known as a ward chapel. T h e bishop of the ward honored me with the high sounding name "Superintendent of the Meeting House." With that job there were a great many responsibilities

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344

Utah Historical Quarterly

^

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Scene from a play produced by Siegfried and Lotte Guertler who began their Germanlanguage theater in Utah in 1952. Courtesy of the Guertlers. and difficulties that were impossible to cover. After a month I quit. On the first morning of looking for work, I followed an ad to a shipping business where the director immediately introduced himself as a former neighbor. He lived in a neighboring house in 1924. I started work that same afternoon and have been there until the present. 66

For many German-speaking immigrants, ties with the homeland have been maintained by involvement with German and Swiss organizations such as the Chemenitzer Verein, the German Chorus Harmonie, the Swiss Chorus Edelweiss, the sports clubs Alemenia, Germania, and Berlin, a German-language hour radio program, German movies shown in the Richy Theater, German delicatessens, and visits to the homeland. One of the most interesting Salt Lake City ties to Germany is through the German theater operated by Siegfried and Lotte Guertler. Trained as actors in Germany, the Guertlers immigrated to Utah from H a m b u r g in 1952 with twenty-seven of their twentynine suitcases loaded with scripts and books. T h o u g h the emigration from Germany was done with the know ledge that there would be no 66

Stoof to Schultze, May 23, 1946, in possession of Mrs. Irene Stoof Pearmain.


The German-speaking Immigrant

343

of the Salt Lake City Beobachter. After serving as the first LDS mission president to South America from 1926 to 1935, he returned to Utah in the midst of the Great Depression, when work was very difficult to find, and was forced to accept donations and help from friends. In a letter to his sister Liese Schultze, living in Potsdam in 1946, Stoof recounted his employment history with interesting insights into labor practices during the 1940s: Since May 15, 1944 I have worked in a shipping business. . . . In English I am called a shipping clerk. T h e word is hard to translate. I have to take care of everything that has to do with the receiving and shipping of goods. Every minute of the eight and a half hours is filled. It seems that they are not satisfied with me. A half a day each week we have free, or better said, we should have free. Often it is not. For example when there is a lot of work that cannot be put off or when I don't have a helper, which happens quite often because Americans don't like to stay very long in one place. T h e last years have been a time of change for me with my work. In 1943 I gave up my night work [he was employed as a night watchman] because the employment situation became better, a consequence of the war. For a half a year I worked as a salesman in a large warehouse with paint and handtools until a new director came "who knew not Joseph," as the Bible says. T h e cost of employing men was too expensive for him, so he tried it with girls, but they left him one after another. No wonder, they did not like to carry the large gallons of paint. My section leader, earlier a German missionary, was so upset that he resigned at the first opportunity. I tried to work with freight by the railroad. In 1923 I had done this kind of work, and then it was not very hard. I took the job because they needed good help. But the body was unable to do what it once could. After two weeks I quit. I tried to be a handy man "Mann fuer alles" in a large meeting house of the church, known as a ward chapel. T h e bishop of the ward honored me with the high sounding name "Superintendent of the Meeting House." With that job there were a great many responsibilities


344

Utah Historical Quarterly

KIWI atk

Scene from a play produced by Siegfried and Lotte Guertler who began their Germanlanguage theater in Utah in 1952. Courtesy of the Guertlers. and difficulties that were impossible to cover. After a month I quit. On the first morning of looking for work, I followed an ad to a snipping business where the director immediately introduced himself as a former neighbor. He lived in a neighboring house in 1924. I started work that same afternoon and have been there until the present. 66

For many German-speaking immigrants, ties with the homeland have been maintained by involvement with German and Swiss organizations such as the Chemenitzer Verein, the German Chorus Harmonie, the Swiss Chorus Edelweiss, the sports clubs Alemenia, Germania, and Berlin, a German-language hour radio program, German movies shown in the Richy Theater, German delicatessens, and visits to the homeland. One of the most interesting Salt Lake City ties to Germany is through the German theater operated by Siegfried and Lotte Guertler. Trained as actors in Germany, the Guertlers immigrated to Utah from H a m b u r g in 1952 with twenty-seven of their twentynine suitcases loaded with scripts and books. T h o u g h the emigration from Germany was done with the knowledge that there would be no ""Stoof to Schultze, May 23, 1946, in possession of Mrs. Irene Stoof Pearmain.


The German-speaking Immigrant

345

Delicatessens in Salt Lake off er familiar German dishes. Left: woman at Siegfried's slices meat. Photograph by A llan Kent Powell. Right: trays ofkuchen prepared for Tricentennial Volksfest. Photograph by Gary B. Peterson, Photogeographies.

hope of finding employment as actors, they came with the intent of recruiting a cadre of German actors to rehearse and produce plays as an avocation. Two months after their arrival in Salt Lake City the first performance was given — three one-act plays by Berthold Brecht and Wolfgang Borchert — in the home of the Guertlers' friend from Hamburg, Gustav Lassig. Later performances were staged in the University Ward and the Twenty-seventh Ward in Salt Lake City until the Guertlers purchased their present home in 1962. They renovated the house to include a small fifty-person-capacity theater and have staged plays there for the last twenty-two years. Much more of the German immigrant experience in Utah remains to be documented and told. Of necessity this overview has highlighted only a few aspects of the experience while ignoring many others. Many aspects of the experience were common to most German-speaking immigrants — problems with the language, little money, the lack of employment commensurate with their Old World training, the impact of World War II, and the involvement with


Utah Historical Quarterly

346

German organizations. However, there was and is much about the Utah experience that is unique to each individual immigrant. T h e availability of more personal histories, oral history interviews, diaries, journals, letters, and other documents will help to fill in the total picture while allowing the historian to see the individual as a unique part of the aggregate immigration experience.

Herman Neumann was honored in 1974 for his many years of promoting soccer. Deseret News photograph by Tim Kelly. Below: one of the young soccer teams he managed. Photographs courtesy of Mrs. Herman Neumann.

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A native of Switzerland, Gottlieb Ence converted to Mormonism, emigrated, and eventually settled in Richfield with his wives, Elizabeth and Caroline, and their children. USHS collections.

The Waves of Immigration BY R O N A L D K. D E W S N U P

1 HE TIDE OF EMIGRANTS FROM German-speaking areas settling in Utah, though tremendously influenced by the Mormon church's "call to gather," has ebbed and flowed with the governmental policies and economic conditions prevalent in both the United States Mr. Dewsnup, a compensation analyst for First Security Corporation, is pursuing a master's degree in economics at the University of Utah. This article is adapted from chapter 2 of his M.A. thesis, "German-speaking Immigrants and the State of Utah: A Brief History" (University of Utah, 1983). T h e thesis was printed in a limited edition with a grant from the Federal Republic of Germany.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

TABLE 1: TOTAL NUMBER OF IMMIGRANTS BORN IN GERMANY, AUSTRIA, AND SWITZERLAND RESIDING IN UTAH AND COLORADO, 1850-1970 Year

Colorado Total

Utah Total

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 601 1,662 8,107 19,318 22,439 30,256 19,224 13,658 11,085 9,127 11,049 11,499

60 236 871 1,947 3,574 4,106 7,524 6,142 5,933 4,889 4,806 6,896 5,718

Source: U.S. Census Statistics, 1850-1970.

and the German-speaking countries. As the possibilities for material comfort and economic security in the mother country increased, the idea of emigration became much less attractive than during times of depression or economic instability. As a result, changing conditions in Germany and the surrounding regions caused a wave effect in the flow of immigrants to Utah. Two historical events, the First and Second World Wars, give boundaries to the study of these waves and create three definite phases of increasing and decreasing immigrant numbers. Table 1 with its accompanying graph (table 2) shows the total number of Utah residents born in the German-speaking countries (Germany, Austria, and Switzerland) for the years 1850 through 1970. T h e corresponding figures for Colorado have been included for comparison to show the statistics for another western state. T h e information, drawn from the U.S. Census, allows one to see the general rise in the number of first-generation immigrants to the state until the years immediately preceding and following the First World War. 1 T h e next phase, the interim between the wars and immediately following World War II, records a slump in the figures for foreign-born German-speaking immigrants within Utah's borders. This in turn gives way to a sharp rise in the totals during the latter 1950s, peaking in 1960 and declining slightly into 1970. Statis1 Tables detailing the foreign-born population in all of the census reports from 1850 to 1970 were used in this study.


The Waves of Immigration

349

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Utah Historical Quarterly TABLE 3: NUMBER OF UTAH RESIDENTS BORN IN GERMANY, AUSTRIA,

AND SWITZERLAND, 1850-1970 Year

Germany

Austria

Switzerland

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

56 107 358 885 2,121 2,365 3,963 3,589 4,104 3,353 3,334 5,585 4,890

3 51 4 22 117 272 1,870 987 410 465 500 441 268

8 78 509 1,040 1,336 1,469 1,691 1,566 1,419 1,071 972 870 566

Source: U.S. Census Statistics, 1850-1970.

tics for the 1970s were unavailable due to a change in format in the U.S. Census for 1980, but, as will be shown, it may be assumed that these years also saw a decrease in the number of immigrants coming to Utah because of the more stable conditions existing in the present-day Federal Republic of Germany and the concrete borders erected between the Germanies in 1961. By separating the statistics presented in table 1 and its accompanying graph for the three countries considered here, one sees in table 3 and its corresponding chart (table 4) the early Swiss domination of the immigration totals, but the 1880s put Germany into the lead â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a lead that was increased in the following decades to the point where immigrants from Germany, East and West, accounted for more than 72 percent of the total German-speaking foreign-born population of Utah in 1970. (The 1910 figure for Austrian-born immigrants may be misleading. It is most probable that the great majority of these "Austrians" were actually of Slavic descent, born in countries that were at the time under Austrian rule. 2 Tables 5 and 6 are perhaps the most significant to the present study. In plotting the net change in the number of foreign-born immigrants by their countries of origin (either Germany, Austria, or Switzerland) the actual increase or decrease in the number of firstgeneration immigrants can be presented. This chart answers the 2 Helen Z. Papanikolas, "The New Immigrants," Utah's History, ed. Richard D. Poll (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University, 1978), p. 449.


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TABLE 5: PER DECADE INCREASE OR DECREASE IN THE NUMBER OF UTAH RESIDENTS BORN IN GERMANY, AUSTRIA, AND SWITZERLAND, 1850-1970 Year

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

Germany

NA 107 251 527 1,236 244 1,598 (334) 515 (751) (19) 2,251 (695)

Austria

NA 48 (47) 18 95 155 1,598 (883) (577) 55 35 (59) (173)

Switzerland

NA 70 431 531 1,296 133 222 (125) (145) (348) (99) (102) (304)

( ) = Negative Value NA = Not Applicable

questions of how many German-speaking immigrants came to Utah and stayed, when they came and, to a certain extent, who came (country of origin). With the number of immigrants established, this study can move on to consider reasons for the various changes in immigration figures in the context of the three phases mentioned earlier. T h e first of these time periods, 1852 to 1918, encompasses the main thrust of the LDS practice of "the gathering to Zion" and also the change in Utah's economy from the agricultural vision of the refugee Mormon pioneers to a mostly urban society supported by railroad and mining enterprises. In Germany during this period several baronies and principalities were united under the Second German Reich in 1871. This era ended, as did the Reich, with the end of World War I. T h o u g h the immigration figures rose and fell twice during this period (see tables 5 and 6), the experiences of these German immigrants in what might be termed "pioneer Utah" binds them together. Until the driving of the golden spike at Promontory on May 10, 1869, to complete the transcontinental railroad, the number of non-Mormon residents of the territory was negligible at best. In fact, aside from the merchants who followed the military, the military itself, and the forty-niners who had opted to stay in Utah, there were few non-Mormons in the area and even fewer non-Mormon Europeans, well into more modern times:


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354

Utah Historical Quarterly T h e non-Mormon Europeans differed from their Mormon brethren in that they did not come to America with the idea of settling in Utah. Many came west only after living for years in other parts of the country, attracted by opportunities in Utah as the region became increasingly integrated into the national economy.

Only after the railroad had come and the mining industry had shown some promise did the non-Mormon population begin its climb, and climb it did so that by 1890 Utah's non-Mormon population equaled 43.9 percent of the total. 4 However, most of these people were not in the state to stay. They had come looking for speculative work, and many soon moved on. It was, therefore, the proselytizing efforts of Mormon missionaries that resulted in the first groups of direct immigrants to Utah from German-speaking areas. German-speaking immigrants from Austria have always lagged statistically behind their fellow German-speakers; due to the early successes of LDS missionaries, the Swiss took the lead in immigration totals. As was seen in table 4, the number of foreign-born Utahns from Switzerland followed a normal curve, rising gently to the 1910 figure and falling slowly through 1970. T h e net immigration figures recorded in table 6 show that the only major increase occurred in 1890. This is easily attributed to increased Mormon missionary activity in Switzerland at that time. 5 For Germany immigration, however, this early period shows two peaks with their corresponding valleys on table 6. T h r o u g h 1880 the rise is gentle, but the next decade shows a sharper increase in the n u m b e r of foreign-born, German-speaking residents of Utah. These changes can definitely be linked to economic factors in Utah and Germany. T h e year 1848 saw the beginnings of real social unrest in Germany with the March Revolution in Prussia. Reacting to the February Revolution in France, the German Confederation announced its eagerness to begin reorganization and modernization and adopted red, gold, and black as its colors with a golden eagle on a black background. However, the king of Prussia, Frederick William IV, declared that he would rule "in accordance with the laws of God 3 Davis Bitton and Gordon Irving, "The Continental Inheritance," The Peoples of Utah, ed. Helen Z. Papanikolas (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), p. 223. 4 See table H, "Membership of Religious Denominations in Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1870-1975," in Poll, Utah's History, pp. 692-93. 5 Gilbert W. Scharffs, "History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Germany between 1840 and 1968" (Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1969), p. 36.


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355

German-born Simon Bamberger, one of thefirstf ews elected governor in the U.S., served during 1917-21. His wife Ida Maas, also of German extraction, supported charitable causes. The Bamberger Interurban Railroad was one of Simon's many enterprises. USHS collections.

and State" and not according to the wishes of "so-called representatives of the people." In anger the Liberals began a revolution of sorts on March 18 in Berlin and the king was forced to save himself and the crown by parading down the streets "surrounded by waving banners of black, red, and gold." Other uprisings were recorded in Vienna, Baden, and Frankfurt. 6 It was shortly after this time that 6 Kurt F. Reinhardt,Germany: 2000 Years, rev. ed., vol. 2 (New York: Frederick Unger Publishing Co., 1980), pp. 527-29, 429-30.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

Simon Bamberger, who eventually became governor of Utah and whose father was involved in the uprisings of 1848, left Germany in search of freedom and social mobility. 7 Gerhart Hauptmann, in his play Die Weber {The Weavers), describes the deplorable conditions forced upon the working classes, among whom was his own grandfather, and explores the causes and end products of small-scale uprisings. 8 His descriptions could cause one to ask why more people did not leave Germany during this period. T h e first decline in net immigration totals came in the decade between 1890 and 1900. This was surely due in part to the enactment of some progressive legislation in Germany. In 1883 health insurance laws were passed, followed by the enactment of accident insurance legislation from 1884 to 1887 and old age and disability insurance provisions in 1889." Certainly these measures provided incentives to remain at home in Germany. Furthermore, the Constitution, given to all of Germany with the formation of the Second German Empire in 1871, granted certain freedoms outright so that they were no longer subject to the whims of rulers of the various German states. Utah's history was particularly stormy during the 1880s and the 1890s because of the fight over the practice of polygamy and the political influence of the Mormons. When the church's assets were seized by the Utah Commission on behalf of the federal government, the financial aid given by the LDS church to some immigrants through the Perpetual Emigrating Fund was cut off. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the LDS church began discouraging immigration to Utah. Plans for a worldwide church required the strengthening of individual congregations in Germany and the rest of the world. In addition, laws passed by Congress began to limit the number of immigrants from individual countries. 10 Using this legislation to help them discourage immigration, Mormon leaders began printing articles in their official publications emphasizing the negative aspects of coming to a new land. T h e decade ending in 1910 showed a substantial rise in net immigration to Utah from German-speaking areas. T h o u g h no 7 Frank Thomas Morn, "Simon Bamberger: A Jew in a Mormon Commonwealth" (Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1966), p. 1. 8 See p. 5 of the edition of this play published by Verlag Ullstein in Frankfurt, Germany, in 1963. "Reinhardt, Germany, p. 602. 10 Douglas D. Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration to Utah, 1850-1950" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1959), pp. 68-71, 23-34.


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specific governmental or economic factors can be shown in the countries of origin, Utah was experiencing economic growth in the mining industry and railroad construction. Jobs were easy to find. T h e entry of many German-speakers into Utah during this period probably reflects a migration of workers and speculators to the state from other parts of America. 11 T h e end of the initial period of German immigration came with World War I. Immigration figures fell by over a thousand, and the decade ending in 1920 actually recorded a net out-migration of German-speaking foreign-born inhabitants. T h e interim between World War I and World War II, along with the decade of the 1940s, brought immense change within the German-speaking countries and especially in Germany itself. T h e representative Weimar Republic took over the government of Germany in 1919. Reparations imposed by the Treaty of Versailles, coupled with the loss of much of Germany's manpower and the cost of reconstruction, greatly crippled efforts by the new government to stabilize the country. Radical parties arose, among which was the National Socialist German Workers' party with Adolf Hitler at its head. Depression ravaged the country and the new Nazi party incited the masses against their leaders. T h e n , u n d e r Hitler's rule, Germany began to stabilize with the help of an economy based on preparations for war. During the period of greatest depression in Germany another rise in immigration from German-speaking countries was recorded. T h e n the depression hit the United States as well. As the economy in Germany began to stabilize and even recover, the American economy was rapidly deteriorating. T h e two coincident conditions, along with the new war effort in Germany, combined to lower the number of German-born residents of Utah recorded in 1940. T h r o u g h o u t the next decade, there appears to have been a gentle rise in the net immigration figures for German-speaking residents in Utah, but actually, until after 1945, there were practically no immigrants. Even after that time, United States immigration legislation kept the figures low through 1950.12 Because of the war Utah rose to one of the highest levels of prosperity it had reached since its beginnings with the rapid development of military installations and defense-related industries "Papanikolas, "The New Immigrants," p. 449. 12 Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration," pp. 32-33.


Utah Historical Quarterly

358

during the early 1940s. One of the new facilities was a prisoner of war camp for Germans located in Ogden. Some of the present German residents of the state were interned there until after the war and later returned because they liked the area. An extremely skilled artisan, Frederick Weber, is just such an example. He is most widely known in Utah as the craftsman who repaired the Christus statue on Temple Square in Salt Lake City.13 Reconstruction and governmental changes in occupied Germany were major reasons for the tremendous postwar influx of Germans after immigration restrictions were eased. T h e present German republics â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic â&#x20AC;&#x201D; came into being as separate entities in 1949. An enduring symbol of the breakup of the former German Empire is the Berlin Wall built in August 1961. Since the division of 13

Golden A. Buchmiller, "Artist Makes Statue of Christ Whole Again," Deseret News, January 16, 1983, p. 5 of Church News Section.

Many Swiss immigrants were Mormon handcart pioneers, memorialized in the Torlief Knaphus sculpture on Temple Square. USHS collections.


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359

Germany each German republic has pursued its own interests and achieved stability and economic development in its own way. As the incentives to come to America and hence to Utah were decreased by detente and economic stability in the two countries, more and more Germans have opted to remain in their homeland. T h e non-Mormon German-speakers who eventually came to Utah followed much the same path as their Mormon counterparts. T h e journey to Utah was similar in many respects for both groups, though the non-Mormons (once they reached the American shores) usually came to Utah in a much more roundabout way. T h e mode of travel has varied greatly since 1847. T h e transcontinental railroad replaced the long and difficult trek overland. T h e use of steamships and, later, the jet airliner shortened the trip from Germany to Utah to a few days and then hours. For those whose fate it was to come to Utah in the 1850s and 1860s the voyage began as they traveled to a port city on the North Sea. After crossing to England they would embark from Liverpool as steerage passengers on a two-month voyage across the Atlantic, arriving in port at New York, Philadelphia, New Orleans, or another harbor. From the East Coast a train took them to the current end of the railroad line. From there a wagon train (or handcart company for some of the Mormon immigrants) carried the newcomers into the Salt Lake Valley. But Salt Lake was not the final destination for some. Mary Ann Hafen began her trek from Switzerland as a young girl. She traveled with her family up the Rhine River to Rotterdam where they boarded a small vessel to cross the North Sea to Liverpool. From there they were on the Atlantic Ocean for weeks and sometimes feared for their lives: . . . T h e r e arose a great storm next day. T h e waves came up like mountains and broke over the deck. We were all ordered u n d e r deck and the water splashed on us as we went down the steps. All night the storm raged. Our ship tossed about like a barrel on a wild sea. Two large beams or masts broke off and we were driven many miles back.

Even the captain cried out, "We are lost!" but the storm cleared and repairs were made. After they arrived in New York Hafen enjoyed her first meal on shore: "We were served with good light bread and sweet milk. After long weeks of 'zwieback,' or hard tack, and dried pea soup, this was a happy change." 14 l4 Mary Ann Hafen, Recollections of a Handcart Pioneer of 1860 (Denver: LeRoy Hafen, 1938), pp. 18-33, 20.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

T h e U.S. Immigration Commission investigated the conditions steerage passengers had to endure in the trans-Atlantic crossing: T h e berth, 6 feet long and 2 feet wide and with 2-/4 feet of space above it, is all the space to which the steerage passenger can assert a definite right. . . . No sick cans are furnished, and not even large receptacles for waste. . . . T h e passengers . . . [carry] the crude eating utensils given them to use throughout the journey [to the food line]. . . . Naturally there is a rush to secure a place in line and afterwards a scramble for the single warm water faucet, which has to serve the needs of hundreds.

T h e report also cited the filth, the stench, the improper ventilation, etc., aboard ship and ended with a description of the total lack of discipline among the passengers. T h e German-speaking Mormon immigrants were able to avoid many of the poor conditions suffered by other immigrant groups because of experiences of earlier Mormon groups coming from England and Scandinavia who paved the way for them. 16 T h e church, too, gave specific instructions about what to take: Passengers furnish their own beds and bedding. A straw mattress will answer very well for sleeping upon when they do not bring feather or other beds with them, Each single passenger also requires a box or barrel to hold provisions; and the following articles for cooking, &c. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a broiler, saucepan, fryingpan, tin porriger, tin plate, tin dish, knife, fork, spoon, and a tin vessel to hold 3 quarts of water. 17

In the case of families, the items mentioned were to be of a "suitable size" for all; and though the water bottles could be of any size or number, "they must hold the number of quarts due the whole family per day." Further instructions were given about luggage with the stipulation that only the absolutely essential could be retained with the individual passenger. All else would be stowed in the hold. T h e LDS church had an agent in Liverpool who arranged the chartering of a vessel and assisted the immigrants with any questions or concerns, a n d he a r r a n g e d the i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s into a "cooperative-authoritarian, self-imposed government" 1 8 that allowed for greatly improved discipline. Group leaders assigned cleaning and cooking details, and religious services were held at least '"'Quoted in Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration," pp. 52-53. '"Mormon immigration to Utah began in 1848 from Britain and expanded with the missions in Scandinavia. German-speaking immigrants to Utah came first in 1853. 17 Franklin D. Richards, General Instructions (n.p., 1856), p. 2. Copy in LDS Church LibraryArchives, Salt Lake City. 18 Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration," p. 53.


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once daily. Still, despite all of the efforts made to ease the j o u r n e y ' s difficulties, o n e immigrant r e p o r t e d in Der Jyastfdjcs (Organ bet Kirdje Stern, the official G e r m a n f£| 3cfu Cfjrifti ber fjeUtgcn language publication of the 6cr Icljtcn Hage. Mormon church, on an ocean \. 3u!i 1900. f 32fe 3abrgang. eN§ 1 3 . crossing made in 1860 that the voyage was truly one of e n d u r a n c e . T h e r e were 1,000 immigrants on the ship with a very small kitchen, so that anyone eating more than once a day was very lucky. Had they not brought dried fruits and some sausage, they would have "suffered from real hunger." 1 " Louise Graehl told of seven and a half weeks at sea aboard the John M. Wood in a "If grvtr t><r (Engel iTToroni — Salt talc dcmpcl. (fte^e naij''tt Seitt.) company of Swiss and Germ a n i m m i g r a n t s a n d how Der Stern kept Mormons in Germany inh a p p y they w e r e to dock formed about church affairs. finally in New Orleans. However, these early immigrant journeys allowed no time for any leisure or sightseeing: Without even getting a look at the beautiful city, we were ushered on a steamboat that was to transport us to St. Louis. We were twelve days on that boat. After eight days in St. Louis we took another steamboat for Kansas where we were to begin our camping life. This was indeed something new for us. T h e fixing of tents u n d e r the trees in the wood, the building of a campfire, the baking of our bread in baking kettles, the washing of our clothes and the tending of our baby boy just learning to walk were sometimes trying. . . .

Two long months at sea and the trip up the Mississippi did not end the immigrants' ordeal. Graehl wrote further of her experiences on the plains after her oldest daughter died and was buried in the wilderness: 1!,

Ibid., p. 55.


362

Utah Historical Quarterly It was the beginning of July that our tiresome journey across the plains begun. We found out when we were ready to start that we lacked many things that would be needed on the road and that it would be difficult to procure them.

Her husband became discouraged and even left the group for a while, but he rejoined them and the journey dragged on: We had been traveling a few days. I was in the wagon with my three little ones, when all at once we had a stampede. Our team composed of two yokes of oxen and another one, started running in the grass that at that place was about five feet high. Sometimes the wagons came near wrecking each other, then again the animals ran in different directions not seeming to feel any trouble at pulling their heavy loads.

After that episode Louise had to hold her baby in one arm and help her husband steer with the other. 20 Mary Ann Hafen, the Swiss immigrant referred to earlier, related her experiences as one of the handcart pioneers of 1860. A group of 126 persons traveled under Oscar B. Stoddard from Florence, Nebraska, on July 6 with twenty-two handcarts and three provisioned wagons drawn by oxen: Even when it rained the company did not stop traveling. A cover on the handcart shielded the two younger children. T h e rest of us found it more comfortable moving than standing still in the drizzle. In fording streams the men often carried the children and weaker women across on their backs. . . . At night, when the handcarts were drawn up in a circle and the fires were lighted, the camp looked quite happy. Singing, music and speeches by the leaders cheered everyone.

Later on in the journey she wrote: Our provisions began to get low. . . . My brother John, who pushed at the back of our cart, used to tell how hungry he was all the time and how tired he got from pushing. He said he felt that if he could just sit down for a few minutes he would feel so much better. But instead, father would ask if he couldn't push a little harder. Mother was nursing the baby and could not help much, especially when the food ran short and she grew weak. When the rations were reduced father gave mother a part of his share of the food, so he was not so strong either. 21

Even when the rations were meager, food and trinkets were often given to approaching Indians to keep them friendly. T h e years 1869 and 1870 marked a great change in the conditions endured by the immigrants. With the laying of the last tie in 20

Kate B. Carter, comp., Treasures of Pioneer History, 6 vols. (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1952-57), 6:56-59. 21 Hafen, Recollections, pp. 24, 25.


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Henry Wagener was one of several Germans who brought beer-making skills to Utah. His California Brewery was located at the mouth of Emigration Canyon. USHS collections.

completion of the transcontinental railroad the arduous trek across the plains was reduced to a few days in a railroad car, and in 1870 the LDS church began to charter steamships for the Atlantic crossing which decreased the time factor and eased the travail of immigrants en route to Utah. Non-Mormons also had the option of sailing with


364

Utah Historical Quarterly

these ships, but many continued to come to America as steerage passengers in older vessels well into the first two decades of the 1900s.22 Leaving Nurnberg in early November 1912, one German immigrant to Utah, Alexander Schreiner, recorded these impressions of his journey: "We had a very severe crossing. It was stormy at that time of year. . . . My mother was very ill, seasick, for some five days. I think it took eight or nine days to cross the Atlantic. . . ." Earlier that year the Titanic had gone down, and this group of immigrants was traveling on the Canada, a ship about one-fifth the size of the Titanic. Schreiner continued: "We arrived in Salt Lake City on Friday and were welcomed by Latter-day Saints who had formerly lived in Nurnberg who had emigrated before, and whom we loved and were happy to see." 23 Many such welcomes were recorded by incoming German-speakers, because it was the practice of the German organizations of the time to meet new arrivals and make them comfortable. Between the two World Wars when another wave of Germanspeaking immigrants came to Utah, travel was less arduous, but they were not free of difficulties. After paying for their passage, they had precious little money left over; and in the new land, with a language barrier and prejudices retained from the war, they found that jobs were scarce. Eric Heimann preceded his wife to America by a number of years. T h o u g h they had met in Berlin before he left for the United States, he had received his visa and had to use it before its expiration. He went to Milwaukee to his sponsor, and she remained at her home in Vienna, Austria. Quotas imposed by the U.S. Immigration Commission at the time made her immigration impossible. Soon, however, because of LDS mission assignments, they were reunited in Germany. After completing their missions they were married and returned to Milwaukee in the 1930s when the depression was at its peak. Phila Heimann, who had nearly completed her doctorate in nuclear physics in Vienna, obtained a job teaching German to the children of some of the wealthiest brewers in the city, including the Pabst children. However, new mission duties sent them to Illinois and from there to Salt Lake City, at her insistence. They were so poor that they were unable to rent a room. T h r o u g h some of their 22

Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration," pp. 56, 52. Alexander Schreiner Interview by Nancy Furner Fenn, J u n e 1973-May 1975, pp. 7, transcript, James Moyle Oral History Program, LDS Church Library-Archives. 23


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Fredrick H. Barth, born in Transylvania, served in the German army during World War II, converted to Mormonism, and finally emigrated. Courtesy of Fredrick H. Barth.

German contacts they were able to find jobs, and not long thereafter Phila began teaching German at the University of Utah. A number of today's leading professors at Brigham Young University, Utah State University, and the University of Utah were her students. Eric became a leader in many of the German organizations, and together the Heimanns sponsored five other German and Austrian families in their immigration to Utah after World War II. 24 T h e most recent wave of immigration began soon after World War II ended, but it did not really gain steam until the United States

"Interview with Phila Heimann, March 24, 1983.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

relaxed the immigration restrictions enacted to prevent the mass migration of thousands of homeless Europeans. T h e stories these immigrants to Utah tell are many and varied, and as with the other waves of direct immigration to the state, this one was composed almost exclusively of Mormons, among whom were tremendous numbers of East German refugees. Several factors must be kept in mind when considering immigration during this period. (1) T h e history of the LDS mission effort in what is now East Germany shows that the greatest number of converts was made in this region. 25 (2) Beginning in the late 1920s a large-scale propaganda campaign was carried out by the German government against the terror of the Bolsheviks. (3) At the end of World War II Russian soldiers literally expelled German residents who had not fled before their occupational forces in East Prussia and areas of Poland and Czechoslovakia, in part substantiating the fear created by the propaganda. These factors, combined with the severe economic upheaval brought on in part by the heavy bombing of Germany, turned many a German's eyes toward America, the land of promise, and the eyes of the Mormon Germans to Utah, their "Zion." Notwithstanding the church's stated wish that members stay in Europe and strengthen their congregations, as soon as sponsors could be found in America and as soon as money for emigration could be collected, h u n d r e d s began their journey to Utah. One immigrant told of being forced from her home in Tilsit, East Prussia, in 1944 and walking or riding in a cattle car with her mother and baby sister through Poland to Dresden where her sister died. She spent much of her childhood in East Germany but fled with her family through Berlin to West Germany in August 1961, just two weeks before the wall was erected. After a year in southern Germany she and her mother, with the sponsorship of a family in Salt Lake City, were able to emigrate. 26 T h e journal of Herbert W. Klopfer, born February 3, 1936, related a similar story of occupation and escape. His father, a leader in the Mormon church organization in eastern Germany before the war, had been killed in Russia, leaving his wife with two children. Following an elaborate plan devised by his mother and President William Stover of the East German LDS Mission, Herbert and his 25 Gabrielle Barbara Kindt, "Statistical Study: Emigration of German Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints," research paper for History 490, University of Utah, 1977, pp. 24-26, copy in LDS Church Library-Archives. 26 Interview with Eva Maria Bates, April 4, 1983.


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younger brother, Rudy, on the pretense of joining an aunt in Rostock near the Baltic Sea, met their mother in the Russian sector of Berlin on December 26, 1950: . . . Since there was no legal border in existence at that time, our illegal entry was tantamount to crossing a tentative line separating East Berlin from West Berlin. President Stover had driven his big American car across the line into East Berlin to meet us at the train station. He parked it in a nearby dark side street. It was legal for him to do so as an American citizen. It was a little difficult for him, though, to chauffeur East German citizens to West Berlin. He also risked his life. I brought aunt Maria's bicycle along with me. Upon disembarking from the train, mother put me on the bicycle, pointed west on the main east-west artery of Berlin . . . and told me to start pedaling. Alone and without any belongings other than the clothes I wore I started bicycling into the dark night, heading west, while mother and Rudy disappeared quickly with President Stover in the direction of his car. I reached the Brandenburger Gate, the single most critical moment of my illegal flight. Border guards searched everyone thoroughly. They found nothing on me â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a mere fourteen-year-old boy on a bicycle. I continued biking through the Gate to freedom. Two hours later, tired and weary, I arrived at the Mission Home in BerlinDahlheim, our prearranged rendezvous point.

From there, the Klopfers were able to make it to America and then to Salt Lake City. Alfred Schulz had come to America in 1926 to join his parents and brothers already living in Salt Lake City and was followed by his wife. But in 1931, after having two children, they returned to visit his in-laws. Germany was in the midst of dark times, and it would be many years before the Schulz family would return to Utah. Alfred obtained a job as an insurance salesman and eventually became a member of a civilian police force during the war. Returning to Utah was one of his dreams, but he would have to endure much in order to get there. On an April night in 1944 Schulz and a group of other refugees were caught trying to outrun Russian soldiers pushing into Berlin. Shots were fired and all of the party were killed except Schulz who was shot through the neck and lay for six days in a field on the outskirts of a forest "with two smashed vertebrae and suffering paralysis of his lower body." Upon discovery, he was nursed back to partial health and then thrown into a Russian concentration camp where he suffered horrible mistreatment. After obtaining the proper papers from the Allied Occupational Forces, he was notified 27

In LDS Church Library-Archives; see pp. 19-20.


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Old-country music and dance are kept alive in Utah as these scenes from the 1983 Volksfest demonstrate. Photographs by Gary B. Peterson, Photogeographics.


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he would be able to leave from H a m b u r g on October 7, 1949, for the United States on a Norwegian freighter. His first crossing to America had been in relative luxury on a large steamship. Even though he had traveled second class, he spoke of dances and parties and sumptuous meals. Of his second he wrote: In the evening the anchor was raised, and we went through the harbor, where many ships were anchored, towards the future. . . . T h e trip across the ocean was not too pleasant. We had storm almost constantly. . . . T h e food was good, entertainment bad, boredom unending. T h e r e was little to read and it was uncomfortable on deck. . . . Thus we were on the water for almost two weeks. . . . One night the boat only made 4 knots an hour. T h e n we saw land. America! In the evening we were in the harbor. T h e anchor was lowered, and we remained on board one more night. T h e immigration officials came in the morning. Everything was fine. At noon the boat was tied down on the pier. Now we got off the boat and stood on the American continent. A strange feeling. It was on a Saturday. T h e express company was closed so that I had to stay in New York for three days. . . . With the "Greyhound Lines" I left New York on Monday evening. It was a glorious experience to take a bus through America. . . . Thursday noon we arrived in Salt Lake City . . . and then I met my parents, my boys my brothers and sisters. O what a joy to see them all again.

He got a job at ZCMI working for 85 cents an hour doing the "dirtiest" work, and his rooms were small, but his words expressed his happiness at returning to Utah and being reunited with his family: "It was good to see all the bright lights in the city. My heart was filled with joy and gratitude." 28 Those who have come to Utah in the past few years have found the trip quite pleasant. T h e ease and comfort of airline travel with snacks, drinks, hot meals, stewards and stewardesses, and in-flight movies have made the journey commonplace. T h e first direct German immigrants to Utah would be astonished to hear people today complain about the uneasiness of flight, the few hours of layovers, and the cramped quarters of a j u m b o jet.

28 The original of Schulz's journal is in LDS Church Library-Archives. Translation by Justus Ernst with excerpts from ZCMIrror (Salt Lake City), May 1945.


For many German-speaking immigrants Liverpool was the point of departure for the U.S. and, ultimately, Utah. USHS collections.

Die Auswanderung BY D O U G L A S D. A L D E R

I HE SETTLEMENT OF THE AMERICAN W E S T was mainly the result of individual enterprise, but there were also group experiments. This individual versus group dichotomy can be seen by contrasting the fortune seekers who rushed to the California gold fields with the Icarians who went to the Napa and Sonoma valleys to set up a Utopian community. 1 One could similarly contrast the thousands in Dr. Alder is professor of history and geography at Utah State University. 'Robert V. Hine, California's Utopian Colonies (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1953), chapter 4. Interestingly, these Icarians came to California from Nauvoo, Illinois, a town they occupied in 1849 after the Mormons departed.


Die Auswanderung

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Texas and Oregon who came as individual homesteaders with the groups led by Stephen A. Austin to Texas or those whom Jason Lee brought to the Willamette Valley of Oregon. T h e most numerous and long-lived group settlements in the West were clearly those of the Mormons in the Great Basin where thousands of Latter-day Saints gathered from Europe and North America. Those emigrants who came from German-speaking lands in Europe to the Great Basin are examples of both the individual and the group undertaking. For example, the Mormon-sponsored emigrants from Germany, Switzerland, and Austria who came prior to World War I were generally transported in groups. Most often they traveled directly from Central Europe to Utah with the guidance of church emigration agents all the way to the Great Basin. German-speaking people of other religious persuasions came to Utah also, but generally they came individually and indirectly, often living several years in other parts of the United States prior to their move to Utah. Following World War I the group system of the Mormons ended. Thereafter, those who chose to come on their own initiative had to arrange their own finances and their own travel. Whether they came individually or in groups their story must impinge on many more Utahns than those six thousand plus now living in the state who themselves were born in Europe, because today 190,000 Utahns claim to have German ancestry â&#x20AC;&#x201D; one eighth of the state's population. 2 T h o u g h Utah is a rather remote spot and not as well known for preserving German culture as the American Midwest, there is nonetheless a Utah-German connection. It is not unusual for anyone in Utah to listen to the German hour Saturday mornings on radio or buy European specialities at Siegfried's Delicatessen. Businesses like Buehner Block, the old Schneitter's Hot Pots near Midway, the Homespun Restaurant in Leeds, the now defunct Auerbach's department store or the memorable Bamberger Interurban Railroad, and the continuing Deutsches Theater in Salt Lake City testify to the presence of German enterprise. 2 T h e 1980 census data have not yet been completely published but are available through the Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce. Unfortunately, the Swiss nativity figures are not being compiled separately. People of German nativity in Utah numbered 5,950 and Austrian natives, 292. T h e 1970 census showed 566 Swiss. T h e 1980 data show 9,755 people over the age of eighteen who speak German in the home and 1,633 between the ages of five and seventeen. One supplementary report has been helpful: "Ancestry of the Population by State: 1980," p. 56.


Utah Historical Quarterly

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T h e Swiss Choir establishes a subtler point: that much of what is commonly called "German" may in fact be from a neighboring land â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Switzerland or Austria â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that is German-speaking. Some German-speaking Utahns were even born in German portions of present-day Poland or Czechoslovakia. So for the purposes of discussion here the German-speaking emigration to Utah includes all these groups. ORGANIZING THE MORMON EMIGRATION

T h e German-speaking Mormon emigration began in 1853, a decade after British and Scandinavian emigrants had begun the trek. 3 T h e organization, financing, routing, and destinations had become much more definite by 1853, and the Germans benefited by it. As soon as the missions gained a solid footing in Germany, the Liverpool shipping office was ready to handle their emigration business. 3

For a history of Mormonism in Germany see Gilbert ScharfFs Mormonism in Germany (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1970).

Schneitter's Hot Pots in Midway, where many Swiss settled, is now the Homestead resort. USHS collections.


Die Auswanderung

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Once the Mormon agent in Liverpool knew when a departure would be possible, he notified the mission president in Switzerland where the work was strongest. In later years he informed the German leaders of departures too. Prior to that notification, the two carried on a correspondence concerning the amount of church financial aid available and the number of emigrants registering. On the Continental side, the mission president acted as subagent. He encouraged the members to gather to Zion, publicized detailed instructions, and received deposits of money. He was responsible for registering all the passengers with the Liverpool office and accompanying the travelers to that city. Upon arrival in Liverpool the emigrants made such purchases as were recommended and attended a meeting of all the Mormon passengers traveling on the ship. T h e European mission president presented a regular ecclesiastical organization for their sustaining vote. T h e n he bade them farewell and they were on their way. They were met at the port in America by a Mormon agent who had arranged their further transportation, either to the outfitting point before the completion of the railroad or directly to Salt Lake City after 1869. When they reached Salt Lake City, Ogden, or any other Utah destination, they were met either by relatives and friends or the German LDS Organization, which was charged with the task of receiving and helping new arrivals. 4 On at least four occasions the German mission president did an end run, chartering ships that left from Hamburg, avoiding the Liverpool office. T o the Mormons in Europe the trusted Mormon missionaries were the strongest advertisement for the so-called gathering to Zion. Mormon elders in German-speaking Europe served not only as preachers but also as agents for the individual converts whom they baptized. They often provided a link between the new members and some specific town or employment in the Utah-Idaho area. Undoubtedly some missionaries were overly enthusiastic, perhaps even painting an unduly optimistic picture of the Zion in the mountains. Whenever this was the case the church inherited some embittered Europeans in Utah whose letters back to the old country bore words of disillusionment. Some of these emigrants even returned to the "Heimat" to criticize Mormonism."' This does not suggest that such salesmanship was intentionally misleading. 'Der Stem, 15:204. 5 Die Reform, 1:45, and Millennial Star, 67:536.


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Certificate issued in 1863 allowed emigrant to draw $1.00 worth of rations from the Mormon warehouse in Florence, Nebraska. USHS collections.

T h e missionaries returned to that same Zion and knew they would have to live with the people they encouraged to emigrate. They received no bounty as did some land scheme promoters. T h o u g h some criticized the voyage and the new Jerusalem in the Rocky Mountains, many more remained totally devoted to the "gathering." In an 1861 letter describing his journey to Salt Lake City, Ulrich Loosli wrote of the improved economic condition he and those with him experienced. They had become property owners and successful farmers, but he hastened to add, one should not come to Zion for improving living standards. T h e n he changed ground and mourned for his oppressed brethren in Europe: "Wie arm dass die Schwizer sind and sie gut wie es haben konnten" (How poor the Swiss are and how good it could be for them). 6 FINANCING THE EMIGRATION

Mormon leaders explored many avenues to finance the emigration. 7 They encouraged travelers to deposit their personal funds with the church in Europe instead of risking theft along the way. On arrival in Utah immigrants were able to receive their deposits in cash or kind. This allowed the church to amass funds in Europe without sending them from Utah. Sometimes church leaders permitted their European agents to divert tithing money into the emigration fund. 6

Der Darsteller, 4:117. Richard Jensen, "The Financing of Mormon Immigration in the Nineteenth Century," unpublished paper from the Joseph Fielding Smith Institute of Church History, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. 7


Die Auswanderung

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Drives were undertaken in Utah to raise donations for emigration, and members in the Rocky Mountains were urged to sponsor and even finance the voyage of Europeans. Sometimes the agents helped immigrants find employment along the way to finance the trip. They also set up a savings program to help emigrants accumulate funds for their fare. T h e church provided some loans and in rare cases offered welfare help to transport needy people without charge. Some early immigrants who came on a contract labor system arrived privately, such as young Fritz Zaugg who came to work for a farmer named Christian Hirschi in Park Valley. 8 Zaugg later brought the rest of his family to Utah through his earnings there. T h e Perpetual Emigrating Fund sponsored by the church was a system of lending the fare for the trip to worthy members with the agreement that they would repay their expenses to the fund to enable the next Latter-day Saint to make the journey. T h e fund was notoriously in arrears, suggesting that the obligation to repay was strained by the meager incomes of those who arrived. People traveling on church funds were often those whose friends or relatives had made advance deposits to the fund in Utah in the name of the prospective emigrant. T H E VOYAGE

U p to 1869 the voyage was long and tedious. T h e travelers were told repeatedly that they must travel light; only 100 pounds per adult were allowed on the wagons of the church teams. For the ship each emigrant had to furnish a wool blanket for his bunk as well as his eating utensils and dishes. Although the food on the ship was furnished, it was suggested that a few supplements be taken along. Pickled cucumbers and onions were especially recommended, as well as dried meat. Guns and power were forbidden on the voyage. They were not needed until the outfitting point was reached and were provided there. One article in the German LDS publication Iter Stern gave such practical suggestions as to bring some toys for the children and a bottle of bicarbonate of soda, which it claimed freshened the stale water on the ships." If printed instructions had been the Saints' only preparation they would have been well informed, but they also had personal contact with Utahns daily, which made them a very well instructed group. 8

Douglas D. Alder, "Fritz Zaugg, Teenage Emigrant," Beehive History 8, 1982, pp. 10-12. '"Der Stern, 2:70.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

T h e length of the voyages in the steerage vessels averaged four to five weeks, with some as long as seven weeks. Health problems were very common and many deaths were recorded. 10 Voyages that succeeded in arriving at their destination without experiencing at least one death were considered outstanding. Heinrich Reiser described a difficult voyage of the William Tapscott in May and June of 1860 with 83 German-speaking Saints among the 730 European Mormons aboard: We received our foodstuffs raw and had to cook them ourselves. T h e kitchen was too small for 100 persons so we considered ourselves lucky if we got something to eat once a day. We saw no bread, only sailor's zwiebach that was so hard we could break things with it, and had we not brought some fruit (dried) and wurst with us, we could have suffered greatly, as we neared New York many were near death; some did die in that city and others died on the journey to Florence, Nebraska.

T h e menu on board, though sufficient, must have been somewhat repetitious. A record for 1859 reports the following allotment per week for each person over eight years old (the same sufficing for two persons u n d e r that age): 3!/2 pounds of zwiebach, which was used mostly for soups, 1 pound flour, 1J4 pounds oatmeal, \xh pounds rice, P/2 pounds dried peas, 2 pounds potatoes, 1!4 pounds beef, 1 pound pork, 1 pound sugar, a little tea, salt, mustard, pepper, and vinegar. 12 After 1868 the number of days on the water was reduced considerably because the church began chartering steamships, which cut the voyage time to about twelve days. By 1869 immigrants could also travel by rail to Utah. T h e cost of the whole trip was cut to $75 and to three weeks in time. This reduction brought many changes, the most significant being that the health of the companies was not put u n d e r such peril. Although the tide of the British emigration began to decline as the German rose, the church-sponsored emigration continued, including the shipboard organization into wards. T h e presence of missionaries and conference presidents in the companies and agents at the ports kept the emigration flowing smoothly. Under the close supervision of experienced travelers, the emigrants could avoid being fleeced at inspection stations and railroad terminals. Costs H)

Der Darsteller, 1:108. "Der Stern, 32:202. vl Der Darsteller, 4:2.


Die Auswanderung

377

were kept at a minimum until the church-sponsored emigration was stopped by 1914. Arrival at the Castle Garden inspection point was memorable for most newcomers. Babette Kunzler in 1859 left this warm remembrance: When we arrived in New York Brother Lark, representing Brother Canon [sic] who could not come, was already there. We were taken to a hotel. T h e presidency of the mission decided that it would be wise for us to remain in New York for the winter. Since it was too expensive to remain in the hotel another housing arrangement was sought as fast as possible. . . . Already all of our brothers and sisters have work. Those with trades are in demand, especialy the shoemakers. I have also been promised work. Maria Stahl is also employed by the family where I am to help and she is satisfied and does not wish to return. . . . On the first Sunday we were taken to a hall where more than 300 Mormons were gathered. Oh, how my soul was stirred by the sight. . . . Brother Maser [sic] gave an address to us Swiss which did us good and at the same time evidenced his keen mind. He also troubled himself to speak to each of us individually. For years I have wished to know this man and now I have experienced it. . . . On Tuesday evening we had a German meeting in our house. Brother Canon spoke in English and Brother Maser translated into German but I could understand Brother Canon fairly well. We must all learn English this winter because it is so essential. 1,

Babette's experience was not typical in that she stayed in New York. Most companies were put immediately on the train and sent off to the outfitting posts if they arrived before 1869 or directly to the valley thereafter. Ulrich Loosli left a glowing record of his crossing in 1860 and concluded with this optimistic advertisement: In Switzerland there are some who consider this trek a tremendous difficulty but I say in truth that in twenty years I have never worked less than I did on this trip and I had more to do than the others!

Heinrich Reiser's report of the trek in the same year was quite the opposite: . . . We had to wait in Florence a whole month until our wagons arrived and not until July were we able to begin the difficult journey over the plains of North America. Some of our Swiss brothers and sisters had to go by handcart. Usually two adults, mother and father, pulled the cart with two children as well as foodstuffs and clothes in it. It made me weep to see such a group depart. T h e trip lasted three months and many lost their lives during this time. Almost every evening we had to dig a grave and toward the end l3

Der Darsteller, 4:4. Der Darsteller, 4:117.

14


378

Utah Historical Quarterly the deaths occurred often during the night by lantern light so that we had to dig the graves in the morning also because no one could be left behind to do that. 1 '

A difference in attitude may explain the contrast between Loosli's a n d Reiser's reports, but another factor is that the Loosli group lost only one traveler to death while those under Reiser's direction lost many, at sea as well as on the overland journey. In 1870 Karl G. Maeser led the first German-speaking group to Utah by the quickened methods of steamship and railroad. T h e party departed


Die Auswanderung

379

from Liverpool July 14, 1870, on the steamer Manhattan and after landing in New York on July 26 continued by rail and arrived in Salt Lake City on August 5, 1870. T h e journey, which the first emigrants experienced as a nine-month ordeal, had been reduced to a twenty-three-day trip. Some hardships remained, but a way had been found to eliminate the deaths. One of the best aspects of Mormon planning was the added thoughtfulness that made the arrival in Utah a thrilling experience for the immigrants. On at least one occasion the First Presidency met the train at Farmington and rode into Salt Lake City with the new arrivals, speaking to each one individually during the ride. 16 Another record mentions that as the train entered Ogden at 4 A.M. the German Organization in that city was at the depot with sandwiches and refreshments for their compatriots. 17 Occasionally an immigrant failed to meet his hosts at the depot. When fourteen-year-old Friedrich Zaugg came as a contract laborer, his company arrived four days earlier than planned and his intended master was not at the depot. He was petrified, partly because he could not speak English. So he got back on the train thinking that he had heard his destination, Park Valley, called out a few stops back. He was wrong, of course. T h e conductor had to put him off the train at the next stop, Morgan, Utah, because he had no ticket. T h e stationmaster there took the boy to a neighbor who spoke French. After a few tense days farmer Hirschi and the lad found each other and traveled by wagon three days to remote Park Valley where Fritz looked at the vast desert and queried, "Is this Zion?" MORMON EMIGRATION POLICY CYCLE

For the first century of the LDS church's existence the doctrine 18 of gathering the Saints to Zion remained significant. T h e motives of the German-speaking people in accepting this message and undertaking the trek to the new Zion in the Rocky Mountains could be analyzed as idealistic and materialistic. Perhaps the more important of the two was the idealistic â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the desire to live among the Saints, to experience the temple covenants, to build up a literal kingdom of God on the earth. This was especially true in the early period when no temple was available in Europe. If people had been looking for a 16

Der Stern, 3:45-47. "Der Stern, 15:204. l8 Doctrine and Covenants, 29:7-8.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

way to escape poverty or to obtain land in America, they could have found a more appealing landscape than Utah. What a stark contrast the Great Basin presented to the beauty of Switzerland or the productivity of Germany. T h e topic of emigration was continually held before the eyes of church members in the mission periodicals. Every volume of the German magazines for Mormons from 1853 to 1900 contained editorials, detailed instructions, sailing dates, emigrant lists, farewell letters, letters from the voyagers, and letters from German-speaking Saints living in Zion. This excerpt from an editorial in 1862 is typical: It is an undeniable fact that there are many in this land and others and who claim to be Latter-day Saints, who, if they were so inclined to make the effort, could have already gathered with the Saints in Zion. How can this be? It comes simply from the fact that despite their assertions they don't actually believe the message which God has declared to them. These people have been repeatedly warned during the last thirty years concerning the suffering and devastation which would come over the peoples of the earth and which would also include the Latter-day Saints if they were not obedient to the voice from the heavens to flee out of Babylon. . . . We feel to urge the Saints to exert every effort to flee to the gathering places of the Saints before the thunderstorm breaks. T h e Lord knows his own.. He can and will protect them as long as they are at their duty, but those who could not keep His commandment to gather and do it not have no right and can make no claim to His protection. 1 "

T h e gathering policy of the LDS church began to change in the latter part of the nineteenth century, perhaps because of conditions in Utah or because of the developing crisis between the Mormons and the federal government in the 1880s. As Utah began to fill up with immigrants it became increasingly difficult to find employment or desirable land for new arrivals, but missionaries and church leaders continued to support immigration even though some immigrants were finding Utah a hard place for a new start. T h e U.S. immigration restriction laws of 1885 and 1887 raised some difficulties for Mormons because the legislation restricted entry of "paupers," and Mormon plans encouraged members to deposit their money in Liverpool at the church emigration office instead of carrying money on their persons. In 1891 the next restriction law specifically added polygamists to the exclusion list.20 ''â&#x20AC;˘'Die Reform 1 (November 1892): 37-41. '2()Acts of Congress, March 3, 1981, c. 551 (Stat), 26. See also Senate Report 7 5 / 5 , "Immigration and Naturalization of the United States," 81st Cong., 2d sess., 1891, passim.


Die Auswanderung

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Although Mormons did not practice polygamy in Europe, they did belong to an organization that advocated its practice and many would adopt it later upon arrival in America. A strong nativist movement in America resisted immigration of Greeks, Italians, and Slavs. This nativist attitude was easily linked to anti-polygamist efforts against the Mormons. In Germany Mormon missionaries faced laws that specifically prohibited recruiting emigrants. This led to occasional arrests of missionaries. By the turn of the century church periodicals began warning prospective emigrants of economic difficulties in Utah; they also attempted to soothe government officials in Germany and Switzerland who were alarmed about the Mormon emigration which they saw as a system to lure young girls into polygamy. In 1907 the Millennial Star, the official voice of the church in England and Europe, editorialized: While the Church to which we belong is not using any influence to persuade its members or others to emigrate but desires that many of them shall stay and build up the work abroad, this office is engaged in a legitimate emigration agency both for sea voyages and land transportation in America. Latter-day Saints intending to gather in Zion, and friends in Utah sending money to assist their relatives in doing so, will do well to book for their passage through this office.

Following World War I church policy began to move rapidly toward discouraging emigration. Debates in the U.S. Senate over quota laws and attempts to win permission to proselytize in Germany were among the factors that led Orson F. Whitney, European mission president, to announce: As concerning the emigration question in general, we can again declare that we do not encourage our members to emigrate. On the contrary we discourage them from emigrating and have actually had to endure some criticism from our members for doing so. But it is our considered intention to make our Swiss and German branches a bulwark for good and to found new branches and build new Church buildings.

Although this was official policy, the emigration continued. Many missionaries, even mission presidents, befriended local members and could not in conscience discourage them from emigrating. Prospects for marriage within the church were slim in Europe. Educational options for the Mormons in Europe were limited be21

Millennial Star, 69:329. Der Stern, 53:216.

22


Utah Historical Quarterly

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cause it was not the custom for laboring classes to aspire to uniTheater-Auffuehniiitf versity attendance; land owneranlaf>lid> be* IQja&riufn >f>ilanm« ber ship in Europe was not comSal ke mon. Most of all, members in Ci hi ber E u r o p e h a d little chance to Granite-Stake-Halle 33. S i t ««b Qtlte €tr. — St»mt He 2troftr«b««n K i a a n . 12. enjoy the full church program - — &wtt»fl. &« 6. SB«i, nbmb» »ii«ftii* 8 lift •••- ••"• in Europe, especially the temple ordinances. Those who longed »»tr: t s u f l c t « h » « - fcem SoITc. — to be in Zion had learned their Sa*m|prel in 6 Hften mm SauS). - 3n Wriftbeutfd^er ©predje. tlnter WHtmirfuua Mn » . t. SiUeter, $iano u S. ff. Bnael, Stolta*. longing from missionaries or Jtt f e» : Salb&ojler, rcidjer Vautt u. Biebjianbler 3ofcn Slaufer. relatives and friends who had QScrtrub, beffen » e t b 3Hari« thUitet. $ima, beten Xtxbttr Com fyuttti. preceded them to the mouni'uaftoljler. ein %tuer 3uliuS ViUtitr 3r. t e r ©rtepfarrrr 3ful. SiOetet Sen. tains of western America. Set CiSeriehtSprafibent ijermann ©enn. "SKHtte. »ocnl einer Serfla>rmtg».$efcafd)Qft g^;, Shjbegger. T h e flow of German emiVifc, alte 3.1unberbaftorin u. flnrtenWanerin TOart&a SSiiOer. iioiii ) beren abotf (**amm. Wurtin ) ®6Sme $ernum,i ©utet. grants was really just getting a ,t*in 0Vertttit4tt>ci&cr, jroei 2anbjaget,. e'auiicrfnaben. Solf. ©finger unb Sanaetinnen. — ©oufieur: 3oljn $iittcl. healthy start when the church Ort ber fymbtung: e t n 2orf in ber ©dwoeij. ©cenerie: began to shift its policy, whereas >t. aft: ftiraitwib. etaei SKarttflrfenis in ber © * » e i | . i. »ft: SBofmftube bei Salbbfifler. the British and Scandinavian 3. «ft: {Pin Seru&Ujimmer im Karftfleifen. t. » « : Vie ©tube ber atten Sife e m i g r a t i o n h a d a l r e a d y des art: »ie a« a. Tic Teiien itoet Sftc [oielen 3 3a&re fpuler. clined. Missionary work was tit htrifaVnpanfen tterben bur* <?rtra.9himmern aulaeffiHt. JSraajtx>oUt ©e&wefjertttid&ttn itnb RoftOme. much later in establishing a firm (fi«rri« 30 «M. ftaftemlffit . g 7:30 lt|rT SoA,cr I . base in Germany, and legal re(fin teil beS SetngetoinnS iff fiir Me Heburftigen ber ©4roet|erifd)en unt> $ « t f d > n 9RtfHon beftitmnt. ^ strictions against proselytizing Swiss colony announced its Germanlanguage production ofThe Arsonist w e r e m u c h m o r e severe in in 1921 in the Beobachter. Germany and Switzerland than in Scandinavia a n d Britain. Some people now living in Utah undoubtedly experienced the ambivalent counsel that existed for decades in German-speaking Europe — official discouragement of emigration coexisting with individual advice to emigrate. When Max Zimmer pressed the point in 1922 he must have caused guilt feelings for many who would emigrate anyway or sponsor emigration:

Schweizer Kolonie

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No missionary, and certainly no officer in the Church, isjustified in spreading any emigration propaganda. We admonish our brothers and sisters and friends specifically to remain here and build up the Church.

T h e irony of that statement is that Zimmer himself later immigrated 3

Der Stern, 54:80.


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to Salt Lake City on invitation from church headquarters to become chief German translator for the church. (It must be added, however, that he did so only after serving for many years prior to his departure as a leader in the Swiss mission and as president of that mission during World War II.) As the worldwide depression struck in the 1930s, church leaders reaffirmed their advice to German-speaking Saints to remain in Europe, evidently unaware that the thunderstorm spoken of in 1862 was about to explode in Europe. T h u s thousands of Mormons experienced the tragedy of Nazism and the consequent fears that their membership in the church could become a cause of political oppression. Unlike the Jehovah's Witnesses, Latter-day Saints did not experience persecution as a whole, although some Mormons were imprisoned, even executed. 24 Nonetheless, the Nazi experience and the succeeding Communist takeovers in Eastern Europe stimulated thousands of German-speaking Mormons to flee, immigrating to the United States and particularly to Utah and Idaho immediately following the war. Thus the post-World War II immigration to Utah far exceeded any previous period. Beginning in 1947 when 62 members emigrated from the German-speaking missions, the number rose by 1958 to 710 who left in one year. 25 Alarmed mission presidents in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland issued a lengthy letter pleading for members to support church policy and remain in Europe where temples were now built.26 Although they experienced frustrations in attempting to cap the gathering spirit that so many had worked so hard to promote, their efforts gradually succeeded. T h e church established stakes and seminary programs in Europe; in essence the full program came to Europe, undercutting the argument for emigration. Economic conditions changed and eventually reversed, with the European economy actually surpassing the American. Increasing numbers of German-speaking Mormons have seen it as their mission to remain in Europe. T h e German-speaking emigration has dwindled, but it is not over yet.

" O n e such case has now become famous, that of Helmuth Heubner. See Alan F. Keele and Douglas F. Tobler, " T h e Fuhrer's New Clothes: Helmuth Huebner and the Mormons in the Third Reich," Sunstone, November/December 1980, pp. 20-29. Thomas Rogers has recently privately published a play entitled "Heubner" in a collection, God's Fools (1983). 2;> Douglas D. Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration to Utah" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1959), p. 123. â&#x201E;˘Der Stern, 4:343-46.


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German LDS meetinghouse, built to serve German and Siuiss immigrants - largely in Logan's Tenth Ward - zuas used in 1930s as a fraternity house by Sigma Phi Epsilon and later as a private theaterfor the Cache Valley Players. Courtesy of Special Collections, Utah State University. INDIVIDUAL EXAMPLES

Most of the German-speaking immigrants to Utah did not participate in the pioneer experience of church-planned travel because the majority of German-speaking immigration to Utah has come since World War I. They made individual decisions to immigrate and found a legal sponsor in America â&#x20AC;&#x201D; necessary for passage through the Immigration Service gates â&#x20AC;&#x201D; who often offered financial support or employment. These immigrants seldom came in groups. Their story is often one of hardship, too, not so much in the actual travel as in the adjustment to the new land and new language. 27 Walter and Marie Koch of Logan represent the post-World War II generation. 28 Walter was a miner in Essen at age fourteen. Later he became a farm worker and then a metal worker in a factory. He experienced both World War I (beginning at age eight), in which his father died, and World War II when he was drafted at age thirtyeight. He remembers the inflation and social discord that brought 27 The most recent examination of the German immigrant story in Utah is Ronald K. Dewsnup, "German-speaking Immigrants and the State of Utah: A Brief History" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1983). 28 Walter Koch, "Reminiscences," Special Collections, Merrill Library, Utah State University, Logan.


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Hitler to office as well as the horrors of war, especially several years of Russian prison camps. Already after World War I the Koch family dreamed of immigrating to America, but Walter's widowed mother and her three sons could never afford the trip. She had joined the LDS church in 1916. Walter was influenced by its teachings and met his wife, Marie, from Cologne through the church. Their experiences in World War II were so severe that they determined to escape the Europe of Nazism and Communism at their first opportunity. When the Kochs and their two sons, Alfred and Helmut, finally arrived in America in 1946 Walter had difficulty finding work, learning the language, and fulfilling the requirements for citizenship. Now, however, the Kochs are proud property owners, respected citizens, and unabashedly happy. Their sons have had opportunities for higher education. Walter also was able to bring his aged mother to America for the last four years of her life. Rolf Neugebauer did not experience the privations of a soldier or prisoner. He enjoyed a good education and developed an expert trade. Following his service as an LDS missionary in Germany, he looked toward a solid future in Germany's booming economy. His church leaders hoped that he would remain in Germany to become part of the leadership in the homeland. But Rolfs correspondence with a young woman missionary led to a decision to be married. He immigrated to Utah where he and Dixie Miskin were married in 1973. His move to the United States has actually been an economic detriment, but he is nonetheless delighted with the decision for he likes the openness of the American landscape and people. He brought his parents to Utah and then a brother. 20 In 1983 his last brother immigrated, even though he was well established in Germany. Many other German-speaking people came to live in Utah besides Mormons. Simon Bamberger is the most prominent because he became governor of the state and a successful businessman. 30 Others include Richard Karl August Kletting, the architect of the Utah Capitol, and the William Behle family in medicine. Eugene Santschi came to New York as a seventeen-year-old lad in 1876. He learned to work in manufacturing firms in Alton, 2,

'Ruth Harris Swaner, "It's Their Destiny: From the Grip of Russian Rule to America," Cache Citizen (Logan), August 10, 1983. 30 Kate B. Carter, comp. "The Contribution of Germany, Holland, Italy, Austria, France, and Switzerland to Utah," Daughters of the Utah Pioneers Historical Pamphlet, 1942, p. 266.


Utah Historical Quarterly

386 Illinois, and eventually moved to Carbon County in 1888. T h e r e he worked in manufacturing associated with mining. He served as a county commissioner and later m o v e d to W a s h i n g t o n , D . C , w h e r e he served as an officer in the general staff of the U.S. Army. 31 A well-known immigrant in Cache Valley is Ed Gossner, who arrived in Wisconsin from Switzerland about 1930 and engaged in cheese making. He wanted to establish his own factory and undertook a tour to find a suitable place. W h e n he visited U t a h ' s C a c h e Valley he immediately recognized opportunity. He found dairy farmers willing to form a cooperative u n d e r his l e a d e r s h i p . L a t e r known as the Cache Valley Dairy Association, this organization became one of the nation's best known manufacturers of Swiss and c h e d d a r cheese. Gossner later left the cooperative and est a b l i s h e d t h e c h e e s e factory which is thriving u n d e r the direction of Ed Gossner, Jr., with father looking on.32 3 'Noble Warrum, Utah Since Statehood, 4 vols. (Chicago and Salt Lake: S. J. Clark Co., 1919), 4:35. 32 Tape-recorded speech at Sky View High School, February 9, 1970, Smithfield, Utah, in author's possession.

German-born entrepreneur John Dern, above, and his son George H., below, helped to develop the mines at Mercur. George was governor of Utah during 1925-33 and secretary of war under Franklin D. Roosevelt. USHS collections.


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Among the successful Germans is Henry Kissel who came to the United States at age eighteen from Bavaria. 33 After living in New York, Ohio, Nebraska, Kansas, and Washington, he settled in Ogden where he carried on his trade as a tailor. Paul Heitz came to the United States at age fourteen. 34 After farming elsewhere he settled in Tremonton in the 1880s, helped found the telephone company there, and eventually opened a very successful auto distributorship. One of the most illustrious German businessmen was J o h n Dern, born in Haussen by Giessen in 1850, who came to America in 1865 and farmed in Illinois.3"' His enterprises expanded into grain, lumber, coal, livestock, and eventually banking. He served as a state senator in Illinois before his mining investments interested him in Utah. He moved his family to Utah where his son, George, became the state's sixth governor. Francis Fritsch, another non-Mormon German, came to Ohio in 1850 at age fifteen. First as a druggist and later as a banker he became affluent. In 1888 he moved with considerable wealth to Salt Lake City for his health and founded several businesses. The common thread a m o n g these p r o m i n e n t G e r m a n - b o r n U t a h n s who were not Mormons is that they left Germany or Switzerland as teenagers. They came to A m e r i c a , usually alone, and started at the bottom of the ladder in pursuit of fortune. They lived in several places before coming to Utah and in many cases came to the Rocky Mountains with their career or fortune already u n d e r way. They were often attracted here by mining or the railroad. T h e i r story provides a strong contrast to the Mor33Warrum, Utah Since Statehood, 2:667. 34 3

Ibid., 2:633. Tbid., 2:266.

Swiss-born artist John Hafen, USHS collections.


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Franz Pilz of Marianne's Delicatessen cooks bratwurst at 1983 Volksfest. Photograph by Gary B. Peterson, Photogeographics.

mon immigrants who came directly to Utah and arrived in poverty. Nonetheless, the Mormons have also produced people of high accomplishment from among the German-speaking. Karl Maeser was the first to achieve acclaim and is still known as one of the state's most famous educators. J o h n Hafen achieved renown as an artist. Alexander Schreiner is an internationally known organist. J o h n and Emil Fletcher became accomplished architects. Peter Prier is a successful violinmaker. In business there are names like Carl and Otto Buehner, Walter Stover, William Perschon, and Kasper Fetzer. So the Germans have come to Utah and have remained here. Most of them were Mormons but a substantial group were not. How the cycle has changed! Now more and more Germanspeaking Mormons are choosing to remain in Europe. Those who come are not doing so for opportunity, and their level of sacrifice is not comparable to earlier generations. Their travel has been reduced from weeks to hours. No one dies on the way. GermanAmerican ties remain very strong, not only genetically but personally. Nowadays, it is common for German-speaking Utahns to enjoy the good fortune of trips back to Europe, often more than once. Interestingly, the story is happening in reverse. Many Germans, Austrians, and Swiss people come to Utah for a visit and then return to Europe. So Utah and German-speaking Europe are in some ways even more entwined. T h e Utah-German connection has been a vital part of the state's history and voyaging back and forth is still very much alive.


The Memory Box BY IRENE STOOF PEARMAIN

A MEMORY BOX HANGS ON THE WALL of my family room as a symbol and reminder to my family, friends, and to all who enter my home of the pride and gratitude I feel for my German heritage. In one square, alongside the picture of my father in his World War I uniform, is a sampling of his favorite music, " T h e Pilgrims' Chorus" from Tannhauser by Richard Wagner, whose music I now love and appreciate. In another section is a candle holder and candle from our Christmas tree, a picture of Mamma and Daddy in front of our beautiful tannenbaum, and the first line of "Susser Die Glocken Nie Klingen," Mamma's favorite Christmas carol. Last Christmas Eve I mustered up enough courage to put real candles on my Christmas tree so that we could recapture for all of the Stoof grandchildren the feelings of those wonderful German Christmases of our childhood. Down in a corner of the memory box is a stem of embroidered forget-me-nots, the flower my mother loved from her childhood days in Koenigsberg. Whenever I see a forget-me-not I instantly think of her and my German heritage. I see a forget-me-not and it's as if I can hear her saying, "Never forget who you are. Never forget you are a Stoof V I would like to share some of the forget-me-nots in the memory box of my heart, of being the second generation of the German immigrant. In the early 1940s our home on Blaine Avenue smelled of German food, adhered to the strict rules of German discipline, followed German traditions, and communicated in the German language. It was a home with an abundance of love and warmth as the family struggled to survive on a meager income with the needs of eight high-spirited children to be met. It was not easy to be a German in those days. World War II had taken its toll. When the teachers at school would discuss the United States as the "melting pot" for all nationalities, we would have to tell what blood flowed in our veins and I would have to say, "I'm 100 Mrs. Pearmain is a resident of Salt Lake City.


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percent German!" Most of the time there would be someone who'd yell out, "Ooooo a German!" or "Are you a Nazi, too?" T h e n I would have given anything for a little English or Scandinavian blood. But I was a German, 100 percent, a distinction only I and no one else in the class had. But we weren't Nazis. We had been taught that Hitler and his regime were evil. That anti-Nazi sentiment was reflected in my oldest brother's comment at my birth. He was so disappointed to have another sister instead of a brother that when he saw the lock of black hair that h u n g down on my forehead he said, "She's a German! She looks like Hitler!" We were German, we were foreign, we were different; and those days it wasn't good to be different. We were the only Stoofs in Utah, and Stoof was a hard name for people to spell or pronounce. T h e Germans called us Shtofe; the Americans called us Stoof or Stofe or Stuff. My first name was different, too. T h e r e never was another Irene in any of my classes. When a German family moved into our area with a daughter my age I thought I had an ally until I told her my name. She said, "Irene? . . . Irene! (German pronunciation: Ee-rain-na.) Only the old ladies in Germany are called Irene!" My sister Maria tells of going with my brother Roni to the opposite side of the playground to eat their lunch because they didn't want anyone else to see their dark pumpernickel bread. My sister Elsa commented that friends were seldom invited to our home because she didn't want her friends to hear the German that was spoken in our home. We felt a little cheated when aunts, uncles, and cousins flocked to our friends' homes. Our relatives, the few that we had, were still in Germany. Their pictures h u n g on the walls of our home, and we always remembered them in our prayers. Members of the close-knit German community served as substitutes. T h e r e were those we called Tante Trudy, Tante Hilde, Tante Heta, Onkel Irving. T h e German community rallied around during difficult financial times and adversities. Every Christmas Eve there would be a knock at the door, and the Alma Schindler family would be standing there with presents and goodies for all. And there were piano lessons from Rudolph and Edelgard Hainke. T h e r e were outings with the German Choir and the Koenigsbergers. Being a German meant developing our talents, being industrious, and being frugal. At least once a week my parents would sit at


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the dining room table to record all receipts and expenses and balance their money. In one letter Daddy wrote, "You know how well we manage our finances, thanks to Mom's wonderful and amazing housekeeping." The frugality even extended to the bathroom. I tell my friends we were a "two-square toilet paper family" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; only two

M. tJBi mtmmmmEiL'r Irene Stoof with her mother, Maria U. Stoof, and traditional candlelit tree. Courtesy of the author.


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squares per visit! I must admit that even now it gives me a twinge when I see my little ones pull off eight to ten squares. In our German home Daddy was the head of the house, and Mamma made sure we knew it. We never heard them quarrel or speak a cross word to each other. We knew that being a Stoof meant to be your very best in school, at church, or wherever. My parents were strictly honest and God-fearing and expected us to be the same. But the most wonderful time of all to be a German was at Christmas. Santa visited our housefirstl He came on Christmas Eve — because we were Germanl I loved the streuselkuchen, the marzipan, the bunde tellen, and the candles on the tree. From Christmas through January our house would be filled with German friends, American friends, and neighbors to watch the lighted candles, listen to the familiar German Christmas carols, play Mensch Aergere Dich Nicht, crack nuts, eat streuselkuchen, and drink Daddy's famous "German" cocoa. I loved the candles even when my American playmate said they were dangerous and would burn the house down. Daddy reassured me that they were just as safe as electric lights when one is careful. Some of my brothers and sisters were not as thrilled with the candles on the tree, and in the early 1950s a compromise was made. Daddy consented to having blue lights on the tree — along with the candles. Growing up in Salt Lake City and not being able to claim at least one pioneer ancestor was difficult for me. But when Mamma died and we sorted through all of her treasures, I found her little German Bible and on the front page in her handwriting was the scripture from Matthew 19:29: "And everyone that hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sisters, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for my name's sake, shall receive an hundredfold, and shall inherit everlasting life." That scripture must have been her anchor to weather the heartache of leaving her family, her friends, her Koenigsberg. As I thought about her and the scripture, a feeling came over me that I had never experienced before: what faith, what courage, what sacrifice, what endurance it must have taken to come to America. It was then I realized that I, too, was a descendant of pioneers — German pioneers! Pioneers who left their homeland, their loved ones, to immigrate to a new land, a new culture. I am humbly grateful and proud of my German heritage, grateful for all of the forget-me-not memories of being a second generation of the German immigrant, and grateful for being a German — 100 percent!


We All Worked BY WALTER KOCH

A THIRTEEN-DAY JOURNEY by ship to New York and a threeday and three-night bus trip to Utah, we landed on a cold, wintery March 19, 1954, on the corner by the First Security Bank in Logan. T h e r e we got our first look at our new hometown. It was a nice sight, but, oh, how I felt forsaken and my wife the same. Everything was strange. Nothing belonged to us. We couldn't speak the language and had no jobs. It was the first and only time doubts came up in my mind. After a short time we got the impression we were in a land of plenty. T h e people were friendly. I had no more problems with mir and mich, sie and du; here it was only 31010 Some people brought us canned food, some a chicken, and old Mr. Meurer from Nibley said to me, "Come to my place. You can pick up some sacks of potatoes." For many weeks the Horlacher butcher shop gave us pigs' feet and pigs' heads for nothing until we didn't like them any more. It was a time of adjustment to a new life-style.

AFTER

Marie and Walter Koch and their sons, Helmut and Alfred. Courtesy of the author.

Mr. Koch is a resident of Logan, Utah.


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Our son Alfred, who had already worked for two years in Germany in a factory and got some training in the plumbing trade, had an opportunity here to go to high school again. Our way to church was only around the corner, not a trip to the next town. We tried to save money for buying a home, so we bought needed furniture from the welfare store and our first used automobile after we were three years in this land. In our second year here we started to build a new home. T o my great surprise, a bank let us, strangers, borrow $9,500 at 41/2 percent interest on our $11,000 home. I couldn't find work, and it was depressing for me that my dear wife brought the first money home. She had cleaned floors and walls in an empty apartment house. Once a lady tried to pay her 50 cents an hour, but she didn't take the check until it was changed to 75 cents. T h e rest of my wife's story is — for the next nine years she worked as a pastry cook in the university cafeteria, many times ten to twelve hours a day, then for seven years as a matron in the custodial department. After her work hours she cooked and washed for her three men. In the summer she canned fruit and vegetables until one o'clock in the night. With a wife like this no man can fail. T h e first three months here I did all kinds of work in gardens and fields and also built fences around homes until Mr. Schoonmaker offered me a job on his chicken farm for 85 cents an hour. It was long days — every month between 250 and 270 hours — but I was happy to have a steady job. We also could eat as many cracked eggs as we wanted. After four years I got work as a custodian in the newly built dormitories at the university. T h e r e I worked for thirteen years until my retirement. This job was a heaven in comparison to what I had done in Germany. Our oldest son, Alfred, was sixteen when we came over here. After school he washed dishes in Chambers Cafe. He bought the first new piece of furniture for our home, a stereo set. When school was out he worked for Settler Construction making cement draining pipes and splitting stones with a sledge hammer. These stones can now be seen on the front of the Logan post office. Our son Helmut found work on farms in Weston or Malad or in the cheese factory. Yes, we all worked and it was not easy. You may think we had it better in Germany. Oh, no, we enjoyed working because we could see that we were getting ahead. I worked in Germany for thirty-four years, but we were all the time even. We never had money for


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something extra. We didn't even know the meaning of the word vacation. Flere we built us in the second year a new home. Some years later we bought two small homes on Morningside Square and rented them out. Every time a bank loaned us the money. In these years we bought also our first new automobile. After our sons graduated from high school, Helmut worked full time, and Alfred attended the university. Both boys went on LDS missions. These were the opportunities and economic conditions when we came to America in 1954, and yes, we all worked. Much more could be said in connection with our emigration and immigration, but let me dwell a little bit on one experience I have had here many times over the years. American people tell me how they have enjoyed their trips to Germany â&#x20AC;&#x201D; how nice it was there, the beautiful parks, the castles, the boat trip on the Rhine River, the Black Forest, the cities of Heidelberg, Wiesbaden, Munchen, O b e r a m m e r g a u , and many more. I can only say, yes, I believe it is nice there, but I have never seen all those nice places. From 1906 to 1954 I lived in Germany. T h e r e were two lost wars and all the poverty. We were too poor and had no time to travel. It would take too much space to explain. Being in this blessed land of America for thirty years now, my family and I, we have never regretted that we came. We are still thankful that they let us in.


Life More Sweet Than Bitter BY PHILA HEIMANN

when I landed in New York and saw the conditions there by the harbor, I said to my husband, "Come on, let's go home." But we went on and lived in Milwaukee for a while, then for six months in Illinois, and after that I wanted to come to Salt Lake. Being from Austria, a beautiful green country, when I walked up Main Street and saw those barren hills I again said, "Let's go home." I know now that it was a blessing that I didn't have the $200 to return home, because the war came and I was very happy to be here. My very first job in Salt Lake City was as a knitting instructor at ZCMI, showing the American ladies how to knit and crochet. T h e n I began my family. During the war I was investigated by the FBI, but I didn't realize it at the time. Dr. McKay had sent two girls, two secretaries at the FBI office, to me; they wanted to learn German but couldn't attend night classes. At the time I had a child about three years old and was expecting my second one. T h e girls came twice a week. One day they said, "One of our agents would like to learn German." I said, "Well that's fine." So he called me on the phone, and I told him all the books he should buy and he bought them. T h e n he came two hours earlier than had been arranged and took his lesson. T h e next time he came an hour later than was arranged; he never came at the time that was arranged. But after three or four weeks he decided that he was not going to learn German anymore, that he was now interested in Japanese. Later on I found out that during the war some German spies living in this country posed as language teachers. So wdien that agent found out that those two girls were learning German from a private teacher he thought, "Aha, here I am going to find a spy." He came at unexpected hours and always found that I was very harmless and that there were a lot of people there. I was not a spy, so then he decided he would learn Japanese. I taught my first class at the University of Utah in 1946. Most of the students were returned GIs, but none of them was as r u d e to me as they were to some others, probably because I was an Austrian â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I don't know. Hitler was an Austrian. But anyway, 46 students and for C I O M I N G T O AMERICA, MY FIRST IMPRESSION

Mrs. Heimann is a resident of Salt Lake City.


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Phila and Eric Heimann. Courtesy of the author.

two weeks no books. Every morning I went into Dr. McKay's office and said, "Are the books here?" "No." I said, "Well what am I going to do?" "Oh just go on in, you can manage." I did. When the books came the students could sing a few songs; they knew the months, the years, the days; and they knew all the parts of the body and everything in the classroom. And so if you want to do it, you can. How was I treated during the war? Well there were some people who kind of looked at me from the side, "Is she a spy?" "Is she one of those mean Germans?" But I must say that most of my neighbors bent over backwards to be friendly and kind to me for fear that they would hurt my feelings. For that I'm very grateful. I must, however, say that in those days, before the war and before we had a Kissinger and other people with accents in the government, people were not as sophisticated and as kind if somebody spoke with an accent. I was quite often treated as second class because I spoke English with an accent, which, of course, now does not happen. But it does happen sometimes, and I must tell you just one story. Not too long ago somebody called and asked me if I would give a short speech on a certain occasion, and I said I would be happy to. T h e n she said, "Oh, I detect an accent when you speak English." I said, "Yes, I'm not a native American. I was born and educated in Vienna, Austria. En-


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glish was about my third or fourth language." She said, "How long have you been here?" I said, "Oh, probably longer than you are old." I knew that she was the wife of one of the students at the university. "You mean to tell me that you have been in this country for forty years and still have an accent?" But now I'm a little smarter, and now I don't crawl back in my shell anymore and feel inferior. I said, "Thank you very much. I consider that a compliment. T h e fact that I have an accent when I speak English proves that I speak at least one other language besides English." And then I went on and said, "Do you? Do you know a second language?" Since I retired from the University I'm a volunteer at the Ensign Elementary School helping kids with problems with their math and their spelling and their English. I also teach the whole class German for 25 minutes once a week. T h e other day the classroom teacher paid me what I consider a great compliment. She said to the children, "You know, Mrs. Heimann has an accent when she speaks English, but I have never heard her make a grammatical error." What I liked about America was the fact that I could do one thing today and another thing tomorrow. I remember when Eric and I bought our first home for $2,000 in 1939. We needed new linoleum in the kitchen; but I knew with the small salary he was making at the time we could never buy new linoleum. I had a baby. I wouldn't leave my child with anyone. T h e n I heard that the Arrow Pickle factory was employing women in the high season, between 5 and 9 in the evening, to fill bottles with pickles, pickled onions, etc. That was the time when my husband was home; so I waited for him at the bus stop and handed the baby to him. I took the next bus to the Arrow Pickle factory and filled the jars and never thought anything of it. I enjoyed doing it, and when I had earned the $70, or whatever that the linoleum cost, I quit so I could stay home. This is what America has done to me, but I have to admit that I share the fate of most immigrants. My heart, my emotions are in both countries. If I am here, I am homesick for Austria; if I'm in Austria, I'm homesick for Utah. I believe that many share the same feelings. Yet, with all the problems that everybody has in life, life has been more sweet than bitter for me in America.


Book Reviews Merchants and Miners in Utah: The Walker Brothers and Their Bank. By Buss. (Salt Lake City: Western Epics, 1983. 429 pp. $19.95.) Jonathan Bliss details in his book the rise of the Walker brothers from their early beginnings in England to the head of a financial e m p i r e in America's M o u n t a i n West. T h e i r father, Matthew Walker, made and lost a considerable fortune in England. Following his financial misfortunes, he joined the Mormon church and decided to move to Salt Lake City. His family, whom he sent on ahead, successfully reached St. Louis, but Matthew, immigrating at a later date, became ill and succumbed to tuberculosis in St. Louis. Bliss then describes the trek and the arrival of the Walker family in Salt Lake City where the brothers soon found work with m e r c a n t i l e e s t a b l i s h m e n t s even though they were still in their teens. T h e brothers had an inclination for business. They established their own mercantile store in 1859 in Fairfield to provide Johnston's army with goods. Their refusal to pay their tithing led to their e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n from t h e Mormon church in 1861. From this date on they continued their store and also invested heavily in the Emma silver mine in Little Cottonwood Canyon. Their wealth continued to build as they followed silver discoveries into Montana. However, they also lost out on a fortune in copper mining because they were too conservative. Each brother had his place in the p a r t n e r s h i p . In 1884 the brothers broke up. Fred followed the controversial G o d b e i t e M o v e m e n t ; a n d

JONATHAN

Sharp, an alcoholic, died three years later, leaving only Matt and Rob. T h e Walker Bank started only incidentally, beginning as a vault in the store where customers could keep their gold dust. T h e bank had its real beginnings with Matthew Walker and carried through under E. O. Howard, J o h n Wallace, and others until finally the present First Interstate Bank was built and functioning. In the last portion of the book Bliss writes about the growth of the bank. It is not exciting reading, but it is well researched and shows the progress of the bank from its beginnings to one of the great banks in Salt Lake City and the West. Bliss describes it as a gentlemen's bank and a banker's bank. T h e book is at its best when d e s c r i b i n g the Walker brothers' mining activities and the business of the bank. T h e book has certain problems. It is not a scholarly book. It has a bibliography of nine pages but no footnotes. It is very difficult to ascertain whether Bliss is using his sources correctly. T h e r e is no preface, only acknowledgements at the back of the book. T h e author has a tendency to portray individuals as good guys or bad guys. T h e Walker brothers and J o h n Wallace were the good guys. Brigham Young was the bad guy. T h e brothers seemed to have done everything in order to spite Brigham. They helped b r e a k the economic g r a s p of the Mormon cooperative movement by their work with the other Gentile mer-


400 chants. Bliss overlooked or did not find t h a t t h e c h u r c h ' s P e r p e t u a l Emigrating Fund Company hauled freight for them in 1868. During the height of the United O r d e r Movement in 1871 the brothers made considerable donations to the PEF, which indicates that this hate-fear circle did not exist. T h e brothers and Young had periods when they cooperated and helped each other. Several factual errors detract from the overall authoritative impression of the book. For instance, in his discussion of England, Bliss asserts that Sir Robert Peel established the Reform Bill of 1832. Peel had nothing to do with England's Reform Bill. Bliss also states that the Mormon missionaries came to England in 1840, when the

Utah Historical Quarterly actual year was 1837. He continues to make mistakes by claiming that the Council House in early Salt Lake City stood on the Temple Block. In actuality it was just across the street from that block. T h e s e e r r o r s are not major, but they certainly are distractingStill, in spite of its deficiencies it remains a good book and explains a vital part of Utah's history. T h e reader can learn a great deal about the Walker brothers, Utah's mercantile business and mining industry, and the history of one of the state's prominent contemporary banking institutions.

RONALD G. W A T T

Salt Lake City

Brigham Young: The Neiv York Years. By RICHARD F. PALMER and K A R L D . BUTLER. Charles Redd Monographs in Western History, no. 14. (Provo, Ut.: Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, 1982. x 4- 106 pp. $9.95.) Mormons have traditionally been spoon-fed their church history. Such an approach has created a sanitized, deodorized, larger-than-life image of the organization's cultural heritage. Like most important institutions in the world, the church carefully cultivates a positive public image of itself and its personalities. In the area of Mormon biography this has resulted in an overabundance of shoddy, albeit "faith promoting" publications. Richard F. Palmer and Karl D. Butler in Brigham Young: The Neiv York Years, skillfully examine their subject in a ground-breaking look at his early life. Joseph Smith's youth is so familiar to Mormons that even the smallest child can recite the stories of the Angel Moroni, the Hill Cumorah, and young Smith's painful leg operations. But even well-read M o r m o n s are likely unaware of Brigham Young's background. His parents were typical "eighteenth-century New Englanders of Puritan extraction." Brigham re-

membered his father as strict, devout, a n d r a t h e r d o u r . R e s p e c t i n g his lather's disciplinary habits, Brigham recalled, "it used to be a word and a blow, with him, and the blow came first." As a boy, young Brigham experienced strict upbringing. "I was kept within very strict bounds," the future church president later remembered, "and was not allowed to walk more than half-an-hour on Sunday for exercise. . . . I had not a chance to dance when I was young, and never heard the enchanting tones of the violin until I was eleven years of age; and then I thought I was on the highway to hell, if I suffered myself to linger and listen to it." Perhaps the foremost contribution of Palmer and Butler's work is the insight it provides into understanding Young's later motivations and actions. As president of the church for more than thirty years, his colorful sermons were usually practical â&#x20AC;&#x201D; filled with hints on stock raising, fence building,


Book Reviews raising children, and even the fine art of breadmaking. Palmer and Butler tell us that this was what the man knew best. Though a mechanically inclined carpenter, painter, and glassworker, Young remembered that as a boy "I learned how to make bread, wash the dishes, milk the cows, and make butter. . . . These are about all the advantages I gained in my youth. I know how to economize, for my father had to do it." Wealthy, powerful men can often be traced to humble backgrounds. T h e pervading impression one gets from Brigham Young's New York years is that work, when it could be found, was hard and low paying. "I have been a poor boy," Brigham said, "and a poor man, and my parents were poor. I was poor during childhood, and grew up to manhood poor and destitute." This background helps to understand the church presid e n t ' s later p r e o c c u p a t i o n with

401 wealth. At the time of his death in 1877 he was the wealthiest man in Utah with assets of nearly $2.5 million. Readers of this work will find a rich collection of previously unpublished sources. T h e book is well written, carefully documented and easily read in two hours. But one wonders why Young's New York Masonry experiences are not even mentioned in the book. T h e authors' claim that their research employed "every available resource" seems less than credible when one considers this glaring omission. T h o u g h the topic may be controversial to some, Brigham Young's Masonic collection in the Daughters of Utah Pioneers Museum suggests that it was an important part of his life that should have been dealt with in this work. RICHARD S. VAN WAGONER

Lehi, Utah

A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, 1848-1876. Edited and annotated by ROBERT GLASS CLELAND and JUANITA BROOKS, 2 vols, and index. (Reprinted.; Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983. 824 pp. $39.95.) This i m p o r t a n t work, first published in 1955 by the Huntington Library, has long been out of print. T h e University of Utah Press reprint edition will be welcomed by a wide range of readers, since the details of Lee's diaries are still grit for scholars on all subjects of early Mormon and Utah histories. It should be noted that this reprint has not corrected typographical or factual f o o t n o t e e r r o r s , a number of which can be found. However, the expanded index will be welcomed by all who use these diaries. Readers will also find that Everett Cooley's introduction to the reprint provides an excellent summary of the diaries' contents. These diaries cover most of the period from 1848 to 1876 except for brief gaps. In these writings Lee

chronicled his and fellow Mormon pioneers' activities from his trek west with B r i g h a m Y o u n g ' s c o m p a n y d u r i n g the s u m m e r of 1848 from Winter Quarters to Great Salt Lake Valley. Lee settled in the Cottonwood area briefly before b e g i n n i n g his series of settlements in southern Utah at Parowan, Harmony, Washington, C e d a r City, K a n a r r a h , New H a r mony, and Skutumpah, and in northern Arizona as well â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at Lee's Ferry on the Colorado River, at Jacob's Pools to the west, and at Moencopi and Moenavi south of the river. This pioneer was a keen observer of his world and wrote in detail about farming or outfitting wagons; about the s e r m o n s p r e a c h e d by c h u r c h leaders, especially Brigham Young; about travelers, about his numerous


402 families, wives, and children; about the Indians, his neighbors, and the land through which they all traveled. Lee was a remarkably capable man. His teams and wagons helped move his and other families to the valley, helped him salvage a lot of forty-niner loot left along the trail east through Wyoming, helped him move his several families south and bring emigrants across the plains through the Perpetual Emigrating Fund, and helped establish nearly a dozen settlements. Lee also built mills a n d homes, forts, and ferries. At one time in Harmony alone he had sixty-nine people who d e p e n d e d on him for sustenance (vol. l , p . 187). At the same time he served his church as missionary, as territorial legislator, as j u d g e a n d e l d e r , as I n d i a n f a r m e r , as member of the Council of Fifty, and ever as a s y c o p h a n t to B r i g h a m Young. Although Lee may not have had the Midas touch, he early gained economic ascendency over most of his n e i g h b o r s , for which at times he reaped a whirlwind. Yet in general the 1850s and 1860s were p r o s p e r o u s years for him and his many families. T h e r e is something quite heroic about J o h n D. Lee. He could give up a young wife who had fallen in love with his own son. He was frequently called on to arbitrate disputes, to heal the sick, a n d to u n d e r t a k e t h e most difficult of pioneering tasks: directing the Indians, building roads, or eking out a living in the hostile environs of the Colorado River desert a m o n g hostile Indians. Also Lee refused to "squeal" on those who had particip a t e d with h i m in the M o u n t a i n Meadow Massacre. But more than heroic, Lee was a tragic figure. In reading his diaries, readers watch this man's life disintegrate from status with church leaders and his family to excommunication by his church and ostracism by many of his neighbors (Jacob Hamblin, for

Utah Historical Quarterly example, eventually testified against him in his second trial) and abandonment by his own kin. Some of his wives and their children left him. Others, Emma and Rachel particularly, remained true through all of it, with both of them going with him to the outposts of northern Arizona. Rachel even came back to Salt Lake City to nurse Lee while he was being held in the territorial prison, and Emma tried to hold the ferry for him at Lonely Dell. These wives were heroic women indeed. T h e tragedy for J o h n D. Lee lay in his zealotry. He was a true believer who saw in M o r m o n i s m a n d his church leaders the power and voice of God. S o m e h o w he was able to rationalize as true or right whatever he perceived they wanted him to believe. Lee, the zealot, played a major role in killing the members of the Fancher wagon train at Mountain Meadow in 1857. And while this was without doubt the most public and discreditable act of his life, it was, compared with his sixty-five years, only one weekend in his u n u s u a l pioneering life. Lee was excommunicated in 1870 and finally executed for "his" crimes in 1877. He knew he had become his people's scapegoat, yet through it all he rationalized that what he had done, that what he was doing, and what was being done to him, was in some way a part of God's plan, both for him and for his church. Consequently, he chose to remain true. Blind belief was his tragic flaw. Lee's diaries offer today's historians dealing with psycho-history and social histories, a challenging wealth of materials. But more than that, they are an intimate record of a most interesting human being who happened to be a Mormon and an American in nineteenth-century Utah. MELVIN T. SMITH

Utah State Historical Society


Book Reviews

403

Native Americans in the Twentieth Century. By JAMES S. OLSON and RAYMOND WILSON. (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1984. x 4- 236 pp. Paper, $14.95.) In Native Americans in the Twentieth Century James Olson and Raymond Wilson have attempted a broad overview of Indian-white relations from the closing of the frontier in 1890 until t h e p r e s e n t day. D e s i g n e d primarily for use as a college text c o m p l e t e with lists of s u g g e s t e d readings at the close of each of its chapters, their book also serves as a useful introduction for the general reader who wants to understand better the position of Native Americans in today's society. Olson and Wilson spend the first eighty pages of their work reviewing the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n Native Americans and whites from the time of initial European contact through the violent suppression of the Ghost Dance religion movement and the attempt to legislate assimilation through forced individual land ownership embodied in the Dawes Act of 1887. Building from this nadir of United States government policy, the authors concentrate their efforts on showing how Native Americans managed to recover their cultural identity and dignity in o r d e r to emerge in the closing decades of the twentieth century as a clearly visable and politically vocal ethnic group. For a book purporting to center on conditions among twentieth-century Indians and the government policies affecting them, the authors spend far too much time setting the stage prior to 1890 in proportion to the time they s p e n d on t h e p e r i o d a f t e r w a r d . T h r o u g h o u t their discussion of pre1890 conditions, Olson and Wilson s u p p o r t t h e i r thesis t h a t Native Americans have been as much the victims of well-meaning but ignorant reformers in Washington, D . C , as they have been of land-greedy and aggressive whites on the frontier. It was these

r e f o r m e r s who often unwittingly aided the cause of their less-altruistic white brethren by their attacks on Indian culture, tribal sovereignty, and collective land ownership. As a result, the reformers almost destroyed the last protective layers of culture that insulated Native Americans from white society. Although this is a good point and well-stated, Olson and Wilson are not the first scholars to make it. Furthermore, they could have easily demonstrated its validity in far fewer pages without weakening its impact. As it stands, the authors' use of detail is as strong in these introductory chapters as it is in later ones, and it is sometimes difficult to remember that the book's emphasis is supposed to lie in the present century. In dealing with the twentieth century, Olson and Wilson cover such topics as the growth of an intellectual elite among Native Americans prior to the First World War and the panIndian movement of the 1960s with much less analysis than expected. They do, however, give a good deal of attention to J o h n Collier's Indian New Deal reforms and termination. T h e authors' skillful use of statistics to reinforce the major points they make in these two areas as well as others throughout their work is most commendable. On the whole, Native Americans in the Twentieth Century has merit as a supplemental text for u n d e r g r a d u a t e courses in Native American studies and as a guide to those who desire a thumbnail sketch of events either for itself or for a point from which to begin an in-depth study of Indian history.

JODYE DICKSON SCHILZ

Texas Christian University


404

Utah Historical Quarterly

The United States Cavalry: An Illustrated History. By GREGORY J. W. URWIN. (Poole, Dorset, U.K.: Blandford Press, 1983. 192 pp. $17.95.) At first glance, The United States Cavalry: An Illustrated History is an inviting volume. It contains a good collection of prints, sketches, photographs, and color plates that are accurate and well captioned. T h e color plates are particularly enjoyable. T h e a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s indicate t h a t materials from a large number of excellent repositories were consulted. Happily omitted are the bright yellow neck scarves, so abhorred by serious students of the period but so loved by movie makers. T h e author states that the book is a balanced effort to portray the spirit of the U.S. Cavalry by concerning itself with organization, campaigns, battles, and the character of its officers and men. Organization, although dull, is well represented — perhaps too much so. Only selected campaigns and battles are dealt with. T h e character of some of the better known and more colorful officers is discussed, but the character of the enlisted man and noncommissioned officer is rarely considered. Even more rarely is the boredom, drudgery, and strict and often harsh discipline of garrison life, where a soldier spent much of his time, mentioned. T h e book appears to be written in a format directed toward general audiences. Too many unnecessary (noncavalry) details, however, are included for a book of this size, while not enough are included for a more comprehensive, definitive work. Personal opinions interjected throughout the book are poorly supported and detract from an already r a t h e r dull chronological narrative. In an attempt to make the narrative more readable, Urwin uses n u m e r o u s catch words that detract from the value of the work. Too much general background material detracts from the experience

of the mounted soldier, almost giving one the opinion that the book was written to appeal to a non-American audience (British). A better approach might have been to employ a brief introduction for each chapter, simply setting the place, time, and characters and their mission, s u p p o r t e d with examples of specific exploits or events taken from eyewitness accounts. Certain chapters have merit and add information to the subject not usually encountered in such histories. Notably, c h a p t e r 5, "Skirting the Whirlwind, 1848-61," successfully introduces the general reader to that historically vague period in the army between the Mexican and Civil wars, yet devotes only a page to the Utah Expedition of 1857-58, the significant dragoon activity of the period. T h e last two c h a p t e r s , entitled "Fighting for Empire, 1890-1918" and "Requiem for the Horse Cavalry, 1918-44," accurately present the decline of the mounted army, marked by the emergence of the staccato report of the machine gun and the sonorous churnings of tank tracks that sounded the d e a t h chimes for t h e h o r s e mounted soldier. If the book has a major weakness, it is the dull presentation of those years when the cavalry was the most exciting — the Civil War and I n d i a n War periods — when most people consider the cavalry to have been at its zenith. T h e spirit is simply lacking. Urwin would have done better had he kept his book profusely illustrated using his well captioned illustrations and supplemented by a very brief text or introduction. BRUCE HAWKINS JERRY MCGAHA

Fort Carson Museum of the Army in the West


Book Reviews

405

Masterworks. By LINDA JONES GIBBS. (Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1984. 79 pp. $9.00.) CCA. Christensen, 1831-1912: Mormon Immigrant Artist. By RICHARD L. JENSEN and RICHARD G. OMAN. (Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1984. 116 pp. $10.00.) These two impressive catalogues, highlighting exhibits of the same names at the new Museum of Church History and Art in Salt Lake City, represent a thoughtful and professional approach in a field suffering at times from either a paucity or glut of information, " e n h a n c e d " p h o t o g r a p h s , and coated paper. Thought, care, and a high degree of planned execution went into the p r o d u c t i o n of both catalogues. Masterworks, the companion-piece for the permanent exhibition in the museum, is easily read, understandable. To fill in the verbal blanks complementing works of art is not always an easy task, never one quickly done, and it can be one strewn with pitfalls. . . too much verbiage. . . too tightly stretched attempts at art historical comparison. T h e author instead set a b o u t h e r task in a straightforward manner, giving the reader enough, in most instances, to satisfy the need to know about the artist and his works in the exhibition. T h e essay section adequately chronicles the particular parade of Utah artists for a century of activity, 18401940. It isjust full enough of historical and art-historical data. This is after all a glimpse, an introduction to works in the LDS church collection. Happily the catalogue is all the more successful because of clean photos, easy-to-read type face, crisp layout, and an unashamed use of open white space. It is an unpretentious and refreshingly alert presentation. T h e C C A . Christensen work is a fascinating a d m i x t u r e of i n t e n s e scholarly investigation, handbook of facts pertaining to Mormonism's first

eighty years, and a primer on one of the church's most prolific and revered artists. Reading the historical essay, you will enjoy the honest approach to CCA, his early years, conversion to Mormonism, and the remaining sixty-two years that fairly consumed his life in service to the LDS church. T h e catalogue portion itself, divided into seven major sections beginning with "Paintings of Scandanavia," is sensible; there's no better word. Each section begins with an introduction, j u m p s the page into historical narratives relative to the paintings, and usually ends with a clear-headed sentence or two describing Christensen's virtues or near-virtues as an artist. It is a format easy to digest and be comfortable with. T h e color plates are clear, true, and, as one would expect, occupy center stage. A small point, o n e t h a t t h e r e v i e w e r liked: t h e acknowledgments to those helping with the exhibition and catalogue are many and diverse — an indication of t e a m - p l a n n i n g a n d willingness to share. A final thought. One is filled with hope that these two catalogues represent a statement, a policy, a commitment to future exhibitions and publications by the church museum. If this is so, if exhibits continue to be timely, professionally curated and installed with care and design, and if the lasting reminders of them — the catalogues — reach the standards of Masterworks and CCA. Christensen we will all be much in debt.

ARLEY G. CURTZ

Utah Arts Council


INDEX Italic numbers refer to illustrations.

Abercrombie, David, and Deseret Alphabet, 283 Addy, Bob, baseball player, 154-55 Ah-pon, son of Quah-not, 257, 262 Alerts, SLC baseball club, 110, 116 Aleson, Harry Leroy, 165, 168, 170, 172, 175, 177; birth and early years of, 167; commercial guide business of, 169-78; daredevil exploits of, 168-69; employment of, as tour guide, 167-68; and Glen Canyon, 170-78; rightwing politics of, 173; scientific research of, 176 Aleson, Thursa Arnold (wife), 167 Alferetta Tennis Club of California, 184 Alkali Blinders, baseball team, 127 Allen, R. Eugene, tennis court of, 185 Alston, , Deserets catcher, 144 Anderson, Bengt, Norwegian carpenter, 66 Appleton, John, Buchanan Cabinet secretary, 227 Architecture, Mormon folk practices in, 50-71 Arick, , baseball player, 121, 123 Arsenal Hill, 246, 250; explosion on, in 1876, 246-55 Articles of Faith, treatment of spiritualism in, 266 Ashley, William H., 308 Assembly Hall, 339; as G e r m a n LDS Org. meeting place, 339, 341 Auerbach, David, Jewish immigrant, 315 Auerbach, Frederick, Jewish immigrant, 315, 316 Auerbach, Samuel H., Jewish immigrant, 315, 316 Auerbach's stores, 303, 316 Auerbach, Theodore, Jewish immigrant, 315 Aulbach, Adam, baseball player, 125-26, 129, 132, 135 Austrian immigrants, number of, 350-54. See also German-speaking immigrants

B Bakker, Gerhard, herpetologist, 168 Bamberger, Ida Maas (wife), 355 Bamberger, Simon: Jewish immigrant, businessman, and gov. of Utah, 317, 327, 355, 355-56, 385; railroad of, 355, 371 Banaoukas, Soterios, funeral of, 32 Bancroft, Hubert Howe, and Deseret Alphabet, 282 Bandel, Eugene, infantryman, letters of, 230 Bank of Corinne, 124 Baptist church, German LDS offered meeting place by, 341 Barker, Allie, baseball player, 147, 151, 154 Barlow, Joseph, baseball player, 142,147, 151

Barnard, Lyman, baseball player, 121, 122, 123, 129 Barth, Fredrick H., WWII photo of, 365 Baseball: and community pride, 117, 119, 122, 124, 134, 137-38, 140, 144, 147, 149, 157; in Corinne, 110-35; first games of, played in Utah, 109-10; and gambling, 115, 119, 138-39, 143, 149, 153, 157; and MormonGentile relations, 116-17, 123, 136, 141-42, 145, 149; number attending games of, 119, 127, 133-34, 136, 138, 139-40, 142-43, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 153; in SLC in 1870s, 136-57; s e m i - p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m of, 149, 152-57 Bates, Eva Maria, post-WWII immigration of, 366, 366 n. 26 Beadle, J o h n Hanson, editor in Corinne, 111 Beck, J o h n , G e r m a n - b o r n e n t r e p r e n e u r , 317-19 Beckert, Ewald, anti-Nazism of, 329-30 Beck's Hot Springs, 318, 318-19 Bee, B a r n a r d E., infantry volunteers commanded by, 229 Behle, William, physician, 385 Bell, , tennis referee, 184 Bennett, S., umpire, 121 Benson, Ezra T., and spelling reform, 279, 280 Bertucci, Clarence V., guard at Salina POW camp, killed prisoners, 336 Bess, , Red Stockings player, 151 Best, Oliver, Red Stockings player, 147 Black Hawk War, 66, 318 Bodmer, Karl, German artist, 308 Box Elder Base Ball Club, games of, with Corinne, 115-16, 122 Box Elder County, baseball in, 110-35 Bradley, Anne Maddison, 241, 244; affair of, with Arthur Brown and his fatal shooting, 231-45; youth and early career of, 233 Bradley, Arthur Brown (son), 234, 237, 243, 245 Bradley, Clarence A. (husband), 233, 234 Bradley, Martha Clare (daughter), 233 Bradley, Martin Montgomery Brown (son), 237, 243, 245 Bradley, Matthew (son), 233, 245 Bradshaw, Bob, photographer, 79 Braithwaite, Wilbur, Manti tennis coach, 190 Brewer, Alf, baseball player, 114 Bridger, Jim, 308 Brigham Young University (Academy), 378; founding of, 312; tennis team and invitational tournament of, 134-35,735, 187, 188 Brinley, Eldon, BYU tennis player, 185 Brown, Alice (daughter), 232, 242-43 Brown, Arthur: U.S. senator from Utah, love affair and fatal shooting of, 231-45, 231, 241; youth and early career of, 232-33


Index Brown, Isabel Cameron (second wife), 232, 234-237 Brown, Max (son), 232, 234, 237, 242-43 Brown, Mrs. L. C. (first wife), 232 Brunger, Ernest, Wasatch Academy coach, 189 Buchanan, James, and Utah Expedition, 213, 215-19, 222-23, 225-29,225 Buedingen Art Co., post card publisher, 86 Buehner, Carl, businessman, 388 Buehner Block, 371 Buehner, Otto, businessman, 388 Bullion Beck and Champion Mine and Mill,318 Burg, Amos, Colorado R. explorer, 167, 173 Burger, Karl, Donner Party member, 311 Burgess, J o h n Christian, German immigrant, 306 Burnham, Lt., and tennis, 181 Burns, , Echoes baseball player, 129 Burt, Andrew, SLC marshal, 254 Burton, John, architect, 321 Butler, Nicholas Murray, and spelling reform, 277 Buttle, Lee, tennis player, 185, 195

Cache Valley Dairy Assn., 386 Cactus Mine, 190 Calhoon, , baseball player, 129 California Brewery, 363 Cameron, Alexander, Michigan state senator, 232 Camp Apache, tennis at, 192 Camp Floyd, 225, Johnston's troops at, 216, 229, surplus goods from, 181 Cannon, Frank J., election of, to U.S. Senate, 232 Cannon, Hyrum P. "Dutch," tennis player, 188 Canyon Surveys, Glen Canyon research group, 176 Carlson, Elisabeth, eye problem of, 340 Carnegie, Andrew, and spelling reform, 277 Carrington, Albert, and spelling reform, 279 Carson-Harper Co., postcard publisher,86, 86 Carson, Kit, 309-10 Cartwright, Alexander Joy, "father of baseball," western travels of, 111, / / / Castle Gate explosion of 1924, 44 Catholics a n d Catholicism: G e r m a n - b o r n among, 322; Mexican-Spanish traditions of, in Monticello, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 21-24, 25-26 Central, Utah: Scandinavian architecture in, 62-67, 64, 65, 66; settlement of, 66 Chadwick, Henry, baseball manual of, 120 Chaffin, Arthur, 172; and Glen Canyon, 166 Cheyenne Red Stockings, series of, with Deserets, 139-40 Chicago White Stockings, 130, 150,155; series of, with Deserets, 156 Christensen, Soren X., lawyer, 236-37 Christus, statue on Temple Square, repair of, 358

407 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: changing immigration policy of, 347, 352, 356, 366, 371, 379-83; Cotton Mission of, 313; German and German-speaking converts to, 319, 327, 337-41, 373-79,374; immigration process and facilities of, 360-64, 372-79; a n d Nazism, 3 2 8 - 3 1 ; a n d SLC Beobachter, 328-31; Scandinavian converts to, 52; school system of, 327; sports and recreation in, 191, 196; Swiss converts to, 312-14; winemaking of, 315. See also Mormons and names of church leaders Cincinnati Red Stockings, 112; Corinne sent challenge to, 115; 1869 transcontinental trip of, 111-13, 137 Civil War, Union strength during, affected by Utah Expedition, 222-24 Cobb, Howell, Buchanan's secretary of treasury, 222, 227 Colburn, Clara, Rowland Hall principal, 188-89 Colorado River, boating on, 165-78 Colorow, Ute leader, 86, 86 Conover, W. B., and tennis, 181 Corinne Base Ball Club: demise of, 131-33; 1870 season of, 115-24; 1871 season of, 124-30; first game of, 113-14; formal organizing of, 113; function of, for town, 133-34; history of, 110-35; Mormon players for, 123; profile of players for, 134-35; as territorial champs, 121, 123, 135 CBBC Juniors, first youth club in Utah, 126-27 Corinne Daily Mail, and baseball, 131 Corinne Record, and baseball, 131 Corinne, Utah, 108-9; baseball in, 110-35; as a boom town, 110-11; demise of, 133; fraternal orgs, in 132; Pioneer Day in, 113-14; rivalry of, with SLC, 116-17 Cotton Mission, and Swiss immigrants, 313 Cowley, Joe, USAC tennis star, 187, 188, 195 Cracroft, Richard, BYU dean, 337 Crampton, C. Gregory, Glen Canyon survey of, 176 Culmer, Fred, glass merchant, 252 Culmer, G. G., & Co., ad for, 252 Cummings, W. A., "Candy," Brooklyn pitcher, invented curve, 144, 144 n. 28 Curteich Co., post card publisher, 75, 88 Curtis, Edward, photographer, altered photos of Indians, 74

Danes: assimilation of, in Utah, 52; log architecture of, 57; settlement of, in SanpeteSevier, 57, 67 Davis, , baseball player, 129 Dawson, Jas., scorekeeper, 121 Deckman, Augusta Minnie, arrest and deportation of, 326 Defiance House, discovery of, 176 Delta, Utah, German-language Lutheran services in, 323-24 Denver Browns, baseball club, played in SLC, 147-48, 154-56


408 Dern, George H., Utah gov. and businessman, 386, 387 Dern, J o h n , mining entrepreneur, 386, 387 Deseret Alphabet,281, 286; origins and history of, 275-86 Deseret Baseball Grounds, 246-47 Deseret Club, tennis at, 182, 183, 184 Deseret Gymnasium, 191 Deseret Mortuary, Greek funerals at, 35 Deseret National Bank, explosion damaged, 252 Deseret News: and Arsenal Hill explosion, 255; and U.S. Senate elections, 232-33; and Nazism, 330-31; and spiritualism, 265, 271; and tennis, 196; and Utah Expedition, 219 Deserets (SLC baseball club): a n d bribing charge, 140-41; first road trip of, 156; history of, 136-57; M o r m o n players for, 141-42; org. of, 137; reorg. of, as Gentile team, 142; series of, with Chicago, 156, with D e n v e r B r o w n s , 147-48, 154-56, with Laramie, 152, with Omaha, 154, with Red Stockings, 141-42, 145-52, with Rochester, 155, with SF, 152-53 Deseret Typographical Assn., and Deseret Alphabet, 285 Detroit Photostint Co., post card publisher, 86 Deutsches Theater, 371 Dewey, Melville, and spelling reform, 276 Diamond Q Billiards, Corinne business, 124 Diel, , Calif, immigrant, 310 Dinosaur National Monument, 177 Dixon, Don "Sanky," BYU tennis star, 184-85, 185, 195 Dixon, Fred "Buck," BYU tennis star a n d coach, 185, 185, 188, 195 Doerr, P., Lutheran pastor, 322 Donner Party, Germans in, 311 Dowse, Samuel, private detective, 234 Doyle, Arthur Conan, 264, 270; description of, 268; a n d t h e M o r m o n s , 2 6 4 - 6 5 , 2 6 9 , 271-74; as a spiritualist, 264-71, 274; visit of, to Utah, 264-75 Dunbar, David C , Red Stockings player, 147, 151 Du Pont, E. I., Co.: ad for, 255; explosion of powder magazine of, 249; new powder storage facility of, 254

Eagle Emporium, explosion damaged, 252 Easton, Doc, cabin of, at Fish Lake, 159 Eccles, David, businessman, 317 Echo Park Dam, 177 Echoes, Ogden baseball team, 128-30 Eckles, C. B., and tennis, 181 Eckles, Maj. W. H., and tennis, 181 Eichnor, Dennis C , SLC district attorney, 234 Ellerbeck, T. W., Brigham Young's secretary, 282 Ellis, William, CBBC supporter, 117 Elmer, , baseball player, 129 Elwell, A. D., baseball player, 114, 115, 132

Utah Historical Quarterly Emms, Welby, tennis player, 195 Empire Mill, destruction of, by explosion, 250-51 Ence, Caroline (wife), 347 Ence, Elizabeth (wife), 347 Ence, Gottlieb, Swiss-born immigrant, 347 Ennea Base Ball Club, 116-23, 125 Ephraim, Utah: Scandinavian log buildings in, 67-69, 68, 69; settlement of, 67 Eureka Base Ball Club (Eurekas), SLC team, 110, 116 Eureka Mine, 318 Evans, David W., LDS church secretary, 283 Evans, Frank, baseball player, 127

Fairview, Utah: fort cabins in, 62-63, 63; Scandinavian log architecture in, 51, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63 Fetzer, Kasper, businessman, 388 Fields, William T . , C B B C d i r e c t o r a n d scorekeeper, 121, 124 Finlay, William Porter, army volunteer, letters of, 230 Finns, log architecture of, 53-54, 55 Fish Lake, career of fishing guide Joe Nielson at, 158-64 Fitzgerald's Saloon, Corinne bar, 133 Fletcher, Emil, architect, 388 Fletcher, J o h n , architect, 388 Floyd, J o h n B., secretary of war, 224; motives of and role of, in Utah Expedition, 216-17, 222-24, 227; resignation and indicting of, 220-21 Folklore: and cultural pluralism, 5, 7; of Greek funeral customs, 5, 29-49; of Hispanic lifecycle rituals, 4, 9-28; and Indians, 7, 72-91; of Scandinavian building techniques, 5-6, 50-71; and stereotyping, 6-7; of various ethnic groups, 3-91 Forest Dale, tennis at, 779, 195 Forsberg, Ray, U of U tennis player, 194 Fort Bridger, 217, burning of, 214; Johnston's troops at, 215 Fort Davy Crockett, 309 Fort Douglas (also C a m p D o u g l a s ) , 118; baseball teams at, 110, 116, 117-18; German POWs at, 324-26; museum at, 192; tennis at, 180, 192-93 Fort Kearny, Nebraska, 215 Fort Laramie, Nebraska Terr., 216 Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 212, 214 Fort Supply, burning of, 214 Franklin, Benjamin, and spelling and phonetic reform, 276 Frasher's Photo, post card publisher, 78 F r e d e r i c k s e n , C h a r l e s , log h o u s e of, in Ephraim, 68, 68 Freed, David L., U of U tennis star, 187, 194, 194-96 Fremont, J o h n C , expeditions of, 309-10 Fritsch, Francis, businessman, 387 Funk, Isaac, and spelling reform, 277


Index Funkhouser, , baseball player, 152-53 Furniss, Norman F., history of Utah Expedition by, 213, 218, 228

Gallacher, Mel, tennis player, 195 Gallegos family, Monticello residents, 12 Garcia family, Monticello residents, 12 Garnett, E. M., tennis champion, 183 Garnett, Louise Maddison, sister of A n n e Bradley, 234, 238-39 George, , baseball player, 129 George, William, 747; baseball player, 141, 142, 151 G e r m a n Evangelical St. Paul's C h u r c h in Ogden, 326 German-speaking immigrants, 304-98; effect of German economic and political conditions on, 354-59, 3 8 3 ; e m p l o y m e n t of, 334, 339-44; Jews among, 315-17; log architecture of, 53-55; in mining, 317-19; modes of travel of, described, 359-64; n u m b e r and country of origin of, 306, 348-54, 356-59, 365-66, 371, 372; social and cultural orgs. of, 328, 344, 372; Swiss-born among, 306, 312-15 Giant Powder Company, 355 Gilchrist, Bruce, BYU tennis player, 185 Gilder, Richard Watson, and spelling reform, 277 Glascott, A., baseball player, 114 Glascott, Willaim H., CBBC d i r e c t o r a n d scorekeeper, 124, 129 Glen Canyon of the Colorado River: damming of, 177-78; H. Aleson guided river trips in, 765, 770, 170-76,775, 777; mining in, 166; scenic appeal and remoteness of, 165-67, 175-76; scientific study of, 176 Godbe, William S., and Godbeites, 266, 269, 270 Goldberg, G u m p e r t , Jewish immigrant and baseball player, 127, 317 Goldwater, Barry: conservatism of, 173; and Glen Canyon Dam, 177-78; river trips of, 166, 169 Gonzalez, Guadalupe (wife), 10 Gonzalez, Prudencio (son), 10,20 Gonzalez, Ramon, Monticello homesteader, 10, 12 Gonzalez, Romana (daughter), 10 Good Indian Spring, 258; rediscovery and use of, by J. H. Simpson, 256-63; map location of, 260, 261 Gordon, Samuel H., SLC rabbi, 331 Gorlincks, Joseph, coroner's juror, 249 Gosiute Indians; J. H. Simpson's description of, 263; on post cards, 85 Gossner, Ed, cheese mfgr., 386 Graehl, Louise, immigrant experiences of, 361-62 G r a n d C a n y o n - B o u l d e r Dam T o u r s , Lake Mead concessionaires, 167-68, 173

409 Grant, Heber J., baseball player, 146, 747, 151 Grant, Jedediah M: and spelling reform, 279, 281; and spiritualism, 265 Grant, Rachel R., and Arsenal explosion, 253 Gray, , trading post operator, 309 Greek funeral customs, 5,27, 29-49, 32, 41, 46; ancient roots of, 30, 3 1 , 34-35, 40, 45; curses, witches, and vampires associated with, 47-48; cutting one's hair and dishevelment in, 40, 42; dreams and other portents in, 33-34; in early years in Utah, 29-31; fish dinner in, 43; keening in, 38, 39-42; links of, with baptism and marriage, 30-31, 35-38, 36, 49; memorial wheat in, 44-45, 45; mourning period in, 43-44; Orthodox church service in, 41-42; preparation of the body for burial in, 35-36; and purification r i t u a l s , 3 5 , 43-44; role of women in, 31, 33, 39-42, 45, 49, vendettas associated with, 46-47 Green River, guided boat trips on, 166, 174 Griffin, Tommie, tennis pioneer, 182-83 Grizzly Feathers, post card distributor, 79 Guertler, Lotte, theater of, 344, 344-45 Guertler, Siegfried, theater of, 344, 344-45

H Hafen, J o h n , artist, 362, 387, 388 Hafen, Mary Ann, Swiss immigrant, journey of, 359, 362 Hainke, Edelgard, piano teacher, 390 Hainke, Rudolph, piano teacher, 390 Hall, Dr. , and tennis, 181 Halles, Gregory, confectioner, 45 H a m m o n d , Cyril, USAC tennis player, 187, 195 Harnish.John Q., capt. of CBBC, 113,114,129 Harris, Black, trapper, 309 Harris-Brennan river guide firm, 167 Harrison, E. L. T., and spiritualism, 266 Harrison, Mrs. E. L. T., injury of, in explosion, 251 Harvey, Fred, Co., Southwest tours and post cards of, 88-89 Hastings Cutoff, 310-11 Hatch river guide firm, 167 Hatch, Sisson, guide at Fish Lake, 159, 162 Hauptmann, Gerhart, playwright, 356 Heimann, Eric, immigration of, 364-65, 397 Heimann, Phila, Austrian immigrant, recollections of, 337, 364-65, 396-98, 397 Heitz, Paul, Tremonton businessman, 386 Held, J o h n , band of, 341-42 Hellwing, problem of, with employer, 340 Helwing, Emma Kofler, Austrian Jew, fled from Nazis, 331-35,532 Helwing, Sigmund, Jewish refugee from Nazis, 331-35,333 Henderson, Randall, editor, Desert magazine, 171-72, 174 Henry, Andrew, fur trader, 308


Utah Historical Quarterly

410 Henry, James Buchanan, nephew and secretary of Buchanan, 227 Heuttlinger, Hans, stone sculptor, 341 Higgins, G. Hodgson, 273 Hill, Frank, explosion victim, 248 Hillers, J o h n K., Powell expedition photographer, posed photos of, 76-78, 77 Hirschi, Christian, farmer, 375, 379 Hispanics: baptismal traditions of, 13-14; courtship and marriage customs of, 14-19; folklore of, in Monticello, 4, 9-28; funeral rites of, 19-21; liturgical observances of, 21-24; migration of, to Utah, 9-12; New Year's Eve celebration of, 24-25; as sheep raisers, 9; during WWII, 11-12 Hite, Cass, and Glen Canyon, 166 Hobart, , scorekeeper, 129 Hodgman, William A., baseball player, 115, 121, 122, 124, 128, 129 Holmstrom, Haldane, Colorado R. explorer, 167, 173 Holt, Paul, BYU tennis player, 755, 185 Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church (first), 30,32, 41 Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church (present), 46 Homespun Restaurant, Leeds, Utah, 371 Hooper, William H., home of, damaged in explosion, 251 Hoover, George P., Anne Bradley's attorney, 243 Horlacher, , butcher, 393 Howells, Wesley, USAC tennis champion, 187, 195 Huey, Charles P., baseball player, 121, 125, 129, 132, 142 Hull, T., and tennis, 181 Hull, William W., pres., CBBC, 113 Humboldt, Alexander von, geographer, 307, 307 Hunt, Joe, tennis star, 195 Hunt, R. G., tennis player, 193 H u r l b u t , Frank B., C o r i n n e d r u g g i s t a n d baseball player, 113, 114, 115, 124, 129 Husler Flour Mills, tennis courts at, 184 Huyck, Owen D., publisher, 119 Hyde, Orson, and spelling reform, 279

I Idaho, Scandinavian folk architecture in, 55, 57 Illustrated Post Card Co., 86 Improvement Era, and spiritualism, 266 Independence Block, 235 Indians: post card images of, 15-79, 81, 83, 84, 86; stereotyping of, on picture post cards, 7, 72-91 Industrial Workers of the World, incarceration of, during WWI, 325 Intermountain Collegiate Athletic Conference, 189 Inter-Mountain Lawn Tennis Assn., 192-93 Irvine, Jack, U of U tennis player, 755 Itten, J o h n R., Swiss immigrant, 314

Jacobs, Helen, tennis star, 195 James, Henry, and spelling reform, 277 Jaramillo family, Monticello residents, 12 Jenkins, Clayton, tennis player, 185 j e n n e n s , B. W. E., Du Pont's agent in SLC, 249, 254-55 Jensen, Peter, Danish carpenter, house and granary of, 63-67, 63, 64, 65, 66 Johnson, Anders, Norwegian carpenter, 66 Johnson, C. R., USAC tennis coach, 188 Johnson, H. L. E., Washington, D . C , physician, 243 Johnson, Lund, tennis player, 188 J o h n s t o n , Albert Sidney, Utah Expedition commander, 213-17 Junction No. 9, O g d e n baseball club, 110, 115-16, 126, 128

K Kahn, Emmanuel, Jewish immigrant, 316 Kahn, Samuel, Jewish immigrant, 316 Keephaver, S., baseball player, 114 Keg (or McDowell) Mountain, 256, 257, 255, 263 Kelaidis, Mary Georgelas, funeral of, 29 Keller, , baseball player, 129 Keseberg, Lewis, Donner Party member, 311 Kiesel, Frederick J., Jewish immigrant, 316-17 Kimball, D. B., tennis player, 182 Kimball, Heber C : British mission of, 277; and spelling reform, 280, 282 Kimball, Heber P., home of, damaged by explosion, 251 Kirkpatrick, Bessie, tennis player, 182 Kiskadden, Annie Adams, relationship of, with Arthur Brown, 2 4 0 , 2 4 7 , 242-43 Kissel, Henry, Ogden tailor, 387 Kleinmann, Konrad, 1847 pioneer, 311 Kletting, Mary (wife), Swiss immigrant, 321 Kletting, Richard Karl August, German-born architect, 319-21, 320, 385 Klopfer, Herbert W., post-WWI I escape of, from Germany, 366-67 Klopfer, Rudy, post-WWII escape of, from Germany, 367 Knaphus, Torlief, handcart sculpture of, 358 Knight family, land of, donated for tennis club, 185 Knight, Jesse, businessman, 317 Knight, J. Will, tennis court and cup competition of, 185, 188 Knight Woolen Mills, burning of, 185 Koch, Alfred (son), 385, 393, 394, 395 Koch, Helmut (son), 385, 393, 394, 395 Koch, Marie (wife), post-WWII immigration of, 383-84,393, 394 Koch, Walter, post-WWI