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UTA S T A T E H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY

BOARD OF TRUSTEES j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1967 President J A C K GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt L a k e City Secretary

M R S . J U A N I T A B R O O K S , St. G e o r g e , 1969

M R S . A. c. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1967 CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of S t a t e

Ex

officio

H O W A R D c. P R I C E , J R . , Price, 1967 M I L T O N c ABRAMS, Smithfield, 1969 j . S T E R L I N G A N D E R S O N , G r a n t s v i l l e , 1967 DEAN R. B R I M H A L L , F r u i t a , 1969

M R S . E L I Z A B E T H S K A N C H Y , M i d v a l e , 1969

L. GLEN SNARR, Salt Lake City, 1967

ADMINISTRATION EVERETT L. COOLEY, D i r e c t o r

T. H . J A C O B S E N , State Archivist, Archives F. T. J O H N S O N , Records M a n a g e r , Archives

J O H N JAMES, JR., Librarian MARGERY W . WARD, Associate Editor

IRIS SCOTT, Business M a n a g e r

T h e U t a h State Historical Society is a n organization devoted to t h e collection, preservation, a n d publication of U t a h a n d related history. I t was organized by publicspirited U t a h n s in 1897 for this purpose. I n fulfillment of its objectives, t h e Society p u b lishes t h e Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 a n n u a l membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilmSj newspapers, maps, a n d manuscripts. M a n y of these items have come to t h e library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only t h r o u g h such means can the U t a h State H i s t o r i c a l Society live u p to its responsibility of preserving t h e record of U t a h ' s past.

T h e primary purpose of t h e Quarterly is t h e publication of manuscripts, photographs, a n d documents which relate or give a new interpretation t o U t a h ' s unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for t h e consideration of the editor. However, the editor assumes n o responsibility for t h e ret u r n of manuscripts u n a c c o m p a n i e d by ret u r n postage. Manuscripts a n d material for publications should be sent to the editor. T h e U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid a t Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1967, U t a h State Historical Society, 6 0 3 East South T e m p l e Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.


WINTER, 1967 • VOLUME 35 • NUMBER I

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Contents SHOSHONI-BANNOCK MARAUDERS ON THE O R E G O N T R A I L , 1859-1863 BY BRIGHAM D. M A D S E N

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T H E S K E L E T O N I N GANDPA'S BARN BY HERBERT Z. L U N D , J R .

31

WHAT REMAINS OF T H E WEST? BY EARL POMEROY

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FACTORS IN T H E D E S T R U C T I O N OF THE M O R M O N PRESS I N M I S S O U R I , 1833 BY WARREN A. J E N N I N G S

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R E V I E W S AND P U B L I C A T I O N S

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The Cover ''Returning From the^ Battle of Bear River," an oil painting by Lynn Fausett. The original is hanging in the Fort Douglas Officers' Club. The prominent figure in civilian dress is Orrin Porter Rockwell, who served as scout for the Fort Douglas stationed troops commanded by Colonel Patrick Edward Connor. EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR

EVERETT L. COOLEY

Margery W. Ward


SETTLE, RAYMOND W. AND MARY L U N D , War Drums and Wagon Wheels: The Story of Russell, Majors and Waddell, BY CONWAY B. SONNE

CAMP, CHARLES L., ED., George C. Yount and his Chronicles of the West. Comprising Extracts from his "Memoirs" and from the Osage Clark "Narrative," BY w. N. DAVIS

77

77

G O O D M A N , DAVID MICHAEL, A Western Panorama 1849-1875: the travels, writings and influence of J. Ross Browne on the Pacific Coast, and in Texas, Nevada, Arizona and Baja California, as the first Mining Commissioner, and Minister to China} BY w. TURRENTINE JACKSON

BOOKS REVIEWEB

-

79

HAYNES, BESSIE DOAK AND EDGAR, EDS., The Grizzly Bear: Portraits from Life, BY STEPHEN D. DURRANT

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GRESSLEY, GENE M., Bankers and Cattlemen, BY GEORGE W . ROLLINS

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81

82

NEWCOMB, FRANC JOHNSON, Navaho Neighbors,

BY ALICE S. MASON

W I L K I N S , T H U R M A N , Thomas Artist of the Mountains, BY JAMES L. HASELTINE

Moran: -

—-

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REYNOLDS, CHANG, Pioneer Circuses of the West, BY MERLE WELLS

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CLARK, ELLA E., Indian Legends from the Northern

Rockies, BY ALTON B. OVIATT

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H A M M O N D , GEORGE P. AND DALE L. MORGAN, Captain Charles M. Weber, Pioneer of the San Joaquin and founder of Stockton, California, with a description of his papers, maps, books, pictures and memorabilia now in the Bancroft Library, BY DONALD C. GUTTER

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SANDOZ, MARI, Area of the Richer Beaver Harvest of North America, BY JAMES L. CLAYTON

86

D R U R Y , C L I F F O R D M E R R I L L , ED., First White Women Over the Rockies: Diaries, Letters, and Biographical Sketches of the Six Women of the Oregon Mission who made the Overland Journey in 1836 and 1838, BY ANN w. HAFEN

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-v

MWMM

M •

::iMM

Shoshoni-Bannock Marauders on the Oregon Trail 1859-1863 BY BRIGHAM D. MADSEN

^ _ J n the morning of January 29, 1863, in weather so cold that whiskey froze in their canteens, Colonel Patrick E. Connor's California Volunteers swam their horses and themselves across ice-choked Bear River to attack an entrenched encampment of several hundred Shoshoni Dr. Madsen is deputy academic vice-president, University of Utah. The material for much of this article was completed under a research grant from Utah State University Division of Research. The photographs of the three Indian braves and one squaw were furnished by the author.


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Indians. Fought just above the gorge through which Bear River debouches into the Valley of Great Salt Lake, this engagement was called the "severest and most bloody of any which has ever occurred with the Indians west of the Mississippi." 1 The battle was a natural and perhaps inevitable consequence of 15 years interaction between opportunistic and aggressive white pioneers and warlike and equally aggressive tribesmen of the plains and mountains. T h e first act had been staged along the Atlantic seaboard over two centuries before and uncounted succeeding performances had carried the drama overland to the Rocky Mountains. The scenes were the same: first, white settlements spread "like stains of raccoon grease on a new blanket" 2 and, in the process, irresponsible frontiersmen needlessly shot down natives; secondly, the Indians retaliated or sometimes initiated the attacks; then, to end the "savage warfare" a negligent government sent troops who became agents for further white conquest; and finally, a concerned government negotiated a treaty which directed the "removal" of the Indians to Oklahoma, or to a reservation, or to final extinction. In the region of the Great Salt Lake this familiar cycle was modified by two other factors. First, examine the area occupied by the Shoshoni people. If a student of geometry were to draw a line from South Pass, to Fort Hall, thence to the headwaters of the Humboldt River, then northeast to Salt Lake City, and back to South Pass, he would find the figure of a rhombus, within which, in pioneer days, there was a veritable maze of emigrant trails: Sublette's Cutoff, Kinney's Cutoff, Hudspeth's Cutoff, Lander's Cutoff, and 57 other varieties of shortcuts which have long since been forgotten. These wagon trails offered both provocation and opportunity to the Indians living in the area. Secondly, in the Mormon people the natives found white settlers who pursued a less belligerent course toward the original inhabitants of the land. The Mormon leader, Brigham Young, counseled that "it was manifestly more economical and less expensive to feed and clothe than to fight" 3 the Indians. As early as October of 1849, Brigham Young had deplored an attack on "Snake" Indians by an emigrant train on its way to California. He wrote to his members in the East that the miners had "shot two or three squaws, and stolen their horses" and regretted that "such a band of 1 U . S . , Office of I n d i a n Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1863 ( W a s h i n g t o n , D . C , 1 8 6 4 ) , 539—40; hereafter referred to as Indian Affairs Report, w i t h t h e year a n d page n u m b e r . 2 Alvin M . Josephy, Jr., The Patriot Chiefs: A Chronicle of Indian Leadership ( N e w York, 1 9 6 1 ) , 215. 3 Deseret News (Salt L a k e C i t y ) , D e c e m b e r 14, 1854.


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desperadoes and murderers should roam at large, exciting the ignorant Indians to retaliation and revenge on our people." 4 Such wanton cruelty on the part of overland travelers prompted most of the Indian leaders to withdraw their people from the vicinity of the "Holy Road" during the emigrant season, but for the Shoshoni and Bannock this was difficult to do. The trails crisscrossed the very heart of their homeland and if they withdrew too far, they ran the risk of encroaching on Ute, Paiute, Crow, or Blackfeet territory with consequent retaliation and bloodshed. Wavering between friendship for the Mormon settlers and opposition to the grasshopper hordes of overland travelers, the Shoshoni and Bannock mounted a crescendo of attacks during the decade following the California gold rush. By 1859 the northernmost settlements of Utah in Cache Valley had to direct half their men to build forts while the other half risked annihilation to plant and harvest a crop, so changed had become their erstwhile friendly relations with the neighboring Shoshoni. 5 That there was justifiable incentive on the part of the Indians to strike back is evident even in the somewhat biased reports of the white inhabitants of the region. A Deseret News correspondent from the Humboldt area wrote in July of 1859 that: Many of the emigrants are perfectly reckless as to what they do or say. T h e other day some passed along, and, in the course of conversation, informed us that they had a lot of strychnine with them on purpose to give to the Indians. I thought it would only serve them right to make them take it themselves. Should they carry out their benevolent intentions and innocent men and women be massacred by the enraged savages in consequence our impartial and penetrating judges may, perhaps, discover "Mormon influence" at the bottom of it. 6

And apparently, some of the government Indian agents were convinced of the correctness of Mormon suspicions of Gentile influence arousing the Indians against the Utah people. F. W. Lander reported to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in February of 1860 that he had good reason "to believe that Gentiles stimulated the Pannacks and Snakes to attack Mormons and steal from them." 7 Judge D. R. Eckels wrote from Camp Floyd, Utah Territory, informing the Secretary of Interior that he was convinced that the frequent 4 "Second General Epistle, of the Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints . . . ," The Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star, X I I (Liverpool, England, 1849), 121. 5 Peter Maughan, Cache Valley, Utah, to Deseret News, June 15, 1859. 6 Humboldt River correspondent to Deseret News, July 22, 1859. 7 Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 131.


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attacks on emigrants were "planned and led by white men." A man named Nelson Miltimore testified that the "Indians" who attacked his wagon train on August 31 "spoke good English," "wore long beards," and were without doubt "whites in Indian disguise." 8 It is little wonder that the young Shoshoni or Bannock braves, steeped in the tradition that the highest good lay in stealing an enemy horse or taking an enemy scalp, should be emboldened by these examples of whites attacking other white men. Indiscriminate killing of peaceful Indians by reckless or fear-struck travelers did not improve Indian-white relations either. A Deseret News correspondent from Brigham City related an incident in which two Flathead Indians rode up to an emigrant camp in the Goose Creek Mountains "to swap some buckskins" and were immediately shot to death by the campers. Seeking revenge, the remaining Flatheads commandeered the help of some nearby Shoshoni and the combined war party attacked the wagon train, killed five men and two women, plundered the wagons, and took all the horses.9 Because of the Indian troubles during the summer of 1859, troops were dispatched from Camp Floyd to guard the emigrant trails. But the Mormon correspondent to the Deseret News, writing from the "Humboldt River Route," was of the opinion they did more harm than good. Recognizing the strong prejudice that most Mormons had against the federal troops at this time his report must be accepted with some reservations, but other observers with less bias reported similar incidents: T h e troops sent from your city to guard the emigrants to California . . . have done ten times more harm than good . . . they have beaten and abused the men, and violated their women in a most shameful and disgusting manner. They may think that poor Indians have no claim to humanity, but . . . the injured natives swear vengeance as soon as the soldiers leave. Who can blame them? These gallant protectors of emigrants have laid the foundation for the plunder and slaughter of hundreds. 10

Superintendent F. W. Lander reported additional vows of revenge on the part of Shoshoni Chief Pocatello and his band because of the "assaults of ignominy" by California emigrants on his people, including the killing of a subchief's squaw and children. Pocatello concluded that: T h e hearts of his people were very bad against the whites; that there were some things that he could not manage, and among them were the bad 8

Ibid., 111.

9

Jonathan C. Wright, Brigham City, Utah, to Deseret News, August 1, 1859. Humboldt River correspondent, Butte Valley, to Deseret News, July 30, 1859.

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thoughts of his young men towards the whites, on account of the deeds of the whites towards his tribe. Many of the relatives of his young men had been killed, and nothing but the death of a white man could atone for this;. . . " '

The death was soon achieved. When news came from Brigham City of the killing of five white men and two of their children near the junction of the Oregon and California trails, the military of Camp Floyd dispatched Major Isaac Lynde with a company of dragoons to establish a post near the Bear River crossing from which regular patrols were to be sent out to guard the emigrant parties. In addition Lieutenant E. Gay was ordered to investigate the massacre and arrest the marauders if they could be caught. Upon arriving at Brigham City, some of the settlers informed Gay that a large band of Indians was camped in Box Elder Valley on the road to Cache Valley. The settlers accused this band of stealing horses and cattle and of being the perpetrators of the massacre of seven emigrants. Gay decided on an attack and leaving Brigham City with 42 men he attacked the sleeping Indians just before dawn. The natives retreated up the steep mountainside, firing as they went, and after about an hour and a half of continuous battle Gay gave up the pursuit. He estimated the strength of the Indians at between 150 and 200 of which his command killed 20 with 6 of his men being wounded. Reports soon reached him that 200 Bannock had joined the hostiles in Cache Valley, and that an even larger encampment was located across the mountains on Bear Lake. 12 A tragic footnote to this sharp engagement was the killing of Abraham Hunsaker's adopted son, "a tame Indian boy," who was herding horses in Box Elder Valley. The troops shot him down on sight and then returned to Brigham City where the Deseret News correspondent reported they encamped in the "Big Field" outside of town "seemingly, having a disrelish for canyons." 13 A few days after this affair, Major Lynde's command met a wagon train led by a Mr. Shepherd who told them of an ambush which had resulted in the deaths of five men. The attack had occurred in a canyon where the party had stopped to attend to a sick horse. Besides those killed "one woman was shamefully abused and her leg broken, and a small child was thrown into the air and suffered to fall upon the ground, by which, its leg was broken." The attackers got away with 35 horses, "two gold 11

Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 134. Ibid., 22. 13 Deseret News, August 24, 1859; Archie Sims, "Early History of Mantua" (MS, Utah State University, 1935). 12


watches, one silver watch, and about one thousand dollars in money." An Indian boy, a member of Chief Pocatello's band, reported to Lynde that the Shoshoni leaders involved in the raid were: "Chief Jag-e-ah ('The M a n Who Carries the Arrows')" and subchiefs "Saw-wich ('The Steam From a Cow's Belly'), Ah-gutch ('The Salmon'), Jah-win-pooh ('The Water Goes in the P a t h ' ) , and Jag-en-up ('The Mist after the R a i n ' ) . " Major Lynde voiced his suspicions that the marauding bands were "stimulated" by the citizens of Utah to steal cattle and horses for the benefit of Mormondom. 14 As the sultry "dog days" of August steamed into September, Indian raids increased. Captain Daniel Beals's company of travelers was attacked, one man killed and another, Jacob Pollings, was found the following day lying among the debris of the plundered and burning wagons, having been wounded in both legs.15 Several days later Milton J. Harrington, a member of the "Buchanan Co." from Iowa, reported an attack on his train in which eight persons were killed, the dead being "horribly mangled and scalped": O n e little girl five years old h a d b o t h legs c u t off a t t h e k n e e s ; h e r ears were also c u t off a n d h e r eyes w e r e d u g o u t from t h e i r sockets, a n d to all a p p e a r a n c e t h e girl, after h a v i n g h e r legs c u t off, h a d b e e n c o m p e l l e d t o 14 15

F. W. Lander to Jacob Forney, August 16, 1859, Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 28. Deseret News, September 27, 1859.


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walk on t h e stumps — for t h e sole purpose of gratifying t h e hellish p r o pensity of savage barbarity. 1 6

The list of Indian attacks lengthened — some recorded at the time, a few known only to the perpetrators — all attended with the ferocity of savage instincts unleashed. And the army faced the impossible task of patrolling 800 miles of intertwined emigrant roads from South Pass in Wyoming to the Humboldt in Nevada. F. W. Lander underscored the despair of the army trying to capture the will-o'-the-wisp Shoshoni and Bannock who "keep runners out" to "furnish intelligence to distant bands of the approach of troops. They are always ridiculing the attempts made to overtake them by the regular army." The common phrase found in the reports of the commanders of the punitive military expeditions was that they "saw no Indians." When friendly Indians did approach the soldier camps, there was always the danger that some frustrated dragoon would load and fire. When Chief Pocatello came into the camp of Lieutenant Gay and that officer placed him in irons, Major Lynde released the Indian leader despite the irate mutterings of the regulars. The troopers probably would have agreed with the editor of the Deseret News, "Why was he not securely kept? And through whose agency was he permitted to escape?" 17 The magnitude of defense was compounded by the enormity of the emigration across the plains in these years and by the inability or downright cussedness of the emigrants in refusing to provide adequately for their own protection. Lynde reported meeting as many as 300 wagons a day, averaging 4 persons per wagon, with "at least 7,000 head of stock." The travelers, although sometimes armed, kept their unloaded weapons in the wagons and laughed at the major when he warned them about the probability of instant attack. Such easy pickings were too tempting to the proud and independent Shoshoni and Bannock whose every means of sustenance was being destroyed by the concourse of people and cattle anyway.18

16

Ibid., September 21, 1859. Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 132; Deseret News, September 14, 1859. 18 Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 38. 17

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And in the wake of the dust and debris of the westward-seeking pilgrims, the Mormons were left the worry and uncertainty of maintaining their settlements in the midst of a thoroughly aroused, often hungry, and bitterly emboldened tribe of Shoshoni-Bannock. The Indians began stealing horses from the northern farmers in Cache Valley and were reported "mad" that Mormons should lead soldiers into their camps. The plan of the military to keep troops stationed at Bear River crossing during the winter months so as to "starve out the Indians" was ridiculed by the Mormon press as "certainly a novel way of conducting an Indian war." The editor added sarcastically "The future will disclose how many officers will be promoted for 'gallant and meritorious conduct' during the campaign." 19 At the root of the Shoshoni troubles lay the indifference and inattention of the federal government toward these Indians. With a homeland lying on the extreme eastern edge of Washington and Oregon territories, occupying areas at the northern edge of Utah Territory, and extending to the eastern end of Nevada Territory, the Shoshoni were left to their own devices while Indian agents and superintendents quibbled exasperatingly over who had proper jurisdiction. The Nevada superintendent wrote the Commissioner of Indian Affairs asking whether these Indian people were "within the scope" of his superintendency. 20 Major John Owen, from Fort Owen in western Montana, received from his superior at Portland, Oregon, the disconcerting news that the Shoshoni-Bannock were to be placed under his temporary supervision, a grand council was to be held, and food supplies and clothing were to be issued to the Indians. Although hundreds of miles removed from them, Owen made numerous attempts to carry out his instructions which proved futile because the promised annuity goods never appeared. Indifferent and unscrupulous government agents farther east effectually stymied attempts to deliver the goods. Owen warned of reports which reached him of Shoshoni-Bannock attacks on emigrant trains: "From my present position you will see that it will not do to delay" the shipment of goods.21 Utah officials also appealed to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs pointing out that as far as they knew Utah Territory was the only area 19

Ibid.; Deseret News, August 31, October 19, 1859. Indian Affairs Report, 1861, 109. 21 Edward R. Geary to John Owen, Portland, Oregon, May 23, 1860, U.S., Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Washington Superintendency, Letters Received (National Archives, Washington, D . C ) , Record Group No. 22, p. 209; hereafter referred to as Indian Affairs Records with the superintendency and page numbers. John Owen to Edward R. Geary, Fort Owen, Washington Territory, June 30, 1860, ibid., 216. 20


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thrown open to settlement without first adopting some measures "to extinguish the Indian title." They insisted that this neglect had resulted in the numerous depredations on overland wayfarers while other tribes in the West had received thousands of dollars in annuities and supplies. The Shoshoni and Bannock had "urged in justification of their course that their own country was taken possession of without their consent, their grass and water used, their game driven off, and they left to suffer and starve." Utah's territorial officials summed up the feelings of the ShoshoniBannock : It is sufficient for them to know that the Great Spirit gave this country to their fathers, sent the deer and the antelope here for their food, and that while all that remains of their fathers are their graves, the hunting grounds, as their descendents belongs to them. Already do they well understand, that treaties have been made with other Indians, by which their lands have been purchased, and they are becoming impatient and indeed hostile because the same course is not pursued by them. 22

All such entreaties availed little. It was left to a sanguinary engagement on Bear River to focus official attention on the need for treaties, annuity goods, and recognition for the Shoshoni and Bannock. Meanwhile, the Indian followed the age-old mores — conducting the perennial search for food, stealing the horses necessary for livelihood and honor, and collecting the scalps essential for proof of one's manhood — all of which was much easier since the guileless whites had appeared with covered wagons loaded with the necessities of life. The summer of 1861 in only lesser degree saw wagon train attacks similar to those of the preceding year. The center of gravity shifted somewhat to the west, and Ruby Valley, Deep Creek, Antelope Canyon, and Rush Valley were the names in the news. But this did not mean that other areas were exempt, and one party lost all of its wagons and supplies plus 140 "loose animals" to an Indian raid at the City of Rocks, about 90 miles west of Fort Hall. 23 Pony Express stations suffered their share of scares, burnings, and killings. In a pitched battle at Deep Creek Station, 19 troopers drove off 150 Indians with a loss of two men and 14 casualties to the Indians. The Deseret News informant reported the soldiers "found it anything but fun to fight well-armed Indians, when ensconced behind rocks and trees." Sometimes the warriors mounted to the tops of rocks and then would 22 "Petition of Governor and Judges, etc. of Utah Territory in Relation to the Indians," in "Journal History" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), November 1, 1860. 23 Deseret News, September 27, 1860.


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"whoop and yell like fiends." At Shell Creek Station the agent and his two men drove off an attack and then, taking what supplies they could, made haste for Deep Creek and reinforcements. The returning party found the station in ashes. 24 West of Salt Lake conditions became so precarious that the settlers abandoned their homes in Rush Valley and reported in Salt Lake City that the presence of a few soldiers had transformed previously friendly Indians into hostiles who shot "at the whites whenever they saw them." Other Mormon settlers in Cache Valley also suffered when they attempted to force recognition of American law on an aboriginal people whose tribal customs were fundamentally different. The citizens of Smithfield arrested an Indian on suspicion of stealing a horse and held him for "legal investigation." Not understanding the fine points of this abstruse legal maneuver, 10 friends of the Shoshoni brave rode up and urged him to come out. When he did so, the white captain of the guard gave the necessary orders, and the guard fired and killed the would-be escapee. In revenge the warriors came upon a small group of whites and without warning killed one and wounded two. Then, meeting two brothers along the road, they killed one and wounded the other. A posse failed to apprehend the lawbreakers and the Deseret News thought that only by force of arms could the murderers be caught and that "should be a dernier resort." 25 With the coming of winter again, the Indians withdrew to their wickiups, the settlers gathered their stock close to home, the would-be emigrants in the Mississippi Valley attended their meetings and planned for next year's migrations, and peace settled down once more on the Wasatch province. The Indian agents now filed their yearly reports asking for the same things: annuity goods for the Shoshoni-Bannock, treaties to keep them away from the emigrant trails, and expostulations against renegade whites who continually stirred up the redskins. John Owen made a heartfelt plea for his "Snake" Indians: I do really think that with kind treatment and a prudent Expenditure of a few thousand Dollars Every Year that these Indians could be drawn from their predatory habits and Settled quietly in the Salmon River Country and be taught and induced to cultivate the soil. These Indians twelve years ago were the avowed friends of the White Man. I have had their Young Men in My Employment as Hunters Horse Guards Guides etc. etc. I have traversed the length & breadth of their Entire Country with large bands of Stock unmolested. Their present hostile attitude can in a great Measure be attributed to the treatment they have reed from unprincipled **Ibid., June 13, August 29, 1860. 25 Ibid., June 10, August 1, 1860.


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W h i t e M e n passing t h r o u g h their C o u n t r y . T h e y h a v e been robed M u r dered their W o m e n o u t r a g e d etc. etc. a n d in fact outrages h a v e been comm i t t e d by W h i t e M e n t h a t t h e h e a r t would S h u d d e r to record. T h o s e are incontrovertible facts. I d o N o t Wish to see these I n d i a n s Shielded from the p u n i s h m e n t they so justly deserve. Still these are paliating circumstances t h a t is N o M o r e t h a n just should be shown in their favor. T h e p i c t u r e is d a r k clothed in the M o s t E x t e n u a t i n g g a r b . . . , 26

The "dark clothed" picture did not brighten with the coming of the summer sun, and Owen again pleaded in September for provisions for the welfare of the "Wandering bands of Snakes and Bannocks." He insisted that the "increasing Scarcity of Game & the Constant Encroachments upon their lands by gold Miners" required some attention "on the Score of humanity" if nothing else.27 News accounts substantiated the destitute condition of many of the Indians. The Deseret News reported on February 20 that one Indian was found dead within a half mile of the Pony Express Roberts Creek Station apparently "having perished from cold and starvation while on his way there for food." Even in the few instances when government agents were able to distribute a little food and clothing, illegal white traders bartered their cheap liquor for the expensive goods, leaving the Indians drunk as well as destitute. 28 The Oregon superintendent reported to his superior in Washington, D . C , that the Shoshoni-Bannock complained that government agents had never talked with t h e m ; h a v e never given t h e m any presents; h a v e not even b r o k e tobacco with t h e m , or smoked w i t h t h e m , while t h e Blackfeet a n d o t h e r I n d i a n tribes h a v e h a d presents from o u r people for t h e privilege of m a k i n g roads t h r o u g h their country. 2 9

Despite the continual inattention of the federal authorities to their wants, the Shoshoni and Bannock did not mount as many attacks during the migration of 1861 as in the two years before. No little official correspondence occurred over 4 children taken prisoners the previous autumn as the result of a particularly vicious attack on a wagon train of 44 people near Salmon Falls on the Snake River. Major John Owen was deputized to spare no pains in attempting to recover the captives and was also informed that the military planned a concerted attack on the raiding bands 20 John Owen to Edward R. Geary, Fort Owen, Washington Territory, February 13, 1861, Indian Affairs Records, Washington Superintendency, 243. 27 John Owen to B. F. Kendall, Fort Owen, Washington Territory, September 12 1861, Indian Affairs Records, Washington Superintendency, 263. 28 Deseret News, February 20, March 5, 1861. 29 Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 156.


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in the spring of 1862. But some Confederate raiding bands in Virginia upset those plans much earlier than that. 30 Continued troubles with Indians in the Grantsville area west of Salt Lake City kept the settlers on alert. They finally captured 11 "Shoshone" and "Gosh-Utes," released 3 of them to bring back some stolen stock, and held the remaining braves hostage to ensure the return of the stock. But the 8 warriors overpowered the guard and escaped. Reporting the incident, one of the leaders of the settlement wrote: "These Shoshones are so vicious, that the Gosh-Utes are afraid of them, and dare not attempt to drive them out of the land." Even close to the center of Mormon Zion, a Bishop Miller of Mill Creek Ward, just south of Salt Lake City, complained of an encampment of 20 lodges of Indians who had been living off the settlers for several weeks, incidentally cutting down fences and driving off stock. To keep them from helping themselves to what they wanted, the Mormons had supplied the Indians with food, "beef in particular, for which the natives have great proclivities." A Cache Valley group of 20 Shoshoni under Chief Bear Hunter trekked to Salt Lake City to visit the Superintendent of Indian Affairs and to gather some presents, including a "complete suit of citizens' clothing" for the chief which made him feel "first-rate." 31 Old charges of Mormon intrigue with the Indians cropped up again as the aftermath of a raid on an emigrant train at the City of Rocks. The Carson City Silver Age charged that the 40 attackers were whites disguised as Indians and that "some of the party were recognized as Mormons." 32 Perhaps the worst incident of the summer occurred below Salmon Falls on the Snake River when the Shoshoni and Bannock killed 11 members of an Oregon-bound party, drove the rest away, and plundered the wagons. The survivors stumbled into the Umatilla Indian Agency "perfectly exhausted, having had nothing to eat but a little dried horse meat for twenty-one days." 33 By the end of 1861, the Shoshoni and Bannock were becoming desperate as their foodstocks dwindled and their pasturage disappeared. One Indian agent, Benjamin Davis, had visited the Gosiute Shoshoni of northwestern Utah in January of 1861 and found them in the "lowest ebb of destitution, suffering and w a n t . . . their poverty, sufferings and distress 30

John Owen to L. L. Blake, Flathead Agency, Oregon Territory, February 18, 1861, Indian Affairs Records, Oregon Superintendency, 247, 248. 31 Deseret News, February 10, March 6, April 1, 1861. S2 Ibid., September 18, 1861. 33 U.S., War Department, Report of Secretary of War, 36th Cong., 2d Sess., 1860-1861, Serial No. 1079, p. 143.


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are beyond description." When he asked them why there were so few children among them, they replied that since the white people came the buffalo and deer had all gone away, and they had nothing to feed them with; wherefore they laid them by the stones, which means that they laid them on the ground to die and be eaten by the wolves.

In Ruby Valley, Davis met with about 800 "Western Shoshones" and "Bannocks" and had difficulty persuading them that he was no Mormon and that the "Great Captain" in Washington was "no Mormon — but American." 34 Indian discontent with Utah settlers and, indeed all whites, reached tinderbox combustibility as 1862 appeared, and only a slight change of wind direction was needed to set the mountain valleys afire. T h a t change came when a "norther" blew in from Montana bringing news of the discovery of gold in the Beaverhead country. Miners and prospectors, prepared to risk all for the golden rainbow, poured into the last remaining hunting ground of the Shoshoni—the Upper Snake River Valley, bounded on the east by Yellowstone and the majestic Tetons and on the west by the Salmon River ranges. Salt Lake City and the northern Utah settlements became the base of supplies for the miners as they left the Oregon and California trails to travel northward. Canny Mormon farmers joined the mad gold rush, mining the shiny metal from the pouches of gold diggers who needed fresh vegetables, dairy supplies, and meats. Mormons and miners alike traveled the new road in small parties rather than in caravans and offered tempting targets to the hungry and disgruntled native population. As early as May 28, 1862, reports reached Salt Lake of the death of 8 out of a party of 14 people returning from Salmon River. 35 Emboldened and throwing all caution to the winds, the Shoshoni and Bannock soon were raiding horse and cattle herds from Fort Bridger in the south to Fort Owen in the north, paying especial attention to the Mormon settlements north of Salt Lake where Brigham Young's precept of feeding rather than fighting the Indians was fast becoming rapacious extortion. Afraid to venture any farther north, mining parties by June were stopped just beyond Fort Hall. Soon reports began to come in that the great Shoshoni peace chief, Washakie, had been set aside and the Bannock chief, Pashego, "a man of blood," had won over the malcontents. 34 Benjamin Davis to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Salt Lake City, Utah, January 20, 1861, Indian Affairs Records, Utah Superintendency (microfilm, Utah State Historical Society). 35 Deseret News, May 28, 1862.


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Both Shoshoni and Bannock warriors were taking their families to the Salmon River country to get them out of danger and "when the leaves turn yellow and begin to fall . . . they are to fall upon and exterminate all the settlers in the Territory." 3G The increasing ferocity of attacks in June of 1862 seemed to indicate to some observers that the Shoshoni-Bannock were not content to wait until autumn. A Smith-Kinkaid party, traveling from California to the states, was attacked; Smith was shot in the back with an arrow but managed to make it to a settlement on Bear River "with the arrow yet in him." Three emigrant trains were waylaid by the Shoshoni near Soda Springs and wiped out. Several wagon columns were attacked and many people killed during the month of July. James Doty of the Utah Indian superintendency concluded his mid-summer reports: A m a n r e t u r n e d from S a l m o n R i v e r informs m e t h a t a t t h e crossing of t h e Salt L a k e a n d California r o a d s h e saw t w o w a g o n s s t a n d i n g in t h e r o a d , a n d t h e d e a d bodies of t h r e e w h i t e m e n lying beside t h e m . T h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t t h e r e h a v e b e e n m a n y m u r d e r s c o m m i t t e d t h e r e of w h i c h n o a c c o u n t h a s b e e n given. 3 7

Even the old mountaineers, friends of the Indians for years, were now not exempt from attack as the 2,000 Indians of Doty's estimate raided outlying settlements. Old mountain man, Jack Robinson, living about six miles from Fort Bridger, lost over 200 head of horses and mules on the night of July 19. He gathered 62 men as a posse to pursue the renegade thieves but to no avail. 38 Indian tempers seemed to rise with the temperature, the hot days of August and September bringing so many attacks that the editor of the Deseret News exploded in frustration that "for the last few months the Red Skins, especially the Snakes and Bannocks, appear to have unreservedly seceded from 'the rest of mankind.' " Emigrant trains along the Oregon Trail were greeted by posted signs bearing the name of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs: T O T H E P U B L I C : F r o m i n f o r m a t i o n received a t this d e p a r t m e n t d e e m e d sufficiently reliable to w a r r a n t m e in so d o i n g , I consider it m y d u t y t o w a r n all persons c o n t e m p l a t i n g t h e crossing of t h e plains this fall, to U t a h or t h e Pacific Coast, t h a t t h e r e is good r e a s o n t o a p p r e h e n d hostilities 38 Sacramento Daily Union, June 7, 1862; John Owen, "Journal XVI, Recording Life and Affairs at the Fort [Owen] from Jan. 1, 1862 to April 11, 1863" (MS, National Archives), June 28, 1862, p. 255; Indian Affairs Report, 1862, 213. 37 Sacramento Daily Union, June 7, 1862; Owen, "Life and Affairs at the Fort," June 28, 1862, p. 255; Indian Affairs Report, 1862, 211. 38 Deseret News, August 13, 1862.


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on the part of the Bannock and Shoshone or Snake Indians, as well as the Indians upon the plains and along the Platte River. The Indians referred to have, during the past summer, committed several robberies and murders: they are numerous, powerful, and warlike, and should they generally assume a hostile attitude are capable of rendering the emigrant routes across the plains extremely perilous; hence this warning. 39

Cataloguing the depredations of these months reveals a monotonous story repeated many times: an ambush; a short, sharp fight; wagons robbed, then set afire; and men, women, and children killed and horribly mutilated. July 8: a company of 6 men with two wagons attacked — 4 men killed. July 9: vicinity of Fort Hall — 5 emigrants killed and several others wounded — "cattle and horses lying around, perforated with balls, indicated that other depredations had been committed." 40 July 9: 12 packers attacked, 5 men wounded and 12 pack animals lost. July 9 again: as this day marked a veritable holocaust of murder and rapine — at Massacre Rocks below the American Flails of the Snake River, a train of 11 wagons was attacked by over 200 Indians and nearly all the emigrants killed, the rest of the travelers along the trail massing together until a cavalcade estimated at 200 wagons and over 700 people had gathered for mutual protection. The morning after the attack at Massacre Rocks 40 well-armed men set out to recover the stolen stock but upon meeting with 300 similarly well-armed Indians they quickly retired after suffering 3 killed and several wounded. After leaving the junction of the Oregon and California roads, the California-bound emigrants saw "the remains of several trains which had been destroyed by the savage foemen, and were attacked several times by them." 41 The Deseret News editorialized: "making due allowance for all misstatements and exaggerations, there is no doubt that a large number of persons have been killed by Indians during the present season on Sublette's Cut off." On August 26, an Iowa company fought off a war party but lost all its horses and mules, 11 of its 12 wagons, and then was attacked again before sundown losing 4 men in the last battle. The survivors straggled into the settlements on Bear River near Brigham City, Utah, and reported that "emigrants, ferrymen and mountaineers were abandoning the route entirely, afraid to continue longer in the country." Mas39

Ibid., August 6, 1862; Indian Affairs Report, 1862, 215. R. H. Hewitt, Journey Across the Plains, May 7, to November 3, 1862 (Olympia, Washington, 1863),26. ^Deseret News, August 27, November 26, 1862; Alvin Zorring, ed., "Diary of Hamilton Scott," as quoted in Byron Defenbach, Idaho, the Place and Its People (New York, 1933), 406. 40


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sacre Rocks seemed to be a favorite haunt for one band of Indian raiders. The warriors soon rushed a group of 15 men from California. A running fight ensued covering an entire day and 20 miles. The 40 Indians engaged in the battle evidently had abandoned the traditional hit-and-run tactics of former times and savagely and stubbornly pursued their victims until after dark, killing 6 men and taking most of the horses. After 5 days without food, the remaining whites reached the Box Elder settlements and related that during the pursuit one "Indian had a magnificent new American flag, which he fluttered in the breeze, but for what purpose the pursued, of course, could not stop to learn." 42 In utter helplessness to control their thoroughly infuriated charges, the various Indian agents could only write long "I-told-you-so" letters to their superiors, asking for money with which to buy annuity goods so that when winter came there might be some possibility of treating with the Indians for a cessation of war. Reporting from San Francisco, Special Agent Henry Martin asked for $5,000 to make a treaty with the "Shosho-nee," the money to be used to buy blankets and other supplies. Agent 42 Deseret News, September 17, September 24, 1862; Sacramento Daily Union, September 22, October 2, 1862.

ITAH STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY

Shoshoni

village — the date and place of the picture are unknown.


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Luther Mann assailed the Shoshoni-Bannock for the "most brutal murders ever perpetrated upon this continent," and the Deseret News concluded that "the Indians have thrown off all restraint." But San Francisco and Salt Lake City were too many miles from Washington, D . C , where a Union government was more concerned with a general named George McClellan and his reluctance to follow up a partial victory at a place called Antietam. It would be another year before the slow wheels of bureaucratic government ground out the first of those treaties which eventually would settle the Shoshoni and Bannock on their various reservations. 43 Throughout the general conflagration of 1862, the northern fringe of Mormon settlements alternated between havens of safety for beleaguered emigrants and focal points of attack by their erstwhile "Lamanite" friends.44 And as overland travel abruptly ceased with the coming of winter, the Shoshoni-Bannock, flushed with booty and drunk with success, turned to the only area remaining which offered the opportunity to "count coup" — the villages of northern Utah. Even earlier, the Deseret News had reported that the Indians near Cache Valley are inclined of late to be saucy and belligerent in their deportment, and have committed some depredations, and threaten to do more. They are reported to be unusually fond of beef, which, if they cannot get in one way, they will take in another.

They shot at the citizens as the latter worked in the fields and exacted heavy tribute from the Mormons in flour and other goods. The first major attack on Cache Valley settlements occurred September 27 when some Shoshoni and Bannock warriors stole about 40 horses. The settlers, 30 strong, followed the trail until dark but recovered only a few of the stolen animals. The Deseret News editor summed up the melancholy failure: "In truth we cannot recollect a single instance within the last ten years in which a pursuit of Indians has been successful under such circumstances." Three days earlier the Box Elder people had lost 20 horses, probably to the same hostile group. It was reported also that a strong concentration of Indians had gathered at Bear Lake, that they were "mad, and determined to do as much injury as possible to the white race." 45 43 Deseret News, September 17, 1862; Indian Affairs Report, 1862, 204; Henry Martin to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, October 9, 1862, Indian Affairs Report, 1862. 44 Book of Mormon name for the American Indian. 45 Deseret News, September 10, October 8, December 31, 1862.


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Such Shoshoni-Bannock defiance was, of course, made easier in 1862 because of the withdrawal of many of the federal troops to the eastern seaboard and Civil War front. The tribes had gained a salutary respect for the "Black Coats" over the years, but the sudden vacuum occasioned by their departure had unleashed primitive instincts held in check during the pioneer migrations of the 1850's. To fill this void with other troopers the Union government authorized the governor of California to raise several regiments of volunteers to protect the Overland Mail route and incidentally to keep an eye on the Mormons in Utah. Colonel Patrick E. Connor was named commanding officer of the California Volunteers and left that state on July 12, 1862, for the march overland to Salt Lake City where he was to establish a military post. The Deseret News, suspicious and apprehensive, noted, "The Indians, of course, will be tremendously scared, and horse-thieves, gamblers, and other pests of community wondrously attracted by the gigantic demonstration." 46 Marching across the Nevada desert was probably anything but a "gigantic demonstration," but one incident did afford the Volunteers an opportunity to demonstrate their prowess as soldiers. At a place called Gravelly Ford on the Humboldt River a company of emigrants discovered 12 badly mutilated bodies thrown into a stream. T h e discovery led the Territorial Enterprise to say "It is quite time that something was done to teach the savages a severe lesson" and suggested that the following winter would be a good time for "Col. Connor's boys . . . to vent a little of their pent up fighting spirit" on the Indians. 47 Unwilling to wait, 80 of the Volunteers under Major Edward McGarry headed for Gravelly Ford in an attempt to arrest and punish the murderers. On October 9, McGarry reported that some of his command "enticed into camp three Indians" and then put the 3 under guard after taking their weapons. The 3 badly frightened Indians soon broke away and, said the major, "Fearing that they would escape, and not wishing to hazard the lives of my men in recapturing them alive, I ordered the guard to fire, and they were killed on the spot." Following this first battle, a patrol came upon 14 other Indians, captured them and then killed 9 as they attempted to flee. Soon, other captives were brought in: "three Indians and one child," "two squaws," "one Indian and one squaw," "one Indian," and finally "another Indian." McGarry then released two of the hostages with instructions to bring in those who were guilty of the 46 47

Ibid., June 25, 1862. Territorial Enterprise as quoted in the Deseret News, October 1, 1862.


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massacre. If they did not return by nightfall, the soldiers would kill all the prisoners in camp. When the two did not return (a futile request or have you guessed), the major put to death 4 of the prisoners and released the squaws and child. In a final action the next day, a patrol captured 8 natives, the usual escape attempt was made, and 8 more "redskins bit the dust." The first military action of the Volunteers did not augur well for any other Shoshoni-Bannock who might get in the way. 48 A hundred years after the event a reader might be permitted to agree with the editor of the Deseret News that the guilty had escaped long before and that the military had taken vengeance on the innocent left behind. The editor concluded that in Canada, Indian wars were relatively unknown because "the British system protects the aborigines from gross injustice; ours inflicts intolerable wrong upon them." But then, Gravelly Ford was a long way off — almost as far as Canada. Later Indian depredations closer to home led the News to a much different conclusion. While McGarry's troops were "chastising the Indians" the rest of the Volunteer Corps lay encamped at Ruby Valley, bored and disgusted with "eating rations and freezing to death around sage brush fires." The glamour of the Civil War was a continent away and few medals or promotions awaited the valiant guarding of a Mormon prophet and a few post riders carrying the mail. In a desperate attempt to get to the battles of Virginia, the men subscribed $30,000 out of their savings and salaries to buy their way from San Francisco to Panama. The San Francisco Bulletin eagerly seconded the motion, declaring that Brigham Young could patrol the mail lines with 100 men and as far as keeping "Mormondom in order, . . . Brigham can thoroughly annihilate us with the 5,000 to 25,000 frontiersmen at his command." The editor commended the men for wanting "the privilege of going to the Potomac and agetting shot" and appealed to Lincoln's Chief of Staff: May General Halleck be in a good humor when our despatch reaches him; may he just have eaten the biggest kind of good dinner; may he just have lit the best Habana in all America; and may he say "Yes" to the Third; and then, may the Third have a chance to shoot seceshers, and pat Uncle Abe on his long back for that slavery proclamation! Amen ! 49

The "Habana" did not sway General Halleck from his duty, and Colonel Connor prepared to march his command to Salt Lake City on 48

Deseret News, November 19, 1862. Ibid., October 15, 1862.

4a


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a very meager chance that there might be combat. The editor of the San Francisco Bulletin did his best to drum up a war, repeating rumors that the Danites or Destroying Angels intended to stop the troops at Jordan Narrows. Warming to this theme, the journalist declared that the chief of the Danites was riding through the streets of the City of Salt offering to bet $500.00 that the Volunteers would never get across the Jordan River, "the bet being untaken." In answer, Connor issued 30 rounds of ammunition to each man and warned the chief of the Danites that he would "cross the river Jordan if hell yawned below him" and that "the battlefields of Mexico testify that the Colonel has a habit of keeping his word." To the mild disappointment of the troops and perhaps the greater chagrin of the officers, they were hospitably received by the Mormons, were given a prosaic welcome by Governor Stephen S. Harding before his residence in the city, and were marched to the "mouth of Red Bute" where the colonel established "Camp Douglas." 50 Fortunately for some of the troops, the monotony of erecting a new camp was relieved when word came from Cache Valley that an emigrant white boy had been captured by the Indians. The redoubtable Major McGarry was given the assignment of recovering the boy and marched his cavalry to the vicinity of Providence, Utah. There, about 40 Shoshoni under Chief Bear Hunter were discovered in a nearby canyon, and McGarry ordered his men "to commence firing, and to kill every Indian they could see." Vastly outnumbered, Bear Hunter came out with a flag of truce and surrendered himself and 20 of his warriors after receiving a promise that the troops would not kill them. The major held the chief and 4 of his braves hostage until the boy was brought in and then released the Indians. Three Shoshoni warriors were killed during the battle. 51 T h e expedition brought back information about the great loss of stock suffered by the settlers of northern Utah, and Colonel Connor decided to despatch McGarry on a second trip to try to recover some of the cattle and horses and give the Indians "a little taste of the fighting qualities of the Volunteers." Hoping to surprise the Shoshoni into a battle, the cavalry marched at night, but reached Bear River ferry on December 6 to learn that the natives had been forewarned and were prepared for 50

Ibid., October 18, 22, 29, 1862. McGarry to adjutant general, Camp Douglas, Utah Territory, November 28, 1862, in The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D . C , 1897), Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, p. 182; Richard H. Orton, Record of California Men in the War of the Rebellion (San Francisco, 1890) ; Newell Hart, "Rescue of a Frontier Boy," Utah Historical Quarterly, 33 (Winter, 1965), 51-54. 51


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defense. The soldiers had been able to capture four Indians during the night march; and retaining them as hostages, McGarry sent an Indian boy to the Shoshoni encampment to warn the chiefs that if the stolen stock in their possession was not surrendered by noon of the next day, the four prisoners would be executed. Upon receipt of this threat the Shoshoni encampment immediately packed up, crossed the Malad River, and entered Bear River Canyon. The major just as promptly had the four hostages killed, and the Deseret News feared that the deaths would "tend to make them [Shoshoni] more hostile and vindictive." 52 The pen was not mightier than the sword in this instance but was certainly more prophetic. The Shoshoni had already announced their intention of killing "every white man they should meet with on the north side of Bear River, till they should be fully avenged for the Indian blood which had been shed." The Mormon settlers moved all their stock from the north side of the river, and the Indians met in a great council on Bear Lake and swore vengeance. It was opportune for the California Volunteers that the allies of the Shoshoni and their friends and neighbors, the warlike Bannock, had left for the buffalo country in Montana. The Battle of Bear River might have taken a different turn if Connor's troops had met the combined forces of the two tribes. The Bannock had already sent word that the Shoshoni "receive presents for killing the white men" and had concluded that Bannock warriors would be "rewarded in like manner if they do the same." But even without their neighbors, the Shoshoni were a formidable enemy as they gathered some 600 strong north of Bear River in Cache Valley and began to attack every Gentile or non-Mormon who appeared north of that stream. 53 The battle line was thus drawn and all that remained to induce Connor's troops to "cross the Rubicon" was the technicality of a crime committed by Shoshoni warriors. Several such provocations were soon reported. Two express riders, George Clayton and Henry Bean, were killed near the head of Marsh Valley. On January 8, eight men from the Montana mines were attacked as they crossed Bear River just west of Richmond, Utah. The wagons were robbed, some of the horses stolen, and one man, John Henry Smith, shot down. Despite the hostility of the Indians, several Mormons crossed the river and "had an interview with some of their chiefs and principal warriors." Apparently, the magic talis52

Deseret News, D e c e m b e r 10, 1862. Ibid., November 25, December 3 1 , 1862; James D o t y to Commissioner of I n d i a n Affairs, Salt Lake City, U t a h Territory, November 26, 1862, I n d i a n Affairs Records, U t a h Superintendency (microfilm). 53


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man of Brigham Young's Indian policy was effective if his Saints took courage and faith by the hand and marched boldly into the enemy's camp. The open strategy resulted in the recovery of some of the horses from the Indians although it was "with great difficulty that they were persuaded to give up as much of the property as they did." 54 The death of John Henry Smith furnished sufficient legal basis for an expedition against the Shoshoni camp, a foray that Colonel Connor had already decided upon anyway. O n the affidavit of William Bevins, Chief Justice John F. Kinney of the Utah territorial court, issued a warrant for the arrest of Chiefs Bear Hunter, Sanpitch, and Sagwitch for the murder of John Henry Smith. Marshal Isaac L. Gibbs was instructed to make the arrests, but in the quaint language of the Deseret News "anticipating . . . that no legal process could be served upon the chiefs named," the good marshal prudently requested military assistance from Colonel Connor. The colonel later reported, "I informed the Marshal that my arrangements were made, and that it was not my intention to take any prisoners, but that he could accompany me." 55 The Deseret News warned that the Shoshoni had 72 lodges and 600 warriors at their encampment on Bear River and another 40 lodges and 170 warriors only a few miles away. The editor derided the whole affair, suggesting that "it will result in catching some friendly Indians, murdering them" and letting the "guilty scamps" get away. Fearing that the Shoshoni would leave for the mountains and safety and so deprive him of the opportunity of a battle, Colonel Connor planned to move his troops at night to effect a surprise attack. Sixty-nine men of Company K, Third Infantry, left Camp Douglas on the night of January 22 and were accompanied by 15 wagons loaded with 12 days' supply and an escort of 12 cavalrymen. Two nights later, Companies A, H, K, and M of the Second Cavalry, 220 men in all, also started for Bear River. The entire force numbered slightly over 300 men. 56 The approach of the "Black Coats" could not be kept secret very long. On January 27, Chief Bear Hunter and some of his men visited the town of Franklin and did a war dance around the house of the Mormon bishop, Preston Thomas, in protest because they had not received all the wheat they had demanded. They were back the next day to collect more wheat and saw the infantry approaching town. When one of the citizens remarked, "Here come the soldiers. You may get killed," Bear Hunter 54

Deseret News, January 14, 21, 1863. Ibid., January 28, 1863; War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, pp. 185, 187. 60 War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, p. 185; Deseret News, February 11, 1863. 55


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replied, "May-be-so soldiers get killed too." But it was noted that as soon as he reached the outskirts of the village the seriousness of the situation apparently struck him with some force, and his warriors began to throw sacks of wheat to the ground to lighten their way to camp. 57 When the Volunteers reached Franklin, the people offered their homes and the town schoolhouse as quarters for the night, and to the frostbitten soldiers, after several nights of marching in sub-zero weather, the Mormons of Franklin were "Saints" indeed. But the rest was short. Their indefatigable commander was not going to allow the quarry to escape, and at 1:00 A.M. the infantrymen were routed out to march through the freezing night to Bear River 12 miles away. The more fortunate cavalrymen had two more hours sleep before they were dispatched at 3:00 A.M. The cavalry reached the river first, and Connor noted in his report, "as daylight was approaching I was apprehensive that the Indians would discover the strength of my force and make their escape." So, the colonel ordered a rapid march by the cavalry with instructions to "surround before attacking them." 58 Patrick Connor could have saved himself all the worry and uncertainty ; the Indians did not intend to run away. They were well prepared and eager for the chance to kill some soldiers. The Shoshoni leaders had chosen their spot well. Colonel Connor said: T h e position of the Indians was one of strong natural defenses, and almost inaccessible to the troops, being in a deep, dry ravine from six to twelve feet deep and from thirty to forty feet wide, with very abrupt banks and running across level table-land, along which they had constructed steps from which they could deliver their fire without being themselves exposed. Under the embankments they had constructed artificial covers of willows thickly woven together, from behind which they could fire without being observed.

The ravine, known today as Battle Creek, ran north from Bear River back into some low hills covered with sagebrush and juniper. To the Indian chieftains, their position looked impregnable. If the army attack over level ground in front of the ravine became too menacing, there were two avenues of escape, one by way of Bear River at the mouth of the gully and the other at the head leading into the hills. The women with their children could leave the tipis at the bottom of the ravine and escape first, 57 Franklin County [Idaho] Historical Society, The Passing of the Redman (Preston, Idaho, 1917), 70. 58 War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, p. 185; Preston Citizen, July 22, 1954, article by Taylor Nelson whose father, William G. Nelson, was on the battlefield the day after the engagement.


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^Wte (>eek 'indicA'Pos^ion

f

^FlanKmg

Mover

B e a r Rt\

3l?*w'**

U T A H STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY (FRED B . ROGERS C O L L E C T I O N )

Bear River battlefield,

with a sketch

of the area of action

superimposed.

under protective fire, while their warrior-husbands fought a rear-guard action. That the battle did not end this way was melancholy proof that Shoshoni generals were no more capable of seeing a battleground from the enemy's point of view than many another military leader whose name has perhaps been writ more prominently in history. The main facts of the military action are soon recounted. T h e first cavalry units crossed the river and attacked the Indian redoubt across the open plain. As the troops formed a battle line "The Indians seemed to look upon the coming struggle with particularly good humor." One of the chiefs rode up and down in front of the ravine, "brandishing his spear in the face of the volunteers," while the warriors along the bank yelled, "Fours right, fours left; come on you California sons-of-b—hs!" The attacking force suffered most of its casualties in the initial action as an accurate fire from the Indian entrenchments cut down the troopers. 59 59

Deseret News, February 11, 1863; War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, pp. 185-87.


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Colonel Connor sent flanking parties to each end of the ravine and the ensuing enfilading fire soon closed the supposedly prized avenues of escape, converting the entrenched gully into a death trap. Near the end of the four-hour engagement, the hand-to-hand fighting degenerated into a near-massacre as the troopers shot down men, women, and children without mercy. Comparisons of the fatalities suffered by both sides reveal the ruthlessness of Connor's troops. The California Volunteers suffered 22 killed, 49 wounded, and 79 with frozen feet. The Shoshoni losses varied from the 224 dead reported by Connor to nearly 400 accounted for by other observers. These figures included some women and children, a number as high as 90 according to one account. After the battle the troopers destroyed 70 tipis, captured 175 horses, collected over 1,000 bushels of wheat, and gathered many articles obviously plundered from emigrant trains. The Logan Mormons expressed the general feeling that despite the cruelty of the fight, the action of Colonel Connor was "the intervention of the Almighty, in subduing the Indians of the Bear River Area." 6 0 80 For more detailed accounts of the Battle of Bear River see: Fred B. Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland: Being Some Account of the Services of General Patrick Edward Connor and His Volunteers in the Old West (San Francisco, 1 9 3 8 ) ; E d w a r d W. Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City, 1 8 8 6 ) ; War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, which contains General Connor's report of the b a t t l e ; Deseret News, February 11, 1 8 6 3 ; " J o u r n a l History" has accounts by William G. Nelson, Alexander Stalker, James H . M a r t i n e a u , S. Roskelley, and Wilford Woodruff (the Nelson a n d Stalker accounts are particularly good) ; Sacramento Daily Union, February 12, 1 8 6 3 ; San Francisco Bulletin, J u n e 27, 1863; a n d O r t o n , California Men in the War of the Rebellion.

U T A H STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY (CHARLES KELLY COLLECTION)

The scene of battle as it appeared some 70 years later. Colonel Connor's troops attacked from the slope overlooking the Indian camp in the ravine.


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Official government reaction to the battle was best expressed by Superintendent James Doty of the Utah Indian Office. "It struck terror into the hearts of the savages hundreds of miles away from the battlefield." He believed the defeat had "effectually checked them and justly punished them for the wanton acts of cruelty which they had committed." And it is true that later in the spring when Patrick Connor, as a new brigadier general, led his troops on a demonstration march into the Snake River country of Fort Hall he could find no Indians. The Shoshoni and Bannock had learned the bitter lesson that most Indian tribes had had to face at some time in their history — against an effective force of armed troops pitched battles meant disaster. The Indians of the Oregon Trail complex, therefore, returned to the traditional hit-and-run strategy of former years — to tactics which had been successful in the past and could be again. 61 Mormon settlers and emigrants alike felt the anger of the Shoshoni very soon. A friendly Indian reported that Chief Sagwitch had been wounded only in the hand during the battle and that now he was "very mad at the Mormons," that he had seen "Mormons help the soldiers to fight and that he will use all the influence he has with other Indians to steal from us [the Mormons]." 62 The Shoshoni chief, Pocatello, who had escaped the battle, sent word that he wanted "to fight" and wished to meet General Connor's troops "to gratify his greediness for glory" as the Deseret News put it. Later, when the California Volunteers accepted the dare, Pocatello discreetly "skedaddled" with his warriors. On April 22, the Salt Lake newspaper reported that the Indians along the trail to the northern mines were "far from being friendly to the whites, and intend to make good the losses they sustained at the battle of Bear River before the end of the year." 63 After three months of boasting, the Shoshoni and Bannock began to strike again as warm, dry weather brought increased mobility. O n May 4, a segment of General Connor's command had a fight with some Indians about 50 miles from Shell Creek, west of Salt Lake, and killed 29. Two days later, another battle resulted in the deaths of 23 warriors. The Deseret News passed on the rumor that Connor's troops had been ordered to shoot on sight any Indian, that the army had adopted the Indian philosophy of a "scalp for a scalp" but added "We do not believe the report, 61

Indian Affairs Report, 1863, 539. Alexander Stalker to Ezra Benson, "Journal History," February 8, 1863. 63 Deseret News, April 22, May 13, 1863. 62


Shoshoni-Bannock

Indians

29

for we cannot think that any gentlemen wearing lace can be thus void of humanity." 64 Back near the site of the January battle, Chief Sagwitch, unrepentant, mistreated a boy herding cattle near Brigham City and drove off most of the herd. Eight or 10 "Danish men" working nearby pursued the Indians and recovered the stock. But before leaving the vicinity Sagwitch's warriors killed a "man burning coal in a side canyon." Perhaps the best summary of Indian depredations and the reaction of the Mormon settlers can be found in a letter written by Ezra T. Benson of Cache Valley to one of the church leaders and commanding officer of the territorial militia, Daniel H. Wells: Logan, May 9, 1863 T h e Indians are very hostile, they have been stealing all the horses they could get for some time past, at different times killing cattle, on Friday May 1st three Indians attacked 2 men in the Kanyon at Franklin shooting one of them in the breast with two arrows (we fear mortally) then cut the harness to pieces and took away both their spans of horses, they made their escape the brethren that pursued them not being able to overtake them, they now threaten to steal some of the Mormon women. Last Saturday evening they stole some horses from Millville . . . 15 men went to get them back, they found the Indian camp but they had sent the horses further into the mountains . . . we took the rest [of the Indians] prisoners and will keep them untill we hear from you as far as we can understand their intentions, it is not only steal but kill us, . . . the hostile Indians are the remains of the Bands that were in the fight at Bear River last winter and they say they intend having their pay out of the Mormons as they are afraid to tackle the soldiers . . . while they are doing these things they are eating the very flour that has been donated to them by the brethren . . . . We care little about the property they have got, but it is the killing of the Brethren and hostile movements against us and a word of advice from you will be gladly received as we do not wish to kill except we are justified, but do which way we will it seems to us that the ball is fairly open for they have forced it upon us, the Brethren feel tired of bearing their insults and it has been with much persuasion that we have thus far restrained them from wiping them out of existence. E. T. Benson Peter Maughan 6 5

Within two months of this letter, General Patrick Connor had also come to realize that it takes more than one battle to make a winner. After his discouraging trip to the Fort Hall area where he sighted no hostiles, some of the Oregon emigrants reported that "General Connor has been 04

Ibid., May 13, 1863. Ezra T. Benson to Daniel H. Wells, Logan, Utah, May 9, 1863 (MS, Military Records Section, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City). 65


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disappointed in his arrangements with the Indians; that one train had already been attacked some forty miles beyond Fort Hall." It is true that he met with bands of Indians who gave him "their earnest protestations of good conduct in the past and promise of the most lamb-like and angelic performances in the future" but such protestations did not mean much if the time, the place, and the emigrant train were right. 66 T h e Bureau of Indian Affairs had attempted to settle the various Shoshoni tribes, and Agent James Doty, with the aid of General Connor, did conclude three treaties during the summer of 1863: one with the eastern Shoshoni at Fort Bridger on July 2; one with the northwestern bands at Box Elder, July 30; and a final one with the western bands at Ruby Valley, on October 1. But as Doty pointed out in his report to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs: T h e scarcity of game in these territories, and the occupation of the most fertile portions thereof by our settlements, have reduced these Indians to a state of extreme destitution, and for several years past they have been almost literally compelled to resort to plunder in order to obtain the necessaries of life. It is not to be expected that wild and warlike people will tamely submit to the occupation of their country by another race, and to starvation as a consequence thereof... . 67

T h e Oregon and California trails were to witness many more attacks and killings until the coming of the railroad in 1869 reduced in number the covered wagon trains traversing the dusty trails. As a negligent government and indifferent or hostile settlers watched, the Shoshoni and Bannock continued to wander their mountains and deserts, desperately searching for sustenance until forced to accept a reservation life which took them forever from their age-old haunts along the Oregon Trail.

68

R. F. Maury to adjutant general of District of Oregon, War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, p. 216; San Francisco Bulletin, June 20, 1863. 67 Indian Affairs Report, 1863-64, 155.


: ; ,S,:p:,p:.^,-:. : ,,:::.

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Herbert Z. Lund, Sr.

The Skeleton in Grandpa's Barn BY HERBERT Z. L U N D , J R .

A

us

the people of Salt Lake City continue to obliterate the charm of Temple Square with a growing ring of skyscrapers, it is probably inevitable that an office building will be erected near the corner of West Temple Dr. Lund is a practicing physician in Greensboro, North Carolina. All photographs used in the article were furnished by the author.


Utah Historical

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Quarterly

and North Temple streets and a skeleton bedded down in old issues of the Improvement Era will be excavated. Explanations will be asked for this rather irregular disposal of human remains and they are hereby given. The man whose skeletal remains lie in the shadow of Temple Square was a murderer executed April 30, 1912, at Utah State Prison. He had concealed his true identity and died under the assumed name of J. J. Morris. 1 The Lund family spoke of the remains only as the "Skeleton in Grandpa's Barn," for it was stored there many years. My father, Herbert Z. Lund, Sr., was the physician on a part-time basis at the Utah State Penitentiary for several years after he started practice in Salt Lake City. He was very popular with the guards and officers under Warden Arthur Pratt and also with the prisoners. I can attest to this. Occasionally, as a child, I accompanied him on the Sugar 1

Salt Lake Tribune, May 1, 1912.

Author sketch of the scene of activities described in this article. The Anthon H. Lund property is in the extreme left of the sketch. This house still stands on the corner of Duplex Place and West Temple. The barn, where the skeleton resided for years, appears in the immediate foreground.

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f ILLS' ATTACK = N « « « » *<•

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House streetcar to the prison. The memories salvaged from young childhood are of high contrast, vivid or nothing. I do W, Axte remember the ride to the end of the line, the switching of the J "h.'.-i'i k _ direction of the trolley, the well-kept prison grounds, the complim *?«•«,» cated mechanism of opening the prison gate, the disciplined •« I a»t. hand on shoulder movement of prisoners, our happy reception by the prison personnel, the visits to the prison dairy where we were given cups of cold buttermilk, and most vivid of all, the exchange of jokes and stories between father and the guards and prisoners. Father was not only liked but admired. Shortly after his death, almost 40 years after he had resigned his job at the prison, a former convict came to see me at my home in Cleveland, Ohio, "Just to shake the hand of the eldest son and namesake of Dr. Herbert Z. Lund." My father had trained this man to be his surgical assistant and anesthetist at the prison and helped him obtain a parole from a life sentence. 1 believe it must have been a similar feeling of friendship and respect that led Morris to will his body to my father to be used for the purpose of anatomical dissection after he was sentenced to death. According to my father, Morris cynically chose to be hanged rather than shot because it would incur a greater expense to the State of Utah. Following the execution, the dissection was carried out (I believe at the old Judge Mercy Hospital) ,2 and the body was reduced to a skeleton. However, it was not a respectable skeleton, because my father never got around to cleaning and bleaching the bones. A story is prevalent in the Lund family that the skeleton was taken to the open country near Beck's Hot Springs by my father and William Willis, the druggist, and it was boiled in sulfur water and lime. To make the story more savory, it is said that a hobo chanced by and fled in terror at the awful sight. I have doubted this story because the bones as I saw them had not been well cleaned and maintained through the years a peculiar rancid odor. Evidence collected by my brother Paul J. Lund 3 suggests that the story may be 1

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2 This was the J u d g e Memorial School located between Sixth and Seventh South on Eleventh East until its demolition in the summer of 1966. 3 Personal communication with Paul J. L u n d , Salt L a k e City.

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true. T o explain the fact that the bones had not been properly prepared, it is said that father became acutely ill at the time, presumably from the noxious vapors, and the project was discontinued. 4 My father intended eventually to make the skeleton into a fine teaching speciman, but with the burden of a steadily increasing medical practice he never got around to finishing the job. In the meantime he nailed the skeleton up in a wooden box and stored it in the unused hayloft of my grandfather's barn on North West Temple Street. A skeleton in a barn cannot be kept secret, and the grandchildren of Apostle Anthon H. Lund found sinister excitement in opening the box and contemplating the remains. The loft was made "off limits" and barricaded. T h e trap door to the loft was padlocked, but there were other ways to get into it -â&#x20AC;&#x201D;- up the hay chute or through the boarded windows. T h e routes required considerable skill in climbing and frequently cautious carpenter work, but this only added to the adventure. My brother Richard and I, and cousins Alton, John, Robert, and Elmo Lund were mostly involved, but we conducted guided tours for outsiders. We had an immense respect for the remains of a murderer, and although the bones were handled they were always replaced. Typically, on our way to break and enter, we would go through grandpa's house to the kitchen to help ourselves to gooseberry pie or a bowl of red raspberries. Grandma (Sarah Ann Peterson Lund) kept not only an open house but an open kitchen. It was a large room furnished with chairs and a big square table, and it was stocked with pies, fruits, home-grown berries, cheese, milk, and occasionally (but not officially known by the grandchildren or grandfather) homemade beer. Grandma was fortunate in having most of her immediate family near her in Salt Lake, and this was not only a snack-bar for her six grown sons and stray grandchildren but an arena of wit and conversation, grandma setting the pace. We ate our pie or berries and after we got tired of the grownup fun we would leave by way of the back door, ostensibly to play in the barnyard. After completing our ulterior mission, we never returned by the same route because the characteristic odor we exuded would let the folks know we had been in the hayloft. It was best to go directly home to the bathroom and wash up. Washing at the faucet out in the barnyard was usually inadequate. After Grandpa Lund died in 1921, the skeleton remained in the barn another five or six years, but the grandchildren were growing up and mov4

Personal communication with Herbert J. Barnes, Kaysville, Utah.


35

Skeleton in Grandpa's Barn

ing away and a certain degree of custodial care was lost. Raids by outsiders were made on the barn, and after a raid by children from the nearby Monroe School, in which some of the bones were stolen, grandma decided to have the skeleton buried. I was the natural choice to do this. "Get Zack. He's going to go to medical school.'' At an arranged time I met grandma who was to supervise the proceedings and I sensed a note of anticipation, possibly mischief, but this was her usual air. I brought the rather depleted remains down from the hayloft, dug a grave in the seclusion of the barnyard, and laid out the bones in approximate anatomical order. Grandma had a large stack of old L.D.S. Church literature on the back porch, mostly issues of the Improvement Era that she wanted to get rid of, and she asked me to carry these out to the grave. She stood at the head of the grave, opened them, and slowly dropped them in, pausing intermittently to read and comment upon a selected pearl of wisdom or an exhortation to righteousness. She called attention to the benefits the deceased might obtain by perusing the contents of the literature being buried with him â&#x20AC;&#x201D; already conveniently opened to some of the best passages â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and hoped that by so doing he i

-

Mr. and Mrs. Anthon H. Lund, grandparents skeleton was buried.

of the author, on whose property

the


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would improve his chances in the Hereafter. After the Improvement Eras were distributed over the remains, I was instructed to shovel the dirt back. The ceremony was brief and simple. I have been asked exactly where the grave is, but it is hard to say. It is still an open piece of ground. If I could determine where the old barn stood and find the line of the old plank fence along the south side of the barnyard, I could locate it exactly, but these have been gone for many years. A service station encroaches on the grave site from one side and a row of houses looks out upon it from another. It already has lost the peace and dignity of the old barnyard and in time, I suppose, even this spot of ground will give way to steel and cement.

October 6, 1867 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The first conference held in the large Tabernacle, in G. S. L. City, was commenced. It continued until the 9th. This structure, which had just been completed, was 250 feet long and 150 feet wide, with its immense roof, arched without a pillar. Height of interior, 68 feet from floor to ceiling. (Church Chronology: A Record of Important Events Pertaining to the History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, compiled by Andrew Jenson [Salt Lake City, 1914])


What remains of the West?

s

BY EARL POMEROY

eventy-two years ago the members of the American Historical Association moved 700 miles west from their usual meeting place to Chicago, which some historians wanted to see because it was having a fair, though one of them, the librarian at Harvard University, complained that the Association's program was "a pitiful show," of such quality as not to warrant "asking any reputable writer to take part. . . ." x What they heard Dr. Pomeroy is professor of history at the University of Oregon, Eugene. The original of this paper was presented by Dr. Pomeroy at the Thirteenth Annual Dinner of the Utah State Historical Society, September 17, 1965. _ J u s t i n Winsor to H. B. Adams, 22 March 1893, in W. Stull Holt, ed., Historical Scholarship in the United States, 1876â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1901: as Revealed in the Correspondence of Herbert B. Adams (Baltimore, 1938), 199.


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included probably the best-known paper ever read at a historical society meeting, so well known that, unlike most other academic doings, it became part of the standard subject matter of history itself, summarized in most of the college textbooks of American history. The speaker's message to them was twofold: first, that in coming west they had come to the most significant part of the United States and, second, that they had come too late, for its most significant experience was behind it. He quoted the words of the Superintendent of the Census, who reported that for the first time he had been unable to show on a m a p a continuous boundary between settled and unsettled land: "the unsettled area has been so broken into by isolated bodies of settlement that there can hardly be said to be a frontier line." 2 In later years historians and other Americans differed over how significant an influence the frontier had been in American history and in the development of American character more than they differed over the idea that the frontier and the processes it represented no longer existed. While Frederick Jackson Turner himself extended his course in the history of the West each year until he retired in 1924 and included lectures on the West during and after the first World War, most others in the field have stopped with the 1890's. His successor at the University of Wisconsin, Frederic L. Paxson, in the year of Turner's retirement published a textbook that for many years was standard, calling it the History of the American Frontier, 1763â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1893; and he concluded not only that the frontier was gone, but that the social process that the frontier dominated had reached its end in the 1880's, that the best farm lands of the public domain were gone by 1880. Some of the other textbooks start earlier than Paxson's, but as far as I know only one has ended significantly later â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the work of a member of this Association. 3 In the 1930's some of the economic historians who minimized western influences relative to eastern influences in American history suggested, in fact, that most of the land suitable for family farms and therefore capable of serving as a safety valve for supporting the democratic influences of the frontier as Turner described them was gone by the time Congress passed the Homestead Act in 1862. This was more of a rollback than most people will accept, whether economic historians themselves, members of graduate seminars in western history, members of historical societies, including the Western History Association which con2 Frederick J. Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1893 (Washington, D . C , 1894), 199. 3 LeRoy Hafen and Carl C. Rister, Western America (2nd ed., New York, 1950).


What Remains of the West?

39

centrates on the Far West of the second half of the nineteenth century, or the producers and consumers of westerns on television. It has long been clear enough, at least to far westerners, that the census definition of settled land as land having six inhabitants per square mile makes no sense in dry country some of which would not support that many coyotes comfortably. (It is true that large expanses of it are quite adequate for grazing cattle on government permits, and still other areas nearby support intensive irrigation agriculture beyond the dreams of middle western corn-and-hog men.) We commonly pay respects to John Wesley Powell, who in 1878 recommended developing small parts of the arid West as 80-acre irrigated farms, but much more of it in grazing units of 2,500 acres. Yet having noted all of that, we continue to measure the West by middle western yardsticks. Even one of the founders of the Western History Association, whose journal and meetings all but define the West as the cattle and mining country, applied these conventional criteria so broadly that a commentator protested against his looking for the virtues of the yeoman farmer on the Hispanic-American frontier. 4 No one who surveys western history in a textbook includes Alaska and Hawaii, whether because they are not contiguous with the 48 older states or, as I suspect, because they do not fit easily into the common stereotype of territories inhabited by pioneer farmers who came by Conestoga wagon and filled the land to middle western density, no less, no more. These two possible explanations are essentially one, for contiguity was decisive only for farmers who moved relatively short distances between similar kinds of farm lands, and who therefore might want to drive farm animals or float them on rafts or take bulky equipment and household goods in their own wagons. Long before Alaskans turned from dog-sled to airplane, westerners used means of transportation that enabled them to move long distances without stopping at settlements along the road to refresh themselves and their animals. Contiguity was of no importance for the large number of emigrants to the Pacific Coast who came by sea â&#x20AC;&#x201D; probably a majority between 1848 and 1869. As late as the first World War, a large amount of intercoastal passenger traffic into the Pacific Coast States still moved by steamship, and steamships competed with the railroad for passengers even between Los Angeles and Seattle. O n the plains railroads rapidly supplanted river boats, but early emigrants often compared travel over the transcontinental railroads to a maritime voyage â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the plains and desert 4

William R. Hogan commentary on Ray A. Billington, "The Frontier in American Thought and Character," in Archibald R. Lewis and Thomas F. McGann, eds., The New World Looks at its History: Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Historians of the United States and Mexico (Austin, 1963), 128.


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like the sea itself, the cars swaying like ships, the passengers bereft of other company for several days between the Missouri River and the coast. Once the railroads came, fewer emigrants moved by wagon than go by highway today into Alaska. Alaska and much of the rest of the West this side of the Rockies, moreover, seem to some persons to depart from the usual specifications for the frontier because government is so prominent there. Critics of the New Deal in the 1930's referred to the "synthetic frontier" of the Matanuska Valley, implying that government had not subsidized settlers on other frontiers. Such distinctions between the older and the newer Far Western States and Territories may be most significant for what they reveal of conventional versions of western history, and especially the common disposition to forget that over much of the West population was unstable (even outside the mining territories), that most western communities drew heavily on outside capital, and that agriculture often lagged behind commerce and mining. The Matanuska Valley project was, of course, synthetic in a sense that did not occur to most outsiders: in that it assumed the first step in economic development should be subsistence agriculture, although throughout the West subsistence as opposed to commercial agriculture was hopelessly out-of-date, and Alaska could not easily support either. The planners were not blind to the needs of Alaska alone in this respect: they talked also of the development of subsistence farms in the mountains of Appalachia and in the Tennessee Valley, where the proprietors would make their own shoes and perhaps sell picturesque peasant craft work to tourists and to buyers from New York department stores. T h e planners forgot that, with few exceptions, subsistence farming had been a significant stage in the development of only those parts of the West where natural watercourses could carry crops from farms to market, as along the tributaries of the Ohio River, where farmers floated corn and kegs of whiskey and pickled pork to Cincinnati. Until railroads opened up the wheat country of eastern Washington, the miners of Idaho and Montana ate bread made from flour milled thousands of miles away in the East and Middle West, butter from New York, and hams from Germany. T h e early settlers around Great Salt Lake could not so easily depend on imported food, nor did they wish to. But the pioneers of 1847 had not harvested their second crops before they began trading with emigrants to California and Oregon, anticipating Utah's services in distribution over twentieth-century truck and railroad lines, as the members of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War anticipated Utah's dependence on the twentieth-century military establishment. Meanwhile the first generation


What Remains of the West?

41

of settlers in Utah departed from the middle western agricultural tradition in a different direction, that of developing manufactures to fulfill the Mormon doctrine of self-sufficiency, and so instituted a kind of far western equivalent of Henry Clay's American System without a protective tariff, or of mercantilism without colonies. As Leonard Arrington has pointed out, in emphasizing industrialization they may have given inadequate attention to agriculture. 5 But they gave more than their neighbors. Agriculture languished also along the coast, where the early American inhabitants for many years devoted themselves primarily to commerce and mining â&#x20AC;&#x201D; first commerce in pelts, hides, and tallow, then commerce in the consumers' goods that miners and those serving miners bought. Such commercial and industrial economies demanded and received governmental services, arrangements for social encouragement and guidance or control, far beyond the experience of older agricultural frontiers, and in that respect closer to twentieth-century Alaska than to late-eighteenthcentury Ohio and Kentucky. In the 1930's the spectacle of government building great dams, extending credit, dispensing relief, and moving settlers about in the whole West, not merely in Alaska, seemed to reconfirm the impression that the old West was gone. If anyone doubted it, the further spectacle of farmers abandoning their homesteads in Arkansas and Oklahoma to move to the relief rolls of Los Angeles County dramatized the lesson. Yet the early Far West, especially from the 1840's, had depended heavily on governmental expenditures and other eastern and foreign contributions. The United States Treasury financed steamship and stagecoach service and ultimately railroad service; during the Mexican War it paid the New York Volunteers and the Mormon Battalion, who brought themselves as settlers in addition to spending their military pay; it paid salaries in territorial government; and it maintained military forces in peacetime that sometimes escorted settlers through Indian country and always stimulated the economy, even when, as in the expedition against the Mormons in 1857, their purpose was not to stimulate but to coerce. Legislation for railroads was the major demand of California and Oregon in the 1850's and 1860's, as it was to be for Alaska in much of the next century; and the first of the gold rushers, in 1849, arrived in ships that would not have been there but for a subsidy. Private investments by outsiders in the fur trade, mining, cattle, development of townsites, and railroads were probably no less 5 Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: Saints, 1830-1900 (Cambridge, 1958), 131.

An Economic History of the

Latter-day


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substantial than the government's contribution; and although western mines disgorged large returns, the West as a whole may have recaptured about as much from eastern miners and investors. In consequence of such contributions, the fastest-growing parts of the Far West â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the mining frontiers of California, Colorado, and Nevada â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were able to live in cities while neglecting agriculture, and thus to anticipate the urban shape of the next century. Utah was the great exception, but more religiously and socially than economically; although until the development of hard-rock mining in the present century, it drew less risk capital than some of its neighbors. Nevertheless much of the Mormons' stock of dollar exchange came from outsiders, including immigrants, tithing members abroad and in the East, and Gentile transients, including those sent out to govern and harass. Pioneer Utah, like pioneer California, was significantly more urban than the contemporary territories and states of the Mississippi Valley. And although the pioneers raised more corn than Jim Bridger may have expected, still as a producer of corn, Utah, like most other Far Western States, has remained behind the rocky hillsides of Young's birthplace, Vermont. Economic historians, and particularly the historians of western cities, have established the urban dimensions of the frontier generally and the subsidiary role of agriculture in the early Far West. Yet, whether inside or outside a framework of the history of the westward movement, there have been few attempts to project past the 1890's the kinds of social analysis that Turner and his successors attempted for the frontiers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Some historians have looked to sociologists' studies of leadership and problem-solving in wartime housing developments for theories of behavior that they might apply to new communities on the frontier, but they have not themselves written the history of twentieth-century communities. 6 John C Parish, in a well-known article on "The Persistence of the Westward Movement," which he published in 1926, dissented from the idea that it had stopped, which must have seemed particularly unreasonable to him as a resident of Los Angeles, but he did not claim that very much had persisted: he saw a "distinct sl'ow6 One of many interesting opportunities appears in the theme of James B. Allen, The Company Town in the American West (Norman, 1966). As Martin Dubofsky has pointed out ("The Origins of Western Working Class Radicalism, 1890-1905," Labor History, V I I [Spring, 1966], 131â&#x20AC;&#x201D;54), the strife between western labor and capital that some have attributed to the individualism of the agricultural frontier took place in urban settings similar to those of contemporary strife in the mining and textile industries of the East. But Montana never had the agricultural base of North Carolina, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania; its company towns and labor troubles sprang forth from the raw wilderness.


What Remains of the West?

43

ing down" of migration into the West. 7 When the members of the American Historical Association went west 50 years ago, in July 1915, not merely to Chicago but to San Francisco, for a special or intercalary meeting in conjunction with the Panama-Pacific International Exposition, the dominant theme of the program was the Pacific Ocean. And no professional historian discussed the American frontier of the 60-odd years since the Mexican War, or suggested that what the members saw about them on the coast raised questions about commonly accepted interpretations of American development. In fact, taken as a whole, the Mountain and Pacific States and Territories had slowed down remarkably in the 1890's and thus seemed to illustrate the implications that Turner drew from the report of the Superintendent of the Census: two of them, New Mexico and California, the largest, grew only slightly more than the rest of the country, and a third, Nevada, lost population. The line of settlement at the next census, that of 1900, fell back, demonstrating, said one historian, that the migrations of the 1880's had been overlarge, that more farmer families had settled the western plains than the plains could hold. 8 But there has been a different story in the present century. In the first decade the Far West grew at a rate about three times faster than the rest of the country; it did nearly as well in the fifth decade, during and after the second World War. In only one decade of the century, the 1920's, have more than half of the 13 Mountain and Pacific States and Territories grown at less than the national rate, and this same decade was the one in which California grew faster than since the 1850's, increasing by nearly two-thirds. And California had as many people as 11 of the other 12 put together. In three decades of the twentieth century, the national center of population moved west an average distance almost as great as the average movement for the entire nineteenth century â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 46 against 47.7 milesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;, and in the 1950's the distance was nearly one-fifth greaterâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;-57 miles. The largest movements of population have been very different from the classic advances of farming families on the middle western frontier. In the 1950's the Mountain and Pacific States together increased at over twice the national rate. Like Florida, the non-Western State that grew the most absolutely and relatively, the Far Western States were heavily urban and non-agricultural, beyond the national average. Within the region, the states that grew the fastest were the most urbanized, and their 7 John Carl Parish, "The Persistence of the Westward Movement," The Yale Review, New Series, XV (April, 1926), 464. s Frederic L. Paxson, History of the American Frontier, 1763-1893 (Boston, 1924), 553.


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growth was chiefly in urban population. Thus in Arizona and Nevada, whose total populations increased by 73 per cent and 78 per cent, urban population increased by 119 per cent and 133 per cent. The one exception was Alaska, only 38 per cent urban, which increased by 76 per cent, but here the increase in urban population was greatest of all â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1 5 0 per cent. The population of Anchorage increased nearly three times. And although Alaska is less urban than most other Western States, it is also far less agricultural, with only about one-half of one per cent of its labor force employed on farms. It is clear that the great growth of the new West of the present century has been in cities rather than on family farms. Moreover, it does not consist chiefly, as one sometimes hears, of elderly pensioners and coupon-clippers, living in mobile homes that never move. (The only two Far Western States where the percentages of inhabitants over 65 years of age run over the national average are Washington and Oregon, which in turn are younger than the states of the upper Mississippi Valley.) The typical new westerner figures in processes of economic development that would require him to live in town even if that were not already his preference. They are processes that have more to do with manufacturing and distributing than with farming, though even the new agriculture absorbs far more capital than pioneer homesteading did, and requires urban management on a large scale. They are processes that have drawn heavily on capital investment from outside, including investment by the United States government, which has financed much of the development of both formerly prosperous states like California and formerly depressed states like Utah. Writing the economic history of Utah, Leonard Arrington has described the role of national expenditures for relief, reclamation, and military research and development in supporting the state's remarkable growth in recent years. 9 In Oregon, which like Utah seemed to face a bleak economic future after the last war, much of the prosperity of the last 10 years is attributable to the increase in expenditures by the national government; 10 and these two states are probably more nearly typical than atypical. 9 Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander, "Supply Hub of the West: Defense Depot Ogden, 1941-1964," Utah Historical Quarterly, 32 (Spring, 1964), 99-121; Leonard J. Arrington, Thomas G. Alexander, and Eugene A. Erb, Jr., "Utah's Biggest Business: Ogden Air Materiel Area . . . ," ibid., 33 (Winter, 1965), 9-33; Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arrington, "Utah's Small Arms Ammunition Plant During World War I I , " Pacific Historical Review, X X X I V (May, 1965), 185â&#x20AC;&#x201D;96; and other articles. Cf. also James L. Clayton, "A Comparative Study of Defense Spending in California and Utah Since World War I I , " paper read at meeting of Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association, Los Angeles, August 26, 1964. 10 Paul B. Simpson and Edward Sienkiewicz, "Forecasting Personal Incomes in Oregon from U. S. Residential Construction," Oregon Business Review, X X I V (April, 1965), 1â&#x20AC;&#x201D;7.


What Remains of the West?

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Alaskans complain of neglect, but an Alaskan newspaper explaining why Alaskans did not respond to Senator Barry Goldwater's indictments of big national government said recently that Alaska "is probably the top beneficiary from federal spending among all 50 states." 11 On different bases others have made similar comments on California, which has had the lion's share of contracts for research and development and for space and aircraft industries, and on Washington, where one aircraft manufacturer dominates employment in manufacturing and accounts for the state's shift from dependence on lumber. Incidentally, recent western elections tend to confirm the experience of the nineteenth-century West â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that dependence on the government for economic assistance has not subverted the vitality and independence of western politics. The two newest states have proved no more predictable than the others, Republican Hawaii going Democratic in 1960 while Democratic Alaska went Republican; in 1964 all of the Far West supported the Democratic ticket nationally except Arizona, which elected a Democratic governor while Democratic California elected her second Republican senator and Democratic Washington elected a Republican governor. And Utah's dependence on the national government has not kept her from electing Republicans as well as Democrats in the 1950's and 1960's.12 Thus we may at least argue that the recent Far West, the contemporary Far West, resembles the early Far West in some significant respects. It is heavily urban and commercial and industrial rather than rural and agricultural; it depends heavily on government; it is fast-growing; it is young; it is politically heterodox or at least erratic. It has abandoned agriculture less decisively than the pioneer generation that farmed in more or less middle western style in the brief interval between the decline of the fur trade and the hide trade in the 1830's and the discovery of gold in 1848. And its economy seems dangerously unstable to critics who wonder what will happen to it after the first Americans land on the moon or when 11 Anchorage Daily Times, September 18, 1964, quoted in Herman E. Slotnick, "The 1964 Election in Alaska," Western Political Quarterly, X V I I I (June, 1965), 440. In 1964 Utah was the only Far Western State where Democrats won the governorship, senatorship, and both houses of the legislature, and cast a majority of votes for representatives. Yet her record to that time had been decidedly mixed, and she still has a Republican senator and a Republican representative. In 1964 Arizona also elected a Republican senator but gave the Democrats a larger majority in the upper house of the legislature than in any other Far "Western State. Ross R. Rice, "The 1964 Election in the West," Western Political Quarterly, X V I I I (Tune, 1965), 431-38. In 1956 Utah was the only Western State to elect the entire Republican slate for state and national office, although two years later the Democrats won all high offices. The mean Republican vote for governor 1936-58 was 49.4 per cent, above average in Western States though exceeded in California, Hawaii, Montana, Oregon, and Wyoming â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all states that depend heavily on governmental expenditures. As late as 1962 Utah elected a Republican legislature. Frank H. Jonas, ed., Western Politics (SaltLake City, 1961), 10,13.


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the supply of water becomes so short or the supply of smog so long that the rest of southern California's aircraft and missile factories move to Kansas. More than a century ago, other critics wondered what would happen to the far western economy when the beaver and longhorned cattle were gone, when the Mexican War ended, when the gold ran out, when the emigrant trains stopped. They warned westerners to stop relying on fortune and go back to the soil. In time they did. Especially from the 1880's to the first World War, much of the Far West moved into what Americans had come to regard as a more normal pattern of western development. Newly completed railroads had land to sell, and empty eastbound freight cars to fill. T h e goods they brought out from the East undersold and destroyed western factories, and although there was seldom a sustained absolute decline in manufacturing, except in Utah, which had had least to waste on luxuries in early days and had had about the highest freight charges to pay, yet the new competition temporarily discouraged further investment. In the 1880's and 1890's the railroads developed effective refrigerator cars, cut rates on agricultural produce, and extended their feeder lines into the farm lands. T h e results included the great booms in agricultural settlement that, especially in the 1880's and in the decade or so before the first World War, brought more farmers into some counties of the Mountain States and the eastern parts of Oregon and Washington than have been there since. Even then, most of them were farmers in the traditions of the western Mississippi Valley and the plains rather than in those of the Ohio Valley and New York and Pennsylvania. More came to raise wheat than orchard fruits, although the promoters stressed the more glamorous crops. There were never many Ohioans setting out peach trees in Montana along what Jay Cooke had advertised as the "banana belt." And the citrus lands of southern California attracted more speculators and dreamers than orchardists; the increase in California's population during the 1880's, decade of the great townsite boom in the southern counties, was less than that in the Pacific Northwest. But during the 1880's the percentage of employment in agriculture in the Far West as a whole rose significantly, whereas nationally it entered a rapid decline, as befitted a time of declining farm prices and expanding industry. Even in those Western States where the employment on the farm declined relative to employment in cities, it increased sharply in numbers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in Oregon by three-fourths, in Utah by one-half, in Washington over three times. In 1880 no Far Western State had as much as the national level of employment in agriculture, and the level in California, biggest producer of all, was less than half as high â&#x20AC;&#x201D;


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21.1 per cent against 49.5 per cent. By 1890 New Mexico was above the national level, by 1900 these two and Wyoming, with Montana tied, by 1920 these four and also, in ascending order, Colorado, Arizona, Oregon, and Utah, or 8 of 11. Yet in the nineties the retreat began. It was no novelty for homesteaders to sell out and move on in a few years: this had been a common practice in the Mississippi Valley, where, as James C. Malin has pointed out, taking out a mortgage on a farm was not unlike trading in futures on margin. 13 But by the middle 1890's large areas had not only exchanged farmers but lost them. Fifty counties in 10 states lost population. Although the percentage of employment in agriculture continued to increase in 8 states, against the national trend, the increases were small, averaging just over 3 per cent of total employment, whereas increases in the eighties had averaged 8.3 per cent. And the 3 states with relative decreases were states with larger-than-average populations â&#x20AC;&#x201D; California, New Mexico, and Oregon, which among them had more farm workers than all the other 8 together. The general histories of the West emphasize the increase in California's agricultural output in these years, when the nation was learning to eat her oranges, raisins, prunes, and canned peaches. And yet the value of agricultural production in California, which had increased at more than the national rate in the 1880's along with the percentage of employment in agriculture, increased at less than the national rate in the 1890's and in the 1900's. Production grew at barely more than the national rate in Oregon, then the second largest agricultural producer in the Far West. Soon settlers moved once more into new areas as prices recovered and hopes rose after the depression of 1893. Perhaps the most spectacular movement of farmers was across the Canadian boundary, where nearly 600,000 Americans entered Alberta and Saskatchewan between 1897 and 1914.14 Homesteading picked up markedly also in the states of the western Missisippi Valley, where, in fact, original entries reached an all-time peak in the early 1900's. But in the Mountain Territories and States, entries for the 17 years 1906-22 were nearly 5 times larger than total entries over the preceding 43 years, from the first entries under the Homestead Act. Idaho doubled in population between 1900 and 1910, thanks largely to irrigation; so did Nevada, which had lost population 10 years before though its growth was in mining as well as in farming. Then came another 13

181-82.

James C. Malin, "Mobility and History," Agricultural History, XVII (October, 1943).

14 Karel D. Bicha, "The Plains Farmer and the Prairie Province Frontier, 1897â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1914," Journal of Economic History, XXXV (June, 1965), 263â&#x20AC;&#x201D;67.


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retreat. By 1916, just before the boom in farm prices during the first World War, the American-born population of Saskatchewan and Alberta had fallen off by about 70 per cent. No one knows what happened to these more than 400,000 American farmers, but at least they did not take up farms just south of the border. Between 1910 and 1920 the number of far western counties losing population reached a record 81, over twice the number between 1900 and 1910. The percentage of employment in agriculture declined in 5 of 11 states, and these 5 had five-eighths of the farm workers. Perhaps more significantly still, despite the approving comments of the advocates of reclamation and of admirers of the traditional family farm, those states where agricultural employment was high tended to be less prosperous than those where it was low. Even the value of agricultural products per farm worker ran over twice as high, for instance, in California, with 18 per cent of employment in agriculture, as in New Mexico, with 45.1 per cent. Idaho with 47.5 per cent in agriculture, against 13.4 per cent in 1870, was doing considerably better by that test but remained one of the poorest of the Far Western States by the tests of per capita income, as she still is. Further, between 1910 and 1920 the total value of agricultural production increased at less than the national rate in Montana, another poor state, even while the percentage of population employed in agriculture increased much more there than in any other state. 15 The problems of far western farmers in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century are too complex for any one explanation. Competition overseas and the beginnings of decline in demand for animal power and animal fodder affected farmers everywhere. But westerners 15 Likewise, the values of farm land per acre were highest in California among Far Western States from 1890 (also above the national average), and on the average the lowest in New Mexico. The following figures on values per acre are from Thomas J. Pressly and William H. Scofield, eds., Farm Real Estate Values in the United States by Counties, 1850-1959 (Seattle, 1965). 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1959 United States 19 21 20 40 69 48 115 Arizona 8 6 7 38 30 18 49 California 16 33 25 52 105 112 353 Colorado 22 18 11 30 35 22 53 Idaho 9 13 13 46 69 45 112 Montana 8 13 5 19 22 12 35 Nevada 10 7 6 15 28 16 31 New Mexico 9 10 4 10 9 7 23 Oregon 14 17 13 39 50 38 87 Utah 21 21 12 35 48 39 60 Washington 10 20 14 49 69 57 131 Wyoming 7 8 3 11 20 9 26 In the Mountain Region, where the most pronounced shift from industrial (mining) to agricultural employment took place, relative per capita income (U.S. = 100) declined from 168 to 100, 1880â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1920. Richard A. Easterlin, "Interregional Differences in Per Capita Income, Population, and Total Income, 1840â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1950," Trends in the American Economy in the Nineteenth Century. Studies in Income and Wealth, X X I V (Princeton, 1960), 83-84.


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seemed to suffer particularly by trying to follow the examples of farmers in older parts of the country. By shipping to the Eastern States, they incurred charges for freight and handling that might easily consume their profits, and that exaggerated the effects of drops in sales. Moreover, to produce eastern-type crops for eastern markets they had to incur heavy costs for machinery and for water at a time when both machines and the techniques of large-scale irrigation were highly experimental, assuming that they could absorb these costs as well or persuade the eastern consumer to pay premium prices. He might be willing to pay a premium for western fruit out of season, but the seasons themselves varied with the weather in East and West, and his willingness varied with the business cycle. Moreover, there was no such premium for western grain, which had to compete simply on price. In the long run some of these new western farmers developed both successful techniques and profitable markets, including markets in the West itself as western population increased, and it would be too much to suggest that they would have done better by waiting till later. However, many of their attempts to extend an older agricultural frontier into the Far West corresponded less to geographical and economic reality than to a theory of history. The theory had appealed first to politicians most of whom had not seen the Far West and who, therefore, assumed that 160 acres would support a family as well there as in the Ohio Valley when they supported homestead bills; it appealed later in the nineteenth century to the railroads, territorial and state immigrant agencies, and other promoters who advertised western agricultural opportunities, and who thought of the urban economies of early years, resting on mining, trapping, stockraising, and lumbering, as essentially abnormal. Still later the theory appealed to politicians rationalizing their opposition to self-government or the development of transportation for Alaska, who could point to the slowness of agricultural development â&#x20AC;&#x201D; which, of course, was as irrelevant to Alaska's main opportunities as it had been to the opportunities of Nevada, Colorado, and Montana in their early years. Although in Alaska the government was slow to foster what agriculture was possible by surveying lands and building roads, in the older Western States public policy had its effects once gold and silver mining had fallen to the corporations and thus ceased to dominate popular visions of western opportunity. Tempted by extravagent subsidies into overbuilding, railroads sought to realize both capital gains and continuing revenues by selling land to farmer-immigrants, who came increasingly by railroad from the farming states of the Mississippi Valley rather than from the commercial and in-


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dustrial states that had furnished most of the earlier populations. Irrigation projects financed by both government and railroads attracted into farming many novices who supposed that on small irrigated plots they could enjoy the amenities of urban life and at once escape the rigors of eastern winters and realize profits from selling citrus fruit and citrus land at more than conventional agricultural rates. In the Southwest, any resemblance to traditional agriculture was slight and transitory, for while nostalgia for simpler ways advanced with the complexity of industrial society in older states and supported a new great migration far larger than that of the 1840's, nevertheless over much of the desert, family farms soon gave way to corporate agricultural assembly-lines and to suburban housing developments and freeways. The appeal of theory persisted even during the depression of the 1930's, when the troubles of western agriculture became disasters. The end of the frontier became apparent at the most unsophisticated levels â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in fiction, where Grandpa told Jody that there wasn't any more westerin', and in politics, where Franklin D. Roosevelt offered the largess of government as substitute for the opportunity of free land. Even most of the academic critics of traditional ideas of western opportunity limited themselves to minimizing the agricultural safety valve â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the possibility of absorbing the urban unemployment on frontier farm landsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;, while Walter Prescott Webb, who carried geographical determinism further than Turner had, defined his great frontier as "a vast and vacant land without culture," "without population," "as distinguished from . . . an occupied or civilized country," and specifically excluded Asia and tropical Africa because they were already well populated. 16 Advocates of the TVA and other projects for relieving poverty in the southern mountain country described the mountaineers as authentic frontier types perpetuating pioneer virtues past the pioneer era. The essential qualities of frontier life were little changed in the backwoods, wrote the author of an article on "The Surviving American Frontier" in 1931, who saw "the common environmental qualities of relative poverty and isolation" remaining as "an effective bulwark against the invasion of business system and business thought." 17 In fact, of course, the backwoods frontier of subsistence agriculture has little in common with the most essential qualities of frontier life. It 16 Walter Prescott Webb, "Ended: 400 Year Boom; Reflections on the Age of the Frontier," Harper's Magazine, CCIII (October, 1951), 26, 27, 28; Walter Prescott Webb, The Great Frontier (Boston, 1952), 284. 17 Charles M. Wilson, "The Surviving American Frontier," Current History, XXXIV (May, 1931). 191.


What Remains of the West?

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supports only caricatures of commonly posited western traits â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in place of nationalism, xenophobia; in place of individualism, hookworm. In place of perhaps the most essential condition of frontier life, abundance, it offers an economic dead end. It does not depress standards of living temporarily, as a means to an end, but permanently; and there is no end. The backwoods are not even in a class with such fossil frontiers as much of the mining-town and dude-ranch country, which once were on the make but now subsist as three-dimensional, life-sized dioramas for tourists. Rather, the backwoods are the stagnant backwashes where those who could not keep up with the main stream of frontier advance found lodging after their wiser and more vigorous predecessors staked out the best opportunities. Far from embodying what we like to think of as western traits today, their descendants include the clay-eaters and rednecks of Alabama and Mississippi who are just now receiving news of the Declaration of Independence and of the Union's victory in the Civil War. To identify the frontier with the backwoods and with subsistence farming is not much more misleading than to identify it exclusively with the high mountains, the desert, and cattle raising. Over much of the duderanch country, in those parts where the cattle industry was not a growth stock for eastern and foreign speculators, there were neither cattle nor cowboys before the dude-ranchers brought them in to amuse paying guests. Tourist agencies now offer pioneer history where "high desert plateaus and air-conditioned facilities make heat no problem at any season" (to quote a recent advertisement for southeastern Utah, 18 an area that pioneers generally got out of before they could make much history). The differences between fossil frontiers or frontiers of failure and the real thing may explain why the parts of the West that look most like the frontiers of television and the pulps often prove least conspicuous for what we think of as western traits, such as democracy and willingness to try new ways. The recent voting records of some parts of southern California recall that there are great differences between social mobility and the movements of the monorail at Disneyland, the stagecoach at Knotts' Berry Farm, and the races at Arcadia, educational headquarters of the John Birch Society. Southern California, long the fastest-growing part of the West, has been slow, in fact, to establish itself as an exhibit of the frontier process, except on television. Bernard De Voto refused to call it western, repudiat1S

Sunset, CXXXV (August, 1965), 13.


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ing it with special emphasis, even horror. 19 Visiting the coast in 1914 and spending his winters at Pasadena after 1924, Frederick Jackson Turner had frequent occasion to describe again the closed frontier that he had traced at Chicago in 1893, and saw no exceptions about him. Being strongly committed to the spirit that he had described as springing from free land and abundant resources on earlier frontiers, he sought replacements for them as vital forces in American society, looking to the exploitation of coal and iron in the factories of Eastern States and to the extension of national power overseas, "in some respects the logical outcome of the nation's march to the Pacific. . . ." 20 He did not, however, describe in the far western landscape the stories of the succession of frontiers that had passed over it, some of them in his own lifetime, and that demonstrated the limitations of the old test of six inhabitants per square mile, of the old definition of the frontier as primarily agricultural. The grounds of the Huntington Library, where he worked, had been closed frontier, that is, fully occupied lands, successively for Indian hunters, Spanish missionaries, Mexican cattle ranchers, and American orange growers. On a clear day â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and most days in southern California were clear then â&#x20AC;&#x201D; he could see the resort hotels at Pasadena, ramparts of the frontiers of the healthseekers and tourists, the laboratories of the California Institute of Technology, and the derricks of Huntington Beach, outposts of the coming frontiers of petrochemistry and smog. In the census records of national development, he saw in the West nothing "so full of meaning as the figures which [told] of upleaping wealth and organization and concentration of industrial power in the East in the last decade" (this was in 1910) ; in fact, he saw the grim spectre of population increasing faster than the supply of food once drawn so bountifully from virgin land. 21 For him, virginity in natural resources seemed to have no more gradations than in biology. Nor has Turner stood alone in discounting the possibilities of new western frontiers. Frank Norris, who lamented the passing of the material for the American epic, saw the frontier "gone at last" with the United States Marines at Peking in the Boxer Rebellion, 22 where another Californian, Herbert Hoover, soon to become a millionaire overseas, was one of the besieged Americans. Sociologists agreed in principle that the en19

Bernard De Voto, "Footnote on the West," Harper's Monthly Magazine, C L V (November, 1 9 2 7 ) , 7 1 3 - 2 2 . 20 Frederick Jackson T u r n e r , "Social Forces in American History," American Historical Review, X V I ( J a n u a r y , 1 9 1 1 ) , 220. 21 Ibid., 218. 22 F r a n k Norris, " T h e Frontier Gone at Last," The Literary Criticism of Frank Norris, ed., D o n a l d Pizer (Austin, 1 9 6 4 ) , 114.


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vironment of people and things governs the development of personality more than the environment of land and climate. But David Riesman explained his other-directed man, by contrast, as man advancing himself by manipulating other men rather than by raiding nature 2 3 — as if the subjugation of nature were at an end, and as if those who had raided it before had done so alone and with their bare hands. We are on shaky ground when we talk of western traits, especially because for so long we have assumed that the most desirable or the most American traits were western. The fact is that many western traits and types have their close parallels in the East. The Mormon pioneer built Zion after social blueprints drawn or revealed in New York and Ohio. As W. O. Clough has pointed out, the western bad man was contemporary with the eastern robber baron, whose spirit no one enshrines in romantic novels or probes sympathetically for anomie.2i This pair and other pairs — salesmen and boomers, speculators in stocks and in real estate — appeared more than accidentally in the same generation, for the West of a century ago, like the West today, was closely associated with the East, and so similar to the East that westerners talked at length of similarities and for that matter of differences, which often seem most striking in communities that are halfway similar. The dweller in a large city, Robert S. Lynd has written, "tends to be a highly developed roving predatory animal. His culture resembles a frontier boom-town with everywhere the clatter of new buildings going up and disregard for the niceties of living in pursuit of the main chance." 25 The principal human predators in the West of the Pacific Slope and the Rocky Mountains resembled easterners still more because typically they came from the East. Their example may recall again the narrowness, the inadequacy of the agricultural base for society in the Far West. The promotional spirit of Americans who looked out to El Dorado on the western frontier and to Cathay beyond arose in large part from the industrial and financial forces that had transformed American society in the older states in the first half of the nineteenth century. Without vision sharpened in the counting houses of New York and Boston, they could not have seen the new opportunity so clearly; without steam engines, express companies, and newly tempered instruments of national government, they could not have seized it so firmly. 23 David Riesman, Reuel Denney, and Nathan Glazer, The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character (New Haven, 1950), 130—36. 24 Wilson O. Clough, The Necessary Earth: Nature and Solitude in American Literature (Austin, 1964), 53. 25 Robert S. Lynd, "The Patterns of American Culture," in Knowledge for What? The Place of Social Science in American Culture (Princeton, 1939), 79.


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But the West supports more advanced forms of patterns of behavior that in the East are only tendencies, in individualism, in dissidence, in democracy, in urban congestion. The evidences of physical mobility are fuller nearly everywhere in the Far West than in the older states except Florida, which of course is not old except in the most technical historical sense and where the high incidence of residents that were in a different house five years before has less to do with habits than with the processes of senescence and retirement. Nonpartisanship may be a function of urban growth, the specialized, nonpolitical needs of metropolitan communities, the visibility of nonpolitical personalities in a world of long-distance commuting, syndicated journalism, and television. Yet Hiram Johnson's progressives in California preceded Fiorello LaGuardia's Fusionists in New York, and had longer and wider impact. Whether the western progressive movement was simply successor to the movements of westerners led by Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, and Bryan, or instead, as Turner suggested, an effort "to find substitutes for that former safeguard of democracy, the disappearing frontier," there was no overlooking the vigor of its western roots. Far from being diluted and attenuated as the pioneer ancestry recedes, moreover, some traits inherited from pioneer times seem not only to persist but to find reinforcement in twentieth-century migration. Long ago, wrote Frank Norris (1901), the westerner "has put off the red shirt, he has even abandoned the revolver. . . . But scratch the surface ever so little and behold â&#x20AC;&#x201D; there is the Forty-niner." 26 The very mobility and adaptability of twentieth-century society, which finds it possible to live comfortably almost anywhere, seem sometimes to make it easier for emigrants from the older states to select the regional personalities that correspond to their own. Feeling free to leave, they also may feel more committed and converted than settlers of earlier years who cherished the memories of former homes at the other ends of roads too long and arduous to travel again. Who can deny that Salt Lake City continues to draw its saints, San Francisco its sinners, Anchorage its adventurers in the respective spirits of their pioneer days? Both westward migration and some Western States continue to grow with a continuing vitality that confounds those who saw it ending with the supply of free land arable by the standards of 1890. Within the last generation it has, in fact, recovered the dynamism, the optimism of the generation that followed the migrations to the New Zion in 1847 and to the 28 Frank Norris, "Literature of the West," in "Two Uncollected Essays by Frank Norris," ed., Willard E. Martin, Jr., American Literature, V I I I (May, 1936), 193.


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New Babylon in 1849; and it has achieved relationships to the rest of the country similar to those it had then, in rate of growth, in social patterns, in values. Somehow this Far West, which to many observers seemed to have badly overestimated the future more than a century ago and filled up with settlers beyond its capacity to support them, seems still to unfold new opportunities, whether because its human stock has so effectively dedicated itself to making the choices that lead to a richer life or because even the vast areas of it that once seemed useless have repeatedly afforded space for new technology to open new resources. Here in Salt Lake City, in a metropolitan area that by all ordinary calculations should never have appeared at all and that celebrated the beginning of its second century by growing 50 per cent in 10 years, it is especially hard to believe the announcement that the frontier was gone was not premature.

On November 21, 1867, the first number of the Deseret Evening News was issued in Great Salt Lake City. The News was originally started as a weekly, progressed to a semi-weekly in 1866, and became a daily in 1867. According to the Deseret News of January 20, 1875, "the News is not only the oldest weekly, but the oldest semi-weekly and daily in the Rocky Mountain Region. . . . It is the pioneer paper of the entire vast region spreading between the Missouri River and the Pacific Ocean, and the line of the British Possessions and Mexico, a stretch of country more than a thousand miles from North to South and nearly two thousand miles from East to West."


. . . ; • • ; " • \ MM--

* r"

'•"'"••


Factors in the Destruction of the Mormon Press in Missouri, 1833 BY WARREN A. J E N N I N G S

Mam Wines Phelps (1792-1872)

0

n July 20, 1833, a throng of western Missourians, acting in premeditated concert, demolished the Mormon printing establishment in Independence, Missouri. Two formally endorsed documents were released to the world in an effort to exonerate those who had participated field.

Dr. Jennings is assistant professor of history at Southwest Missouri State College, Spring-


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in this affray. Both statements declared that, among other factors, the Mormon attitude and conduct in relation to the Negro â&#x20AC;&#x201D; both bond and free â&#x20AC;&#x201D; justified such stringent action. But was this an authentic reason or an adroit rationalization? On August 2, 1831, Joseph Smith, the Mormon prophet, dedicated and consecrated Jackson County, Missouri, as the Land of Zion and as a gathering place for the Mormons. He then returned to Kirtland, Ohio, where in September a church conference was held. At this time the matter of a church newspaper was discussed. T h e Mormons were beginning to receive unfavorable coverage in the national press, and they wanted a paper of their own to counteract this invective. A paper would also serve as a means of keeping in contact with the membership which was expanding geographically as well as numerically. It was resolved, therefore, that William Wines Phelps, who had been editor of a partisan political paper in New York and who was a recent convert to Mormonism, should become editor of a church paper to be called the Evening and Morning Star.1 Phelps was instructed to stop at Cincinnati upon his return to Missouri and purchase a press and type. Soon thereafter this directive was carried out. To house the printing plant Edward Partridge, the first Mormon bishop, acquired a two-story brick house which was located on South Liberty Street in Independence. In the upper rooms of this structure the press was installed, and the Phelps family moved into the lower part of the house. Oliver Cowdery, the scribe to whom Smith had dictated much of the Book of Mormon, was appointed assistant editor. The prospectus of the new paper informed the potential subscriber: As t h e f o r e r u n n e r of t h e n i g h t of t h e e n d , a n d t h e messenger of t h e d a y of r e d e m p t i o n , t h e Star will b o r r o w its light from sacred sources, a n d be d e v o t e d to t h e revelations of G o d as m a d e k n o w n t o his servants by t h e H o l y G h o s t , a t s u n d r y times since t h e c r e a t i o n of m a n , b u t m o r e especially in these last days, for restoration of t h e house of Israel. 2

The monthly, royal quarto in size, had a subscription price of $1.00 per year. In June 1832 the first number was issued. It contained the following notation: "The Star office is situated within twelve miles of the west line of the state of Missouri; which at present is the western limits of the 1 "History of Joseph Smith," Times and Seasons (Nauvoo, Illinois), April 1, 1844; hereafter cited as "H.J.S.," Times and Seasons. 2 As quoted in Walter W. Smith, "The Periodical Literature of the Latter Day Saints," Journal of History, X I V (July, 1921), 257.


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United States, . . . and about 120 miles west of any press in the state." Portentously, it carried an essay by Phelps on "Persecution." Another article, by the same author, was entitled "To Man" and informed its readers: "The Star comes in these last days as the friend of man, to persuade him to turn to God and live, before the great and terrible day of the Lord sweeps the earth of its wickedness." This issue, like those that followed, had some theological essays. The Star throughout its brief existence contained little general news that would be of interest to the Gentiles. What there was could usually be found under a heading of "Worldly Matters." There were some articles on self-improvement topics such as "Writing Letters," "On the Government of Thoughts," and "Cultivate the Mind." 3 There were also some reasonably well-written original poems, mostly composed by the editor. Some of these, like "Redeemer of Israel," 4 were set to music and became favorite Mormon hymns. Still others vividly expressed Mormon fears and expectations: W h e n t h e e a r t h begins to tremble, Bid our fearful t h o u g h t s b e still; W h e n T h y j u d g m e n t s spread destruction, K e e p us safe o n Zion's hill. 5

Or: T h e rays t h a t shine from Zion's hill Shall lighten every l a n d ; H e r K i n g shall reign a t h o u s a n d years, A n d all t h e world c o m m a n d . 6

The news that was reported in the paper tended to be concerned with the catastrophic, natural or man-made, as if to emphasize that the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse were riding hard. Every earthquake, every great storm, every plague, and every fire were recorded with care. At the end of such an item there would often be found an editorial comment to the effect: "It is a day of strange appearances. . . . The end is nigh." 7 One student of Mormon journalism has observed: T h r o u g h his eagerness t o s u p p o r t t h e missionary a r m of t h e C h u r c h , t h e Star's editor, W . W . Phelps, neglected from t h e beginning to represent t h e interests of t h e c o m m u n i t y in general. T h e Star's columns were largely limited to w h a t e v e r events or developments held a p a r t i c u l a r interest for L a t t e r D a y Saints. Phelps seldom essayed to write in detail a b o u t t h e 3

Evening and Morning Star, June and September, 1832. Ibid., June, 1832. 5 Ibid., October, 1832. 8 Ibid., June, 1832. 7 Ibid., July, 1832. 4


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n a t i o n a l scene. . . . Busy m o n i t o r i n g t h e activities of L a t t e r D a y Saints, [he] h a d n o t t r o u b l e d t o feel t h e pulse of t h e older i n h a b i t a n t s . T h e n e w religious m o v e m e n t w a s a n aggressive one, a n d Phelps as its editor-spokesm a n felt n o c o m p u l s i o n t o e x p l a i n its peculiarities or justify its excesses t o the unsympathetic.8

This was a doubly dangerous policy because the non-Mormon in Jackson County had only two choices: he could read the Star or he could go without a paper. Many, of course, chose to read it and were unhappy with its contents. Young Alexander Majors, a Gentile, recalled that the Star's material "was very distasteful to members and leaders of other religious denominations." 9 T h e press was too valuable a possession, moreover, to limit its use to the printing of a monthly newspaper. T h e church was in need of new publications if it were going to inform and educate its growing body of adherents. T h e first, almost imperative, need was to get Smith's revelations into the hands of the membership, especially the priesthood. Since these manifestations contained an important segment of the doctrine of the church, it was urgent that they be made accessible. Some were published from time to time in the Star, but this was, at best, a temporary expedient. At a church conference in Hiram, Ohio, on November 1, 1831, it was determined that the prophet would correct and prepare his revelations for publication in book form under the title of Book of Commandments.10 The care of the manuscript was entrusted to Oliver Cowdery and John Whitmer, who personally carried it to Missouri since it was felt that the mail was too uncertain. Smith, Sidney Rigdon, and several other Mormon leaders returned to Independence on April 24, 1832, bringing with them newsprint they had purchased in Wheeling, Virginia. At a conference held in Zion under their supervision, it was voted that 3,000 copies of the Book of Commandments should be printed and that Phelps, Cowdery, and John Whitmer should "review and prepare such revelations as shall be deemed proper for publication." n It was also directed that Phelps should correct and print the hymns which had been selected by Emma Smith, the wife of the prophet, in accordance with an earlier revelation. It was further decided that a store should be set up under the direction of Algernon S. Gilbert. This became known among the Mormons as the "storehouse." 8

Loy Otis Banks, "Latter Day Saint Journalism" (Master's thesis, University of Missouri, 1948), 1-2. 9 Colonel Prentiss Ingraham, ed., Seventy Years on the Frontier: Alexander Majors' Memoirs of a Lifetime on the Border (Chicago, 1893), 28. 10 "H.J.S.," Times and Seasons, April 15, 1844. 11 Ibid., September 2, 1844.


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Almost from the first it was there, a low, dark cloud rising on the horizon. Hardly visible in the beginning, it became more and more apparent that a storm was coming, threatening to engulf the religious-communitarians in their western paradise. Friction between Gentile and Mormon continually increased. Emily Austin, a young Mormon settler, recalled: On several occasions we received intelligence that the inhabitants of Jackson county were displeased at the idea of so many coming into the county. They said the range for their county would be taken by the Mormon cattle, and the "shuck" devoured by Mormon pigs; and they boldly declared they would not suffer this to be so.12

As the Mormons grew in numbers, so did the hostility. The Mormons later asserted in a memorial to the Missouri Legislature that "soon after the settlement began, persecution began, and as the society increased persecution also increased." 13 Josiah Gregg, the famous Santa Fe trader who resided in Independence, stated: In proportion as [the Mormons] grew strong in numbers, they also became more exacting and bold in their pretentions. In a little paper printed at Independence under their immediate auspices, everything was said that could provoke hostility between "saints" and their "worldly" neighbors, until at last they became so emboldened by impunity, as openly to boast of their determination to be the sole proprietors of the "Land of Zion." 14

The rapid influx of Mormon disciples (they eventually numbered 1,200) alarmed the Jackson Countians. John Corrill, who was to leave the church in 1838, wrote: The "old citizens" began to be highly displeased. They saw their county filling up with emigrants, principally poor. They disliked their religion, and saw also, that if let alone they would in short time become a majority, and of course, rule the county. The church kept increasing, and the old citizens became more and more dissatisfied, and from time to time offered to sell their farms and possessions, but the Mormons, though desirous, were too poor to purchase them. The feelings of the people became greatly exasperated, in consequence of the many false and evil reports that were in constant circulation against the church. 15

Overt acts against the Mormons began to be committed "and the uneasy, restless spirit of the people would occasionally manifest itself.",: 1 6 12

Emily Austin, Mormonism: or, Life Among the Mormons (Madison, Wisconsin, 1882), 68. Quoted in John P. Greene, Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons, or Latter Day Saints from the State of Missouri, under the "Exterminating Order" (Cincinnati, 1839), 10. 14 Max L. Moorhead, ed., Commerce of the Prairies (Norman, 1954), 218. 15 John Corrill, A Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter-day Saints (St. Louis, 1839), 19. ' * \ > 18 Scraps of Biography. Tenth Book of the Faith-Promoting Series. Designed for the Instruction and Encouragement of Young Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1883), 76. 13


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It should be noted that one of the irritants that produced friction originated in a misconception, first on the part of the Mormons themselves, and next on the part of their opponents. The Mormons had a problem : how were they to gain possession of Jackson County? They could not purchase it. They were too poor. But they believed it to be essential that only Saints reside in the New Jerusalem and that no Gentiles be found within its walls. In a revelation given on his first trip to Missouri, Smith had told his followers: T h e Lord willeth that the disciples, and the children of men, should open their hearts, even to purchase this whole region of country, as soon as time will permit. Behold here is wisdom; let them do this lest they receive none inheritance, save it be by the shedding of blood. 17

What had the prophet meant by this? Clearly this perturbed some of the Mormons because this theme was elaborated upon further in another revelation given in Kirtland a short time later: I the Lord willeth, that you should purchase the lands, that you may have claim on the world, that they may not be stirred up unto anger: For satan putteth it into their hearts to anger against you, and to the shedding of blood: Wherefore the land of Zion shall not be obtained but by purchase, or by blood, otherwise there is none inheritance for you. And if by purchase behold you are blessed: And if by blood, as you are forbidden to shed blood, lo, your enemies are upon you, and ye shall be scourged from city to city, and from synagogue to synagogue, and but few shall stand to receive an inheritance. 18

Though it is apparent that Smith at no time contemplated taking Jackson County by force, some of his more fanatical adherents (they were laboring under a millennial excitement) undoubtedly conceived the idea that strength might be employed. At least they taunted their neighbors along this line. Evidence for such an assertion is found in an article in the Star in that fateful issue of July 1833. But to suppose that we can come up here and take possession of this land by the shedding of blood, would be setting at naught the law of the glorious gospel, and also the word of our great Redeemer: And to suppose that we can take possession of this country, without making regular purchases of the same according to the laws of our nation, would be reproaching this great Republic. 17 A Book of Commandments, for the Government of the Church of Christ. Organized According to Law, on the 6th of April 1830 (Zion [Independence, Missouri], 1833), chap. LIX, vss. 64â&#x20AC;&#x201D;65. 18 Ibid., chap. LXIV, vss. 26-32.


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Aside from this article, however, the editors of the Star did little to correct the erroneous opinions of their readers. One issue â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that of June 1833 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; carried the observation that "the time is short for the Gentiles." In March 1832 the first concerted action by the Missourians was taken to rid Jackson County of what one later termed "this tribe of locusts t h a t . . . threaten [ed] to scorch and wither the herbage of a fair and goodly portion of Missouri." 19 John Whitmer, church historian by divine decree, recorded that "the enemies held a council in Independence . . . [as to] how they might destroy the Saints." 20 It appears that General Marston G. Clark, a subagent for the Indians in the area west of Missouri, on hearing of this council rode in from his agency a day or two before the meeting and let "certain influential mob characters" know that no unlawful action would be tolerated. 21 That same spring some persons, "in the deadly hours of the night, commenced stoning or brick-batting some of the [Mormons'] houses." 22 In the fall "some one, burned a large quantity of hay in the stack; and soon after commenced shooting into some of [the] houses, and at many times insult [ed] with abusive language." 23 Cowdery later commented on this conduct of the Missourians: M a n y threats were t h r o w n out by certain low, degraded, u n p r i n c i p l e d persons; b u t it was pretty satisfactorily ascertained, t h a t they were only p u t forward a n d excited to desperation by a still m o r e influential set, t h a t kept secreted behind t h e scene for fear of public censure a n d contempt. 2 4

Ordinarily one would tend to discount such a statement as the product of a paranoid personality. However, considering the organized manner in which anti-Mormon activity was coordinated and carried out, this charge by Cowdery appears to be true. In this connection John C McCoy, a young Gentile resident, years later asserted: O n e mile west of t h e Blue, o n t h e old r o a d from I n d e p e n d e n c e to t h e state line . . . there was a c o u n t r y store kept by one Moses G. Wilson, a brigadier general of militia, a restless p a r t i z a n , very p r o m i n e n t a n d influential w i t h a certain class. T h i s store was, d u r i n g 1833, t h e rendezvous for t h e a n t i M o r m o n s , w h e r e they were w a n t to m e e t to discuss t h e situation a n d form plans, a n d to organize raids u p o n t h e M o r m o n settlements u p t o w a r d t h e state line. 2 5 19 Alphonso Wetmore, ed., Gazetteer of the State of Missouri . . . . (St. Louis, 1837), 94. Samuel D. Lucas wrote the section on Jackson County. 20 "John Whitmer's Manuscript History" (MS, Office of the Historian of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Independence), 38. Whitmer was appointed church historian by revelation in March 1831 {Book of Commandments, chap. L ) . 21 Times and Seasons, December, 1839. 22 Star, December, 1833. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid., January, 1834. 25 Kansas City Journal, January 18, 1885.


T H E EVENING AND T H E MORNING STAR. Vol. 1.

I n d e p e n d e n c e , Mo. J u n e , 1 8 3 2 .

No.

1.

The duty of the Elders, Priests, Teacher*, Deacons and members of the Church Revelations. of Christ. An Aposlle is an Elder, and it is his calling to baptize and «» —'• * ntlier Elders, Priests, Touchers end Deacons, and tn - T > " ' : - ' T H E A R T I C L E S A N D COVENANTS O F T H E C H U R C H O F C H R I S T of'Christ according to the Scrinl""*"- - ' watch over the •"'>••• ' ^HE H E rise of the Church of Christ Chnst in m these last days, being one thousand .,„., .. eight hundred and thirty years since the coming of our Lord »»<• " A K n i i t tVl 1<s J e w s Clirist, in the flesh; it being regularly organized * - J i T - U C / U L LJ.J.J..3 to the laws of our country, by the w ' " ~ " ' ,

T

menu, and on .u -" -

same time a report was spread that the Mormons were persuading the slaves to be disobedient, rebel, or run away from their masters. 26 Samuel D. Lucas, perennial opponent of the Mormons, commented in 1837: "But the Lord waxed wroth with the Mormons [in Jackson County], for they had communed with the men-servants and the maid-servants of the people in whose land they were sojourning, seducing them from the obedience and the duty they owed to those who gave them food and raiment?'21 A Protestant minister noted that "threats were occasionally made to throw down houses, &c; their printing office, and their store house in Independence were considered most in danger, but the Mormons were not much intimidated." 28 This type of activity ceased with the onset of winter. On April 6, 1833, the church members met together at the ferry one of them owned on the Big Blue River to celebrate the birthday of the church. Newel Knight observed: "This was the first celebration of the kind and the Saints felt their privilege and enjoyed themselves." 29 It was a day many of the participants were to remember with nostalgia, as occasions for celebration were to be few thereafter. Spring had come to Jackson County with its usual burst of splendor. The woods were aglow with redbud; the prairies were "covered with a profusion of pale pink flowers, rearing their delicate stalks among the rough blades of wild grass." 30 Elias Higbee, who had moved with his family from Cincinnati in March 1833, later sent an address to the Congress of the United States. He stated: T h o u g h often persecuted a n d vilified for their difference in religious opinions from their fellow citizens, still [the M o r m o n s ] were h a p p y . T h e y saw their society increasing in n u m b e r s ; their farms t e e m e d w i t h p l e n t y ; a n d they fondly looked forward to a future big with h o p e . T h a t t h e r e was prejudice existing against t h e m , they d e p l o r e d : yet they felt t h a t these things were u n m e r i t e d a n d unjust. 3 1 28

Star, January, 1834. Wetmore, Gazetteer, 97. 28 Isaac McCoy to editor, November 28, 1833, in Missouri Republican (St. Louis), December 20, 1833. 29 Scraps of Biography, 75. 80 John Treat Irving, Indian Sketches, Taken During an Expedition to the Pawnee Tribes, 1833, ed., John Francis McDermott (Norman, 1955), 22. 31 U.S., Congress, Memorialists, Elias Higbee and Robert B. Thompson, 26th Cong., 1st Sess., 1839-1840, Senate Ex. Doc. 22, p. 2; hereafter cited as Memorialists. 27


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From the festivities the Mormons went back to hauling rails and planting crops â&#x20AC;&#x201D; crops they would never harvest. Before the month ended there were renewed evidences of hostility. A group of over 300 Missourians assembled in Independence "to consult upon a plan, for the removal, or immediate destruction, of the church in Jackson County." 32 They spent "the day in a fruitless endeavor, to unite upon a general scheme for 'moving the Mormons out of their diggins.' " 33 Joseph Smith, and others, later claimed that so much confusion was generated by several "knock-downs" after the participants had partaken of a plentiful supply of whiskey that this meeting "broke up in a regular Missouri 'row.' " 34 In June Phelps took notice of the malevolence. He chided the Missourians that "no coffins filled with arms and ammunition have arrived here since the gathering commenced." 35 The element that seeded the gathering clouds and unleashed the fury of the storm upon the Mormons was an item in the July 1833 issue of the Star entitled, "Free People of Color." What prompted Phelps to print such an article is something of an enigma. It has been asserted that soon after the Mormons had begun settlement in Missouri they had sent missionaries into the border slave states and that "among their early converts were a number of free Negroes, whom they invited to join them in Zion." 36 These missionaries, purportedly, were embarrassed to find that a Missouri statute forbade these social outcasts to move into the state without a certificate of citizenship from some other state. However, the evidence to support the contention that any free Negroes at this time had joined the church is slight. Parley P. Pratt subsequently claimed: " I n fact one dozen free negroes or mulattoes never have belonged to our Society in any part of the world, from its first organization to this day, 1839." 37 Perhaps some free Negroes had indicated an interest in removing to Zion. Certainly there would have been no objections on the part of the majority of the Mormons to their doing so; the Mormons were committed to an acceptance into Zion of all peoples. Their revelations told them: A n d t h e r e shall b e g a t h e r e d u n t o [Zion] o u t of every n a t i o n u n d e r h e a v e n : . . . A n d it shall c o m e to pass t h a t t h e r i g h t e o u s shall be g a t h e r e d o u t from 32

"H.J.S.," Times and Seasons, January 1, 1845. Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Star, June, 1833. 86 Ray B. West, Kingdom of the Saints: The Story of Brigham Young and the Mormons (New York, 1957), 46. 37 Parley Parker Pratt, Late Persecution of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (New York, 1840), 28. ss


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among all nations, and shall come to Zion singing, with songs of everlasting joy. 38

Phelps stated in the aforementioned article that his desire was "to prevent any misunderstanding among the churches abroad, respecting free people of color, who may think of coming to the western boundaries of Missouri, as members of the church." He proceeded then to quote two sections from the laws of Missouri. The first stipulated that any free Negro or mulatto moving into the state had to have with him a certificate "attested by the seal of some court of record in some one of the United States, evidencing that he is a citizen of such state." Failure to produce this certificate upon demand would lead to his expulsion from the state within 30 days or confinement to a common jail to await trial. T h e second section provided that any person bringing a free Negro or mulatto into Missouri without such a certificate could be fined $500.00. Phelps then editorialized: Slaves are real estate in this and other states, and wisdom would dictate great care among the branches of the church of Christ, on this subject. So long as we have no special rule in the church, as to people of color, let prudence guide; and while they, as well as we, are in the hands of a merciful God, we say: Shun every appearance of evil.

In another part of the same issue Phelps noted: Our brethren will find an extract of the law of this state, relative to free people of color, on another page of this paper. Great care should be taken on this point. T h e saints must shun every appearance of evil. As to slaves we have nothing to say. In connection with the wonderful events of this age, much is doing towards abolishing slavery, and colonizing the blacks, in Africa.

The reaction of the Missourians to this issue of the Star was prompt and vigorous. Being apprised of their adverse response, Phelps dashed off an Extra on July 16. In the form of a handbill this was distributed as rapidly as possible. The full text read as follows. Having learned with extreme regret, that an article entitled, "Free people of color," in the last number of the Star, has been misunderstood, we feel in duty bound to state, in this Extra, that our intention was not only to stop free people of color from emigrating to this state, but to prevent them from being admitted as members of the church. O n the second column of the hundred and eleventh page of the same paper, may be found this paragraph: "Our brethren will find an extract of the law of this state, relative to free people of color, on another page of this paper: great care should 38

Book of Commandments,

c h a p . X L V I I I , vss. 63â&#x20AC;&#x201D;67.


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be t a k e n on this point. T h e saints m u s t shun every a p p e a r a n c e of evil. As to slaves we h a v e n o t h i n g to say, in connection with t h e wonderful events of this age, m u c h is doing t o w a r d s abolishing slavery, a n d colonizing t h e blacks in Africa." W e often l a m e n t t h e situation of o u r sister states in the south, a n d w e fear, lest, as has been t h e case, t h e blacks should rise a n d spill innocent b l o o d : for they are i g n o r a n t a n d little m a y lead t h e m to disturb t h e peace of society. T o be short, we a r e opposed to h a v i n g free people of color a d m i t t e d into t h e state; a n d we say, t h a t n o n e will be a d m i t t e d i n t o t h e c h u r c h , for w e a r e d e t e r m i n e d to obey t h e laws a n d constitutions of o u r country, t h a t we m a y h a v e t h a t protection w h i c h t h e sons of liberty inherit from t h e legacy of W a s h i n g t o n , t h r o u g h t h e favorable auspices of a Jefferson a n d Jackson. 3 9

Phelps certainly did not have the authority to commit the church to such a position in regard to Negroes. He probably felt, however, that he was forced to extraordinary measures in order to deal with an extraordinary situation. But, the Extra had no discernible effect. The smoldering malignity of the Missourians had been fanned to a white heat. Some explanation of their attitude on the subject of the free Negro, therefore, is necessary. As early as 1820 the sentiment of the people of Missouri toward the free Negro was decidedly hostile.40 This is seen in Article I I I of the first constitution of Missouri which was adopted that year. It was designed to prevent free Negroes and mulattoes from settling in or even coming into the state under any pretext. This animosity was not due to their large numbers; there were only 347 in the state at that time. 41 It was predicated upon the fear that they would increase rapidly by immigration. Some Missourians felt that their mere presence in a community where slavery existed was apt to make slaves dissatisfied with their condition. Free Negroes, therefore, were held in suspicion and contempt even where few in number. This clause in the constitution had precipitated the second debate over the admission of Missouri into the Union. After a compromise worked out by Henry Clay was accepted by Congress, Missouri became a state with this clause still a part of her constitution. "Subsequent legislation regarding the free negro showed how she interpreted her rights under it." 42 In the next 10 years Missouri's population more than doubled, but 89

This Extra was reprinted in "H.J.S.," Times and Seasons, March 1, 1845. See Harrison Anthony Trexler, Slavery in Missouri, 1804â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1865 (Baltimore, 1914), and E. M. Violette, "The Black Code in Missouri," Proceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association for the Year 1912-1913, IV, 287-316. 41 Violette, "Black Code," Proceedings, IV, 287-316. 42 Ibid.. 311. 40


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the United States census of 1830 disclosed that there were only 569 free Negroes in the state. 43 In Jackson County there was a total of 5,071 inhabitants in 1832 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 360 of these being slaves, but there were no free people of color.44 The census of 1830 had revealed that there were 62 slave holders in the county. The largest was William Hudspeth, who had 25 slaves; the next was Roland Flourney with only 8.45 Typical, perhaps, of the attitude of the Jackson Countian toward free Negroes is that of James Aull, a trader of considerable prominence in western Missouri, with stores in Independence, Lexington, Liberty, and Richmond. He wrote a letter in 1835 to a Quaker firm in Philadelphia which had refused to trade with any business that owned or dealt in slaves. Aull noted: W e a r e t h e o w n e r s of Slaves. . . . I t w o u l d gratify m e exceedingly t o h a v e all o u r negroes r e m o v e d from a m o n g us, it w o u l d b e of i m m e n s e a d v a n t a g e to t h e State, b u t to free t h e m a n d suffer t h e m t o r e m a i n w i t h us I for o n e w o u l d never consent to. I once lived in a t o w n w h e r e o n e - t e n t h of t h e whole p o p u l a t i o n was free negroes a n d a worse p o p u l a t i o n I h a v e n e v e r seen. . . . A t o u r A u g u s t elections it will b e p r o p o s e d to o u r p e o p l e t h e p r o p r i e t y of calling a c o n v e n t i o n , if t h e c o n v e n t i o n meets o n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t subjects t o b e b r o u g h t before it will be t h e g r a d u a l abolition of slavery. . . . M a n y of o u r Slave holders a r e t h e w a r m a d v o c a t e s of t h e d o c trine b u t I h a v e n o t conversed w i t h a m a n w h o w o u l d consent to let t h e m r e m a i n a m o n g s t us after they a r e free. 4 6

Phelps's articles in the Star had precipitated a crisis. The Missourians "arose in their fury." 47 A set of propositions, known as the "Secret Constitution," was covertly circulated in the county for signatures. Whitmer recorded that the citizens signed this document on July 15, the day before the Extra was issued.48 Among the nearly 80 signatures appended to it were those of most of the county officials including Samuel Owens, county clerk, who also managed for Aull a general merchandise store on the southwest corner of the square opposite the Mormons' "storehouse," and Samuel D. Lucas, a judge of the county court, who was later a general of the Missouri militia which drove the Mormons from the state in 1838-39. The "Secret Constitution" was a lawyer's brief. Russel Hicks, an attorney 43

"State of Missouri," American Annual Register, 1830-1831 (New York, 1832), 396. Missouri Republican, December 18, 1832. 45 H. E. Poppino, "Abstract of Record Group No. 29, Records of the Bureau of Census: Fifth Census (1830), Population Schedules, Missouri, Vol. 73, Jackson County, Sheets 299-318" (Jackson County Public Library, Independence, Missouri). 48 Quoted in Walter Williams and Floyd C. Shoemaker, Missouri: Mother of the West (Chicago, 1930), I, 283. 47 Corrill, Brief History, 19. 48 "Whitmer's Manuscript History," 42. 44


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and deputy county clerk, later admitted that he was the author. 49 It is one of two lengthy documents that the Jackson Countians released to the public in an effort to justify their subsequent conduct. For this reason, one must be careful in accepting as truth all that it contains. But it comes as near as anything available to being a definitive statement of the Missourians' point of view. Among the catalogue of charges was the following. More than a year since it was ascertained that they had been tampering with our slaves, and endeavoring to sow dissentions and raise seditions amongst them. Of this their mormon leaders were informed, and they said they would deal with any of their members who should again, in like case offend, but how specious are appearances, in a late number of the Star, published in Independence by the leaders of the sect, there is an article inviting free negroes and mulattoes from other States to become mormons and remove and settle among us; this exhibits them in still more odious colors. It manifests a desire on the part of their society, to inflict on our society an injury that they know would be to us entirely insupportable, and one of the surest means of driving us from the county; for it would require none of the super-natural gifts that they pretend to, to see that the introduction of such a cast amongst us would corrupt our blacks and instigate them to bloodsheds. . . . We believe it a duty we owe ourselves, to our wives and children, to the cause of public morals, to remove them from among us, as we are not prepared to give up our pleasant places, and goodly possessions to them, or to receive into the bosom of our families, as fit companions for our wives and daughters the degraded & corrupt free negroes and mulattoes, that are now invited to settle among us. . . . We will meet at the court house at the town of Independence, on Saturday next, 20 Inst. to consult ulterior movements. 50

July 20, 1833, was hot under sunny skies. Out on the prairies "flowers of red, yellow, purple and crimson, were scattered in profusion among the grass, sometimes growing singly, and at others spreading out in beds of several acres in extent." 51 In Independence there was none of the usual Saturday activity in a farming community. A strange quiet prevailed when, unexpectedly -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "to the surprise and terror of the Mormons," 52 there gathered suddenly in the town "between four and five hundred persons." 53 One Protestant minister proudly reported that "they assembled . . . according to appointment without noise or riot, or drunkenness, but with a deliberate purpose." S4 This meeting, one of the participants later recalled, convened at the new, brick courthouse "to devise some means to 49

Missouri Republican, J a n u a r y 20, 1834. As quoted in the Star, December, 1833. 51 Irving, Indian Sketches, 23. ^Memorialists, 2. 53 Star, December, 1833. 54 National Intelligencer (Washington, D . C . ) , December 24, 1833. 30


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put a stop to [the Mormons'] seditious boasts as to what they proposed to do." 55 In democratic fashion â&#x20AC;&#x201D; this was the Jacksonian era -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the meeting was called to order and a chairman was chosen. A committee composed of Russel Hicks, Thomas Hudspeth, and five others was appointed to draft a set of resolutions. These resolutions were passed by the assembly and constitute the second document which the Missourians released to the general public. In part it read as follows. W e are told [by t h e M o r m o n s ] , a n d n o t by t h e i g n o r a n t alone, b u t by all classes of t h e m , t h a t w e ( t h e Gentiles) of this c o u n t r y are to b e c u t off, a n d o u r lands a p p r o p r i a t e d by t h e m for inheritances. . . . Some recent r e m a r k s in t h e " E v e n i n g a n d M o r n i n g Star," their organ, in this place, . . . show plainly t h a t m a n y of this deluded a n d infatuated people h a v e been t a u g h t to believe t h a t o u r lands a r e to be t a k e n from us by t h e sword. . . . O n e of t h e m e a n s resorted to by t h e m in order to drive us to emigrate, is a n indirect invitation to t h e free b r e t h r e n of color in Illinois to c o m e u p like t h e rest to t h e l a n d of Zion. T r u e , t h e M o r m o n s say this was n o t i n t e n d e d to invite b u t to prevent e m i g r a t i o n ; b u t this weak a t t e m p t t o quiet o u r a p p r e hension, is b u t a p o o r c o m p l i m e n t t o our understandings. T h e invitation alluded to, contained all t h e necessary directions a n d cautions to enable t h e free blacks, on their arrival here, to claim a n d exercise t h e rights of citizenship. C o n t e m p o r a n e o u s w i t h t h e a p p e a r a n c e of this article, was t h e general expectation a m o n g t h e b r e t h r e n here, t h a t a considerable n u m b e r of this d e g r a d e d class w e r e only waiting this information before they set o u t on their journey. W i t h t h e c o r r u p t i n g influence of these o n our slaves a n d the stench b o t h physical a n d m o r a l , t h a t their i n t r o d u c t i o n w o u l d set off in our social a t m o s p h e r e , a n d t h e vexation t h a t w o u l d a t t e n d t h e civil rule of these fanatics, it w o u l d require neither a visit from t h e destroying angel, nor t h e j u d g m e n t s of a n offended God, to r e n d e r our situation here insupportable. 5 6

The resolutions required the Mormons to cease publication of the Star, to stop immigrating into the county, and to agree that those already residing therein would remove "within a reasonable time." A committee of 13 was delegated to call upon the Mormon leaders to ascertain their response to these proposals. They approached Phelps, Partridge, Gilbert, John Whitmer, Corrill, and Isaac Morley. The citizens' committee demanded to know, "Will you leave the County or not?" 5 7 It also required of the Mormons that they "shut up [the] printing office store, mechanical shops &c. immediately." 58 "The message was so terri55

Interview of Thomas Pitcher in Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881. Known as the "Propositions of the Mob," these resolutions were first published in the Western Monitor (Fayette, Missouri), August 9, 1833, and the Missouri Republican, August 9, 1833. They were widely reprinted: National Intelligencer, August 21, 1833, and Niles' Weekly Register (Baltimore), September 14, 1833. 57 "Whitmer's Manuscript History," 42. 38 Ibid., 42-43. 58


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ble, so unexpected, the 'saints' asked time for deliberation, for consultation." 59 The elders, one of them remembered, "asked for three months, for consideration — They would not grant it — We asked for ten days — They would not grant it but said fifteen minutes was the longest, and refused to hear any reasons." 60 When the Mormons then declined to comply with the proposals, the conversation was broken off immediately. The committee quickly returned to the assembly which had been waiting for almost two hours. The citizens were informed that the Mormon leaders refused "giving any direct answer, to the requisitions made of them, and wished an unreasonable time for consultation, not only with the brethren here, but the prophet in Ohio." 61 When this answer was given to those at the courthouse, they unanimously "voted to raze the printing [office] to the ground." 62 The printing establishment was assailed by a group of men under the leadership of Gan Johnson and John King, who "knocked the door in." 63 "Mrs. Phelps, with a sick infant child and the rest of her children, together with the furniture in the house, were thrown out doors." 64 "The press was thrown from the upper story, and the apparatus, book work, paper, type, &c, scattered through the streets." 65 The press was broken by the fall and lay in the street until the following February. The type was scattered "there in the street for years," a plaything for little boys.66 The roof was pulled off and the walls razed. There were approximately 100 men employed at this task and in an hour the project was finished.67 The destruction of the printing office brought a permanent end to the publica59

Memorialists, 2. Star, December, 1833. 61 E. D. Howe, Mormonism Unvailed: or, A Faithful Account of that Singular Imposition and Delusion, From Its Rise to the Present Time (Painesville, Ohio, 1834), 142. 82 "Whitmer's Manuscript History," 43. 63 Testimony of Robert Weston, In the Circuit Court of the United States, Western District of Missouri, Western Division, at Kansas City. (Complainant's Abstract of Pleading and Evidence) in Equity. The Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. Complainant vs. The Church of Christ at Independence, Missouri (Lamoni, Iowa, 1893), 249—50; hereafter cited as Temple Lot Suit. Jacob Gregg, sheriff of Jackson County at the time, testified: "John King succeeded me as sheriff of this county; he is the same man who was the leader of the mob here at the time the printing office was destroyed. He held the office four years; it is very likely that his connection with, and the part he played in driving the Mormons out of this county made him sheriff, — that is the reason he was elected. The part he took in that transaction against the Mormons, I have no doubt made him sheriff." Temple Lot Suit, 288—89. 64 Star, December, 1833. 80 Times and Seasons, December, 1839. 88 Testimony of Robert Weston, Temple Lot Suit, 249. 87 Interview of Pitcher, Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881. 00


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tion of the Book of Commandments', in type read:

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the last verses which had been set

T h e willing a n d o b e d i e n t shall e a t t h e g o o d of t h e l a n d of Z i o n i n these last d a y s ; A n d t h e rebellious shall be c u t off o u t of t h e l a n d of Z i o n , a n d shall b e sent a w a y a n d shall n o t i n h e r i t t h e l a n d : F o r verily I say t h e rebellious a r e n o t of t h e b l o o d of E p h r a i m . 6 8

The Star was transferred to Kirtland, Ohio, for publication where Oliver Cowdery assumed the editorship. T h e remaining 10 issues of the second volume were published and then a new paper, the Messenger and Advocate, was launched. After demolishing the printing establishment, the Jackson Countians turned their attention to the storehouse. It was broken into and some of the goods tossed into the street. Men took the bolts of cloth by the end and ran off with them until they were unwound. " T h e streets were almost covered with these pieces of cloth that were unrolled in that manner, and other goods scattered around." 69 Gilbert finally persuaded them to cease this destruction and promised that he would pack the goods and close the store by the following Tuesday. 70 Robert Rathbun's blacksmith shop was also raided and his tools strewn in the street. While this was taking place, some of the Jackson Countians under the leadership of George Simpson took Partridge and Charles Allen to the public square. There, in the presence of a numerous crowd, they were partially stripped and smeared with a quantity of tar from head to foot. This first coat was followed by a second of feathers. 71 It was now late in the day, and no doubt many were tired from the strenuous activity under a July sun. It was formally proposed that the citizens adjourn until the 23rd, at which time they would reconvene to determine whether or not Gilbert had carried out his promise. The motion passed and the weary citizens departed for their homes. Where was that traditional western guardian of justice, the sheriff, while these events were taking place? Arrangements had been made in advance to remove him from the scene of action. Whether this was done in concert with the official himself, or whether it came as a complete sur68 The Book of Commandments was in an unfinished condition when the press was destroyed and the sheets were scattered in the streets. Some of these were gathered up by private parties and bound, thus becoming "the first book printed in that immense territory between St. Louis and the Pacific coast." Missouri Historical Review, X L I V (October, 1949), 94. 69 Testimony of Hiram Rathbun, Temple Lot Suit, 217. 70 "Whitmer's Manuscript History," 43. 71 See Edward Partridge's "Autobiography," in "H.J.S.," Times and Seasons, March 1, 1845.


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prise to him probably will remain unknown. Sheriff Jacob Gregg was to testify 60 years later: I was not in t h a t affair in any w a y ; t h e first m o v e m e n t t h a t was m a d e was w h e n they tore d o w n t h e p r i n t i n g office of the M o r m o n people. W h e n I came in town one m o r n i n g I saw a crowd of m e n standing by t h e courth o u s e ; saw t h a t one of t h e m h a d a rope in his h a n d , w h e n I got u p a b o u t half way to t h e m , two m e n c a m e u p to m e e t m e ; said they h a d some business back at t h e tavern. T h e y took m e back in a r o o m there, a n d one of t h e m went out a n d locked t h e door after him, a n d left m e w i t h t h e other one, a n d I k n o w n o t h i n g a b o u t w h a t was going on outside until I got o u t of there. T h e y h a d t o r n d o w n t h e p r i n t i n g office, a n d dispersed before I got out to see w h a t was being done. After I was let out of t h e house all was quiet. 7 2

On July 23 the citizens congregated again in Independence and this time extorted a pledge from the Mormon leaders that they and all their followers would be out of the county by April 1, 1834. Before then, however, a new eruption of violence occurred, even more severe than the first, and the Mormons were forcibly expelled from the county in November 1833. Any student seeking the causes of conflict between Mormon and Missourian in Jackson County in 1833 soon comes to realize that these were manifold. Considering the number of persons involved — each with his own motive — this was inevitable. But clearly a primary cause was the relationship of the Mormons to a group the Missourians held in contempt, the Negro — free and slave. It has already been shown how "free people of color" played a part in this tragic affair. But what role did slavery play? One historian has stated that "the unpardonable sin of the Mormons in Jackson County was opposition to slavery." 73 Samuel D. Lucas alleged in 1837 that the eviction of the Mormons, "although a strong and violent [measure], was fully justified, and indispensable, in consequence of the impertinent and mischievous interference of the Mormons with the slaves in the county." 74 However, the difficulty with a ready acceptance of this as an explanation is that there is no concrete evidence that the Mormons ever incited, conspired, or tampered with the slaves. Thomas Pitcher, who was court-martialed by the state in 1834 for his conduct as commander of the Jackson County militia when the Mormons were expelled from the county, admitted years later that the Mormons "did not inter72

Temple Lot Suit, 287. Walter B. Stevens, Centennial History of Missouri (St. Louis, 1921), II, 95. Others have claimed this was the primary cause of the expulsion. See, for example, Heman C. Smith, "Causes of Trouble in Jackson County, Missouri, in 1833," Journal of History, II (July, 1909), 267-80. 74 Wetmore, Gazetteer, 93. 73


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fere with the negroes." 75 Certainly there would have been evidence if they had done so. T h e "black codes" which regulated the institution of slavery would have been used against them. Alexander Majors remembered : All the offices of the county being in the hands of [the Mormons'] enemies, . . . if one [of the Mormons] had stolen a chicken he could and would have been brought to grief for doing so; but it is my opinion there is nothing in the county records to show where a Mormon was ever charged with a misdemeanor in the way of violation of the laws. 76

Certainly none of the surviving documentary material written prior to the troubles in July makes reference to Mormon involvement with the slaves. While this type of material is scarce, the absence of any such references therein is significant. This is not to contend, however, that none of the Jackson Countians believed the accusation. Unquestionably some had been convinced â&#x20AC;&#x201D; or had convinced themselves â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that it was true. It should be noted that those who took the leadership in arousing opposition to the Mormons could not have found a more effective dart than antislavery activity to hurl at their opponents, one more calculated to wound fatally. Nat Turner's rebellion, the most sanguinary slave uprising in American history, had occurred in Virginia only two summers previously. An almost irrational fear of slave revolts had swept over the areas of slavery, a fear that had not completely subsided by July 1833. It is true (as Cowdery claimed) that there were only a small number of slaves in Jackson County, 77 but fear has never been predicated solely upon numbers. O n no occasion did the Mormon leaders appear to have contemplated using the slaves against the Missourians, though some fanatics may have talked of it. These charges were most likely a shibboleth, used by the instigators of the violence to win the support of the ignorant within the county and to secure favor with public opinion elsewhere. An evaluation of the testimony and an analysis of the facts, therefore, lead one to the conclusion that the Mormons did not constitute a "clear and present danger" to slavery in Jackson County in 1833. However, they probably did represent a potential threat. T h e distinction may be a fine one, but it is, nevertheless, an important one. T h e majority of the Mormons definitely "had some sentiments that were antislavery," 78 and a few 75

Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881. Ingraham, Majors' Memoirs, 49â&#x20AC;&#x201D;50. 77 Star, January, 1834. 78 Testimony of Hiram Rathbun, Temple Lot Suit, 216. 76


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were foolish enough to let these sentiments be known. Alexander W. Doniphan, western lawyer and military leader, recalled: [The M o r m o n s ] were n o r t h e r n people, w h o , on a c c o u n t of their declining to own slaves a n d their denunciation of t h e system of slavery, were t e r m e d "free soilers." T h e majority of t h e m were intelligent, industrious a n d law abiding citizens, b u t t h e r e were some ignorant, simple m i n d e d fanatics a m o n g them. . . . T h e y established a newspaper at I n d e p e n d e n c e , . . . in which they set forth t h a t they h a d been sent to Jackson county by divine Providence, a n d t h a t they, as a c h u r c h were to possess t h e whole of t h e county, which t h e n e m b r a c e d w h a t is n o w Jackson, Cass a n d Bates counties. These assumptions were evidently m a d e use of for t h e p u r p o s e of exciting the m o r e i g n o r a n t portions of t h e c o m m u n i t y . . . . B u t I think t h e real objections to t h e M o r m o n s were their d e n u n c i a t i o n of slavery, a n d the objections slave holders h a d to h a v i n g so large a settlement of antislavery people in their midst. 7 9

David Whitmer, a Mormon resident of the county, agreed: W h a t first occasioned these difficulties I a m u n a b l e to say, except t h a t t h e c h u r c h was composed principally of Eastern a n d N o r t h e r n people, w h o were opposed to slavery, a n d t h a t there were a m o n g us a few i g n o r a n t a n d simple-minded persons w h o were continually m a k i n g boasts to t h e Jackson county people, t h a t they intended to possess t h e entire county. 8 0

Most of the Mormons in the early years of the- church were from the same stock and from those same areas which supplied the abolition movement with its drive and many of its adherents. The Jackson Countians, in turn, "were of the same class, and in some cases the same families, who were to participate in the bloody raids against Kansas." 81 It is probable that the pro-slavery element in Jackson County felt that extensive immigration from the North and East â&#x20AC;&#x201D; such as that of the Mormons â&#x20AC;&#x201D; might eventually carry the day for abolition in Missouri. But in a sense, the truth or falsity of the allegations does not matter. "Whether real or alleged, activity relative to slavery on the part of the Mormons was used by the western Missouri people during the thirties as a campaign slogan, and the issue must therefore have been vital and important." 82 In 1836 Missouri Governor Daniel Dunklin, who at first had been sympathetic toward the Mormons, wrote Phelps: T h e time was w h e n t h e people (except those in Jackson county) were divided, a n d t h e m a j o r p a r t in your favour; t h a t does n o t n o w seem to be t h e case. W h y is this so? Does your c o n d u c t m e r i t such censures as exist 79

Kansas City Journal, June 24, 1881. Ibid., June 5, 1881. 81 West, Kingdom of the Saints, 45. 82 Trexler, Slavery in Missouri, 124. 80


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against you? It is not necessary for me to give my opinion. Your neighbours accuse your people, of holding illicit communications with the Indians, and of being opposed to slavery. You deny. Whether the charge, or the denial, is true, I cannot tell. The fact exists, and your neighbours seem to believe it true; and whether true, or false, the consequences will be the same. . . : 83

The consequences were certainly the same that July day in Independence when the printing establishment was razed to the ground. 83

Quoted in The Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, XV (Liverpool, England, 1853), 821.

W I L L I A M WINES PHELPS William W. Phelps, editor of the Evening and Morning Star, had a checkered career as a Mormon, being twice excommunicated and twice reinstated. Born February 17, 1792, he was baptized in 1831, after a special revelation to Joseph Smith. In 1838 Phelps was excommunicated from the Mormon Church, but by 1841 the differences were resolved, and Phelps was reinstated. In Nauvoo Phelps became a member of the city council and Council of Fifty, and following the death of Joseph Smith supported Brigham Young. He came to Utah in 1848 in Brigham Young's company and became very active in public affairs. Phelps accompanied Parley P. Pratt in his explorations of southern Utah. He served as a justice of the peace, a notary public, and.a legislator â&#x20AC;&#x201D; for a time he was a senator in the State of Deseret. He died in Salt Lake City, March 7, 1872. Phelps will be remembered as the writer of many Mormon songs and hymns, 19 of which are still in the Hymns, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1961).


R EyiEWSand PUBLICATIONS War Drums and Wagon Wheels: The Story of Russell, Majors and Waddell. By RAYMOND W. AND MARY L U N D SETTLE. (Lincoln: University of Ne-

braska Press, 1966. x + 268 pp. $5.95) For six brief years the West's most famous freighters—Russell, Majors, and Waddell —• spread transportation tentacles across the continent. This enterprising trio not only moved mountains of supplies vast distances, but also helped transform the nation itself. I t is ironical that their names are most widely known for perhaps their least successful venture, the Pony Express. This experiment in mail service hastened their bankruptcy. This chronicle describes the rise and fall of a freighting monopoly. It is essentially an economic history with the emphasis on business methods, financial transactions, and governmental relationships. The personalities of the partners are submerged in the details of their business dealings, and for that reason the book may not make popular reading. Yet it is an excellent case study of a business that expanded too fast, involved itself carelessly —• and to some extent innocently —• in political intrigue and unethical practices, and suffered from bad financial planning. The result was the failure of the greatest freighting concern in the country and, more tragically, the ruin of its three brilliant founders. There were many fascinating episodes in the firm's history. Among them were the employment of teamsters w h o pledged themselves neither to drink nor swear, the unfortunate embezzlement of

Indian Trust Fund bonds, the scope of an enterprise that employed thousands of men and tens of thousands of oxen and horses, the assignment of the partners' personal holdings to satisfy creditors, and the short but romantic saga of the Pony Express. The authors treat the Utah War too thinly. Not all readers will agree with the interpretations of the events that led to President Buchanan's decision to send an army to Utah nor the easy dismissal of the Mormons and Brigham Young as fanatics. Nevertheless, this critical adventure became a military embarrassment to the army, a political liability to the President, and a financial disaster to Russell, Majors, and Waddell. As a whole, the book is a commendable history of a great business — one that rose brilliantly and then faded into economic oblivion. It is generally well documented with excellent Appendices and Index. It is the type of history that is too seldom written. CONWAY B. SONNE

Palo Alto,

Author California

George C. Yount and his Chronicles of the West. Comprising Extracts from his "Memoirs" and from the Osage Clark "Narrative." Edited by CHARLES L. CAMP. (Denver: Old West Publishing Company, 1966. xviii+ 280 pp. $20.00) George Yount was an American frontiersman of the classic mold. Born in


78 the mountains of North Carolina in 1794, he was reared in Missouri in "a wilderness teeming with Indians" where boyhood duties included standing guard in the fields with one's "trusty rifle." During the War of 1812, with rifle, tomahawk, and scalping knife, he led a Missouri militia company against neighboring pro-British Indians. In 1826 he drove a team to Santa Fe and for five years pursued a career of trapping in the Southwest. Hostile Indians; uncharted, often difficult terrain; weather treacherous to men from eastern woodlands; the Gila, the Colorado, the Green; Salt Lake, Bear Valley; the Old Spanish Trail â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Yount's southwestern odyssey embraced and surmounted all of them. Yount moved to California in 1831, and for a couple of seasons hunted sea otter along the off-shore islands with his rifle. Then Vallejo employed him at Sonoma. In 1836 he secured a land grant to become the first white settler of Napa Valley. Living in a Kentuckytype blockhouse, he engaged in many an Indian fight before pacifying that California frontier. Editor Camp writes of Yount, "Even in his own day he was sui generis â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a curious and remarkable product of the great frontier." The Chronicles presented in this book are taken from Yount's dictation to the Reverend Osage Clark in 1855 and from his earlier dictated "Memoirs." Editor Camp has freely excerpted and arranged the passages and added material developed on his own account to form a connected, chronological narrative. Clark was a Harvard graduate and an Episcopal minister who, when he first met Yount, "thought he had found a new specimine of life." Although he dressed up what Yount told him in a somewhat wordy style, his narrative is eminently readable. Yount's keen memory and his forthright manner of expressing himself gave Clark an abundance of material. The old pioneer's adventures, of course, receive the major attention, but the nar-

Utah Historical Quarterly rative also includes Yount's account of the almost incredible physical ordeals of Hugh Glass, many of the details of which Yount had from Glass himself. Remarking on Yount's veracity, Camp says that, "His basic information is sound enough; he does not invent situations but he elaborates and expands." Whatever exaggerations may have crept into Yount's narrative, the much superior fact is that Yount was one of the few participants in the Southwest fur trade who left a substantial record of his experiences. Charles Camp, who edited a portion of the Yount narrative for the California Historical Society Quarterly in 1923, demonstrates what an old master, allowed the freedom to construct his book imaginatively, can do in this field. He has enhanced the value of the work by many additions: a highly informative Introduction; interpretive notes; passages of his own which fill gaps in the narrative or give depth; an excellent map of Yount's travels; a chapter on "Trapping and Trading in the Southwest, 18151830" which catalogs the various expeditions and personnel involved; and a chapter on Peg Leg Smith which rounds up the scattered materials on that colorful character, including the details of Milt Sublette's amputation of Smith's broken leg in the wilderness with a pair of hunting knives ("as soon as the leg d r o p p e d , " Smith recalled, someone handed Sublette "the red hot gun barrel and he rubbed it over the stump till it fizzled and smoked worse nor a venison steak!"). In Yount Charles Camp has made another major contribution to the field of published western history sources. Lawton and Alfred Kennedy designed and printed the book. Fred A. Rosenstock's Old West Publishing Company in Denver has given the work a quality publication. W. N. DAVIS, JR.

Historian California State Archives


Reviews and Publications A Western Panorama 1849-1875: the travels, writings and influence of J. Ross Browne on the Pacific Coast} and in Texas, Nevada, Arizona and Baja California, as the first Mining Commissioner, and Minister to China. By DAVID M I C H A E L GOODMAN. (Glendale : T h e Arthur H. Clark Company, 1966. 328 pp. $11.00) Californians associate the name of J. Ross Browne with the state constitutional convention of 1849 where he recorded the debates in shorthand and was responsible for the publication of the official journal. Historians and mining men have long been familiar with his published reports on the mining resources west of the Rocky Mountains as United States mining commissioner. Less well known is his career as a special agent for the Treasury Department and investigator for the Bureau of Indian Affairs from 1853 to 1860, whereby he perhaps rendered his greatest public service. His conscientious investigations and candid reports on conditions in the federal agencies along the Pacific Slope, particularly the San Francisco Branch Mint, resulted in significant reductions in expenditures. He worked continuously for efficiency and economy. Browne also exposed fraud and abuses in the Indian service, b o t h in California a n d the Northwest. The Indian Bureau was less responsive to his recommendations than the Treasury Department, chiefly because he demonstrated a basic understanding of race conflict and reservation administration that was in advance of his time. Many of his specific recommendations later became the law of the land. As a result of his work as mining commissioner, Browne became a spokesman for the industry and campaigned vigorously, but futilely, for a national school of mining. Browne's lifelong ambition was an appointment in the diplomatic service, and in 1868 his years of labor

79 for the government in the West led to his selection as minister to China. His reports on China and the duplicity within the Chinese government were as frank as those documenting the malfeasance of federal officials on the Pacific Slope. Such honesty destroyed his effectiveness as a diplomat and he resigned to avoid recall. Browne's first b i o g r a p h e r , F a t h e r Francis Rock, writing in 1929, traced the pattern of his life, but did not have access to his unpublished reports to the g o v e r n m e n t . After years of neglect, Browne's varied contributions to the development of the Far West and the nation have recently been highlighted by the appearance of two biographies: Richard Dillon's / . Ross Browne: Confidential Agent in Old California and Goodman's A Western Panorama 18491875. Both biographers have relied heavily upon Browne's communications and reports to the Secretary of the Treasury and to the Office of Indian Affairs, recently made available by the National Archives. Here all similarity ceases. Dillon has largely confined his book to the "lost chapter" of Browne's life, as special agent for the federal government; Goodman has emphasized the same chapter but has written a full-length biography. Dillon writes with dramatic flare to appeal to the general reader; Goodman writes with the scholarly restraint characteristic of doctoral dissertations. With rigorous precision he presents the evidence, thoroughly documented, always explaining its importance and searching for interpretation. O n occasions his methodology overwhelms the narrative when he discusses the absence, or the nature, of the source material in the text (p. 47 and p. 137). Such information, valuable as it may be, can more effectively be handled in the notes. Goodman's biography, however, is a worthy tribute to a man of distinction as public servant, traveler, reformer, author and artist. In addition to a worth-


Utah Historical

80 while text, Goodman's book contains several informative maps, profuse illustrations (many of which were sketched by Browne to accompany his articles), and a chronological bibliography of Browne's writings. The Arthur H. Clark Company has maintained the high standards for its Western Frontiersman Series with the addition of this volume. W . TURRENTINE J A C K S O N

Professor of History University of California The Grizzly Bear: Portraits from Life. Edited and with introduction by BESSIE DOAK HAYNES AND EDGAR H A Y N E S . Drawings by MARY BAKER.

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. x x i + 3 8 6 p p . $5.00) Except for short introductions to each of the stories and the notes concerning the individual authors, the only original writings of the above editors are the sections on Acknowledgments and Introduction. These are followed by main sections headed "With the Map Makers," "Fur Trappers and Mountain Men," "California Grizzlies," "Some Pet Grizzly Cubs," "Grizzly Hunters of the Old West," "With the Naturalists," "Cattlemen and Bear Hunters," "Los Osos Mexicanos," "The Big Bears of Alaska," "Grizzlies in Folklore and Legend," and "Yellowstone Park Grizzly Bears." These accounts are followed by a "Special Incident Report" by E. L. Robinson, a section "About the Authors," a Bibliography, and an Index. The Introduction is perhaps the most valuable scientific section of the book. It begins with a succinct early history of these bears followed by accounts of their present status and distribution throughout the western half of North America. Grizzlies still exist in small numbers in Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, Idaho, and Washington. Elsewhere, within their former range in the United States,

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they are not thought to occur. Canada and Alaska still possess fairly large numbers. Also, for each state there is a general account of the last known date of occurrence. Aside from the Introduction, to me the chief value of the book is the extraction of the better accounts of grizzlies from many sources and their arrangement within one cover. Actually, there is little new information that has not been read or recounted before. Each of the above mentioned main sections consists of short stories and accounts of grizzly bears extracted from the writings of the several authors. With the exception of the section "Grizzlies in Folklore and Legend" and one or two other separate accounts, the remainder smacks of much the same content, and as far as I am able to ascertain, actually has no need to be grouped into separate sections. These stories bear upon each individual author's experiences with grizzlies and his interpretations of their behavior, occurrence, and ecology. Depending upon the author, the bears had some different behavioral characteristics. I found the first 100-odd pages to be quite interesting reading despite some exaggerations and scientific inaccuracies. Following that, I became somewhat bored with the stories that, in essence, were all somewhat repetitious. No more than approximately one-half of the stories are required to adequately inform the reader of the ferocity, sagacity, tenacity, inquisitiveness, indestructibility, food habits, reproduction, history, and general ecology of these great bears. I was somewhat surprised to learn that all Alaskan grizzly and big brown bears are now placed in the same species. I know of no scientific report upon this subject. I do know that in Alaska there was a move to call all big bears west of a certain meridian brown bears, and all on the other side grizzly bears. At present, there is a study in progress on the taxonomic status of the grizzly and brown bears, but to date nothing has appeared.


Reviews and Publications Also, I know of no authentic records of grizzly bears weighing 2,000 pounds. Despite my criticisms and others inherent in this type of book, it is a good report and should be on the shelves of all professional and amateur biologists, especially those interested in these great carnivores. The format is good; I found few typographical errors, and the printing is excellent. S T E P H E N D. DURRANT

Professor of Zoology University of Utah

Bankers and Cattlemen. By G E N E M. GRESSLEY. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. xix + 320 + viii pp. $6.95) By combining skill in research with a pleasing and effective style of presentation, Professor Gressley has produced a much needed addition to the history of the cattle kingdom. Dr. Gressley has effectively utilized the valuable manuscript materials in the Western History Research Center at the University of Wyoming, as well as much other business and financial data. T h e rewards for his efforts will be apparent to the reader of his volume. This study of the financial aspects of the western livestock industry will help to dispel many myths and legends. The much written about cowboys are here displaced by the men who furnished the money and business direction. This book thus joins the company of such valuable works as Osgood's The Day of the Cattleman and Atherton's The Cattle Kings. While the growth of the cattle industry was conditioned by many factors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; hostile Indians, buffalo herds, lack of transportation facilities, uncertain land tenure, and marketing problems â&#x20AC;&#x201D; none was more vexing than the need for adequate capital. Dr. Gressley, by his adroit and patient research in countless business records, has chronicled this transfer

81 of eastern capital to the West. This accomplishment in a volume of such modest size is a notable achievement. The title may be somewhat misleading. Many figures other than those mentioned in the title are considered. Investors, managers, commission brokers, insurance company agents, and politicians all played a role. Professor Gressley has confined his treatment, regardless of who was concerned, however, to the problems of financing and managing of the livestock industry. But the book achieves even more. It integrates the treatment of cattle industry finances into the broader matter of western and even national economic history. This has been accomplished by the insistence of the author that eastern investment in western livestock ventures was only one aspect of the many financial undertakings of the period covered by this treatment, 1870 to 1900. Mining ventures, railroad building and consolidation, mercantile establishments, and agricultural developments all attracted the attention of eastern financiers. Two qualities of the book deserve further mention. One of its best features is the use of specific companies and individuals as illustrations of problems, solutions, or principles. By concentrating upon such companies as the Lea Cattle Company, T h e Day Company, and the Lance Creek Company, Dr. Gressley demonstrates the importance of individual solutions to financial and organizational matters. The struggles of Mrs. Mabel Day to keep her company in operation is an episode as interesting as any western tale. T h e other commendable feature is the final chapter, "The Balance Sheet!" It is here that the author masterfully summarizes the financial story of the ranges. His conclusions concerning the profits derived from cattle investments and the value of the western experience to eastern investors help to place the times and the participants in the proper perspective.


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Dr. Gressley has done an unusually fine job of documentation. It is refreshing, at least to those who like to know the exact sources of information, to find such detailed and careful footnotes. The Bibliography will also prove of value to those who may wish to inquire into other aspects of western history which Dr. Gressley has called to the attention of scholars and laymen. GEORGE W.

ROLLINS

Professor of History Eastern Montana College Navaho Neighbors. By FRANC J O H N S O N N E W C O M B . (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. 236 pp. $5.95) Few people have had the years of living with Navajo neighbors, or the avid interest in them as people and friends, that Mrs. Newcomb has had. When but a child she lived near a Winnebago settlement in Wisconsin. In her Introduction she says, "I had played with Indian children during my earliest play days, and thought of them simply as people who spoke a different language." Shortly after she had finished her education in an eastern college, she taught the primary grades in an Indian school in northern Wisconsin. Here, during the last part of the winter, she developed a persistent cough and, thinking that a dry climate would be good for her, accepted an appointment from the Indian Office in Washington, D . C , to teach the first grades in an Indian boarding school at Fort Defiance, Arizona. It was here that she met the nearby trader, Arthur Newcomb. Because of their mutual interest in the Navajo people, their dreams materialized in a wedding and a trading post of their own. For more than 30 years, Mrs. Newcomb studied the Navajo people, not only from books, but firsthand in the friendships she formed with her neighbors and customers. She has a depth of knowledge of their ceremonies and religious

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beliefs about which she has written several books and lectured extensively. Because the Newcombs were "one with the people," it led them to many strange, almost unbelievable experiences. Gus, the rattlesnake and his progeny, they kept to kill the mice and rats that carried away their corn and pine nuts. Hosteen Beaal, who sang the Eagle Chant and could "see anything anywhere," they hired many times to recover stolen goods. At one time he helped them to recover over $3,000 worth of their customers' Navajo pawn jewelry. She recounts the murder trial of two Navajo men who, according to their law, killed a Chindeeman or a practitioner of black magic. T h e stories come to life — not only in words, but through the excellent pictures of the very people in the stories. T h e author has plainly stated that her book is not another statistical, historical, or ethnological volume about the Navajo tribe. In her recollections of episodes and characteristics in the lives of her individual neighbors, she invites her readers to "visit the Navajo Reservation and become acquainted with the country, the climate, the products, and — most important of all — to become acquainted with the Navajo people who are our friends and neighbors." T h e book does just that, if you accept her invitation. ALICE S. M A S O N

Monument

Thomas tains. man: 1966.

Author Valley Mission and Hospital

Moran: Artist of the MounBy T H U R M A N W I L K I N S . (NorUniversity of Oklahoma Press, xvi + 315 pp. $7.95)

An obvious labor of love, this book is a valuable addition to the literature of artists of the Old West. An Appendix listing holdings of Moran's art by media, and an extensive Bibliography add to its usefulness.


Reviews and Publications For the most part Wilkins wisely avoids the role of personal apologist for Moran, who cannot be considered in the top rank of artists of his time. The author carefully presents the life, thoughts, and work of a solid citizen of the art community. Recently there has been a flourish of "rediscovery" of certain nineteenth century American artists, such as Albert Bierstadt, Moran's contemporary, whose small oil sketches, done quickly in the field, strike our eyes with their brilliant abstract composition. Moran's best work certainly lies in the body of rapidly executed field watercolors and drawings; their evocative and spontaneous qualities are largely lost in the transformation into large-scale oils. More often than not the drama he sought through alternating contrasts of light and dark turns to an irritating spottiness. Color is frequently trite. The demands of color composition cannot be explained away, as the author attempts, by remarking that "for several years after 1833, when the explosion of Krakatod in the South Pacific had spewed volcanic dust into the stratosphere, sunsets flamed the world over with a glory unexcelled in modern times. Those who later claimed that Moran's Long Island sunsets were exaggerated in their radiant glow had merely forgotten the splendors that had daily burst upon the world in the middle 1880's." Moran, though primarily an excellent illustrator, idealist, and propagandist of natural wonders, was not without a streak of the experimenter. Wilkins cites his transfiguration of newspaper pictures in which "a society dowager might become a mountain range" and his occasional practice of making blot drawings. One wishes this adventuresomeness had carried over into his more serious work. Not specifically covered in the artist's life is the influence he had on a number of isolated artists of Western States. In Utah, H. L. A. Culmer (1854-1914) met Moran on one of his several trips to the

83 state and frankly imitated his grandiose style. Alfred Lambourne (1850-1926) is said to have "received instruction and criticism" from Moran. John H. Stansfield (1878-1953) called on the aged Moran in Santa Barbara and drew inspiration from reproductions of the artist's paintings. Some of the most delightful passages in the book involve Moran's friendship with J o h n Ruskin. " W h e n M o r a n showed him a sketch of the Bad Lands of Utah, he exclaimed naively: 'What a horrible place to live in!' 'Oh, we don't live there,' Moran answered with a straight face. 'Our country is so vast that we keep such places for scenic purposes only.'" JAMES L. HASELTINE

Director Salt Lake City Art Center Pioneer Circuses of the West. By CHANG REYNOLDS. (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1966. 212 pp. $7.50) Circus entertainment came to the Pacific Coast with the California gold rush in 1849. Imaginative description, especially of the original California circus which diverted a Peruvian and Central American tour northward to benefit from the mining prosperity, lends interest to the opening of the story. Travel naturally presented a serious problem to early circus men in the West, particularly the first 20 years before a transcontinental railroad joined California with the Eastern States. Then as transportation improved, more accessible parts of the Far West were incorporated into national expeditions of the major touring companies. Very few companies performed along the Pacific Coast during the earlier years, and their stories are recounted in considerable detail in this general presentation of nineteenth century western circus entertainment. As more and more showTs entered the region, their operations are summarized or outlined. Trends in circus


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development are shown through careful attention to detail in numerous accounts of performances all over the West. Then a concluding chapter presents a general circus history of the United States from the eighteenth century down to the present. Much useful information finds its way into this compendium of circus facts. During many years of experience drawing pictures of circus animals â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a generous number of which appear in the book â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and of dealing with circus trainers, the author has assembled a wealth of material, even including biographies of a thousand American elephants. His biographical dictionary of circus elephants is omitted from this account. Yet in some chapters the broad story tends to get buried in a mass of minor detail. Extensive portions of the book are overburdened with names of places and performers and with inventories of interesting menageries. Catalogues of tours, some of them complete with street routes of parades in different towns, appear along with weather reports and assorted data. Miscellaneous local historical information, some of which is related not too closely to the circus theme, is interspersed with delightful accounts of circus incidents. Although temporal sequence often is random, precise dates and locations greatly enhance the reference value of the book. While much of this information naturally concerns California, Utah gets more than passing reference, especially in relation to circus activity that came with the transcontinental railroad. Yet because the Index refers only to 69 major companies that toured the West, about the only way to get at the abundance of detailed information which applies to different parts of the region is to go through most of the book. A general index would be a real help. MERLE WELLS

Historian and Archivist Idaho State Historical Society

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Indian Legends from the Northern Rockies. By ELLA E. CLARK. (Norm a n : University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. x x v + 3 5 0 pp. $6.95) Indian Legends from the Northern Rockies is Volume 82 in The Civilization of American Indians Series. It recounts the myths, legends, and folklore of the Indians who inhabit the areas presently encompassed in the states of Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming. "Here two fairly distinct patterns of culture developed, each pattern adapted to the geographical environment" (p. 3 ) . The "Plateau culture" of the tribes living west of the Rocky Mountains was salmon based, and that of those tribes dwelling east of these mountains was, to a large extent, determined by the movements and habits of the buffalo. Despite their different economic bases, the reviewer found a definite and basic similarity in the myths and legends of the two groups. This similarity is attributable not just to the acquisition of horses by the various tribes which made for greater mobility and increased trade and culture contacts between the two groups but, "basic is the fact that Indians were animists; that is they believed that there were spirits everywhere in nature." "Spirits make the grass and plants grow," said a very old Plains Indian. "Spirits cause the winds to blow and the clouds to float across the sky. Every animal and bird has a spirit" (p. 17). Thus the legends and sagas of both groups are replete with tales of powerful spirits of all varieties from sun, moon, stars, thunder, wind, lake, and stream to coyote, eagle, buffalo, and of the Little People. Despite the fact that many of the tales are paralleled in tribe after tribe, the book is interesting to read. Its chief significance, in the opinion of this reviewer, is in the fact that it preserves an important, and less well known, aspect of Indian Americana. It is a timely book in that many of the tales it recounts undoubtedly would have been lost had they


85

Reviews and Publications not been recorded when they were. As a missionary among the Blackfeet wrote about 1890: " I have listened to some of these legends as told, over and over again, for the past nine years, and I find that the young men are not able to relate them as accurately as the aged; besides, as the country is becoming settled with white people, they are less disposed to tell to others their native religious ideas, lest they be laughed at . . . . As the children grow up, they are forgetting these things, and the years are not far distant when the folklore of the Blackfeet will be greatly changed and many of their traditions forgotten" (p. x v ) . Since these myths and legends were passed orally from generation to generation, the prospect of their being forgotten or distorted increases as the attention of modern generations, both white and Indian, is increasingly forcused on the future rather than the past. This volume contains three sections of excellent pictures. T h e Index is quite adequate and the Bibliography extensive enough to be of great value to persons interested in the legends of the Indian tribes of the northern Rocky Mountains. A L T O N B. OVIATT

Professor of History Montana State University

Captain Charles M. Weber, Pioneer of the San Joaquin and founder of Stockton, California, with a description of his papers, maps, books, pictures and memorabilia now in the Bancroft Library. Prepared by GEORGE P. H A M MOND and DALE L. MORGAN.

(Berke-

ley: T h e Friends of the Bancroft Library, 1966. v i i i + 1 1 8 p p . $15.00) This work consists of a brief biography of a notable early Californian whose activities spanned a most critical period of that state's history, plus a description of the Weber Collection and its various components. Important as this collec-

tion may be to the greater understanding of regional history, one is immediately impressed more with the format of this book than with any other aspect. Designed and printed by Lawton and Alfred Kennedy, the book is certain to be an award winner for fine printing and for the clarity of the reproductions of maps and pictures. Collectors of Californiana will purchase the book on this single merit alone. However, a book should not be judged by its elegance, but by its contents and their utility. This particular work combines a very welldone biographical sketch, which is enriched by access to the Weber papers, with sections describing and cataloguing the contents of this notable and only recently available collection. T h e Weber papers consist primarily of general correspondence dating from 1832 until his death in 1881. These are supplemented by an intriguing map collection including several rare items which are reproduced in the book, a book section, and "pictures and memorabilia." An Index adds value to the work as a tool for regional research. The book is perhaps too elegant for a catalog, which is its principal characteristic; but it has the added value of containing the Weber biography. In this regard the biographers have brought vitality to the ever-present but shadowy figure of the German immigrant who had departed Europe early in life, had visited New Orleans and Texas, and finally had been attracted to the Golden State by the multitude of publicity then flooding the Mississippi Valley. Arriving as a member of the Bartleson-Bidwell party of overland immigrants in 1841, Weber was attracted to the Central Valley of California by John Sutter's success. Emulating the earlier pioneer, but settling somewhat to the south, Weber established the key city which was to become the gateway to the southern mines, Stockton. There his business activities prospered, he raised a family, and


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engaged in minor philanthropies. His later life was embittered by legal difficulties and in his old age he was considered to be antisocial. Hammond and Morgan, his sympathetic biographers, have presented the highlights of the life of this active adopted Californian of mid-nineteenth century. DONALD C. C U T T E R

Professor of History University of New Mexico Area of the Richer Beaver Harvest of North America. Some penetrations of the beaver men to the heart of the continent, their concentration on the upper Missouri, and the drive to the Western Sea, 1604-1834. T h e m a p and key drawn and prepared by Mari Sandoz for The Beaver Men, Spearheads of Empire. (New York: James F. Carr, 1966. M a p + 1 6 p p . $8.50) From widely scattered sources, Mari Sandoz has gathered together some of the main geographical data relating to the beaver trade of North America between 1604 and 1834. This she did in preparation for The Beaver Men, Spearheads of Empire. Sandoz's m a p is a concise, uncluttered, multi-colored, and highly attractive portrayal of the beaver trade devised for the average reader. Perhaps its greatest usefulness is the integration of the major posts of the French, British, Spanish, and United States into a meaningful whole. As such, it is a competent guide to general locations of the fur trade of North America and a helpful aid through the thicket of three centuries of wanderings over millions of square miles of territory. T h e m a p has a number of important limitations however. Despite its size (31 by 45 inches), only a few of the major posts are listed, and these are not located precisely. Little effort is made to determine the relative importance of the trade of various nations, nor of that between posts. Nor is there much new material

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here. T h e m a p presents what is generally already known but no more. There are also certain distortions upon careful study. T h e trade of the Far West is highlighted, but that of colonial America virtually omitted despite the fact that the latter was far more important than the former. Indeed, the major weakness of the m a p is that it portrays the fur trade of each nation and each area and each period as of equivalent importance. I n other words it is a one-dimensional m a p for readers with essentially one question in mind: "Where is it?" Still for answering this very limited question or for use as a visual aid, Sandoz's m a p is the best we have. J A M E S L. CLAYTON

Assistant Professor of History Dartmouth College First White Women Over the Rockies: Diaries, Letters, and Biographical Sketches of the Six Women of the Oregon Mission who made the Overland Journey in 1836 and 1838. Introductions and Editorial Notes by CLIFFORD MERRILL DRURY. Three Volumes. Northwest Historical Series, V I I I . (Glendale: T h e Arthur H. Clark Company, 1966. Vol. I l l , 332 pp. $11.00) Historians rejoice whenever a lost journal comes to light and finds an adequate editor and publisher. Such is the newly discovered diary of Sarah White Smith, recording her 1,900-mile journey on horseback to Oregon. It completes the picture of the 1838 re-enforcement of the Oregon Mission. Editor Drury states: "This volume, together with the seven preceding volumes on this subject, was written to keep alive the memory of thirteen intrepid men and women who, inspired by the high ideal of civilizing and Christianizing the natives, dared to venture across the Rocky Mountains into the Oregon


Reviews and Publications country where they established homes, schools, and churches." Besides the Sarah Smith diary and the numerous letters to New England written by her missionary husband, Asa Bowen Smith, this volume contains the journal of W. H. Gray, the diary of Elkanah Walker, a letter from Cornelius Rogers, reminiscences of Cushing Eels, and an unpublished letter of Marcus Whitman written to the Smiths in 1844. There is also a folding two-color map, numerous illustrations, illuminating footnotes, and an Index. In a final chapter, Editor Drury discussed the moot question: "First White Women Over the Rockies â&#x20AC;&#x201D;- Was it Wise?" The most absorbing feature of the book is the life story of beautiful, auburnhaired Sarah White Smith. It covers her early childhood, education for her life's work, her marriage, her arduous ride west, service to the Nez Perce Indians, threats of violence from the natives, her broken health and prolonged illness, the transfer of the Smiths to the Sandwich Islands where Sarah slowly recovered strength, and their final trip by boat around Africa to Massachusetts, her homeland, where she died from tuberculosis of the spine and was laid to rest in her native New England.

87 ence that often has been obscured by sectarian controversy. This book, available in a rather expensive hard-bound edition, is now available in paperback. The University of Nebraska Press is to be congratulated in reprinting Great Basin Kingdom. Hole-in-the-Rock. An Epic in the Colonization of the Great American West. By DAVID E. MILLER. Second Edition. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1966) There is no better example of the pioneer spirit than that exhibited by the members of the Hole-in-the-Rock Expedition of 1879-80. This pioneer company built a wagon road through some of the wildest, roughest, most inhospitable country in a region that is littleknown in America today. This group of approximately 250 men, women, and children with some 80 wagons and hundreds of loose cattle and horses blasted a wagon passage through 200 miles of impenetrable country to establish settlements in Bluff, Blanding, and Montezuma. This book is now available in a second edition thanks to the University of Utah Press.

A N N W. H A F E N

Author Provo, Utah N E W BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900. By LEONARD J. ARRINGTON. Reprint. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966) Here is the dramatic story of the role the Mormon Church played in the economic development of the Mountain West. This book tells of the economic institutions and policies of the church and gives meaning to an American experi-

Sources of Mormon History in Illinois, 1839-48: An Annotated Catalog of the Microfilm Collection at Southern Illinois University. Compiled by STANLEY B. KIMBALL. Second Edition. (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University, 1966) This new, revised, and enlarged catalog is to acquaint scholars and students of Mormon and Illinois history with the microfilm collection on these subjects in the possession of Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville. Contemporary newspapers and periodicals as well as letters, diaries, and journals have been collected.


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The Treaty of Medicine Lodge: The Story of the Great Treaty Council as Told by Eyewitnesses. By DOUGLAS C. J O N E S . (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966)

Holiday — 40, October 1966: "Saints and Symphonies: Within the highly structured society of Salt Lake City, a taste for the arts is developing," by JOEL N U G E N T , 66ff.

When the Eagle Screamed: The Romantic Horizon in American Diplomacy, 1800-1860. By WILLIAM H . GOETZMANN. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1966)

The Huntington Library Quarterly — X X X , November 1966: " T h e Silliman Controversy [Emma Mine]," by GERALD T. W H I T E , 35-53; "Struc-

ture and Balance in Western Mining History," by L E W I S ATHERTON, 5 5 -

ARTICLES OF INTEREST American Heritage, The Magazine of History — X V I I I , December 1966: "Rebel in a Wing Collar [Coxey's Army]," by GEORGE A. GIPE, 25ff.;

"Ordeal in Hell's Canyon," by ALVIN

M. JOSEPHY, JR., 73ff. Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought —I, Autumn 1966: "Early Mormon Churches in Utah, A Photographic Essay," by DOUGLAS H I L L ,

13-20; " T h e Significance of Joseph Smith's 'First Vision' in Mormon Thought," by JAMES B. ALLEN, 2 9 -

45; "Writing on the Mormon Past," by ROBERT BRUCE FLANDERS, 47-61; "The Metamorphosis of the Kingdom of God: Toward a Reinterpretation of Mormon History," by KLAUS J. H A N S E N , 63-83; "Federal Authority Versus Polygamic Theocracy: James B. McKean and the Mormons, 18701875," by T H O M A S G. ALEXANDER,

8 5 - 1 0 0 ; " T h e Life of Brigham Young: A Biography Which Will Not Be Written," by P. A. M. TAYLOR,

101-10; "Anti-Intellectualism in Mormon History," by DAVIS BITTON, with a reply by JAMES B. ALLEN, 111-40; "Brigham Young and the American Economy [comments upon The Vital Few: American Economic Progress and Its Protagonists]," by R. J O S E P H

160-61; " T h e Availability of Information Concerning the M o r m o n s [essay]," by S. L Y M A N

MONSEN, JR.,

TYLER. 172-75

84 Idaho Yesterdays—10,

Summer 1966:

"Peg Leg Smith," by ALFRED G L E N H U M P H R E Y S , 28-32

The Journal of Arizona History —• V I I , Autumn 1966: "Campaigning in Mexico, 1916 [Mormons]," by JEROME W. H O W E , 123-38

The Journal of Southern History-—• X X X I I , November 1966: "Constitutional Doctrines with Regard to Slavery in Territories," by ROBERT R. RUSSEL,

466-86

Journal of the West — V, October 1966: "Grand Canyon National Park," by ROBERT H. M I T C H E L L , 477-92; "A Survey of Federal Escorts of the Santa Fe Trade, 1829-1843," by HENRY H. GOLDMAN, 504-16 The Masterkey — 40, October-December 1966: "The Sites at Vasey's Paradise [Colorado River, archaeology, and Russell G. Frazier]," by P. T . REILLY, 126-39; "The Discovery and Definition of Basketmaker: 1890 to 1914," by M. EDWARD MOSELEY, 14054 The Palimpsest —• X L V I I , September 1966: [entire issue devoted to "Mormon Trails in Iowa"]; "The Mormon Trail of 1846," by WILLIAM J. PETERSEN, 353-67; "The Handcart Expeditions: 1856," by WILLIAM J. PETERSEN, 368-84


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BOARD OF T R U S T E E S j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1971 President MILTON c. ABRAMS, Logan, 1969

Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake City Secretary DEAN R. BRIMHALL, Fruita, 1969 MRS. J U A N I T A BROOKS, St. George, 1969

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 MRS. A. c. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1971 T H E R O N L U K E , Provo, 1971

CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio HOWARD c PRICE, J R . , Price, 1971 MRS. ELIZABETH S K A N C H Y , Midvale, 1969

MRS. NAOMI WOOLLEY, Salt Lake City, 1971

ADMINISTRATION EVERETT L. COOLEY, Director

T. H . JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives F. T. J O H N S O N , Records Manager, Archives

J O H N J A M E S , J R . , Librarian MARGERY W . WARD, Associate Editor

IRIS SCOTT, Business M a n a g e r

T h e U t a h State Historical Society is an organization devoted to-the collection, preservation, a n d publication of U t a h a n d related history. I t was organized by publicspirited Utahns in 1897 for this purpose. In fulfillment of its objectives, the Society publishes t h e Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 annual membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps, and manuscripts. Many of these items have come to t h e library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only through such means can the U t a h State Historical Society live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

T h e primary purpose of the Quarterly is t h e publication of manuscripts, photographs, a n d documents which relate or give a new interpretation to Utah's unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for the consideration of t h e editor. However, the editor assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts unaccompanied by return postage. Manuscripts and material for publications should be sent to the editor. T h e U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid a t Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1967, U t a h State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.


SPRING, 1967 • VOLUME 35 • NUMBER 2

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Contents U T A H C O M E S O F AGE P O L I T I C A L L Y : A STUDY O F T H E STATE'S P O L I T I C S IN T H E EARLY YEARS O F T H E T W E N T I E T H C E N T U R Y BY JAN SHIPPS K I M B E R L Y AS I R E M E M B E R H E R BY JOSEPHINE PACE

-

91 112

T H E CRISIS A T F O R T L I M H I , 1858 BY DAVID L. BIGLER

121

THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS: HISTORIC S T O P P I N G PLACE O N T H E SPANISH T R A I L BY JUANITA BROOKS

137

M O U N T A I N MEADOWS BURIAL D E T A C H M E N T , 1859: T O M M Y G O R D O N ' S DIARY BY A. F. CARDON

143

T H E S E T T L E M E N T S O N T H E MUDDY, 1865 T O 1871: "A G O D F O R S A K E N PLACE" BY L. A. FLEMING

147

REVIEWS AND P U B L I C A T I O N S

173

The Cover Deseret Telegraph and Post Office Building, Rockville, Utah. The office of the Deseret Telegraph Company still stands, an addition to the rock house erected by Edward Huber (or Hubert) in 1864. (See following page 136.) HABS, Library of Congress

EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR

L. COOLEY Margery W. Ward

EVERETT


SCHINDLER, HAROLD, Orrin Porter Rockwell: Man of God, Son of Thunder, 173

BY KLAUS J. HANSEN

ARRINGTON, LEONARD J., Beet Sugar in the West: A History of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, 1891â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1966, 174

BY LEE SCAMEHORN

E L L I O T T , RUSSELL R., Nevada's Twentieth-Century Mining Boom: Tonopah, Goldfield, Ely, 175

BY THOMAS G. ALEXANDER

REVIEWED

WALKER, HENRY PICKERING, The Wagonmasters: High Plains Freighting from the Earliest Days of the Santa Fe Trail to 1880, BY DONALD R. MOORMAN

176

HEIZER, ROBERT F., AND CHARLES R. CRAIG, Karnee: A Paiute Narrative, BY G. MELVIN AIKENS

SIMONIN, L O U I S L., The Mountain West in 1867,

177

Rocky

BY STANLEY R. DAVISON

178

BROPHY, W I L L I A M A., AND SOPHIE D. ABERLE, et al., The Indian: America's Unfinished Business. Report of the Commission on the Rights, Liberties, and Responsibilities of the American Indian, BY S. LYMAN TYLER

179

T H O R P , N. H O W A R D ("JACK"; Songs of the Cowboys, BY J . BARRE TOELKEN

180

BAILEY, L. R., Indian Slave Trade in the Southwest, BY CONWAY B. SONNE

181


Utah comes of age politically: a study of the state's politics in the early years of the twentieth century BY J A N S H I P P S

A

cause can be a valuable asset to a man who sets out to save souls, or sell newspapers, or get himself elected to public office, and at the beginning of the twentieth century in the United States neither the preacher, the journalist, nor the politician lacked suitable crusade objectives. In 1896 William Jennings Bryan had applied the techniques of the tent meeting to convention politics, transforming thereby an economic question into a moral matter. Afterwards many Americans began to look on government as a means for the remedying of social ills. It was soon quite the fashion to decry the "Shame of the Cities," censure the dispensers of demon rum or to denounce the Rockefellers and Pierpont Morgan, and condemn the meat packers, the oil magnates, the railroads, and trusts in general. When it became clear in 1904 that there were still men living in Salt Lake City who could, as Ray Stannard Baker put it, "take a [street] car Dr. Shipps teaches American history at the Denver Center of the University of Colorado. She is continuing her work on the study of the Mormons in politics. The research on this paper (read at the Utah State Historical Society Thirteenth Annual Meeting, September 17, 1965) was made possible by a fellowship grant from the American Association of University Women.


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going in any direction and get home," 1 the Mormon practice of polygamy was, once again, elevated to the stature of a social evil which would surely, if it were left unchecked, destroy the American home. For some time thereafter, while the Senate tried to decide whether a legally elected legislator who was also an apostle of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints should be allowed to remain in Washington, the preacher, the politician, and the journalist all joined forces in a crusade which revived anti-Mormonism as an issue in national politics. The old charges about polygamy were renewed, and it was rumored, in addition, that the 1890 Manifesto against the practice had not stopped many Mormons from marrying several wives simultaneously. There were some who seemed just as concerned about the fact that the church was said to have retained its economic strangle hold on the Great Basin, and others who feared that the apparent success of the effort to separate church and state in Utah was illusion. But everybody seemed to agree that Reed Smoot ought to be excluded from the United States Senate. 2 And so for two years, from March 1904 till April 1906, Upton Sinclair's Chicago Jungle, Lincoln Steffens' bosses and their municipal grafting, Jacob Riis's strange four hundred-four million ratio, and Ida M. Tarbell's Standard Oil story were overshadowed while Mormon Church authorities, Utah and Idaho political leaders, newspaper editors, school teachers, supposed polygamous wives, professional busybodies, apostates, and even the town drunk traveled to Washington at the request of the Committee on Privileges and Elections to tell the "truth about Utah." From the witness stand in that crowded committee room in the nation's capital, the Mormon story was told in a manner quite unlike any in which it had ever been told before â&#x20AC;&#x201D; or since for that matter â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and when it was done a majority of the committee, and most likely a majority of the American people, were convinced that the Kingdom of the Saints was a den of iniquity in which polygamy was continued and condoned and where the Mormon Church dominated the economic, social, and political life of the people. Although they were wrong, their deduction did not proceed entirely from faulty logic or even from emotional reaction to the obviously malicious gossip and patent exaggerations about the Saints that had provided grist for journalistic mills throughout the country. Objective considera1 Ray Standard Baker, "The Vitality of Mormonism," Century Magazine, LXVIII (Tune, 1904), 177. 2 Milton R. Merrill, "Reed Smoot, Apostle in Politics" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1950), 42.


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tion of the testimony given by many of the witnesses during the Proceedings in the Matter of the Protests against the Right of the Hon. Reed Smoot, a Senator from Utah to Hold his Seat leads to the conclusion that the church had retained direction of much of the Utah economy and even more of Utah politics in the years following the coming of statehood â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a conclusion that has been clearly borne out by subsequent historical research. While the testimony with regard to polygamy was somewhat less persuasive, it is now generally conceded that the practice had by no means disappeared entirely. Plural marriages were being per-

Reed Smoot (1862-1941) Successful merchant, manufacturer, financier, and politician, Reed Smoot was an apostle in the Mormon Church from 1900 until his death. He was a United States senator for 30 years (1903â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1933).

formed in Mormon colonies in Mexico, and perhaps surreptitiously even in Utah, long after the turn of the century; polygamous co-habitation was unquestionably continued in plural marriages of long standing. This mistaken assumption that was so prevalent did not issue, then, from an incorrect assessment of the evidence presented to the Senate committee. A large proportion of the American public at the time, and many historians since, simply failed to realize that Utah was passing through a period of such accelerated social, economic, and political change that witnesses who sincerely believed they were making contemporary observations about the Mormons were, in reality, often presenting little more than extremely revealing historical descriptions of a society that no longer existed in its original form. In order to appreciate how very different Utah was in the early twentieth century from what it had been in the late nineteenth century, it is necessary to examine briefly how things were before. During the territorial period two separate and distinct power structures developed in the Great Basin Kingdom. During Brigham Young's lifetime Mormon society was self-contained, and the Mormon establishment was monolithic and highly authoritarian; it was supported from within through the power of the priesthood and the faith of the people.


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From time to time after 1877, the authority of the priesthood was not clearly defined. But for almost three decades the cohesiveness of the Mormon community remained, allowing some vacillation at the highest levels without a serious loss of power. The Gentile establishment, on the other hand, was a jerry-built association of federal officials, Mormon apostates, and non-Mormon businessmen and entrepreneurs. It was supported almost entirely from without by the power of the federal government â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a power which proved strong enough in the nineties to force the general authorities of the church to abjure polygamy and renounce overt participation in politics. Since more than 80 per cent of Utah's 250,827 people were Mormon, it was natural that the Saints should reassert their power when the federal government withdrew its support from the Gentile group just prior to the coming of statehood in 1896. In the years immediately following, the church scrupulously adhered to the "unwritten law" of Utah politics that held elective offices should be evenly divided between the Saints and the Gentiles, but the nonMormons were fully aware that the church authorities could have ignored this understanding with impunity. As it was, the non-Mormons who were favored with public office were in all likelihood not the men whom the Gentile community would have selected. In important contests the leaders of the non-Mormon group were passed over; men like Orlando W. Powers, C. C. Goodwin, Charles S. Varian, Charles Zane, and E. B. Critchlow were not considered. Instead the Saints supported lawyers who had never openly opposed the church, men like Arthur Brown, Joseph L. Rawlins, and George Sutherland who had proved themselves notably friendly to the Mormons during the territorial period. Joseph F. Smith, the president of the church after 1902, preferred men without independent means or political power, a preference he clearly demonstrated with the rejection of Thomas Kearns' request for support in the 1904 Senate race. Since the protest against the seating of an apostle of the Mormon Church in the United States Senate was instigated by that portion of the non-Mormon community which had much to gain and little to lose by opposing the power of the Mormon hierarchy, it seems reasonable to conclude that the Smoot investigation was, in a very real sense, a direct invitation from this group for renewed federal intervention in Utah. While the Salt Lake Ministerial Association formulated the primary protest against Smoot's serving in the Senate, the petition for hearings was signed by P. L. Williams, E. B. Critchlow, C. C. Goodwin, W. Mont


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Ferry, and C. E. Allen â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all influential Gentiles who were, or wished to be, active in politics. Very soon thereafter this faction became the nucleus of the American party, a political movement based, at bedrock, on opposition to ecclesiastical influence in state politics. In spite of all the charges the American party could muster against the leaders of the Mormon Church, however, or perhaps because of them â&#x20AC;&#x201D; since the testimony given during the hearings convinced Theodore Roosevelt and a great many other Republicans that the church authorities controlled politics in Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the federal government refused to intervene in the domestic concerns of the state, even to the point of sending Reed Smoot packing. The fact that the investigation failed to unseat the apostle proved to be unimportant; it still accomplished its purpose by persuading the most important leaders of the church that the old order had indeed passed away, and so cleared the way for a fusion of the Mormon-Gentile establishments in the Great Basin Kingdom. As a result of the hearings, a definite change occurred within the Mormon community. Joseph F. Smith, as president of the church, had been called to Washington to describe the situation that existed in the land of the Latter-day Saints. In all honesty the historian must point out that President Smith gave an account of things as they would be, rather than as they had been. But Smith was a pragmatist, and he returned to Utah determined to "make truth happen" to his statements. In the final session of the Seventy-Fourth Semiannual Conference of the church, he issued the "Second Manifesto" declaring officially that plural marriages had not been sanctioned by the priesthood since 1890 and that they would not, under any conditions, be sanctioned henceforth. He added that any person contracting a plural marriage would be excommunicated from the church. Although no wholesale expulsion of the polygamous Saints ensued, Apostles John W. Taylor and Matthias F. Cowley were forced to resign from the Quorum of the Twelve two years later, and a definite policy of excluding those who had taken plural wives after 1890 from responsible positions in the priesthood was followed thereafter. 3 At the turn of the century, the Deseret Telegraph had been sold to Western Union, and two years after that Henry O. Havemeyer had acquired control of the Utah Sugar Company from the church. Now, as a direct result of the hearings in Washington, control of the Utah Light and Railway Company was sold to E. H. Harriman, the Union Pacific magnate, and the church likewise disposed of its coal and iron land claims, 3 Kimball Young, Isn't 1 9 5 4 ) , 422.

One Wife Enough?

The Story of Mormon

Polygamy

(New York,


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the Saltair Beach Company, and the Salt Lake and Los Angeles Railroad Company. 4 During these same years, "the economic leadership [of Utah] passed from the agricultural valleys and scattered mining districts to the industrial and business communities in Salt Lake City and Ogden." 5 As a result, Utah's economy was drastically altered. The self-sufficient subsistence farm economy of the pioneer era was rapidly transformed into a modern commercial economy as sugar beets and wool acquired importance as cash crops, and as individual mining enterprises were consolidated into large corporate organizations. This shift in the structure of the economy was accompanied by the development of a less transient and more responsible non-Mormon business community. And slowly, hesitantly, carefully, but very surely, the church authorities and the leaders of the Gentile community drew closer together. The integration of the leadership of these two sectors was neither complete, nor entirely effective. It was, and it remained for many years, a somewhat tenuous working arrangement institutionalized to an extent through the Salt Lake City, Ogden, and Provo commercial clubs and local chambers of commerce. To many non-Mormons, and perhaps even more Mormons, however, the status quo seemed vastly preferable to the entente cordiale being effected between the most influential Latter-day Saints and Gentiles in the state. Fearing loss of group identity and dreading the dimunition of individual prestige that an expanded power structure threatened, many members of both groups struggled to retain the segregated societies of an earlier day. This overt opposition to MormonGentile cooperation affected not only religion, but the economic and social life of the state as well. In addition, it complicated an already complex political situation. With the dissolution of the Liberal and the People's parties in the 1890's, Saints and Gentiles alike had abandoned the politics of religion. While the confusing circumstances of that decade make generalization difficult, it is possible to conclude that a majority of the non-Mormons moved into the Republican party in the subsequent political realignment. A few influential Gentiles followed Judge Powers, Joseph L. Rawlins, and Parley L. Williams into the Democratic party, but for the most part non-Mormons supported the Republicans. This merely meant a reaffilia4

Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (Cambridge, 1958), 407-8. 5 Leonard J. Arrington, "The Commercialization of Utah's Economy: Trends and Developments from Statehood to 1910," paper read at the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City, September 12, 1964.


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tion with the Grand Old Party for some, but it often represented a departure from a background of Democratic partisanship. Men who had been Democrats before they came to Utah refused to return to that party because there were so many Mormons in it. Even after a large proportion of leading Latter-day Saints had been "called" to be Republicans, thus creating a fairly equitable division of the Saints along national party lines, the Democrats failed to attract significant numbers of non-Mormons to their cause. Consequently, notwithstanding the considerable influence of Orlando W. Powers and several other outstanding Gentiles who were active therein, the Democratic party in Utah was essentially an organization made up of members of the Mormon Church. It was not the church party, however. Joseph F. Smith and the First Presidency were usually directly opposed to its principles and to its candidates for public office. The internal chaos and resulting breakdown in the party machinery following the Moses Thatcher incident and the congressional rejection of B. H. Roberts made the remaining Mormon Democratic leaders pause and reflect before beginning new political activities, This temporarily sapped the strength of Utah's Democratic party, causing observers to conclude that the political dispensation in Zion was Republican. In reality, the overwhelming triumphs that made the state seem so safe for the GOP were deceptive, and no one knew that better than Senator Reed Smoot. Although he made no attempt to enlighten his colleagues in Washington who thought, as Professor Milton R. Merrill said, that Utah was a pocket borough belonging jointly to Reed Smoot and the president of the Mormon Church, the senator was fully aware that such was not the case. As most successful political organizations are, Utah's Republican party was a coalition of diverse factions. Its two main divisions, of course, were the Mormons and the non-Mormons, but these two groups were, in turn, separated into subgroups. Until 1904 the Saints within the party had remained fairly well united, but after Smoot's election and the opening of the Washington hearings, a fissure developed between those who supported the senator and felt that he should be vindicated no matter what the cost to the church and those who felt that the apostle should resign and allow the furor which had been caused by the investigation to subside. Since President Smith made it crystal clear at the October conference in 1906 that "Reed Smoot had the confidence and support of the General Authorities of the Church in his present position as Senator for


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Utah," 6 those who were unsure that one man should be exalted in both the ecclesiastical and the public realms were faced with the same dilemma that confronted Democrats who opposed the "will of the Lord" in politics. If the Gentiles did not have to worry about justifying their political opinions to uneasy consciences, they did have to decide whether to support Thomas Kearns or George Sutherland in an intrafactional struggle for power. After Kearns lost his bid to return to the Senate, he left the Republican party and joined the Utah Americans, Most of the antiMormons (this term should not be confused with non-Mormons) followed the Silver King into the American party to decry with almost equal vigor, the power of the "hierarch" and the "treason" of Gentiles like W. S. McCornick and D. C. Jackling who refused to attack the church. 7 The strength of the party of Frank J. Cannon, Kearns, and the Tribune was not negligible. The Americans controlled the municipal administration of Salt Lake City from 1905 until 1911, and their power was a major factor in the decision that was made by Joseph F. Smith and Reed Smoot to abandon John C. Cutler and make William Spry Utah's governor in 1908.8 Nevertheless, the main importance of the American party in state politics was its tendency to attract those who opposed Mormon-Gentile cooperation to its cause. The policy of this third party was almost entirely based on opposition to the influence of Reed Smoot and the First Presidency of the Mormon Church in the state's politics. Ironically, by attracting those " J o h n M . Whitaker, "Daily J o u r n a l " (3 vols., typescript, University of U t a h L i b r a r y ) , I I , 597. v F r a n k J. C a n n o n and Harvey J. O'Higgins, Under the Prophet in Utah: The National Menace of a Political Priestcraft (Boston, 1 9 1 1 ) , 336â&#x20AC;&#x201D;37. 8 J o h n C. Cutler to Reed Smoot, November 30, 1908, Governor's Letterbook, Vol. V I , p . 216, State of U t a h , Governors' Papers (John C. Cutler [ 1 9 0 5 - 1 9 0 8 ] ) , U t a h State Archives, Salt Lake City.

Thomas Kearns (1862â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1918) Mining magnate, Thomas Kearns made his first million dollars before he was 28 years old. He was at various times a member of the city council of Park City, a member of the Utah Constitutional Convention, and United States senator (1901-1904). Mr. Kearns was affiliated with many business enterprises, among which was the Salt L a k e T r i b u n e . A devout Catholic, he contributed generously to their many projects.


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who were hostile to the senator to the new party, the Americans made it easier for Smoot to control the Republican party and thereby direct Utah's political destiny. After the 1904 state Republican convention when the Kearns forces were decisively defeated, Reed Smoot set out to consolidate his hold on the party. Because he had recognized that he needed more than the support of the president of the church in order to keep his job in Washington, the senator collected a coterie of able lieutenants from both factions of the party to manage his interests in Utah. Most of the members of this group held federal offices at one time or another, and consequently the Tribune and the Herald referred to the Smoot "machine" as the "federal bunch." Its principals were C. E. Loose and James Clove from Provo, William Spry from Tooele, and E. H. Callister and James H. Anderson from Salt Lake City. Except for Loose, who was one of Smoot's business associates, all of them were "respectable Mormons, but men who did not have important positions in the church." 9 Loose was a "jackMormon"; his parents had been faithful Saints, but he had not held to the church. He did not oppose it however, and that tolerance allowed him to act effectively as the machine's liaison officer between the church and the Gentiles.10 Senator George Sutherland was not exactly a member of the "federal bunch"; he had considerable support from the non-Mormon community on his own account, but his alliance with the senior senator was essential to his reelection. The ruthless rejection of John C. Cutler's claim to a second term as Utah's governor in 1908 apparently convinced Sutherland that any idea he had about demanding Smoot's resignation from either the Senate or the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles had best be forgotten. After visiting Salt Lake City that summer, the junior senator returned to Washington fully in accord with Reed Smoot, and from that time forward the relationship between the two senators was highly satisfactory.11 Prior to the Kearns' bolt, the Salt Lake Tribune had served as the Republican newspaper. When that defection left the party without a voice, the Inter-Mountain Republican was established. Its editor, E. H. Callister, did his best to defend the party against the vitriolic attacks of the Tribune and Kearns' afternoon paper, the Salt Lake Telegramy 9

Merrill, "Apostle in Politics," 14. Noble Warrum, ed., Utah Since Statehood: Historical and Biographical (4 vols., Chicago, 1919), II, 136. " J o e l Francis Paschal, Mr. lustice Sutherland, A Man Against the State (Princeton 1951), passim. 10


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advocating meanwhile the election of Republicans to every public office. For the Mormon reader, Callister "sugared over" the policy of protection with frequent references to Brigham Young's home industry doctrine. And for the non-Mormon he argued protection on the basis that the economy of the state would collapse if free-trading Democrats were allowed to direct the affairs of the nation, or even of Utah. The publishing business was not new to Callister. He had been a printer's devil at 15, had risen through the ranks of the Star Printing Company to become manager, and then partner in the business. As able as he was, however, he found it impossible to make the new paper pay its own way. His problem was not unique though. In fact, with the possible exception of the Deseret News, every newspaper in Salt Lake City was losing money. The community, which had only 115,000 people by 1914, was already saturated with daily papers before the Inter-Mountain Republican entered the field. Thomas Kearns and David Keith were pouring the proceeds of their successful mining enterprise at Park City into the publication of the morning Tribune and the afternoon Telegram in an effort to lure adherents to the American party. The Democrats published the Salt Lake Herald. And always, except for Sundays, there was the Deseret Evening News which printed, according to the thinking of many, all the news fit for the Latter-day Saints to read. And so the Inter-Mountain Republican was a financial liability from the very first. In spite of that, Reed Smoot and Joseph F. Smith thought the paper was essential to the success of their program of trying to hold enough Gentiles in the Republican party to win elections.12 In order to do so, some defense against the venom being spewed forth by the Tribune and the Telegram was vital, and while the Deseret News made vigorous efforts to answer Cannon and Kearns in kind, it was rarely read by nonMormons. The Republican was read by non-Mormons, and its continued publication worked to the advantage therefore of both the party and the Mormon Church. Although most of the "federal bunch" had participated in the organization of the paper, the significant initial investments had been made by Smoot, Sutherland, Loose, and Callister, and it was primarily this group that underwrote the Republican's losses. In times of crisis, however, church funds were also used to sustain its operation. Editor Callister thought that he could stop this constant financial drain on the resources 12

Merrill, "Apostle in Politics," 219.


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of the Republican leaders and perhaps even make the paper turn a profit if only a connection could be arranged with a national wire service. Governor Spry, Senator Sutherland, and Senator Smoot all made attempts to secure the services of the Associated Press early in 1909, but they were unsuccessful.13 And the paper continued to lose money. After the 1908 election, the backers of the Salt Lake Herald apparently gave up hope that the Democratic party would ever amount to much in Utah, and they offered the Inter-Mountain Republican corporation an opportunity to buy their paper. Reed Smoot, President Smith, and Bishop C. W. Nibley of the Presiding Bishopric (the ecclesiastical body which administers the business affairs of the church) considered the offer, and on the basis that a merger would remove at least one of the competitive papers from the scene, they decided that the Herald would be a good investment. While Senator Sutherland "and his friends" owned a large block of the stock when the merger was completed, the control of the Republican party's newspaper was held jointly by Apostle Smoot and the Mormon Church after 1909.14 The sale of the Herald was a symptom of the state of the Democratic party. Judge William H. King made an attempt to oppose Reed Smoot in the 1908 senatorial campaign, but the party leaders seem to have accepted the fact that no Democrat could be elected in the face of President Joseph F. Smith's semiannual conference address in which he said: I thank God that the State of Utah is and has been represented in the halls of Congress by honest men â&#x20AC;&#x201D; men after God's own heart, men who love their own people and who are just and impartial and true to all the citizens of our state. . . . In the n a m e of c o m m o n sense I deplore the thought that any Latter-day Saint should regret that good men and true have been chosen, not by the Church, but by their own followers and by their own political parties. 15

These words implied, of course, that the Mormons should elect Republicans to Utah's Legislature since the man "after God's own heart" would have to be elected by the state legislature. The outcome of the election cannot be wholly attributed to the influence of President Smith's words. The disorganization of the Democratic 13 Spry's correspondence regarding this matter may be found in the Personal Correspondence of Governor William Spry, Box 1, Governors' Papers (William Spry [1909-1916]), Utah State Archives. 14 Reed Smoot, "Diary of Reed Smoot" (typescript, University of Utah), April 18, April 20, April 22, August 28, and September 2, 1909. 15 As quoted in Reuben J. Snow, "The American Party in Utah: A Study of Political Party Struggles During the Early Years of Statehood" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1962), 183.


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party was so complete that they managed to nominate a gubernatorial candidate who refused to run, which made it necessary to find a substitute after the state convention had adjourned. The national election, moreover, tended to give the advantage to the GOP. William Jennings Bryan who headed the Democratic ticket had already been an "also-ran" twice, while William Howard Taft was known to have the enthusiastic approval of the highly popular Theodore Roosevelt. These three things, then â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the fact that the Republican slate was strong nationally, that the condition of the Utah Democratic party was chaotic, and that the president of the Mormon Church gave a far from cryptic adminition to the Latterday Saints about electing Republicans to the state legislature â&#x20AC;&#x201D; taken all together, explain the one-sided nature of the election returns. When the Utah Legislature convened in 1909, it was composed of 61 Republicans and two Democrats, And when a joint session was held to elect a new senator from Utah, Reed Smoot received 61 votes, and William H. King got two. The choice of a senator was about the only thing that state legislature was agreed upon, however. The overwhelming nature of the Republican majority presents a false picture of unanimity, for the Republicans themselves were fundamentally divided. The point of contention, not only in the legislature but in all Utah in 1909, was prohibition. The matter of temperance legislation was being pushed throughout the country during these years. People were getting excited about liquor laws in every section of the United States. Still, prohibition was probably of greater interest to the average citizen of Utah than elsewhere because it touched on a basic tenet of the Mormon faith. In a revelation announced in 1833, the prophet, Joseph Smith, had offered a "Word of Wisdom" for the benefit of Zion, saying that strong drinks are not for the belly, b u t for the washing of your A n d a g a i n tobacco is not for the body . . . . A n d again, h o t drinks for t h e body or belly. . . . A n d all saints w h o r e m e m b e r to keep these sayings, walking in obedience to the c o m m a n d m e n t s , shall health. . . , 16

bodies. a r e not and do receive

In early Mormonism this commandment was not binding on the Saints, but during the "grow your own or do without" campaign which Brigham Young instituted in the late 1860's to counter the effect of the coming of the transcontinental railroad, the Word of Wisdom was greatly emphasized and "in less than two decades, abstinence from tea, coffee, tobacco, and intoxicating beverages was almost as strong a test of faith as carry16 The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. . . (Salt Lake City, 1954), Sec. 89, vss. 7, 8, 9, 18.


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ing out a colonization or missionary assignment." 17 After the practice of polygamy was renounced, the Word of Wisdom became even more significant because it was an overt means of setting the Mormons apart and keeping them a peculiar people. Among the Twelve Apostles, Heber J. Grant and Francis M. Lyman felt more strongly about the Word of Wisdom than the rest of the apostles. Yet all the members of the Quorum of Twelve felt that the Saints should abide by the prophet's advice. President Smith had restated the church's position with regard to liquor at the semiannual conference in April 1908: We believe in strict temperance; I sincerely hope that every Latter-day Saint will co-operate with the temperance movement spreading over the land; I and my brethren, at least, are in harmony with the movement.

He added, "we want nothing drastic, nothing that would be illiberal or oppressive," but his words came too late. 18 No doubt inadvertently, PresiJoseph F. Smith (1838-1918) Son of Hyrum Smith, Joseph F. Smith was ordained an apostle of the Mormon Church when he was 28 years old (1866). He spent most of his life in the service of the church, and upon the death of Lorenzo Snow, Joseph F. Smith became president of the Mormon Church (1901). During his 17 years as president, many important church construction projects were inaugurated â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Hotel Utah, L.D.S. Hospital, church offices, and Mormon edifices in Canada, Hawaii, Great Britain, and some Pacific islands.

dent Smith had opened a Pandora's Box which eventually led to the defeat of the Republican party in Utah. Almost immediately Mormons of both parties began to agitate for statewide prohibition. Heber J. Grant, Anthony W. Ivins, Francis M. Lyman, and George Albert Smith of the Council of the Twelve took steps to encourage political action through stake conference addresses and in signed articles in the Deseret News.19 Reed Smoot, however, correctly identified the prohibition issue as a new threat to Mormon-Gentile cooperation. He kept the Word of Wisdom himself, but he knew that if the church supported an attempt to 17

Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, 250. As quoted in Bruce T . Dyer, "A Study of the Forces Leading to the Adoption of Prohibition in U t a h in 1917" (Master's thesis, Brigham Y o u n g University, 1 9 5 8 ) , 14. 19 Ibid., 25. 18


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make everybody in Utah do likewise, the American party might gain control of the state and reopen the old struggle between the Saints and the Gentiles. He saw a strictly regulated local option law as the best solution to the vexing problem. By this time Utah had a modest, yet thriving liquor industry. When the pro-prohibition propaganda in Utah referred to those vague and somehow unsavory "liquor interests," it generally was a reference to the three outstanding brewers in the state, Gus Becker of the Becker Breweries in Ogden, Frank Fisher of the Fisher Brewery in Salt Lake City, and Jacob Moritz of the Salt Lake Brewery. After Smoot and the "federal bunch" had managed to defeat a dry plank in the Republican platform at the 1908 state convention, it was widely charged, even by some of the apostle's fellows in the Quorum of the Twelve, that the senator and his machine politicians had sold out to the liquor interests. Despite a widespread contemporary conviction that some sort of understanding had been concluded, no proof has ever been produced to indicate that any kind of "deal" was ever formally made. It is probable that the action of the apostle and his associates in the convention was taken to guarantee that Becker, Fisher, Moritz, and other Utah brewers would not decide to join Thomas Kearns, Frank Cannon, and the Utah Americans in their anti-Mormon campaign. Still, politics is politics, even in Utah. And when the legislature convened in Salt Lake City in 1909, it was made up of individuals who had been sent to the capital by an electorate which overwhelmingly favored prohibition. Almost as soon as the House of Representatives was organized, a stringent statewide prohibition measure, the Cannon Bill, was introduced. It was placed before the House by Joseph J. Cannon, and it was sponsored officially by the Anti-Saloon League. On an early vote this legislation passed 39 to four, and a week later, on February 18, it came up for debate in the Senate. Callister was worried. He wired Senator Smoot in Washington that he would try to kill the bill in the Senate the next day. It all depended, he said, on Carl Badger, a state senator who had formerly served as secretary to Smoot. Callister was sure that a word from the apostle would help Badger stand firm in the face of the extraordinary popular pressure being placed on legislators to vote for statewide prohibition. He cautioned Senator Smoot, however, to "Be careful who you write letters to. Heber J. [Grant] is using same against you." 20 20 The prohibition fight as it affected Reed Smoot is fully covered in Merrill, "Apostle in Politics," 233-49.


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The apostle did not need this warning to know that the prohibition question had caused a row within the Council of the Twelve. He had received a letter three days before from Hyrum M. Smith charging him with being out of harmony with the quorum. He feared, moreover, that President Smith was leaving for Honolulu to get away from the fight and that "in his absence [First Counselor John R.] Winder would withhold support from the InterMountain Republican." Nevertheless, he felt that the time had not come to make Utah a dry state, and so on February 20, he wired Carl Badger to "Give us strict regulation and local option and vote against [the] Cannon bill." The senator's influence was vitally needed. When the bill came up for a vote on February 23, Callister and C. A. Glazier, a nephew of the apostle who functioned as one of the lesser cogs in the Smoot machine, were hard put to get a bare majority against the measure. Glazier described the fight in a letter to his uncle thus: "The Smoot 'boys' [the federal bunch] would get promises one day and Heber J. Grant would take them away the next." Defeat of the Cannon Bill was uncertain until the very last vote was cast. Two weeks later Governor Spry indicated to a joint meeting of the legislature that he would welcome a good local option law. In less than three days, the Utah State Senate had unanimously passed a bill introduced by Badger providing for local option and strict enforcement. On March 17 the Badger Bill passed the House in amended form, and on March 20, just before adjourning sine die, the Senate accepted the House amendments and sent the measure to the governor. After the legislators had dispersed to tell their constituents that they had, after all, passed a liquor law, Governor Spry discovered that laws already on the books accomplished the same purpose. And besides, he said, certain parts of the law were unconstitutional. He vetoed the measure on March 23. 21 It was a grandstand play, and it brought the expected applause. The Weber County Republican Club, of which Gus Becker was a guiding light, wrote to Spry praising him for having the "sound judgment of the business man" and being "made of the right kind of stuff when the critical time arrives." Fred J. Kiesel, an Ogden wholesale liquor dealer relayed a telegram to the governor from Adolphus Busch of the AnnheuserBusch Brewing Company of Saint Louis which read, "a rousing hurrah for Governor Spry." 22 21 22

Dyer, "A Study of Prohibition," 44-45. Personal Correspondence, Box 1, Governors' Papers (William Spry).


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In reality Spry's veto was unimportant. The final vote on the Cannon Bill had killed statewide prohibition. The veto was merely a gesture made to show the non-Mormon business wing of the Republican party that Smoot's "Mormon boys" had kept faith with the program of cooperation between the two groups. It served its purpose very well, apparently, since Senator Sutherland who had been visiting in Salt Lake City, told Reed Smoot on April 10 that "the political situation [at] home is much better. The feeling worked up over prohibition is subsiding and the businessmen feel grateful for the action of the boys." 23 If the veto had no practical effect on the sale of liquor in Utah, it is nevertheless significant. It set a precedent for Spry himself which may help to explain the erratic independent course the governor followed in 1915 when the prohibition question came up again. The governor was a good Mormon, but he seems to have found the praise of the nonMormons, which gave him a feeling of self-sufficiency, very sweet: I will be frank enough to a d m i t t h a t m y first impression of you was t h a t you would t u r n out to be a tool in the h a n d s of the M o r m o n leaders, m e r e p u t t y to be molded to their will as they m a y desire. I a m delighted to see t h a t I was mistaken a n d t h a t you are really a great big m a n . 2 4

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William Spry (1864-1929) Beginning his political career in 1894 as Tooele County collector, William Spry held a variety of offices. In 1902 he was elected a state legislator, and in 1905 appointed to the Board of Land Commissioners. Elected governor in 1908, William Spry served two terms, and in 1921 he was appointed commissioner of the General Land Office by President Warren G. Harding.

Non-Mormons, seeing the sound and fury of the crusade that had been waged by Grant, Ivins, Lyman, Hyrum M. Smith, and several other apostles in favor of prohibition, concluded that Spry had defied the authority of the priesthood. Yet President Smith did not seem unduly concerned. At the April semiannual conference priesthood meeting, he spoke,strongly in favor of prohibition, but he said that the saloons should be closed with the present laws, And that seemed to be that. But it was not. The 1909 legislature's failure to enact a statewide prohibition law did not defeat temperance, as it was called, in Utah. It 23

Smoot, "Diary," April 10, 1909. O. F. Peterson to William Spry, March 23, 1909, Personal Correspondence, Box 1, Governors' Papers (William Spry). 24


Utah Politics

107 Frank J. Cannon (1859-1933) Journalist and editor of several newspapers, Frank Cannon was Utah's first United States senator in 1896. Previously . he had been Utah's territorial delegate to Congress (1894). An active newspaperman, Frank Cannon was connected at various times with many Utah newspapers. He served as editor on the Logan Leader, Ogden Herald, Ogden Standard, Daily Utah State Journal, and Salt Lake Tribune. Frank Cannon remained in newspaper work in Colorado after his defection from the Mormon Church in 1905.

A

merely destroyed its momentum. Even though Joseph F. Smith's reaction to the situation proved that he •— and therefore the church — would not repudiate the work of faithful Saints who believed it best to leave compliance with the Word of Wisdom up to the individual, prohibition remained an explosive issue in state politics. Heber J. Grant and the Democrats injected it into every election contest, and Smoot, Sutherland, and Howell were repeatedly plagued with the problem whenever they returned home to campaign. Between 1909 and 1915 the whole tenor of Utah politics changed. The American party lost control of Salt Lake City's municipal government in 1911, and shortly thereafter the Tribune's vitriolic and bitter editor, Frank Cannon, betook himself to Denver to rage against the evils of Colorado politics as the editor of the Rocky Mountain News. With his departure the American party movement collapsed. Thomas Kearns drifted back into the Republican fold, and for the most part, the Tribune discontinued its diatribes against Senator Smoot and the Mormon Church. And it soon became clear that the real danger of a MormonGentile political division had disappeared. With this final disappearance of the traditional religious division in Utah politics, the state stood at the threshold of political maturity. Third parties were not a thing of the past, of course. This was the decade of Bull Mooseism, Prohibitionism, and Progressivism, and all three had a bearing on Utah politics. But Utah had essentially become a two-party state, and third parties found it difficult to gather significant support. It may be suggested that third parties were never so popular or influential here as they were in other sections of the country because the memory of the American party made independent politics objectionable to the populace. _,..,_•. ;


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In 1912, for example, Theodore Roosevelt had a wide personal following in the state, yet Utah was one of the two states in the nation to cast its electoral vote for William Howard Taft. Since Joseph F. Smith wrote a signed editorial in the Mormon publication, the Improvement Era,25 which was interpreted as an appeal to members of the church to vote for Taft, the outcome of this presidential election has sometimes been characterized as still another incidence of ecclesiastical influence in politics. Perhaps so. But the campaign was very complicated; Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson were both popular, yet their policies so nearly coincided â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at least as they were understood in Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that it is just as likely that they killed each other off, as it were, allowing the old guard Republicans to carry the state. Smith's Improvement Era article caused such a stir in Democratic circles, moreover, that its effect was somewhat mitigated by a subsequent statement that it was intended merely as an announcement of personal preference. This, in turn, impelled Simon Bamberger, a Democratic candidate for the State Senate, to publicly ponder what Taft thought of "his friend in Utah who was working for him without," as Smith's second statment had said, "having any intention to influence a single vote." The results of the election of 1912 apparently forced the Progressives to recognize their limitations, and by 1914 the Progressive organization had accomplished a formal fusion with the Democrats in Utah. It was a liaison of convenience, however, and it did not hold fast throughout the entire campaign, or throughout the entire state for that matter. Just to take one case, the Progressives in Carbon County divided among themselves, one-half fusing with the Democrats and the other half joining the Republicans. The effect of fusion, even so, was enough to cause Reed Smoot, running for reelection for the first time under the constitutional amendment providing for the popular election of senators, to worry about his chances. The Democratic-Progressive coalition had nominated James H. Moyle to oppose the apostle, and Moyle, who was personally popular all across the state, acted like a man about to win. He visited every county in Utah making every attempt to exploit the opposition to Smoot's machine leaders. In this way he was able to conduct a campaign which did not reflect on the apostle's character while still emphasizing the need for a change. 25

Joseph F. Smith, "The Presidential Election," Improvement

Era, XV, 1120â&#x20AC;&#x201D;21.


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The results of this election reflected the success of his tactics: Moyle, himself, was defeated by just over 3,000 votes, but the Republicans were defeated in Salt Lake County where the power of the federal bunch had been strongest. The Republican majority was wiped out in the lower house of the state legislature, and the fusion candidate for Congress, James H. Mays, defeated the machine candidate, E. O. Leatherwood. With reference to Reed Smoot, Dr. Merrill was right when he quipped that the Senator "didn't win, he survived." 26 And there were those who contended that he did not even do that. Democrats in Washington and Weber counties raised cries of fraud, and party leaders pleaded with the defeated senatorial candidate to take the question to the courts. According to Hinckley's biography, Moyle "sensed this would mean only muckraking and so declined." 27 All of which indicates just how tenuous the Republican party's hold on the state had become. Reed Smoot won, but only because he managed to keep prohibition out of the campaign. Two years later the Republicans were not that successful, and the temperance issue broke out again in full force. Once that happened, the Republican party divided against itself. Just as he had recognized the danger which prohibition threatened to the party in 1908 and 1909, Senator Smoot now realized that the only way the Republicans could win another election would be for the party to "take the lead in providing for future [state]wide prohibition." He thought, however, that the law should "allow the manufacture of beer for exportation and not destroy that business," and that it should also "give saloons ample time to dispose of their property." 28 He presented this plan to the Quorum of the Twelve, and also discussed the matter with Gus Becker who agreed that "perhaps it was the best that could be done." Yet when the legislature met in January 1915, it seemed that even this was too much to ask. Neither the party affiliation nor the religious connection of the lawmaker appeared to matter this time. Prohibition â&#x20AC;&#x201D; strict, statewide, immediate, and final â&#x20AC;&#x201D; was what the legislature wanted, and that is what the Wooten Bill, which both houses passed, provided. But Governor Spry, possibly with the advice of President Smith and certainly with the support of Becker and Fisher and the other Utah "liquor interests," vetoed this bill as soon as the legislature adjourned. 26

Merrill, "Apostle in Politics," 159. G o r d o n B. Hinckley, lames Henry Moyle 28 Smoot, "Diary," November 14, 1914.

27

(Salt Lake City, 1 9 5 6 ) , 271.


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The governor had been warned that a veto, this time, would mean political suicide. And it did. In refusing to sign the 1915 prohibition measure, Governor Spry ended his own political career, and at the same time paved the way for the absolute destruction of the Smoot machine and the overwhelming defeat of Utah's Republican party. Because he had been reelected in 1914 and had yet another four years to demonstrate to the people of Utah that he was the man who made the laws in Washington, Reed Smoot escaped the 1916 Republican debacle. He was the only outstanding member of the party to do so. Sutherland was defeated by William H. King; Howell fell before James H. Mays; Nephi L. Morris, the former Progressive who had won the Republican nomination for governor on the basis of his strenuous proprohibition record, was routed by Simon Bamberger; and similar results were reported in election contests all along the line. In almost every case, from governor on down, public offices were filled with men who promised to bring prohibition to Utah. U T A H STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY

Arch erected on Main Street and South Temple carries the Republican party campaign posters of 1916. This was the year of the Republican debacle in Utah. Nephi L. Morris was defeated by Simon Bamberger; George Sutherland fell before William H. King; and Woodrow Wilson was reelected President of the United States.


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Practically before the legislators got settled in their new quarters in the new state capitol, a "bone-dry" liquor measure was approved by both houses and sent to the governor for his signature. When Simon Bamberger, Utah's first non-Mormon governor, signed this legislation making a portion of the Mormon prophet's sumptuary revelation a state law, a new era had begun. Less than two years later Joseph F. Smith died, and Heber J. Grant became the new president of the Mormon Church. For well over a decade, Grant had been leading the Mormon Democrats in politics, and many members of his party probably expected that at long last it would be the "will of the Lord" for Democrats to win Utah elections. If so, they were disappointed. A full year before the 1920 senatorial election, President Grant announced that he intended to vote for Reed Smoot, and he made no public reference to what he thought the outcome of the state election should be. Grant remained a nominal Democrat, but he was not really a party man. His activities in support of the party between 1908 and 1918 had been directed almost entirely to the bringing of prohibition to Utah. Once that was effected, his interest in party politics subsided. Since that had been the only basic issue separating Grant and Smoot, their enmity to each other, too, abated, and in time Grant became as enthusiastically partisan in the senator's favor as Joseph F. Smith had been. At the state level, however, politics during Grant's presidency operated, for the most part, in both parties with neither the advice nor consent of the president of the Mormon Church. It was still Utah, and the Mormon interest was still paramount. But it was not the same. Utah had finally come of age politically.


The Annie Lai Mine, better know as Kimberly, was a gold and silver mine located about 35 miles southwest of Richfield, Utah, in the Gold Mountain Mining District in Piute County.

KIMBERLY as I remember her BY J O S E P H I N E PACE


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lthough most people remember Kimberly as a bunch of shacks inhabited by hardrock miners, the Kimberly I remember was a land that only children could really know. There were two Kimberlys — Lower Kimberly and Upper Kimberly. Lower Kimberly was the oldest section and the one with the most memories, I suppose it had grown gradually, but as I remember it was a long street called Main Street. Shacks and tents made up the homes, but they were perched on a hill or in the draw, in the low places along the creek. I didn't realize how the years had embellished the things I remembered about Kimberly until I went back to find them. The houses had shrunk, been moved, or fallen down in discouraged heaps. Isn't it strange how a house gives up when the people who love it go away. These deserted houses always make me think of the skeletons of the aged Indians who had been left to die when the tribe moved on. However, when I went back the Kimberly I remembered was still there •— Old Gold Mountain, parts of the Annie Laurie Mill, and the stream that ran through the alley behind the stores on Main Street. The roads are now only trails, but they still arrive at the same destinations. The manzanita still covers the hillsides, and the road from the valley still twists and climbs. All these things take you back through the years. No one remembers Mr. Fruehn, but me. He had laughing black eyes and that was about all of his face you could see because of his long, silky beard that covered the rest of his face. He came to Kimberly with a mule and a packtrain of donkeys — all neatly packed with shovels, picks, cooking utensils, and blankets. He wore a brown corduroy suit with knee boots, and he made his camp just near enough for visiting. He didn't make friends with many, but he was mine. When he finally moved on, he gave me the smallest donkey on his string. He said the animal was too young for rough going. I named him Charlie Fruehn, although my father insisted he was a Jenny. The donkey was my "Open, Sesame" to the world of Kimberly. There wasn't a place, either sanctioned or forbidden, that I didn't visit. At times my father carried the payroll money to Kimberly. He met the bank messenger at the Fish Creek turnoff, and the big leather bags Mrs. Pace, born and educated in Richfield, was active in the Daughters of Utah Pioneers and the Sevier Valley Chapter of the Utah State Historical Society. She was a member of the Historical Committee that prepared Richfield's centennial history and author of one of the selections in the book. Mrs. Pace's father, Charles Skougaard, built and managed a hotel in Kimberly when it was a boom town. Mrs. Pace presented her reminiscences of Kimberly to the Sevier Valley Chapter shortly before her death in August 1965.


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ELMO HERRING

Gold was first discovered in the area in 1875, but was not profitable to mine until 1895 when the cyanide-leaching process was introduced. The Annie Laurie Consolidated Gold Mining Company then constructed a 250-ton per day mill, and the mine and mill operated from 1901 to 1908. The first years of operation were very successful. In 1908 the company passed into the hands of a receiver and was subsequently sold.

were thrown over the horse in front and back of the saddle. When he was just a short way up the trail, he was always joined by a handsome man on a horse, who rode alongside and chatted as they climbed. The man was LeRoy Parker. Some people called him "Butch" Cassidy, but to my father he was just a boy from Circleville who joined a wild bunch of cattle rustlers. Many people claimed that Cassidy had as many good points as he had bad, and he was better than most because Cassidy never broke his word, betrayed a friend, or killed a man. As long as Butch Cassidy rode along with my father the gang never held him up for the payroll. Among the residents of Kimberly whom I remember was Dr. Stiener. Dr. Stiener was the company doctor. I don't know where he originally came from, but he was married to Georgianna Blanchet, who lived in one of those lovely stone houses still standing in Sevier Canyon, just before you arrive at Marysvale. Georgianna's parents came from a small French village in Quebec. Georgianna Stiener had a sister named Mel Blanchet. I never did see her, but I nearly choked with excitement when they talked about her. Mel Blanchet was in love with one of the outlaws in Butch Cassidy's gang and was involved in a bank robbery with


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them. In fact, she reportedly held the horses for them to make their getaway. Her lover was shot in the leg. After this episode, she married him and later they lived on a ranch and raised cattle. It was then I lost interest in her. One day Dr. Stiener came dashing up in his buggy and called father. Together they disappeared in a cloud of dust. A cave-in at the mine had pinned a man under a fallen rock with his leg half severed. My father had to hold the man while Dr. Stiener amputated his leg. Afterward, I remember Dr. Stiener gave father a handful of pills, but he couldn't eat his supper that night. The K & S Store at the south end of Main Street was the hub of my universe. K & S stood for Krotzy & Skougaard. I felt pretty important in that store. There was always a piece of free hardtack for me, and one of the boys from the store tied a sapling over the creek behind the store so I could swing across it. Just across the street from the K & S Store was the Stiener home. On the outside the house looked just like the rest of the town's lumber shacks, but inside it was pure elegance. The chairs in the parlor were covered with red velvet, and the carpet was covered with flowers. In full view the stairs leading up to the bedrooms above were covered with red carpeting. There was a small table near the door which held a silver dish for calling cards. And the house had a really, truly bathroom with a long tin tub, and you could pull the plug and the water ran out. When I revisited the house 30 years later I found that the stairs still led up, but you can imagine my surprise to find the stair treads were no wider than a step ladder and that I bumped my head on the ceiling as I turned at the first landing. It dawned on me just how wonderful it would be if the common and makeshift things of this world could be covered with red velvet. A little farther south, on the west side of Main Street, was the saloon. I can't tell you much about this place, because it was one of the two places "off limits" for me. The other one was the jail which was quite a way south of town. The jail stood for years after the town was abandoned. It looked just like a huge iron cage about 10 feet square right out in the open. It's now in Horace Sorenson's Pioneer Village in Salt Lake. It's no fun to see it now, there is no one in it. If my parents hadn't found out that I was casing these joints, I might have had an interesting paragraph right here. Finding that I didn't obey in spite of their threats, my parents promised to take a long switch to Charlie Fruehn and that stopped me cold. The world was probably deprived of some very vital historic facts because of this.


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The saloon was gone entirely when I went back, but in the pile of warped, gray boards where I remembered the building had stood, I found an old flask turned purple by years in the sun. I like to believe the bottle was opened on the last night the saloon operated, and someone who still had a few coins in his pocket drank a farewell toast and promised to come back when the mill started to turn again. Next to the saloon was the livery stable. There were buggies, saddles, horses, and men always sitting around who liked to visit. Charlie Fruehn came this far willingly, because someone always gave him a handful of oats. Across the street and about four steps up was John Sandberg's store and nearby was the barber shop. Parley Poulson, Josh Ogden, Russell Ivy, and Keith Fountain were all barbers there in the later days of the Kimberly. A sign on the window said "Haircuts 35^ Shaves 25^." Josh said this really was a bargain, because in Richfield the haircuts were 25 cents and 15 cents for a shave, but, when the miners came down from the hills, there was a lot more than hair to be taken off. The dance hall was the first big building on the left as you entered Kimberly. Just north and down the hill from the dance hall, a Mr. Christiansen from Monroe and Charlie Leavitt of Richfield ran a dairy. Next to the dance hall was Mrs. Sim Larson's boardinghouse and bake shop. The big excitment of the day was when the stage came in, and we were never late for its arrival. Four and sometimes six horses covered with lather arrived in a swirl of dust. Little Billy Morrison of Monroe would pull on the reins bringing the horses up sharp as he stopped to unload the mail from the stage. Then on the stage traveled down the draw and across the creek to the Lawson boardinghouse to let the passengers off. Charlie Fruehn and I were hard pressed at times to make both these connections. One really big day in Kimberly was on the Fourth of July. Two things I remember â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a big fight at the dance hall, and the fact it snowed all day on a Fourth of July. Jimmy Burns was to fight Joe Wodinski, and Willard Bean was the promoter. This was no ordinary camp fight. These boys were big-time stuff. The miners came down from the hills, and the people came up from the valley. The big thrill to me was that all the children were taken to the Lawson boardinghouse to be tended. We slept on beds, on the floor, and on our chairs. Never had I known such excitement in my life. We were all gathered up after the fight, and I am sorry, but I never did find out who won.


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Down the hill to the south of town was the big Annie Laurie Mill. Perhaps someone can explain the cyanide process of how gold is extracted from ore, but I cannot. The big vats holding the thick, choking cyanide liquid were there for all to see. To me the men with the long poles, tending and stirring, looked more like men from never-never land. The masks that covered their noses and mouths and their arm-high rubber boots disguised them. One of the men who tended the cyanide tanks gave me a pottery jug in which he had dipped out a part of the liquid, this green liquid is solidified and still in the jug. I also remember the story about the gold brick that was lost when it was being freighted. The brick disappeared between the mill and the railroad station at Elsinore where they were taking it, as I remember. I don't know that the brick was ever recovered. I can still remember so many things about the old mill, particularly the grinding of the machinery as the rocks were being ground or crushed before they were put in the cyanide mixture. My father contracted to build a power plant for Kimberly, and mostly I remember the flume that was down at Fish Creek, and the fact the flume was held up by such a terribly high trestle. We used to walk over the flume from one side to the other â&#x20AC;&#x201D; when we weren't caught at it. When you looked up, you thought you could touch the clouds, and when you looked down you began to hold tight. I've heard the story of the first test of the plant so often that it seems I remember it happening. Everything was finished, and the time of the test arrived. Father warned everybody to keep an eye on the pressure ELMO HERRING

MMMMm WMMM:..i}>

ii There were two sections of Kimberlyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Upper Kimberly and Lower Kimberly. Lower Kimberly, shown here, contained the business district. There were several general merchandise stores, three livery stables, two hotels, three saloons, two barber shops, one school, two combination bunk and boardinghouses, and the usual red light areas common in most mining towns.


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gauge. The water filled the pipes, the gauge began to rise, the wheels began to turn, and the machinery began to purr. Then, as dad told it, some danged fool rang the dinner bell and the men all ran down to camp. Someone threw the switch back, and the water force ripped the pipes out with a roar. It was here, at Fish Creek, I made up my mind never to become a Catholic. Two of the Catholic fathers had a fishing camp by the stream, and I made my trip down to bid them welcome, of course. There they sat in front of their tent, and just inside the tent was a big barrel filled with bottles with little blue ribbons that crossed and little seals on them. And they were smoking cigars, so I lost my interest in their religion. Another night I remember at this camp was when a young man named Erastus Utah Bean from Richfield came to see his brother and friends who were working at the plant. He had brought the script of a play he had written, which he called " F l o r i a n t a n . " The play was founded on the Book of Alma in the Book of Mormon. The group built The Kimberly Band, shown here, performed when Kimberly was a thriving community. During the summer months of 1901 to 1908, logging operations for the mine required extra men, and with the regular employees of the mine, as many as 500 families lived in and around Kimberly.

ELMO HERRING


Kimberly, Utah

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a big bonfire, and everyone sat around in a circle while Erastus Bean read his play aloud. I was breathless, even though I didn't know what any of it meant. The play made its author famous throughout western Mormon territory. Father contracted to build 12 bungalows and the then big, imposing lodge high upon the hill south and west of the mill. The place began to look more like a town than a camp. When the Annie Laurie was sold to an eastern syndicate, Kimberly became still more city-like. The town attracted many young blades with stiff straw sailor hats, good manners, and eastern accents. The pretty girls from Elsinore and Richfield had a ball. I still remember these boys helping the girls into buggies and holding their hats in their hands when they were talking to them. I remember some of the girls. Hazel Baker taught school at Kimberly. Olive Hansen's sister, Phena, was the postmistress. There were the Lawson girls from the boardinghouse â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Kate, Agnas, and Hazel. Other girls came up for the Saturday night dances and the Sunday dinners at the lodge, where Anthony Sacka, who used to run the old Southern Hotel, was the chef or cook, and Jane Young, now Mrs. Follett, was one of the diningroom girls. Jim Long's daughter, Helen, was one of the girls, and she was so beautiful that she took everyone's breath. There was Ivy and Ruby Erickson, Chan and Anna Hansen, Floss Poulson, and Dot Wright who came to visit the girls they knew in Kimberly. My cousin married one of the young men from the East. She went to New York for a month's honeymoon, saw Lillian Russell, and arrived home with an eastern accent of her own. Bobby Hanks and Alfred Ackerson made life wonderful by speaking to me when they would see me on the street. Alfred bought the Judge McCarty home and stayed in Richfield. My favorite of all these boys was C. I. Raider. He lived in an upstairs, corner room at the lodge. He had an enormous black leather chair and phonograph. C. I. Raider would let me sit in the chair and listen to his records while he put on his black jacket and tie and shined his already shiny shoes before he went down to dinner. He gave us the chair and the phonograph before he left, but somehow it didn't look as regal in our parlor. Later in my teens, I went to see the opera "Aida" and was surprised that I knew the whole story. "Aida" had been in Mr. Raider's collection of records. He also left an enlarged, colored picture of a beautiful girl in her Japanese kimono. He was going to send for the picture later, but he never did. For years the suspense was awful â&#x20AC;&#x201D; did he find she hadn't waited for him or had she died. I'll never know.


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The parties at the lodge were very elegant. From my vantage point, belly boost at the top of the stairs, I could see it all â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the ladies in their dresses with demitrains which they would hold just high enough to show the lovely petticoats under them. And mother, of course, was the prettiest one with her dress of brown voile, a rustling stiff petticoat of green taffeta, and her locket on a chain. One of the gentlemen passed a tray of tiny glasses filled with wine which the ladies sipped as slowly as I would eat my Sunday ice cream. The tables also had decks of cards and a game of whist was soon underway. The next morning I was the first one down and I hurriedly filled by overall pockets with the unclaimed cards, drained the wine glasses, rescued Charlie Fruehn from the corral, and was off for another day of adventure. All of a sudden into my dream world came panic. Nobody talked about their fears to me, but rather around and over me. The payroll hadn't been met. There was a meeting of men, mine bosses, laborers, grocers, and saloon keepers. This was just a temporary thing they were assured, just an error by someone in the eastern office. Mr. Carr of New York would send an explanation and some good hard money. In the meantime all would go on as usual, except company scrip would be used instead of money in all transactions, and later the company would redeem it in U.S. currency. It seems the company representative's trip East was extended, his return postponed, and meanwhile things limped along. The grocery stock sank lower and lower, and the cash drawers at the safe in the K & S were jammed with piles of Kimberly scrip. Some of little faith moved early, those with hope and big investments stayed on. The cottage rentals had been paid in scrip, and mother said we had enough to pay for the whole house. We had our home in Richfield, and mother was an artist in making my blouses out of father's pongee silk shirts â&#x20AC;&#x201D; his one concession to the eastern satorial elegance. But I shudder when I remember them now. Have you ever smelled pongee silk when it gets warm or damp? We lived on porridge and hope for a few years awaiting for Kimberly to come back, but I guess the vein had run out; we know that the syndicate had. And so Kimberly remains today mostly as a memory of a bygone era.


The Crisis at Fort Limhi 1858 BY DAVID L. BIGLER

The valley of Salmon River's east fork, now named Lemhi River, was the location selected by Mormon missionaries to the Indians in 1855 for the site of Fort Limhi.

I

he mild, south wind on Monday, March 8, 1858, began to blow the moisture from the communal "big fields," alongside Mormon settlements Mr. Bigler, a graduate in journalism from the University of Utah, is director of Public Relations, Mountain States District, United States Steel, at Salt Lake City. This article is a chapter of his study, now nearing completion, "Massacre at Fort Limhi, Early Mormons in Oregon Territory, 1855â&#x20AC;&#x201D;58."


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on the western slope of the Wasatch Mountains in Utah Territory. It warned of possible changes in the weather, an unwelcome end to winter, or an onset of new snow to snap a short string of balmy days. About to open was the eleventh spring since the arrival of the Mormons in the Rocky Mountains. But this was the first season on their frontier that men had looked to such promising fields of tender winter wheat, planted the fall before, without an inner flush of gladness. By March, the instinctive responses of born farmers had vanished, smothered under a blanket of late winter reflection. Gone, too, on this day was the spiritual outpouring, boastful defiance, of the previous year. Instead, the chosen people of God cast more heavily than ever their fears and hopes for the future on the Lord -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and Brigham Young. Emotionally emptied and sullen toward their American enemies, the people of the Kingdom of God got ready to plow their lands for planting, looking up uneasily at times toward the white wall of mountains on the northeast. Out of sight, if not of mind, the reason for their apprehension was on the other side of the high peaks and ridges, near Fort Bridger. There, less than a dozen marching days away, an American army was poised like a frozen dagger, 2,500 strong, welded by its commander into a purposeful force that somehow had survived both winter and the punitive hand of God. Ice-bound and angry, the officers and men of Albert Sidney Johnston, newly promoted brigadier general, stamped the frozen ground to fight off frostbite, sharpened their fighting' edge, and waited impatiently for supplies, reinforcements, and the snow to melt. Eager now were the soldiers of the Republic for a frontal assault on the Mormon stronghold. At their backs, an aroused American government finally moved with decision to support its isolated force in the mountains by starting to mobilize more than enough manpower and materiel to put down promptly the rebellion by a new territory. The temper of the nation also supplied good reason for Mormon leaders at Great Salt Lake City by March 8 to face realistically the deadly seriousness of a confrontation, wrought by faith and eloquence. Silent this day were the emotion-filled voices of short months before that cried for the hosts of Zion to dispatch a so-called mob of armed Gentiles "to hell cross lots." With time and the weather now favoring their enemies, the heads of Israel in the Last Days bent soberly, instead, over plans to evacuate the "valleys of the mountains" their followers had learned to love so


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deeply in only a decade. As they had done before departing from Nauvoo, the Mormon hierarchy screened the projected movement, this time behind a curtain of warnings and false clues that the exodus would head south. But they planned to move the other way. Meanwhile, the shifting wind from the south outside the Council House at Great Salt Lake and the serious faces on the inside were not the only omens on March 8 of change to come for the Kingdom of God in western America. Early that morning, an intense figure on a splendid horse had galloped out of the Mormon capital toward the eastern mountains, flanked by the trusted Orrin Porter Rockwell and other picked Mormon scouts. This mysterious newcomer, first introduced by Mormon leaders as "Dr. Osborne," a pseudonym, was in fact 35-year-old Thomas L. Kane, the psychosomatic son of a prominent Philadelphia barrister. Kane also was a past benefactor of the Saints during the Nauvoo exodus and an ardent defender of the weak and oppressed everywhere. Arriving on the stage of crisis two weeks before, via California, this self-appointed mediator had urged Brigham Young and his council to hold out an olive branch to the United States by authorizing him to offer food for the nation's hungry soldiers in the mountains. But the blackbearded peacemaker finally had ridden off to seek talks with the federals at Camp Scott, headquarters for the Utah Expedition, with little indication that Mormon leaders had approved his design, despite their warm reception for an old friend. This was the way Monday, March 8, 1858, had opened in the Great Basin, a mild, windy day, seemingly like the others before it, yet somehow stirring with subtle omens for the future. Then, without warning, change, drastic and everlasting, came to the projected Mormon state in western America like an icy gale from out of the north. And the door to independence banged suddenly shut.

T,

he rolling drumbeat early on March 9 from the main gate of the square, adobe fort named Lehi, located at the north end of Utah Valley, snapped heads up to listen from fields, hills, and canyons nearby. The traditional alert of the Nauvoo Legion ordered the men of that settlement to put aside their plows and hammers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and harness up for war. After weeks of uncertainty and waiting, the call to action was almost a welcome sound.


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Not long before, an express wagon from Legion headquarters at Great Salt Lake, some 20 muddy miles to the north, had rolled past the Jordan narrows that joined the two valleys, rumbled over the bridge, and into the Spanish-style fort on Dry Creek. The express bore shocking, unexpected news and military orders. " . . . from Fort Lemhi on Salmon River. . . Indains heded by some mountaineers attacted the bretheren . . . killed 2 also wounded 5 . . . stole most of their cattle." 1 The steady drum roll touched off by this report at Lehi sounded an unintentional salute to the riders who formed the settlement's mounted company of the Nauvoo Legion, or volunteer Militia of Utah Territory. These rugged horsemen had met and defeated the best warriors of a proud Indian nation, the Utah tribe, in 1850, again in 1953-54 against the fearsome war chief, Walker, and a third time almost on their own doorstep against the braves of Chief Tintic in 1856. The Lehi cavalry had upheld its reputation in the fall of 1857 in raids on federal supply trains on Green River under the able Mormon commander, Major Lot Smith. Afterward they patrolled the ramparts of the Kingdom in the mountains until late December. So it was not by chance that Mormon General Daniel H. Wells in March 1858 ordered up his reliable veterans from the north end of Utah Lake with other forces at hand that were closer to the scene of trouble. In any Indian fight the seasoned horsemen from Lehi could be counted on to steady the two additional companies of 50 called out from Salt Lake Valley and settlements north of the capital. While Saints on Dry Creek gathered at their new, adobe meetinghouse, the express carrying the news of the Fort Limhi massacre rolled south on a muddy wagon road that loosely beaded, for nearly 50 miles, the Mormon settlements in Utah Valley â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a crescent of fertile land framed by the fresh waters of Utah Lake on the west and a sudden, 7,000-foot uplift of Wasatch Mountains a few miles opposite. Spreading by the fastest means of the day was an alarm set off some 48 hours earlier by two Mormon missionaries to the tribes of Oregon Territory, 22-year-old Bauldwin Watts and a former trader on the trail to California named Ezra Barnard. On March 6, exhausted and half-frozen, Watts and Barnard had arrived at Barnard's Fort, a Mormon outpost near present Malad, Idaho, 1 Samuel Pitchforth, "Diary of Samuel Pitchforth, Nephi, 1857â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1868" (typescript, Brigham Young University), March 10, 1858.


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with a demand more desperate than their own survival â&#x20AC;&#x201D; fresh horses to go on. In the heroics of a bloodless war, mainly fought by both sides against the common enemy of winter, the Mormon pair had turned in the most courageous feat of the Utah Rebellion. On the night of February 28, after selecting and reshoeing the two best horses in the besieged Limhi corral, Watts and Barnard had slipped out of the stockade on horseback to ride 300 miles or more for help. While the Fort Limhi settlers feared every moment to hear the darkness torn by gunfire, the pair had threaded silently past the Indian camps along the river, then galloped for the nearest Mormon settlement, closely pursued the first part of the way. They covered the frozen wilderness at an average of 50 miles a day to reach Barnard-s Fort in only six days. For the last 48 hours, they had pushed ahead without food and only one surviving horse between them. Stitched into Barnard's coat lining by one of the women at Fort Limhi was a dispatch to Brigham Young from Colonel Thomas S. Smith, the grizzled president of the Salmon River colony in Oregon Territory. It described a fateful turn of events. Virtually without warning, about 250 hostile Bannock and Shoshoni braves on the morning of February 25, 1858, had attacked the Mormon outpost located just west of the pass over the Beaverhead Mountains, now named Lemhi, near present Salmon, Idaho. Surprised at work on a clear day and heavily outnumbered, the Mormons of the Northern Indian Mission saw two men killed and five others wounded in sharp, scattered fighting before they could pull back to the safety of their stockade. Among the wounded was the 40-year-old Colonel Smith, luckily only grazed on the arm during a burst of fire that had shot off his hat and cut loose his suspenders. Lost to the attackers was the primary target of their raid, almost the entire mission herd, numbering well over 200 cattle and 30 or more horses and other animals. But these losses, serious enough, paled alongside the heavier stroke delivered to Mormon plans to move the chosen people of the Almighty out of the path of the United States Army. For unexpectedly eliminated by the raid was the critical, halfway base of supply and refitting in a projected movement north over the mountains to the Beaverhead region of western Montana on the headwaters of the Missouri River, then on to Bitter Root Valley, and, if necessary, into Canada. Another disturbing factor in the report was that nearly all of the attackers were Mormons, baptized into the faith by Salmon River mis-


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sionaries during the previous three years. In a revealing test of influence, Gentile mountain men, a troublesome crew for the Saints in the past, apparently had talked their Indian friends out of their new religion and into a raid on the fort. The outcome was a cruel setback at a crucial hour. But, for Mormon children of Israel in the nineteenth century, there was rarely an hour for healing lamentation. Now calling for instant action was the emergency that faced at least 48 Mormon settlers in Oregon Territory, 16 of them women and children, who were cut off and faced with sudden death nearly 400 miles north of Great Salt Lake City. When last seen alive over a week before, the Saints on Salmon River, hammering their scythes into spears at the blacksmith shop to impale attackers coming over the stockade, were stiffening their courage and defenses for a hopeless last stand. The men then able to resist were outnumbered by as much as 10 to 1. On March 8, however, these unequal odds began to change, counterbalanced by the actions of those who also took up the contest. Of these Mormon leaders, one of the least likely to be impressed by such one-sided opposition was David Evans, 53-year-old bishop of Lehi and veteran of Zion's Camp in Missouri. His earlier experience fighting mobs in that state and Illinois also served him well in his position as bishop of the settlement. This high calling in the Mormon Kingdom DAVID BIGLER

The land on which Fort Limhi was constructed, near the Lewis and Clark pass over the continental divide, is owned today by rancher Stephen Mahaffey, of Tendoy, Idaho.


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also encompassed the lesser offices of mayor, representative to the territorial legislature, local commander of the Nauvoo Legion, election judge, probate judge, postmaster, and sundry other posts. In keeping with his authority was the appearance of David Evans. The bishop's bull dog face, wide open eyes, set jaw, and flat nose announced a servant of God who was unadjusted to enduring slackers or bodily tabernacles that housed apostate spirits. And while the years had loosened gently his waistline, his advancing age had touched the opposite way a mind and will that were unbending to start with. Finally, one thing was certain. Whenever Bishop Evans called for volunteers, the response was nearly always the same. Everybody volunteered. The unanimous showing of uplifted hands, however, demonstrated not so much fear of the bishop, as it reflected the understanding of his people that obedience to him was a condition of exaltation and fellowship among God's elect by the injunction: "I say unto you, be one; and if ye are not one, ye are not mine." 2 At the same time, in calling the men of Lehi to a hazardous winter expedition into Oregon Territory, there was little need for Bishop Evans to whip a few laggards with his practiced tongue. Almost every man well enough to saddle and stay on a horse was ready to go. Meanwhile, named by Mormon General Wells to command the 140-man force to Salmon River was a 41-year-old Virginian, Colonel Andrew Cunningham, also a leader in Zion's cause in prior months. In January, while Mormon leaders still labored with words to win their quarrel with the United States, Cunningham and four others had been chosen to sign "An Address from the people of Great Salt Lake City to the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives, in Congress assembled." This defiant document had rehashed real and imagined Mormon grievances over the years and concluded that "we will no longer wear your cursed yoke of unconstitutional requirements," 3 Of the United States, it said: "The young Hercules has found an adder in his path, his once manly fame is feeble and emaciated; he sickens, pales and falters. . . ." 4 2 A Book of Commandments, for the Government of the Church of Christ. Organized According to Law, on the 6th of April 1830 (Zion [Independence, Missouri], 1 8 3 3 ) , chap. X L , vs. 22. 3 Deseret News (Salt Lake C i t y ) , J a n u a r y 27, 1858. 4 A possible reference to the secret M o r m o n order of the Missouri period, known as the Sons of D a n , or Danites. See Gen. 4 9 : 1 7 : " D a n shall be a serpent by the way, a n a d d e r in the p a t h , t h a t biteth the horse heels . . . ."


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More significant, however, had been Cunningham's mission the fall before in the stepped-up Mormon undertaking to string way stations northward along the projected evacuation route should all else fail. Then he had led a picked company of 50 to the crossing of Snake River, near the mouth of the Blackfoot River tributary, 5 roughly midway between Great Salt Lake and Fort Limhi. There, near the intersection of the route to Salmon River and the Oregon Trail, his party erected a settlement, located an improved crossing of Snake River, reportedly put up a saw mill, cached food, and planted winter wheat before returning to the valley. While Cunningham was thus engaged, the second ranking officer in the mobilizing Fort Limhi expedition, Major Marcellus Monroe, had set out in fall, 1857, with a small party to deliver to Indian chiefs along Bear River what he later called in his report the "necessary instructions." 6 Similar orders, to at least one other Mormon officer at that time, were to tell the Indians that "our enemies, are also their enemies." 7 Finally, in addition to the Lehi volunteers commanded by a Nauvoo Legion veteran of 28, Captain Abram Hatch, military leaders of the Kingdom also ordered to Fort Limhi two full companies of 50 men each to fill out the mounted force under Cunningham. Of these, the unit best outfitted and the first ready to ride announced somewhat prematurely the birth in January of a new American military force •— the Standing Army of the Kingdom of God. The commander of this detachment of regular Mormon soldiers from the Fourth Battalion, First Regiment, First Brigade, Standing Army, was Captain Christopher Layton, a 37-year-old Englishman from the settlement of Kaysville. The second company, mobilized under the Nauvoo Legion military organization, was commanded by Captain Joseph Grover of Farmington. Under each company leader were five lieutenants, so-called captains of 10, completing an organization patterned after the desert tribes of ancient Israel. 8 The Mormon soldiers supplied their own weapons •— usually a rifle and revolver — from 40 to 100 rounds of ammunition, personal gear, and at least three bushels of grain per man. Planning to ride one animal while breathing the other, most men also reported with two mounts. 5

Near the present location of Idaho Falls. "Report of a Party of Observation" (Military Records Section, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City). 7 Adjutant General, Nauvoo Legion, to Colonel W. B. Pace, August 13, 1857 (Military Records Section, Utah State Archives). 8 Muster rolls and inventories of arms and provisions for the Salmon River Expedition, March, 1858, are located in the Military Records Section, Utah State Archives. 6


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Regular or volunteer, the Mormon companies more resembled large posses than formal military outfits, largely because of the lack of uniforms. Instead, troopers dressed for warmth with too little to keep them warm. They wore endlessly patched clothes, some buckskin shirts or pants, and boots that were mainly handmade or repaired. After 10 years, store clothing had grown dear in the Great Basin where people were instructed to make their own. In weapons, there were almost as many kind as there were soldiers, although most men boasted rifles instead of muskets, even a few early repeaters like the one they called a "15-shooter." Some carried revolvers manufactured at a new Great Salt Lake arsenal. Many of these weapons, like everything else, were borrowed from somebody else. But drawbacks like these were more than compensated by the raw calibre of the Mormon troops. They were youthful, adapted to the wilderness, and as strong as the horses they rode. Despite their close organization and conditioned obedience, the troops exhibited a distinct lack of piety, especially among the native Americans, in speech and manners. An old echo from the Missouri-Illinois period was their belief in roundly cursing the enemies of Zion, a rare avenue for creative expression that also opened too easily in moments of exasperation with balky oxen, straying horses, or stuck wagons. Still, every morning and again at night, they would gather shoulderto-shoulder on the trail in a strong bond of common faith, heads bowed and bared to the wind, while one among them committed aloud their mission and safekeeping to an Almighty God, who seemed Himself to ride in the midst of them, more rough and ready than the rest. Meanwhile, in advance of the main column, an experienced commander and 10 picked men rode north from Ogden. The survival of this company depended alone on speed and surprise. Their orders were to break through to Fort Limhi with a dispatch that help was coming. By nightfall on Tuesday, March 9, a rapid mobilization of the Mormon forces already was underway to save, if possible, the Saints in peril far to the north. Only then did a proud, self-disciplined man turn to meet his sternest test of leadership. At 8 P.M. that night Brigham Young swallowed the gall in his throat to dictate a letter to Colonel Thomas Kane, 9 dispatched "by my son, Joseph A." and a companion, who overtook the peacemaker before he reached the federals at Camp Scott. "We have just learned . . . that the 9

87, 88.

Young to Kane, U.S. Congress, 35th Cong. 2d Sess. (1858-1859), Senate Doc. 1, pp.


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troops are very destitute of provisions," his note started out. Only for the sake of his people did Brigham Young go on to offer the enemy in the mountains something to eat.

L

lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Franklin Cummings of the Nauvoo Legion had just celebrated his 37th birthday at Ogden when the express rode up from Great Salt Lake on Tuesday, March 9. Before noon the next day, Cummings swung into his saddle to lead 10 men north to the stricken fort on Salmon River. His orders: "go through as quick as we could." 10 For the dependable native of Maine, command of the fast moving, advance force to Fort Limhi climaxed three exhausting years of service to the Kingdom of God. Called among the first missionaries to the Indians of Oregon Territory, Cummings had played a major role in locating Fort Limhi a few miles west of the pass over the Continental Divide in the Beaverhead Mountains, which had been crossed 50 years before by Meriwether Lewis and William Clark. The site on the east branch of Salmon River, now named Lemhi River, also was near the birthplace of the Shoshoni maiden, Sacajawea, whose devotion to the American explorers became a legend in western history. In November 1856 Cummings and two others from Fort Limhi had crossed the Lewis and Clark gateway over the Continental Divide to the Beaverhead and Big Hole headwaters of the Missouri River and ridden north to Bitter Root Valley, now in southeastern Montana. Their mission, they had said, was to enter Brigham Young's bid to purchase Fort Hall with Neil McArthur, northwest agent for Hudson's Bay Company. But along the way, the Ogden officer had mapped and noted carefully the advantages of that region as a future gathering place for his people. His report had prompted Brigham Young the next spring to journey into Oregon Territory to see for himself. By such meritorious service, Cummings had won "permission to stay at home for a season." X1 Hardly had he returned to Ogden, however, before he again was ordered north, this time to lead a battalion of Mormon troops to Soda Springs on the Oregon Trail to halt a half-hearted move by "Buchanan's Army" to enter Salt Lake Valley from that direction. "Benjamin Franklin Cummings, "Biography and Journals of Benjamin Franklin Cummings, Ogden, 1821-1878" (typescript, Brigham Young University), March 10, 1958. 11 Ibid., June, 1857.


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Past performance on the Kingdom's northern ramparts had earned Cummings the most dangerous assignment of all. Riding with him were the 10 he had chosen, four of them former Indian missionaries on Salmon River. The latter were: Bauldwin Harvey Watts, called "B. H . " or "Baldy" despite his wavy hair, who was one of the youths who rode from Fort Limhi for help two weeks earlier; George Washington Hill, an irrepressible, 36-year-old Ohioan, whose good-natured bravado was like catnip to Indians; Thomas Bingham, a sturdy veteran of the Mormon Battalion; and William Bailey Lake, a stocky optimist of 32, who was always looked to for cheering words by disheartened companions. 12 Following the road to Fort Hall, the little command on March 10 and 11 rode north through Brigham City; crossed Bear River near present Collinston, Utah; and headed up the valley of the Malad River, a sweep of sagebrush between the Bannock Mountains on the east and barren hills on the other side. As they urged their horses up the open valley, the mild gusts from the south suddenly reversed with chilling effect to a cold wind from the northwest. Lowering skies warned of the heavy storm front moving in. Ignoring the omen, the riders pushed steadily ahead and gained by Thursday night, March 11, a camp on Henderson Creek, some 70 miles north of Ogden near present Woodruff, Idaho. There, pinned down by a fall of snow heavy enough to blot out trail and landmarks, they fretted the next, precious day away. In his own language, the Mormon colonel jotted down a terse account of the journey north as they went. Crossed over the east m t a n d c a m p e d on a small creek about 2 miles from M a r s h Creek. Severe snow storm traveled down M a r s h crossed over a n d continued on d o w n a few miles a n d struck u p on to t h e b e n c h a n d d o w n on to Portniff a n d crossed over a b o u t 7 miles above the m o u t h of M a r s h creek. T r a v e l e d d o w n a b o u t 5 miles a n d c a m p e d . Stormy all day a n d cold.

Saturday dawned late with no sign of clearing weather. Unwilling to delay longer, Cummings decided to go on. But instead of continuing on the main road along Little Malad Creek, he gambled to make up lost time by risking a little-traveled shortcut north over a low divide in the Bannock Range to Marsh Creek. 13 12 Others in the party were Benjamin Cutler, Thomas Bloxham, Thomas Workman, J. Hammer, and John Munson. A tenth, unnamed, may have been Sylvanus Collett or George Barber, both of Lehi, or Fort Limhi's seldom-spoken mail rider, Abraham Zundel, 22, of Willard. 13 Route generally followed today by U.S. Highway 191 from Malad to Downey, Idaho, then U.S. 91 to Pocatello.


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Men and horses drove into the mountains on risky footing with their heads down and shrouded with snow; their visibility was cut almost to zero by a descending blanket of white. They rolled up at night in their buffalo robes for a few sleepless hours in the open. Sunday, March 14, opened cold and grey on the Mormon horsemen pushing slower through deep powder snow. Without pause or much conversation, they advanced down Marsh Creek to pick up and follow Portneuf River, and camped for the night a few miles south of present Pocatello. Mon. 15th. Start 8 A M continue on down the Canyon about 10 miles and came out into an arm of the valley about 8 miles and stoped for noon 12-1/2 P M Start at 2 P M and camp at the Black Foot creek mission.

The gamble had paid off. Cummings and his half-frozen company at last descended from the mountains into the milder climate of Snake River Valley. Heading now to the northeast, the force rested at midday near the intersection of the Oregon Trail, then rode on to camp in the comfort of the cabins built at Blackfoot Fork by Andrew Cunningham's pioneer party late in 1857. At this point they had covered about 180 miles, or about half of their journey. If any of the party knew where to find the food cached by Cunningham a few months before, they also ate their first full meal in nearly a week. And they would benefit from the new crossing of Snake River located by the earlier Mormon company. Tues. 16th Cross the river and travel up about 35 miles and camped.

On the seventh day the riders crossed Snake River and headed northeast at a faster pace along the north bank on the Flathead Indian Trail from Fort Hall to Bitter Root Valley. On their right the river curled its way along the valley. On the other hand a waterless carpet of crumbling lava and sagebrush, some 50 miles across, discouraged a direct approach to the mountains beyond. Wed. 17th. Continue on left Snake river at the Big Slough stoped at the mouth of Carmash creek 2 P M to let our horses eat found the tracks of a number of ponies and mules in the road near the place where we stopped. Supposed to the Indians who had pursued the Brethern who came in with the express. 4 P M start on for Spring Creek where we arrived about 1 o'clock at night.

Near the big, marshy loop in Snake River about 20 miles north of present Idaho Falls, the Mormon party turned sharply away from the


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river on a new bearing northwest toward Mud Lake, then an aptly named, milky body in a barren region. They halted in the early afternoon to rest and graze their mounts on the grass along Camas Creek near the parting of the route to Fort Limhi from the Flathead Trail. Here, Watts pointed to tracks in the mud perhaps made by the war party that had pursued the 22-year-old and his companion less than three weeks before. As the hoofprints verified, Cummings and his men had traveled some 240 miles to pause at the very brink of peril. Prior to Indian hostilities, the distance from this point to the Lewis and Clark pass over the Continental Divide near Fort Limhi had looked to Mormons like a divinely planned corridor of escape from the U.S. Army, a covered route through the mountains to fertile lands beyond. "Bro Brigham said look to the west. . . and on the west side was high mountains . . . do you see where that creek comes out [?] there is room for one man to pass in at a time let us go in . . . and there was a beautiful valley." 14 This dream of an envisioned gateway to paradise by one Mormon leader had been drastically changed by the Indian attack on Fort Limhi to a trail of sudden death through a valley apparently designed by a redskinned creator as an ideal setting for his favorite war tactic â&#x20AC;&#x201D; ambush. The first leg, about 35 miles from Camas Creek to Spring Creek 15 at the narrow entry in the mountains, was an invitation to a massacre. This naked approach to the mountains led the unwary across a sloping tableland of low brush and lava gravel unbroken by a shred of cover or DAVID BIGLER

"Pitchforth, "Diary," February 19, 1858. 15 Today named Birch Creek.

Beneath a protective shelter, crumbled ruins of the mud corral today offer the only physical evidence of Fort Limhi, built by early Mormon missionaries near Tendoy, Idaho, some 380 wagon miles north of Salt Lake City.


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protecting ravine. Any lookout in the mountains could see for miles anyone coming on this flat wasteland. The rest of the way was an 80-mile gauntlet up a narrow, barren valley, ranging in width from a few thousand feet to eight miles and hemmed on both sides for the entire distance by impassable mountains. 16 The Lemhi Range on the west soared over 10,000 feet. Only a shade less rugged, the Beaverhead Mountain blocked any exit to the east. Between the imposing barriers, the wagon road northwest wound along birch-lined creeks, over broken benches of sagebrush, and through a maze of brush, side canyons, and dry creek beds. For Cummings and his men, Fort Limhi was no haven of rest in a covered alley to freedom. Instead, the outpost was a compelling piece of live bait at the far end of a bushwacker's heaven. 17 To escape detection from the mountains, Cummings timed the start of his exposed approach for late afternoon. He pushed his command across most of the flat tableland under cover of night. By the first hour of morning, the party reached the cover of the birch willows and brush near the sink of Spring Creek, still a few miles short of their entry point into the mountains. Stiff and cold from riding into a hard, freezing wind that blew up shortly after dark, the men worked their horses down into the heavy cover along the creek, where a small fire would be unseen for more than a few hundred feet. In this shelter, they thawed out and napped until earliest dawn, when they moved on. T h u r . 18th W i n d continues very strong from t h e n o r t h which w e h a d to face Started a b o u t 6-1/2 A M a n d traveled 14 miles u p t h e creek a n d t u r n e d i n t o a small K a n y o n on the right opposite t h e first crossing [of] the creek a b o u t 10 A M found good feed a n d little wind.

After bucking ahead into a driving wind and blowing snow, the riders by midmorning that day passed the narrow entrance between the mountain ranges. From here on they would stay away from the exposed trail in the lower valley, favor the protective benches that hugged the east mountain, and travel mainly at night and early morning. Fri. 19th w i n d continue[s] very high Start 9 A M T r a v e l u p to t h e m o u t h of Bear Creek K a n y o n 18 a n d c a m p , w i n d blow h a r d all day b u t ceased a b o u t Sunset considerable snow. 16

Route generally followed today by Idaho State Highway 28 from Mud Lake to Salmon. Brigham Young, who had an instinctive eye for military terrain, made a similar comment on his first visit to the region in May of 1857. 18 Properly named Bare Creek Canyon, east of present Kaufman, Idaho. 17


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The Mormon horsemen girded now for a final push of about 60 miles, with brief stops only to breathe their mounts. The last leg of their journey led over a low divide between the Snake River Basin and Eighteenmile Creek, a h e a d w a t e r of Salmon River, along the latter stream to the east fork of Salmon River, and another two dozen miles down river to their destination near present Tendoy, Idaho. Sat. 20th Start 7 A M crossed the divide. Snow very bad crusted in many places so as to bear the horses.

From the snow-bound pass, their target came within striking distance, downhill all the way. With restored spirit the men urged their tired horses forward, kept their rifles checked, and ready, and scanned carefully every hill and ravine for any sign of Indians. It was after dark that day when the trouble Cummings so long had expected at last came. The 11 horsemen reined up sharply at the glow of Indian sentinel fires on high ground that commanded a narrowing in the trail ahead. After a whispered counsel the Mormon colonel again elected to gamble, this time on the odds that his hard-riding company had reached this point undetected and that he would not lead his men into a whole Indian camp on the far side of the flickering beacons. Throwing caution away, they spurred their horses and drove straight into and past the threat, while surprised lookouts tried in vain to stir up a sleeping Indian encampment. Speed and decision delivered the hardy force when the moment of danger finally arrived. Shortly after 1 A.M. on Sunday, March 21, near the end of the eleventh day, Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Franklin Cummings and his jubilant company of 10 rode up to the log stockade on the east bank of the river. Shouting to the guard to hold his fire and open the gate, they charged inside the fort to cries of joy and tears of welcome and were pulled from their horses by the arms of those they had saved â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all of them still alive. Three days later, Captain Abram Hatch and the veteran Indian fighters from Lehi rode up as ordered by Bishop Evans. They arrived in company with the Standing Army regulars under Captain Layton, a total of nearly 100 troopers, all of them spoiling for a fight. The last company of 50 from Davis County reached the spot soon after to bring up the rear guard of Colonel Andrew Cunningham's force. Even before the militia arrived, according to orders carried by Cummings, Mormon settlers on Salmon River had begun packing to evacuate


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their outpost in the northwest and bring to a close a significant episode on the Mormon frontier that had lasted less than three years. As the colonists for the Kingdom of God loaded their wagons for the long journey home, Colonel Cummings and nine men, seven of these from his earlier company, saddled up and rode out ahead of the rest on Friday, March 26, with news of the rescue.19 On the ride north the Mormon officer from New England at least twice had studied unfavorable odds, then chosen to gamble. Both times his luck held. But this good fortune and the size of friendly forces now between his small command and the former point of danger apparently offered too much temptation to overconfidence. For on the return trip, with no need to, Cummings took another chance. But this time his luck ran out.20 The outcome was a bloody footnote to a crisis that altered the course of the Kingdom of God in western America and to the heroic action in March of 1858 to rescue the Saints in distress on Salmon River in Oregon Territory. 19 Besides Cummings, the r e t u r n express included George W. Hill, B.H. Watts, T h o m a s Bingham, William Bailey Lake, Benjamin Cutler, George W. Barber, T h o m a s Bloxham, J o h n Blanchard, Jr., a n d T h o m a s W o r k m a n . 20 A later chapter of the forthcoming "Massacre at Fort Limhi, Early M o r m o n s in Oregon Territory," will describe the action touched off by Cummings a n d his m e n w h e n they seized three horses from a n I n d i a n w a r party near M u d Lake. I n the r u n n i n g g u n fight t h a t followed, William Bailey L a k e was shot to d e a t h and 17 of the party's horses were killed or captured by the Indians. T h e rest of the M o r m o n s escaped, most of them on foot.

ROCKVILLE TELEGRAPH OFFICE

The date the Deseret Telegraph reached Rockville, U t a h , is unknown. However, it was there before the close of 1868 from a telegram sent to Brigham Young from Erastus Snow in December of that year. The building (shown on the cover) that housed the telegraph office also served as the post office for Rockville, and for many years was the residence of the postmaster and telegraph operator. The building still stands today. The foundations, walls, and fireplaces in the home were constructed of sandstone obtained from quarries near Rockville. The exterior frame walls of the two wings on the main building are filled with small adobe brick laid in adobe mortar. The windows, doors, frames, siding, shingles, mantels, millwork, and hardware were hauled by wagon from Salt Lake City.


THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS: historic stopping place on the Spanish Trail BY JUANITA BROOKS

T

he use of the Mountain Meadows on the Spanish Trail stretches back into prehistoric times. Although Father Silvestre Velez de Escalante in 1776, and Jedediah Strong Smith a half-century later, missed the Mountain Meadows by following Ash Creek to the Virgin River, traders on the Spanish Trail as early as 1805 had come to use this area as a place to recruit their animals. By the following decade, an annual caravan left Santa Fe each fall for California â&#x20AC;&#x201D; autumn was the only time of year traders could safely brave the desert. _ Mrs. Brooks, a member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society, has lived in the southern Utah area most of her life and is an authority on the history of the region. She is a past contributor to the Quarterly and author and editor of several books and numerous articles that have appeared in scholarly publications.


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The first description in English of the Spanish Trail and the Mountain Meadows area was written by John C. Fremont on his second exploring trip. He was headed north out of southern California with the Cajon Pass behind him, when on April 20, 1844, he recorded: . . . a general shout a n n o u n c e d t h a t we h a d struck t h e g r e a t object of our search â&#x20AC;&#x201D; T H E S P A N I S H T R A I L â&#x20AC;&#x201D; which here was r u n n i n g directly n o r t h . . . . A road to travel on, a n d the right course to go, w e r e a joyful consolations to u s ; a n d our animals enjoyed the beaten track like ourselves . . . our wild mules started off a t a r a p i d rate, . . -1

If Fremont found the trail clear and well marked, his caravan left it even more a road, for he had over a hundred horses and mules besides some horned cattle. "Our march was a sort of procession," he wrote, "Scouts ahead, and on the flanks; a front and rear division; the pack animals, baggage, and horned cattle in the centre; the whole stretching a quarter of a mile along our path . . . ." They followed this well-marked trail past the Mojave, on to the springs at Las Vegas, over the desert to the Muddy River, up the Virgin to the Beaver Dams, over the summit to the Santa Clara Creek, and along its winding course to the Mountain Meadows, where they camped. On May 12 in describing this oasis-like spot Fremont said: . . . we found here a n extensive m o u n t a i n m e a d o w , rich in b u n c h grass, a n d fresh w i t h n u m e r o u s springs of clear water, all refreshing a n d delightful to look u p o n . I t was, in fact, t h a t las Vegas de Santa Clara, which h a d been so long presented to us as the terminating p o i n t of t h e desert, a n d w h e r e the a n n u a l c a r a v a n from California to N e w M e x i c o h a l t e d a n d recruited for some weeks . . . . T h e m e a d o w was a b o u t a mile wide, a n d some ten miles long, bordered by grassy hills a n d m o u n t a i n s . . . . Its elevation above t h e sea was 5,280 feet; . . . its distance from w h e r e we first struck the Spanish trail a b o u t four h u n d r e d miles . . . . 2

After two days at the Meadows, Fremont continued his journey, leaving the Spanish Trail where it turned toward the mountain pass, and followed instead the course to the Salt Lake area earlier charted by Jedediah Smith. This route would soon become the Mormon Trail to California and much later U.S. Highway 91. An early diary of the complete journey from Santa Fe to California was kept by Orville C. Pratt, a young lawyer, who with an escort of 16 men left Santa Fe on August 28, 1848. When he reached the Mountain Meadows, he was so impressed that he wrote: 1 Brevet Capt. J. C. Fremont, Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in the Years 1843-'44 (Washington, D . C , 1845), 258-59. 2 Ibid., 270.


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Wednesday Oct. 4th 1848. . . . Camped at the Vegas of Santa Clara, to stay for a day or two to recruit the animals. Found the best of grass and plenty of it Thursday Oct 5th 1848 Remained in camp today at the "Vegas." . . . The animals are doing finely on the excellent grass they get here. There is fine & tender grass enough growing on this Vegas to fatten a thousand head of horses or cattle. 3

With the arrival of the Mormons in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake, this southern route to California took on great importance. The first wagon to be taken over it was brought by Mormon Battalion men traveling from Los Angeles to Great Salt Lake City in May of 1848. That same fall a company was sent from Salt Lake to California for seeds, grape cuttings, and cattle. This party returned in the spring of 1849, leaving the trail quite well marked. Later that same year the California-bound company whose tragic end gave Death Valley its name followed the trail at least as far as the Meadows. Brigham Young, ambitious to establish his inland "Kingdom," sent colonists south to the present site of Parowan in 1850, and in the years immediately following established villages along the road wherever there was sufficient water. Thus as far south as Cedar City the road was improved, bridges built over the most difficult places, and some guide posts set. While these improvements were primarily for the local travel, they impressed the overland emigrant also. But nothing delighted his heart so much as the grassy meadow where he could loiter as he pleased. And many writers echoed the words of Mormon George W. Bean who said it was "the most beautiful little valley that I have seen in the mountains south." Wagon travel steadily increased. During 1853 so many cattle and sheep were driven to California that the grass well might have begun to be depleted. On August 4, of this same year Edward F. Beale, superintendent of Indian Affairs for California, traveled to his destination with a pack company. His historian, Gwinn Harris Heap, wrote of the Mountain Meadows: It is here that we saw the first of the meadows of Santa Clara, which give some celebrity to this region . . . . This vega was covered with tender grass and watered by numerous streams, which preserve its freshness even during the most sultry seasons . . . their uniform verdure and level surface, shaded in many places by extensive glades of cottonwoods, offered a de3 LeRoy R. and A n n W. Hafen, Old Spanish dale, 1 9 5 4 ) , 353, 354.

Trail:

Santa Fe to Los Angeles

. . . (Glen-


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lightful feeling of security, as t h o u g h we were once m o r e w i t h i n the confines of civilization. 4

The Meadows continued to be a haven for the traveler until September of 1857. On the eleventh of that month a tragedy occurred here which erased forever all connotations of delight and beauty and changed the place to one of horror and fear. On that date two companies of emigrants, temporarily traveling together and totaling about 120 persons, were massacred. Only 18 small children, placed in a wagon and sent on the road ahead were spared. The motives behind this tragic event and the driving forces which exploded in it are too complex to be detailed here. 5 But in order to understand even partially the dark happenings of this day, we must consider briefly the Mormon background. As they attempted to build up their "Kingdom of God," the early Mormons were constantly involved in conflicts with their frontier neighbors. Three times they had been driven from their homes, from Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois. There had been whippings, tar-and-feather parties, pillaging and burning of their homes, and even murder. The Prophet Joseph Smith had been assassinated. Finally, the Saints had been forced out of their city of Nauvoo on the banks of the Mississippi in the dead of winter. On their westward trek they had buried their dead â&#x20AC;&#x201D; dead from exhaustion, disease, and hunger â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in uncounted numbers. And when Brigham Young led his people into the Valley of the Great Salt Lake in July of 1847, there to build up their kingdom at last free and unmolested, he is reported to have said: "Give us ten years, and I ask no odds of my enemies." Brigham had his ten years, but just barely. Word of an approaching U.S. Army reached Utah on July 24, 1857 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; ten years to the day. To the Mormons the coming of the army meant just one thing: they were threatened once again with annihilation, this time by the power and might of the federal government. Immediately the people were counseled to store their grain and supplies, to gird themselves for a terrible seige. Another vital factor was the Indians. For three years Mormon missionaries had been trying to cement their friendship, to teach them, to civilize them. Now in the face of an approaching army the natives supported the Mormons, who in turn 4 Gwinn Harris Heap, Central Route to the Pacific . . ., eds., LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen (Glendale, 1957), 230. 3 For the complete story of the massacre see Juanita Brooks, The Mountain Meadows Massacre (2nd ed., Norman, 1963).


Mountain Meadows

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would be protected by their Great God. But a few Indian leaders had been killed or wounded in an early Indian-white skirmish, and the Indians demanded revenge â&#x20AC;&#x201D; if not on the white emigrants passing through the territory then on the Mormons themselves. Emotions and motives were fanned into a flame which culminated in this wholesale murder at the Mountain Meadows, this complete tragedy for all: for those who were killed, for the children who were orphaned, for the men who participated. Many of these men moved their families to distant parts of the territory. Within a year Cedar City had lost about half its population. Local people shunned the Meadows, believing the place to be haunted; they rerouted the road in order to miss all reminders of that dark day. The so-called Mormon War, which had ignited the flames of passion culminating in the massacre, was really not a war at all. One of the soldiers reported: "Wounded, none; killed, none; fooled, everybody." Except for the massacre at Mountain Meadows no blood was shed, and in the spring the army marched peaceably through Salt Lake City and took up quarters at Camp Floyd 40 miles to the west. Some effort was made to investigate the tragedy at the Meadows, but while the Mormons ostracized those few who remained in the area, they would not turn them over to the law. In 1859 U.S. soldiers examined the site carefully, gathered up the bones that had been dragged from shallow graves by animals or washed out by rain, and buried them in two separate graves. Over one grave they erected a stone pyramid on the top of which they placed a large wooden cross bearing the inscription VENGEANCE IS MINE & I WILL REPAY SAITH T H E L O R D . By 1864 the monument had been torn down, but was again replaced with the same cross or a similar one. By this time a total change had come over the face of the Meadows. Local folk believe that God had cursed the land. Scientists say that the grass was eaten down by too many herds, that the iron tires of hundreds of wagons had cut through the grass turf so that erosion set in. The winter of 1861-62, known as the flood year, played havoc, gutting out a great wash, draining off the top soil, and leaving only sterile gravel. The appearance of the place eloquently supports the belief that God has washed away the stains of blood and decreed that this land should never again be productive. The pile of stones, with the cross gone, stood amid the shadscale and scrub brush that struggled for existence in the sterile soil. In 1907 a letter was written by relatives of the victims to government officials asking


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what procedure to follow in order that this spot be properly marked, dignified with a suitable monument, and beautified with shrubbery. Except for the exchange of letters nothing was done until 1932, when the Utah Trails and Landmarks Association in cooperation with local citizens erected a square stone wall around the crumbling pile of stones and placed on the west face a plaque that reads: NO. 17 ERECTED 1932 MOUNTAIN MEADOWS A F A V O R I T E R E C R U I T I N G PLACE O N T H E O L D SPANISH TRAIL IN T H I S V I C I N I T Y , SEPTEMBER 7-11, 1857 O C C U R R E D O N E O F T H E M O S T LAMENTABLE TRAGEDIES I N T H E ANNALS O F T H E WEST. A COMPANY OF ABOUT 140 ARKANSAS AND M I S S O U R I E M I G R A N T S LED BY CAPTAIN CHARLES FANCHER E N R O U T E T O C A L I F O R N I A , WAS A T T A C K E D BY

Mountain Meadows Monument over the grave of the men of the Fancher train. The women's grave is unmarked.

OLIVER SIGURDSON

«**» •../.:.:.-:.;MM-^, M MM ^'MMMM^MM

M>MtM 'MMM^MrM}MMMM~v

.......

r i %MMM^ MM •' ' « ; jMMMMi


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WHITE MEN AND INDIANS. ALL BUT 17, BEING SMALL CHILDREN, WERE KILLED. JOHN D. LEE,6 WHO CONFESSED PARTICIPATION AS LEADER, WAS LEGALLY EXECUTED HERE MARCH 23, 1877. MOST OF THE EMIGRANTS WERE BURIED IN THEIR OWN DEFENSE PITS. THIS MONUMENT WAS REVERENTLY DEDICATED SEPTEMBER 10, 1932 BY THE PIONEER TRAILS AND LANDMARKS ASSOCIATION AND THE PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN UTAH

That was 35 years ago. Now the wall is crumbling and cracking, the land surrounding it is more bleak and barren than ever, and the road to it is almost impassable. Yet here lie the remains of 120 American citizens. Such other spots are suitably preserved, as witness the site of the Donner tragedy. Does not this one deserve better treatment â&#x20AC;&#x201D; some trees and greenery about it, an access road and path so that the hundreds of citizens who visit here annually would not find this dismal sight? Would not it be in the best American tradition that this site on the Spanish Trail be given the dignity and continuity of some suitable recognition? 6 F o r the biography of the only m a n executed for the M o u n t a i n Meadows Massacre see J u a n i t a Brooks, John Doyle Lee, Zealot-Pioneer Builder-Scapegoat (Glendale, 1961).

Mountain Meadows Burial Detachment, 1859: TOMMY GORDON'S DIARY BY A. F . CARDON

T

he spring following the Mountain Meadows Massacre saw Albert Sidney Johnston's army march through Salt Lake City and establish M r . C a r d o n , the son of " T o m m y G o r d o n , " has previously contributed articles to t h e Quarterly. H e is a retired government employee living presently in Los Altos, California.


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Camp Floyd in Cedar Valley, about 40 miles distant from Salt Lake City. 1 The establishment of the camp stimulated the economy of the area by providing employment for Utah residents. Among those who applied for work was a young Mormon convert by the name of Thomas Cardon. While working at the camp, Tommy became friends with another Frenchman serving as a clerk with the army. A firm friendship developed, and apparently because of his friend's persuasion, Tommy joined the army. At the time of his enlistment, Tommy's English was poor and the enlistment officer understood his surname to be "Gordon," and it was so entered on the official records. Tommy Gordon's friend taught him to read and write English, and he began to keep a diary of his life as a soldier. His first recorded adventure was when he was sent with a detachment of troopers to bury the victims of the Mountain Meadows Massacre. The expedition started April 21, 1859. Since Tommy had hardly started to learn English, he wrote sparingly of the trip in the form of notes of the marches, the distance traveled each day, and the sites of each camp. After burying the remains the soldiers proceeded to Santa Clara and then returned to Camp Floyd. The Tommy Gordon diary describes the trek and the Mountain Meadows, where "one of the most lamentable tragedies in the annals of the west" occurred. T O M M Y GORDON'S DIARY DisMarched

1859 Apr. 21 "

22

"

23

"

24

"

25 26 27

Left Camp Floyd, U.T. at 6.15r A.M. and arrived at Goshen at 2.20' P.M Left camp 5.20' A.M arrived at Nephi 12.45' P.M Left camp 5.30' A.M arrived Chicken Creek 10.45' A.M Left camp 6.30' A.M arrived at Sevier Bridge 9.30' A.M. Left camp 6.5[0]' A. M arrived at buttermilk creek 2.20 P M Left camp 5.45 A.M arrived at Meadow creek 12.30 P.M. Left Camp at 6 A M arrived at Cove creek 3.15 P.M

Total

27 21

48

18

66

10

76

25

101

18

119

28

147

1 For the history of Camp Floyd see Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arrington, "Camp in the Sagebrush: Camp Floyd, Utah, 1858â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1861," Utah Historical Quarterly, 34 (Winter, 1966), 3-21.


Mountain

Meadows

1859 28 29 30 May 1st 2

3 4 5 6

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

145 DisMarched

Left Camp at 6.30 A.M. arrived at pine creek 9.30 A.M. Left Camp at 6 A.M arrived at Be[a]ver City 1 PM Lay over Left Camp at 6.15 A M arrived at dry creek at 10 A.M. Snow water Left Camp at 6.15 A M arrived at Parona [Paragonah?] 12 M 15 miles and at Parawine [Parowan] 1.30 P.M Left Camp at 6 A.M. arrived at Cedar City 12 M 17 miles Camped 3 from city Left Camp at 6.20 A M arrived at Iron or Cold Springs at 12.30 Left Camp at 6.15 A.M. arrived at Mountain Meadows at 12 M Lay over encamped on the ground where the Arkansas Train was massacreed Sept 10th, 1857 helped to bury the bones that was laying overground in two graves, the first one 2500 yards North of the Spring and 45 yards from left hand side of road (Mens grave). Second grave 150 yards north of first one (Womens grave) 50 yards from road on Same Side as the other. 2 Left Camp at 6.30 A M arrived at Camp on the Santa Clara at 12 M Left Camp at 7 A M arrived in camp Do. [ditto] at 10 A M ~ Lay over Do Do California Train passed Do Do. Do Do Left Camp at 5.30 A.M arrived at Mountain Meadows 3 P.M Lay over

Total

7

154

20

174

12

186

20

206 226

18

244

16 miles

260

18

278

8

286

26

2 T o m m y ' s description of the massacre site is very matter-of-fact a n d certainly lacks any dramatics. T h e historian, H u b e r t H o w e Bancroft, History of Utah, 1540â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1886 (San Francisco, 1 8 8 9 ) , 556, described the scene the troopers found as follows: " O n reaching M o u n t a i n Meadows, the m e n found skulls a n d bones scattered for the space of a mile around the ravine, whence they h a d been dragged by wild beasts. Nearly all the bodies h a d been gnawed by wolves, so that few could be recognized, a n d their dismembered skeletons were bleached by long exposure. M a n y of the skulls were crushed in with the but-ends of muskets or cleft with tomahawks; others were shattered by firearms, discharged close to the head. A few remnants of apparel, torn from the backs of women and children as they ran from the clutch of their pursuers, still fluttered a m o n g the bushes, and near by were masses of h u m a n hair, m a t t e d a n d trodden in the m o u l d . "


Utah Historical

146

DisMarched

1859 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

28

29 30

Left Camp at 7 A.M arrived at Iron Springs 1 1 A M Left Camp at 6 A M arrived at Cedar City at 1 P M Left Camp at 7 A M arrived at Summit Creek 1 1 A M Left Camp at 6.25 arrived Red Creek [?] near [?] Fort at Summit Creek at 10 A.M Left Camp at 6.15 A.M arrived at Little Salt Lake Valley at 11 A.M Left Camp at 6.20 A.M arrived Indian Creek 12 M Left Camp at 6.35 A M arrived at Cove creek 12 M Left Camp at 6.25 A M arrived Corn Creek 1 P.M. Left Camp at 5.45 A M arrived at camp near Cedar Springs Left Camp at 6 A. M. arrived at Round Valley 12 miles from Sev[i]er river 10 1/2 A M Left Camp at 5.25 A M arrived at Sev[i]er River 1 P.M camp 8 miles from Bridge Left Camp at 6 A M arrived at San Pete River at 1 P.M. Left Camp at 6.25 A M arrived at Camp 5 miles from Mantua [Manti?] & 2 from Ephra[i]m Fort at 12 M.

Quarterly Total

16

42

20

62

15

77

12

89

14

103

18

121

19

14[0]

20

160

20

180

12

192

21

213

20

233

17

250


The Settlements on the Muddy 1865 to 1871 ?? A God Forsaken place" af BY L. A. F L E M I N G

Call's Landing or Callville looking toward the west as it appeared in 1926. R. F. PERKINS AND LOST CITY M U S E U M , OVERTON, NEVADA

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C.

olonization in any area in North America presented no greater difficulties than those faced by the settlers on the Muddy River. First was the remoteness of the area — they were 450 miles from Salt Lake City and 90 miles from their headquarters in St. George; there were no cash markets for anything they produced; there were no roads — the original pioneers traveled down the Virgin River crossing it as many as 35 times; and there was the terrible summer heat — even the nights were unbearable. The country was desolate; the trees and palms that now line the valley were planted by the colonists. Then there were I n d i a n s — m a rauding, sneaking, thieving Indians — present everywhere. And always there was the wind — one day it blew from the south; the next day it blew from the north. In the winter it blew cold; in the summer it blew hot; and it always carried the drifting sand. Sand blew into food, into the cracks of houses, and on at least one occasion the people at St. Joseph awoke to find their water ditches blown full of it. One wonders how these pioneers succeeded as well as they did. To understand, one has to know and consider the people themselves. These settlers were Mormons, members of a new church — a church whose very foundation was based upon the concept of a prophet who was guided by the Almighty to direct them to go places and do things. When that prophet stood up in the semiannual conference of their church, called them by name, and told them they had been selected to go and settle on the Muddy, the call carried the seal of Diety upon it. It was as though the Lord Himself had called them. And they went. The name "Muddy," which was given to the stream, goes back to early packers who used the California Trail many years before any permanent settlements were there. Kit Carson referred to the river as the Muddy when he camped on it in the spring of 1847.1 Orville C. Pratt camped on the river October 10, 1848, and called it the Muddy in his journal. 2 James McClintock states that an early map of New Mexico Territory dated 1853 says the "Muddy is set down as the El Rio Atascoso," Spanish for "Boggy." 3 Joseph W. Young, in a letter to the Deseret M r . Fleming was born in southern Nevada. H e was a postal employee with a deep interest in history. M r . Fleming served as a m e m b e r and officer in the Weber Valley C h a p t e r of the U t a h State Historical Society from the time of its formation. At the time of his d e a t h in J a n u a r y of this year, M r . Fleming was serving as president of the chapter. This article is a portion of his work on the M u d d y River Mission. 1 LeRoy R. Hafen and A n n W. Hafen, Old Spanish Trail: Santa Fe to Los Angeles . . . (Glendale, 1954), 314. 2 Ibid., 355. 3 James H . McClintock, Mormon Settlements in Arizona: A Record of Peaceful Conquest of the Desert (Phoenix, 1921), 102.


Settlements on the Muddy

149

News of June 19, 1868, gives the best clue as to how the name was derived. He says: The stream has it's [sic] name [Muddy] from the fact of there being a low alkali swamp on the east side of the creek where the California Road crosses, which is bad to cross in wet weather, but the creek is clear and very good water, with the exception of being too warm for pleasant drinking. 4

It became known as the Muddy Crossing and then the Muddy Valley. The Muddy Valley (now known as the Moapa Valley) lies in the extreme southeast part of the State of Nevada. It is approximately 30 miles in length from the springs in the northwest to where it empties into the Virgin River. At no place is the valley over two and one-half miles in width. It is composed of three separate valleys, the first or upper valley is the source of water. Here, in many separate, crystal clear, warm springs, the Muddy River is born. This upper valley is about two miles wide and five miles long, terminating at the lower end in what is called the Upper Narrows. The second or middle valley commences at the Upper Narrows and continues down to the Lower Narrows and is about two miles wide and about six miles long. The third valley begins at the lower end of the Lower Narrows and runs to the confluence with the Virgin River (now covered by Lake Mead) and is about 18 miles long. This is what has always been known as the Muddy Valley. Actually, it is a continuation of the great drainage system of that part of Utah and Nevada not in the Great Basin. The climate is harsh, for it is true desert. The summer temperatures are extremely high, 5 and with little moisture in the air, the heat of the day in winter is rapidly dissipated so the nights are cold. The vegetation is limited to the creosote bush, cactus, mesquite, and other related hardy desert plants. Timber suitable for sawing into lumber was 60 miles away. There were three basic reasons for the Mormon Church establishing these settlements on the Muddy, and it is difficult to state which was the most important. The first was the navigation of the Colorado River. There were a thousand miles of wagon roads from the Missouri River to the Salt Lake Valley, all through hostile Indian country. By bringing freight and passengers around the southern tip of South America and up 4

A n d r e w Jenson, comp., " M a n u s c r i p t History of the M u d d y River Mission" ( C h u r c h of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake C i t y ) . 5 The World Book Encyclopedia (Chicago, 1 9 6 7 ) , X I V , 154a, gives the record of 122 degrees in Overton in J u n e of 1954.


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the Colorado as far as navigation was possible, the wagon haul to Salt Lake was only 450 miles, all through country dotted with Mormon communities. The second reason was Brigham Young's desire to make his inland empire economically secure. Soon after establishing the Indian Mission on the Santa Clara, the colonists learned cotton could be grown there. The Mormons knew from their explorations that there were valleys at lower elevations, with warmer climates, where cotton could be produced even better than in Utah's Dixie area. This no doubt was a very important factor for settling the Muddy Valley. The third reason was to keep non-Mormons from settling in these valleys and gaining control of them. The mines at Pioche, in El Dorado Canyon, and throughout Arizona Territory were coming to life. The natural route for travelers to take from the Nevada mines to the Arizona country was down the Meadow Valley Wash to the Muddy, thence to the Virgin and the Colorado rivers, and into Arizona. If travelers were to pass this way, it was only a matter of time until people would locate here permanently. At a meeting in St. George in 1864, President Erastus Snow 6 told his people that "in his recent visit to Clover and Meadow Valleys he was satisfied that it is the intention of Col. Connor and other Gentiles to settle there, and not only claim the mines of silver, in that vicinity, but also the farming lands, water priviledges, &c. in those and surrounding valleys." With that idea in mind, he thought it best to "strengthen those settlements." 7 CALL'S LANDING

With the outbreak of the Civil War and the supply of cotton cloth cut off, it became imperative that the Mormons produce their own cotton goods. In the October conference of 1861, 300 families were called to settle in the south on a "Cotton Mission." By 1864 these colonies were permanently established, and cotton was being successfully produced. Steamship travel was becoming fairly common on the Colorado River by the summer of 1864.8 Regular service was in existence from the mouth of the river to Hardy's Landing, approximately 150 miles 6 Erastus Snow was a member of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles of the Mormon Church. He was also president of the Southern Utah Mission, with headquarters in St. George. In this position he presided over all this area. T James G. Bleak, "Annals of the Southern Utah Mission" (typescript, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City), 148. 8 Leonard J. Arrington, "Inland to Zion: Mormon Trade on the Colorado River, 18641867," Arizona and the West, 8 (Autumn, 1966), 239-50.


Settlements on the Muddy

151

below the confluence of the Rio Virgin and the Colorado rivers. The time was ripe for the Colorado River transportation to Utah to begin. The idea of transporting goods from Europe and New York over the Isthmus of Panama, or around South America and up the Colorado River to the "head of Navigation" was to become a reality. At a High Council meeting held in St. George on June 11, 1864, it was decided that it would be "advisable to explore for a more direct wagon-road from St. George to the head of navigation on the Colorado and especially for a distance of twenty miles, or so, from St. George in a S. W. direction." 9 Jacob Hamblin, Isaac Duffin, David H. Cannon, and Leonard Conger were selected as the exploring party for this purpose. They were given authority to call others to assist, them if needed. In the meantime a group of the leading merchants of Salt Lake City formed a company with the idea of "building a warehouse at some suitable place on the Rio Colorado, with a view of bringing goods into Utah by that River." Also it was thought, "the Mormon emigration might come into Utah from that direction should possible contingencies render it advisable." At the general conference of October 1864, Anson Call of Davis County was directed by the First Presidency "to take a suitable company, locate a road to the Colorado, explore the river, find a suitable place for a warehouse, build it, and form a settlement at, or near, the landing." 10 By fall word had spread down the river to Hardy's Landing that the Mormons were embarking on the river freighting business. William H. Hardy immediately dispatched a letter to the leaders at St. George, which was read to the conference of November 4, 1864. Hardy invited trade with the Mormons . . . via the C o l o r a d o river a n d giving a list of prices of some articles h e will furnish at H a r d y ' s landing, on t h e C o l o r a d o : F l o u r $10.00 p e r h u n dred, Bacon 17ÂŁ per lb. General m e r c h a n d i s e a t a small a d v a n c e on S a n Francisco prices. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n t o or from San Francisco t o H a r d y ' s L a n d i n g , 3 to 4 ^ per lb. 1 1

Following the reading of Hardy's letter, President Erastus Snow proposed that a party of men be sent to the Colorado River for further exploration and to visit Hardy's Landing to see what arrangements for commerce could be made. Jacob Hamblin, James M. Whitmore, Angus M. Cannon, and David H. Cannon were selected for this purpose. 9

Bleak, "Southern Utah Mission," 147. Ibid., 161. 11 Ibid.. 161-62. w


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On December 17, 1864, Anson Call had arrived at the Colorado River. He selected a site for the church warehouse and landing, 125 miles from St. George. Elder Call found the river at this point to be the size of the Illinois River and landing, he states, is as good as the Peoria landing in Illinois. He reports flowers to be in full bloom. On the 18th of December he picked a water melon, which was not ripe but growing thriftily. The explorers did not find any large body of arable land below the Muddy Valley. They found a good piece of farming land at Beaver Dams about 30 miles from St. George. It was estimated that it would cost $60,000.00 to make a good road to the new landing. 12

While he was exploring the river, Call and his party went to Hardy's Landing, 150 miles downstream. Very likely the purpose of this trip was to ascertain whether the best possible site for the church warehouse and landing had been selected. In telling of the trip, Call stated that "no steamboat was there but one was expected daily." Call also reported to President Snow that "during the prevalence of high water, it was judged that boats could go up the river to Jacob's Crossing [mouth of Grand Wash] on the Colorado, 75 miles from St. George." 13 On January 15, 1865, William Hardy of Hardy's Landing arrived at Call's Landing in a flat-bottomed barge, 50-feet long and 8-feet wide. His crew had propelled the barge 150 miles upstream by poles and oars. The barge was equipped with a sail, but due to strong head winds, it could be used but two hours on the entire trip. Hardy told Call that he had no difficulty in getting up the river and with a little improvement the stream would be safe for steamers. He offered, for $500.00 in currency, to remove all the rocks considered dangerous between Hardy's Landing and Call's Landing and declared "that he cannot see how more than fifty thousand dollars could be expended to advantage in improving the Colorado from it's [sic] mouth to Call's Landing." 14 Hardy promised Anson Call that 13

Ibid., 164. This remark of Call's to President Snow t h a t the Colorado could be navigated to the m o u t h of G r a n d Wash called for further exploration in 1867. Snow, J a c o b H a m b l i n , a n d five other m e n took a 16-foot skiff a n d went to the river. Snow a n d four of the m e n continued on to the M u d d y with the wagon, while H a m b l i n and two m e n floated down the river in the skiff. H a m b l i n described passing t h r o u g h Boulder Canyon, "the great black walls rose perpendicularly, as if it were into the heavens, shutting us in from light and hope, and filling us with a sensation akin to awe, as our frail skiff was carried down the silent stream, for the w a t e r moved slowly a n d silently along in its gloomy channel. Away up above us, a thin streak of light could be seen, looking like a rift in a m o u n t a i n top, while it appeared as if we were passing t h r o u g h a tunnel at its base. This continued for about twelve miles. This canon has to be passed t h r o u g h to have its full sublimity realized." T h e y drifted 65 miles and landed at Call's L a n d i n g . This boat trip through the canyon did prove t h a t Call's L a n d i n g was the head of navigation. Bleak, " S o u t h e r n U t a h Mission," 245. 14 Ibid., 166. 13


Settlements on the Muddy

153

. . . merchandise ordered in San Francisco in M a r c h w o u l d get to t h e m o u t h of the river in April, t h e n by the m i d d l e of M a y it could be delivered a t Call's L a n d i n g . I n J u n e the river would be too high a n d also dangerous because of drift-wood; b u t in July, August, September, O c t o b e r a n d probably in November, a steamer could m a k e , a t least three trips a m o n t h from t h e m o u t h of the C o l o r a d o to Call's L a n d i n g . 1 5

Hardy also brought a communication from the firm of George A. Johnson and Company, which operated a warehouse of 500-tons capacity at the mouth of the river. The communication stated, . . . this firm r e c o m m e n d s t h a t in t h e event of shipping direct from N e w York to the m o u t h of the river, it would be best to use the light b a r q u e rigged vessels of 500 or 600 tons b u r d e n a n d d r a w i n g 15 ft. of water. Leaving N e w York a b o u t the m i d d l e of M a r c h , or first of April, which, allowing four m o n t h s for t h e trip, would bring t h e m to the river a b o u t August, "the very best time for boating the river." W e can deliver your goods with any of our boats at El D o r a d o C a n o n 1 6 in August, September, October, a n d November. M y firguring [sic] is t h a t you can charter a vessel of the class m e n t i o n e d for eight or ten t h o u s a n d dollars currency, m a k i n g $16.00 a ton to the m o u t h of t h e River. I will agree to deliver 5 or 6 h u n d r e d tons to El D o r a d o C a n o n in the m o n t h s above n a m e d for $65.00 in coin, a n d as freight increases a n d d o w n freights come on will be diminished. By this figuring, calculating currency at 50^, your freight will cost, at El D o r a d o C a n o n , $7.16-2/3 per h u n d r e d pounds in currency. 1 7

The warehouse and a few dwellings, together with some huge rock corrals, were completed some time during the month of February. The warehouse, between 75- and 100-feet long and about 45-feet wide, was constructed of stone laid up in lime mortar. The walls were about three feet thick with no windows. There were some rooms petitioned off at one end of the building.18 The Saints were very optimistic about shipping along the Colorado River when the project was first considered. Two steamships, the Esmeralda and the Nina Tilden, made the trip somewhat regularly from the mouth of the Colorado to Call's Landing, connecting with other steamships plying between the mouth of the Colorado and San Francisco. The owners of the river boats carried a standing advertisement in the Salt Lake Telegraph seeking trade up to December 1, 1866.19 15

ibid. El Dorado Canyon was a mining camp about 20 miles below Call's Landing. Johnson no doubt did not know the exact location of Call's Landing so used this location to base his figures on. "Bleak, "Southern Utah Mission," 166-67. 18 There are no figures available covering the size of these buildings. The writer worked near here as a boy and this is as he remembers them. 19 B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), V, 127. 16


154

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On December 18, 1865, Bleak stated that "Jacob Hamblin and Dr. James M. Whitmore, returned from a trip they had made to the Colorado River. Dr. Whitmore reports, that but little business is being done at Call's Landing." 20 No estimate is available as to how much freight passed through Call's Landing. Bleak on December 10, 1865, wrote, "Some of the teams that passed through St. George some time ago, on their way to Calls [sic] Landing on the Colorado, came in this morning on their way north," 21 no doubt loaded with freight. In 1866 the Arizona Legislature, at Prescott, by resolution thanked Admiral Robert Rodgers, commander of the steamer Esmeralda, and Captain William Gilmore for the successful accomplishment of the navigation of the Colorado River to Callville (Call's Landing) "effected by the indomitable energy of the enterprising Pacific and Colorado Navigation Co." Both the Arizona and the Nevada legislatures petitioned Congress to improve the stream. 22 The port of Call's Landing had a short life. In June of 1869 the Deseret News printed an article mentioning that Call's Landing had been abandoned. The mention of Call's Landing in the newspaper was in connection with the escape of three horse thieves from St. George. These men wrenched four large doors from the warehouse for the construction of a raft upon which they committed themselves to the river at flood time. 23 Whether the Mormons could have made a success of the navigation and long, slow freight haul to Salt Lake City will never be determined. Hardy claimed it would cost $50,000 to improve the river for navigation. Call claimed it would cost $60,000 to construct a road from St. George to the river. In any event freighting on the river would be expensive. The warehouses and buildings at Call's Landing had hardly been completed when word came through that the Union Pacific had started laying rails west from Omaha in July of 1865. The dream of a transcontinental railway was to become a reality, after which the river project was dropped completely.24 20

Bleak, "Southern U t a h Mission," 192. Ibid. 22 McClintock, Mormon Settlements in Arizona, 111â&#x20AC;&#x201D;12. 23 Ibid., 116. 2i Francis Leavitt, " T h e Influence of the M o r m o n People in the Settlement of Clark C o u n t y " (Master's thesis, University of Nevada, 1934), 29, contains the following interesting comment. " T h e Callville landing was then deserted a n d remained so until the outbreak of the Civil W a r , when U n i o n soldiers were stationed there a n d it became known as Fort Collins." T h e construction of Call's L a n d i n g was completed in February of 1 8 6 5 ; the Civil W a r ended in M a y 21


Settlements

on the Muddy

155

S E T T L E M E N T S ON T H E M U D D Y

W h e n Anson Call was called at the October general conference of 1864 to proceed to the Colorado River to select and build a warehouse a n d landing, he was also instructed to "form a settlement at or n e a r the landing." F r o m his party's exploration of the river a n d adjacent country, they knew the only area capable of supporting a settlement of any size would be at the lower end of the M u d d y . So at the same conference t h a t called Anson Call, the order went out for "missionaries to strengthen the Southern Mission a n d especially to settle on the M u d d y . " This proposed settlement on the M u d d y River very likely h a d a twofold purpose. It was a p a r t of the Southern U t a h Cotton Mission; a n d the M u d d y Valley, at a lower elevation, possessed ample water for irrigation, a w a r m e r and m u c h longer growing season, a n d was m u c h better a d a p t e d for the cultivation of cotton t h a n U t a h ' s Dixie. Also the settlem e n t could provide food a n d forage for those living at the warehouse a n d for the freighters traveling to and from there. O n J a n u a r y 8, 1865, the first of the missionaries arrived on the M u d d y . Brigham Young h a d called T h o m a s S. Smith of Davis County to preside over this first settlement. T h e party consisted of 11 m e n and 3 women. Within a m a t t e r of days after the first party arrived, additional settlers came and the colony soon n u m b e r e d 45 families. A typical M o r m o n village was laid out â&#x20AC;&#x201D; dwellings in the center of town a n d farmland surrounding the area. T h e streets r a n north-south a n d east-west â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "85 lots of one acre each and about the same n u m b e r of vinyard lots of two and a half acres each, and the same n u m b e r of farm lots of five acres each. T e n lots formed a block. T h e streets were six rods wide, including a 12 foot sidewalk." T h e town was given the n a m e of St. T h o m a s after their leader T h o m a s S. Smith. As soon as the land was surveyed a n d apportioned out, settlers commenced the h a r d work of clearing the brush, grubbing out the mesquite, a n d planting gardens and fields. T h e Mission report that summer showed 55 acres of wheat were planted as well as considerable oats a n d barley. of 1865. It is difficult to understand w h a t Leavitt m e a n t . If it were ever occupied by soldiers a n d given the n a m e of Fort Collins, it was during the seventies when the government was r o u n d ing u p Indians a n d p u t t i n g them on reservations. Call's L a n d i n g would have been centrally located in connection with the Paiute, Havasupai, Mojave, Chemehuevi, and Shoshoni. George Elwood Perkins, Pioneers of the Western Desert: Romance and Tragedy Along the Old Spanish or Mormon Trail. . . (Los Angeles, 1 9 4 7 ) , 35, states that on "two different occasions during the early days, steam boats got u p as far as the Bonelli Ferry [mouth of t h e Virgin River] a n d loaded back with rock salt b u t the sand bars, rapids a n d rocks m a d e it an unprofitable venture for steamers." Joseph W. Young in a letter to the Deseret News in 1868 stated the Saints h a d shipped some rock salt "down the Colorado to Fort M o h a v e a n d other places." Jenson, " M u d d y R i v e r Mission."


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The August irrigation report for the Mission showed St. Thomas with a three-mile canal, eight feet wide and two and one-half feet deep, which cost $3,840 to construct. The colonists also had another small canal in process of construction which would cost $1,160. 23 25

Bleak, "Southern U t a h Mission," 183, 184.


Settlements on the Muddy

157

It was a harsh land, and to the eyes of Hannah Sharp anything but hospitable and inviting. She described it by saying, At length, after journeying a full m o n t h , they looked out on the b u r n t desolation of their new h o m e site; a little g r o u p of adobe h u t s with willow a n d m u d roofs mussed together into a fort, pitiful a t t e m p t s at w h e a t a n d corn fields; not a tree to i m p e d e the direct rays of the sun. T h e n there was t h e w a r m alkali w a t e r of the M u d d y t h a t h a d sickened H a n n a h from t h e first taste of it. Even n o w h e r m o u t h was r a w with canker, yet she m u s t drink t h a t water, a n d she w o n d e r e d if there would ever be a n y t h i n g to eat besides bread a n d treacle a n d p a r c h e d corn or wheat. 2 6

On April 26, President Erastus Snow; his secretary, James G. Bleak; and Brothers Cragun and Ensign arrived on the Muddy. Along with his ecclesiastical duties of checking on the people, President Snow was looking for a place to establish another settlement. The day following their arrival on the Muddy, the Snow party with Elder Thomas S. Smith and others traveled up the valley. About two miles above the settlement of St. Thomas, they came to a "fine meadow which was estimated to contain about 1000 acres, the grass of which was then ready to cut." About two miles above the first meadow they found another "meadow of about 600 acres." In the vicinity of the second meadow they found what they considered a good mill site and a fine body of farmland suitable for another settlement. All spring additional settlers had been arriving in the valley. In June of 1865, the town of St. Joseph, about 12 miles upstream from St. Thomas, was established. It was organized as a branch of the St. Thomas Ward, and Warren Foote was appointed to preside over it.27 The town was surveyed and the land apportioned to the settlers. At this time 40 families were located there. 28 As with the first settlement the Saints immediately set to work clearing the land. The irrigation report for August showed the settlers at St. Joseph had constructed a canal three and one-half miles long, four and one-half feet wide, and one and one-half feet deep, which cost $1,000. Another canal was planned that would be four miles long, fourteen feet wide, and three and one-half feet deep, to cost in excess of $5,000. Some time after the town was established, Joseph W. Young in a letter to the Deseret News described the place. 2

* Jenson, "Muddy River Mission." Both Perkins, Pioneers of the Western Desert, and Andrew Karl Larson, "I Was Called to Dixie," the Virgin River Basin: Unique Experiences in Mormon Pioneering (Salt Lake City, 1961), state that the town was named after Joseph Warren Foote. It was located near the present town of Logandale. 28 Bleak, "Southern Utah Mission," 175-76. 27


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At present, the inhabitants of this place are living in a fort built on a high bluff about midway between the upper and lower ends of the lower Muddy. The town is laid out on a level, sandy bench, laying west and north from the fort, and it is to be hoped that most of the people will get out on their lots this fall. In consequence of the people having to fort up, very little has been done in setting out trees and vines. Yet there is no doubt but this place will equal any settlement in the south in the production of the grape. This settlement is greatley [sic] blessed with an abundance of excellent hay land. I suppose one hundred and fifty tons have been cut and stacked this season and this is but a small portion of what could be had, if there was sufficient labor to get it. The wheat crop at St. Joseph is generally good, some pieces being very fine, while some later sowing is very light. Wheat in this country must be sown in the fall to do anything. 29

By December 1865 enough people had arrived in the valley that still another settlement was established. President Erastus Snow appointed Orawell Simons to preside over this new colony and it became known as Simonsville.30 By spring L . A. F L E M I N G a grist mill had been constructed at Simonsville and was being used to grind wheat, corn, and salt. Bleak in his history commented,

29 As quoted in Jenson, " M u d d y River Mission." 30 Perkins, Pioneers of the Western Desert, 32, located the town of Simonsville as " n o r t h of Overton on the east side of the valley on the low mesa overlooking the valley," or about a q u a r t e r of a mile northwest of the present Overton Cemetery. T h e present buildings of the Overton Airport are sitting on the exact location, the remains of some old buildings can still be seen just west of the airport.

One of the first graves in the Simonsville Cemetery, now the Overton Cemetery.


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A cotton gin is also being worked by the same power and has been ginning the cotton raised last year. Over five thousand pounds of cotton lint was obtained on the Muddy from 1865 crop. Rhodes obtained 695 pounds of first class lint from one acre. 31

The first year was a hard one. Along with clearing the land, building irrigation ditches, planting crops, and constructing homes, many of the people came down with malaria and dysentery. In the town of St. Joseph there were four deaths. Many settlers were discouraged, could not take the hardships, gave up, and moved out. By fall, out of the 40 families when the town was organized, only 25 remained. 32 By spring of 1866 the Indian depredations that had become so prevalent in southern Utah had spread to the large Indian population along the Muddy and the Virgin rivers. In February the Indians killed several head of stock and drove off about 60 more. One Indian, CoQuap, who had been branded an outlaw by the Indian chiefs in the area, was taken prisoner and executed at St. Thomas. A few weeks later a miner was murdered near Panaca. An Indian, forced to admit his guilt of this crime, was brutally treated and hung. Four other Indians were killed for participation in the miner's murder. 33 With their every success, the Indians became more brazen in their stealing. According to Andrew Gibbons, during the latter part of March all the Upper Muddy Indians "have pulled up their wheat, some 30 acres and have left for the mountains," taking with them 32 head of horses, mules, and cattle from St. Joseph and Simonsville. A posse of about 25 men, including 10 from St. Thomas had gone in pursuit but were unsuccessful in finding the stolen stock. By May Indian-white relations in the Southern Utah Mission had deteriorated to the point that Brigham Young wrote President Snow a lengthy letter counseling him on the subject. The letter told the Saints to abandon all the small communities they were unable to defend and to collect in the larger settlements. The following are excerpts from Brigham Young's letter. To save the lives and property of people in your counties from the marauding and blood-thirsty bands which surround you, there must be thorough and energetic measures of protection taken immediately. . . . . There should be from 150 to 500 good and efficient men in every settlement; . . . . 31

Bleak, "Southern Utah Mission," 202. Ibid., 189-90. 3S Ibid., 200, 204-5.

32


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W h e n it m a y be necessary for wood, poles or timber t o be h a u l e d , one or t w o persons should n o t v e n t u r e into the K a n y o n s , b u t a c o m p a n y should be formed w h o , well a r m e d themselves, should also be a c c o m p a n i e d by a n a r m e d e s c o r t . . . . W h e n settlements are a b a n d o n e d measures should b e taken t o bury the house logs a n d fence poles, &c. to prevent their destruction by t h e indians [sic] . . . . T h e careless m a n n e r in which m e n have traveled from place t o place . . . should be stopped, . . . A d o p t measures from this time forward t h a t n o t a n o t h e r d r o p of your blood, or t h e blood of anyone belonging to you, shall be shed by t h e indians [sic] a n d keep your stock so securely t h a t n o t a n o t h e r horse, mule, ox, cow, sheep, or even calf shall fall in their h a n d s a n d t h e w a r will soon be stopped . . . , 34

On May 30, President Erastus Snow and a company of 10 men with two wagons and 13 animals started from St. George for the Muddy for the purpose of organizing the defense of these colonies, At St. Joseph a meeting took place between President Snow, the valley leaders, and the Indians. The Indian chiefs present were Tut-se-gavitz, chief of the Santa Clara Indians; To-ish-obe, principal chief of the Muddy Indians; William, chief of the Colorado band and 17 of his men; Farmer, chief of the St. Thomas band and 20 of his men; Frank, chief of the Simonsville band and 12 of his band; Rufus, chief of the Muddy Springs band above the California road and 14 of his men; and Thomas, chief of the Indians at the Narrows of the Muddy and one of his men. A total of 7 chiefs and 64 of their men were at the council.35 President Snow addressed the Indians, with Andrew Gibbons as interpreter, assisted by James Pierce and Indian "Benjamin." A very good feeling prevailed, and the white settlers on the Muddy felt that much good was accomplished. It was considered wise at this time to organize a battalion of the Nauvoo Legion 36 for the protection of the settlers. This was done under the guidance of Brigadier General Erastus Snow. Thomas S. Smith was given the rank of major and placed in charge of the Muddy River group. The battalion consisted of 93 men, rank and file. Several days after President Snow arrived back in St. George, he received the following letter from General Daniel H. Wells of the Nauvoo Legion. m

Ibid., 209, 210, 211. Ibid., 217. 86 The Nauvoo Legion was first organized in Nauvoo, Illinois, for self-protection. It was reorganized in Utah as the territorial militia. The Legion was kept on an active basis for the protection of the people against Indian attack. 35


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Brigader Gen'l Erastus Snow at St. George Dear Sir: â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Y o u r favor of the 21st ult. came to hand yesterday and was read to the President and duly considered. If the brethern of the settlements on the Muddy build good and sufficient forts and otherwise take energetic measures to protect themselves and property, it would not be objectionable for them to remain; at least at the most of those respective places . . . .

On June 12, Brigadier General Snow sent an express to Major Thomas S. Smith giving such extracts from the above letter as applied to the settlements on the Muddy. Following these extracts General Snow stated, In the exercise of the discretion extended by the above, and in consideration of keeping a guard for the protection of the Mill at Mill Point [under the hill from Simonsville], I deem it best to divide the settlements, as nearlly [sic] equally as may be, between St. Thomas and that place, leaving the brethren of St. Joseph at liberty to choose, each for himself, whether to stop at Mill Point, and take hold with energy this fall and winter in putting the water as high onto the bench at that place as can be conveniently done, and building a permanent and commodious fort there, â&#x20AC;&#x201D; or go on down to St. Thomas, as may best suit their several circumstances and feelings. Those choosing to stop at Mill Point, will select a suitable place near the Mill, move their wagon and temporary dwellings into as compact and convenient positions as possible, so as to afford thereby as much protection to their families and property as the nature of the circumstances will permit; using all precautions in their power to guard against surprise or repel attack. The brethren moving from St. Joseph to Mill Point can plant their corn and cane on lands in that vicinity instead of St. Thomas. I would recommend that their crops be all gathered and secured at Mill Point and diligent preparations made at that place for the winter making adobes &c. for their fort, houses, granaries, and etc. Their adobes should be made of such clay as will wash the least; and if no more suitable place be found, I think they would do as well to make them on the bottom above the mill; as those made there seemed to be of fair quality. The military protection of the settlements and the responsibility of maintaining guard and taking such other measures as may be necessary for the safety of the brethren and their property, together with affording necessary escort to moving families, &c. we will place, under your direction, upon Captain Alma Bennett, â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and require of him the strictest watchfulness and care, that life and property be not sacrificed. Whether to appoint Brother Bennett or some other person to the Presidency of the place in spiritual matters, I leave to your discretion and the choice of the people. Your brother in the Gospel, Erastus Snow.37 37

Bleak, "Southern Utah Mission," 218, 220-21.


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Following the counsel of President Snow, most of the people of St. Joseph moved down to Mill Point. Here they built an adobe fort for their protection. The Mission census for that fall listed 167 settlers at Mill Point, 35 of them men. Their crop report showed 89 acres of wheat, 25 acres of corn, 23 acres of cotton, 9 acres of cane, and 4 acres of orchard and vineyard. A total of 151 acres was under cultivation. The wheat crop had yielded better than 31 bushels per acre, and the colonists had 2,793 bushels of threshed wheat. The census report for St. Thomas gave a population of 129, 40 of whom were men. Their crop report showed 152 acres of wheat, 30 acres of corn, 24 acres of cotton, and 24 acres of cane; making a total of 231 acres under cultivation. The settlers had 3,812 bushels of threshed wheat, an average of 25 bushels per acre. However, the prime crop for the area was cotton, and in 1866 3,000 pounds of lint were raised in St. Thomas which was an average of 222 pounds per acre. At Mill Point 17 acres of cotton had yielded 6,000 pounds of lint. The harvest in the fall of 1867, found the cotton crop a huge success; 23 men at St. Joseph had produced over 14,600 pounds of first-class cotton lint, in addition to their other crops. The cotton culture on the Muddy was proving so successful that at the October conference of the church in Salt Lake it was decided to call additional families to strengthen this part of the Cotton Mission. As a result 158 new families received a call to proceed to the Muddy. 38 There were other changes in the valley also. Alma H. Bennett, who was the presiding elder at the settlement of St. Joseph, was now sustained as bishop, succeeding Warren Foote. In St. Thomas, Thomas S. Smith, bishop of that settlement had been released and gone north because of ill health. Elder James Leithead, one of the first settlers on the Muddy and assistant to Thomas Smith, was sustained as bishop.39 The Saints called at the October conference began to arrive at their new home. By the middle of February between 75 and 80 men out of the 158 called were there. The settlers at St. Joseph had been generous in sharing their land with the newcomers, but many were dissatisfied and talked Andrew Gibbons, the Indian interpreter, into going with them to the Upper Valley to establish a new settlement. Hardly had the wagons arrived at the site of the proposed new settlement when they were approached by a large band of Indians with 3S 39

Ibid., 233, 241-42, 251-53, 255. Ibid., 253-54.


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blackened faces and armed with bows and arrows. The Indians demanded that the new settlers pay for the land. Interpreter Gibbons addressed them, telling the Indians of the advantages arising from having their Mormon friends settle near them. This did not appear to satisfy the natives. The fact that the newcomers were all well armed appeared to pacify the Indians more than any argument. President Erastus Snow in Salt Lake City was sent a report telling him of the new colony and the trouble with the Indians. This in turn was relayed to Brigham Young. Brigham was annoyed. The colonists were called to strengthen the present settlements, not to start a new one. On Monday, February 17, the following telegram was received in St. George and immediately relayed to the Muddy. "Bishop Gardner: â&#x20AC;&#x201D; T h e brethern who are on the Upper Muddy must return to the place where they were sent, or else return home," signed Brigham Young. The result was that quite a number of the willful settlers left the Muddy for their homes in the north. 40 It is not recorded if the attempt to colonize the Upper Muddy at this time was abandoned or whether the colonists defied Brigham Young and stayed. Shortly thereafter, there was a settlement on the Upper Muddy. It became known as West Point 4 1 and had 20 families. It was a very desirable location. Here the creek ran almost on the level of the surrounding land. To get water in the ditches, it was only necessary to cut through sod banks. With the first harvest, these people reaped 2,000 bushels of wheat and raised a good cotton crop. In May at the quarterly conference held in St. George, Bishop Bennett reported the affairs of the valley settlements. They were good and bad. Bad because of the 158 families called at the past October conference, only 25 or 30 now remained. Good because the crops had produced so well. In the coming year it was estimated that 80 men could produce from 200 to 250 acres of cotton with an average yield of 400 pounds of lint per acre or 80,000 to 100,000 pounds, but the cry was "send us more help." Following Bennett's appeal, President Snow noted that "any one in St. George or surrounding settlements was at liberty to go and settle on the Muddy, and such should have his blessing." 42 On the afternoon of August 18, a devastating fire broke out in the tule-thatched roofs of some of the buildings in St. Joseph. Before it was 40

Ibid., 258. West Point was located a few miles southwest of present M o a p a , Nevada. T h e M o a p a I n d i a n Reservation is near or on the location. 42 Bleak, "Southern U t a h Mission," 263. 41


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over most of the settlement was destroyed. Bishop Bennett reported to President Snow in St. George by express. St. Joseph, Aug. 19th, 1868. Brothers E. Snow and J. W. Young: — Yesterday between one and two o'clock P.M. a fire broke out in our place, doing great damage; burning up nine rooms and nearlly [sic] all of the contents. It commenced on the East side of the Fort at Bro. O. P. Miles' and Wm. Streepers', destroying everything of theirs in their houses; also one wagon of Brother Streepers, loaded with clothing, flour etc. they saved nothing but what they had on. Brother Thomas and Billingsley lost all with the exception of their beds. Brother Farmer saved some little of his clothing, Bro. Day lost house, and some little of his things; he is absent on a trip to St. George; this is the number of the East side that has sustained any loss. The Meeting House is burned down. On the West line Bro. Chaffin, Gibson, Watt and Cahoon are left nearly entirely destitute: — Clothing, flour, dishes, and in fact everything in fact with the exception of what they had on their backs was consumed by the flames. Ferguson saved the most of his things. Moyes lost nothing but his house. The amount of damage is great; several thousand dollars. Those who were in the best circumstances are the greatest losers. The wind blew a stiff gale from the N.E. and every thing being dry it made quick work; only lasting about 30 or 35 minutes. All the men, with the exception of two, were out at work consequently, could not render any assistance. Fortunately no lives were lost. It has left us in a critical condition. Some are moving out on to their city lots, Several of the brethern [sic] who are on visits North are heavy losers. Bros. Wiler, Pratt, Clayton, Rydalch and others have lost everything. Cause of the fire: — Some small boys went out to make a fire to roast potatoes back of Bro. Miles and Streepers houses. Alma H. Bennett. 43

Not mentioned in the letter was the fact that Brother Chaffin's cotton gin was also consumed in the flames. The following morning, after receipt of the letter, President Snow called an early meeting to discuss the catastrophe. An appeal was sent to the towns of Washington, Toquerville, and Santa Clara and also to the people in St. George to donate anything in the way of food, clothing, and household goods that could be spared to the settlers in St. Joseph. As a result of the appeal for help, several wagon loads of the necessities of life were collected and dispatched to the burned-out people on the following Sunday. By this time the mines in Pioche, Hiko, and farther west in Nevada were going full force. The mines in Arizona and El Dorado canyons were i3

Ibid., 276-77.


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also very active. The most logical place for people traveling to and from these mines was down the Virgin River and across the Colorado at the confluence of the two. Consequently, it was desirable that the Saints hold the crossing or ferry site. Early in 1869 Brigham Young issued orders for a settlement to be established at the mouth of the Rio Virgin. Jacob Gates of the First Council of the Seventies was appointed to select suitable persons from St. George and adjacent settlements for this purpose. Joseph W. Young, who had now been appointed by President Snow to preside over the Mission on the Muddy, was appointed to make selections from the settlements there. On February 22, 1869, Joseph W. Young wrote from St. Joseph to President Brigham Young telling him of the establishment of the new colony: "We have five men at the mouth of the Virgin, and will at once send more and carry out your instructions." 44 The new settlement was given the name of Junction City. On August 30, a Mr. Asay and his two sons were out on the Colorado River fishing with a seine when out of the canyon floated Major John Wesley Powell and his exploring party. Major Powell recorded in his journal that . . . As we came near, the men seem far less surprised to see us than we do to see them. They evidently know who we are, and on talking with them they tell us that we have been reported lost long ago, and that some weeks before a messenger had been sent from Salt Lake City with instructions for them to watch for any fragments or relics of our party that might drift down the stream. Our new-found friends, Mr. Asa [sic] and his two sons, tell us that they are pioneers of a town that is to be built on the bank. Eighteen or twenty miles up the valley of the Rio Virgin there are two Mormon towns, St. Joseph and St. Thomas. To-night we dispatch an Indian to the lastmentioned place to bring any letters that may be there for us . . . . August 31. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; This afternoon the Indian returns with a letter informing us that Bishop Leithead of St. Thomas and two or three other Mormons are coming down with a wagon, bringing us supplies. They arrive about sundown. Mr. Asa treats us with great kindness to the extent of his ability; but Bishop Leithead brings in his wagon two or three dozen melons and many other luxuries, and we are comfortable once more. 45

This colony on the banks of the Colorado River had problems â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Indians pestered and pilfered from them. Finally in desperation and to reinforce their ranks, Brother Asay induced three Gentiles to settle "Ibid., 289. J. W. Powell, The 1 9 6 1 ) , 286. 45

Exploration

of the Colorado

River

and Its Canyons

( N e w York,


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there and go in partners with him. This so disturbed Bishop Leithead that he sent a telegram to President Snow, who was in Salt Lake. Snow's reply was to hold Junction City till President Young came in March, and to send help if Leithead could. Early in 1870 Brigham Young, George Albert Smith, and others did come to the Muddy and on down to Junction City arriving there on March 16. Apparently President Young was not favorably impressed with the valley. One settler quoted him as saying it was a "God Forsaken place and the people would have to redeem it." 46 During the early years of these settlements, the creek did not run in a channel as it does now. The present channel is the result of floods and man's containing them. Joseph W. Young described the valley as it was in their day in a letter to the Deseret News. . . . the creek runs into a deep a n d n a r r o w canyon [Lower Narrows] w h i c h is passable only to those good a t climbing a n d is a b o u t five miles in length. W h e n the creek puts out of this rugged canyon it breaks over all restraint 46

Jenson, "Muddy River Mission." L . A. F L E M I N G

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Settlements on the Muddy

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and spreads into a tule swamp some two or three miles wide and five or six long.47

The first land farmed by the Saints was the land around the edge of the swamp where the water was easy to get upon the land. The irrigation of this marginal land caused the alkali and other mineral salts to rise so much that the land could be used for only one year. If the swamps were drained the rich bottom land, free of alkali, would be available. Also there was a health factor â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the settlers would be rid of the huge swarms of mosquitos that persistently bothered them from warm weather in spring to the first frost in the fall. On June 3, 1869, Bleak made the following entry in his journal. . . . This season they [settlers of St. Thomas] have made a water ditch, 10 miles long, 6 feet wide and 2 1/2 ft. deep, to drain the swamps above the settlement and to convey water from St. Joseph to St. Thomas. 48

Early in June, President Snow and a party of men left St. George on a visit to the Muddy settlements. This was a twofold mission, to sell the Saints living there stock in the newly established cotton factory at Washington, and to sound out the people on the advisability of extending the telegraph line to these colonies. A meeting was held at St. Thomas. Both programs were "viewed with favor by the people," and they passed a resolution to build their portion of a telegraph line to St. George. Andrew Gibbons, with Joseph Young and such others as the Upper Muddy settlements might choose, was to locate the line. Seven hundred dollars was subscribed at the meeting to purchase stock in the cotton factory. Snow and his party then proceeded to St. Joseph. The people were assembled and told of the telegraph and cotton factory proposals. Here also the people gave a "unanimous vote to build their pro rata share of the telegraph line." The party went on to West Point. As in the other settlement, the colonists voted to construct the telegraph line and subscribed $400.00 in capital stock in the Washington cotton factory.49 "Deseret News, J u n e 19, 1868, as quoted in Jenson, " M u d d y River Mission." Bleak, " S o u t h e r n U t a h Mission," 301. 49 At about the same time the Snow p a r t y was traveling in the area, the tragedy t h a t struck a family on their way from St. T h o m a s to St. George emphasized the dangers of pioneering along the M u d d y . J a m e s Davidson, his wife a n d 12-year-old son, left St. T h o m a s in early J u n e . T h e i r wagon broke down at St. Joseph where it was temporarily r e p a i r e d ; they then proceeded on. After they were well on their way, the wagon broke d o w n again. Being out of water, Davidson p u t his son on a horse a n d started him for Beaver D a m where m e n were digging a well. T h e boy was given a canteen a n d a small keg to fill with water. Davidson a n d his wife remained with the wagon. T h a t evening a riderless horse came into Beaver D a m . After watering him the brethren tied a n d fed the animal thinking t h a t he h a d strayed from some traveler. William Webb, one of the 48


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With the continued arrival in the valley of new settlers, another colony was established southwest of Simonsville about two miles. In the fall of 1869 it was organized into a branch of the church and given the name of Overton. Heleman Pratt was called to preside over this settlement of 20 families.50 Early in 1869 a valley cooperative was organized among the settlements. Its purpose was to enable the people to become, in effect, their own merchants and share in the profits of the business by wide distribution of shares of stock. It was also used as a means of marketing their cotton. Joseph W. Young was elected president, James Leithead, vicepresident, and a board of directors consisted of Brothers Stark and Elmer at St. Joseph, Foote and Johnson at St. Thomas, and Johnson at West Point. 51 Brigham Young again visited the Muddy River Mission early in 1870, and following his visit a feeling of doubt and uncertainty seemed to prevail over the entire valley. Many settlers were discouraged as indicated in James Leithead's letter to President Erastus Snow. St. Thomas Nov. 24, 1870. President E. Snow, Dear Brother: Since my arrival home I have visited all of the settlements on the Muddy. I found in all the settlements a spirit of uncertainty and doubt as to the permanency of the Muddy Mission. Very many feel since the visit of Pres. B. Young that there is little or no interest felt for the future of this country. The breaking up of the Upper Muddy settlements has helped to confirm this opinion. There are many, however, in all the settlements what wish to remain. They feel as though it would be hard, after so many years toil to abandon now what little progress they have made towards a home. I have tried to encourage the Saints, those who feel this way to perservere [sic]. I have also tried to encourage the raising of cotton as the only means to obtain clothing. If our present crop of cotton well diggers, followed the road on his m u l e a n d found a boy lying dead a b o u t a half mile from camp. T h e face and body were so bloated from exposure to the heat of the sun t h a t the boy could not be identified. H e h a d evidently perished from lack of water. T h e m e n buried the boy where they found him a n d p u t u p a small head board to mark the grave. Following the road the m e n found Davidson and his wife lying by the side of the road, both dead. After the wagon h a d broken down, Davidson h a d constructed a shelter from the sun with a blanket. H e a n d his wife crawled u n d e r it to wait for the boy's return. H e r e they both perished from lack of water. A burial party was sent from St. T h o m a s a n d they were buried by the side of the road where they were found. Bleak, " S o u t h e r n U t a h Mission," 3 0 3 - 5 . T h e author located these graves by turning off Highway 91 at the w e a t h e r station t u r n off n e a r the east end of M o r m o n Mesa a n d going north along the road to the low east end of M o r m o n M o u n t a i n . This is a good dirt road and leads to two microwave stations. W h e r e the road leaves the last low hills of M o r m o n M o u n t a i n , turn south onto a road m a d e by a grader blade t h a t leads right to the Davidson graves. Ghouls have dug into the graves a n d probably robbed them, not even bothering to fill up the hole. 50 Jenson, " M u d d y River Mission." O n e of the early settlers stated that the n a m e of Overton was derived from the Saints moving from Simonsville over to the new town â&#x20AC;&#x201D; " O v e r T o w n , " became Overton. 51 Jenson, " M u d d y River Mission."


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would bring us goods, such as hoes, shirts, pants and other articles of common wearing apparel, it would be a blessing to many now destitute. I mention this so that you might inform us on this point. The crop of cotton is small but if we could realize even 20 or 25 cents per pound in the most necessary articles of clothing it would be a blessing, present as well as a stimulant to more extensive cotton culture. I have urged and encouraged the extensive cultivation of cotton on a co-operative principle and I am satisfied instead of twenty thousand pounds a year there might be seventy or a hundred thousand pounds produced every year. We have grain sufficient for the present population and perhaps some to spare, but at present, there is no market, outside, nor in. The breathren are very anxious to sell the present crop of cotton for goods. Please communicate what the factory will do in this matter. 52

Conditions continued to be critical among the Saints all fall. They lacked the necessities of life, and many were disheartened. Finally Leithead wrote to James G. Bleak, the Mission secretary, what almost amounts to a prayer for help. St. Thomas, Dec. 1 1870. Bro. James G. Bleak: Dear Brother: I am pleased to say that all is quiet on the Muddy. No apparent evil resulting from our little Indian trouble. I think a contrary effect will be the result. Today some 25 or 30 Wallapies from over the Colorado came in with their head chief Che-Rum, they say they are friendly and have come on a visit to see the Mormons. I suppose they will stay a few days then leave for their own country. In my letter of last week to Pres. Snow I said something about our cotton. I wish now to say or rather propose to the Rio Virgin M. Co. that if they will furnish us, I mean our Co-op institution with goods such as we will select, or rather such as we are really in need of, such as shoes, clothing partley [sic] homemade goods, shovels, spades, ploughs and articles of this kind that we are destitute of we will agree to* deliver our cotton some 20 or 25 thousand pounds, at the company factory at Washington at the average price of 25 cents per pound providing we get the goods at about the same rate that we have purchased from Southern Utah Co-op. We will freight our goods down and deliver the cotton at the factory. I make the offer because we are destitute of such articles and our cotton is all our dependence to get them. If the Rio Virgin Co. cannot accede to something of this kind, we must try and find some other market. Besides it would encourage and stimulate the brethren here, in cotton culture. We care less about the price, could we only obtain the articles needed. Many are nearly naked for clothing. 52

James G. Bleak, "Southern Utah Mission, 1870" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), 58â&#x20AC;&#x201D;61.


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We can sell nothing we have for money and the cotton, what little there is seems to be our only hope in that direction. We might take quite an amount in the products of the factory, providing the cloth was good; but still there are many articles we are more in need of than cloth, such as boots and shoes and tools of various kinds to work with. Please ascertain the company's mind on the subject as early a date as possible and communicate to me and you will much oblige, Your Brother in the Gospel. James Leithead 5S

This area of the country is subject to very violent and devastating thunderstorms â&#x20AC;&#x201D; storms that come up suddenly and end suddenly, but literally pour out rivers of water while they last. Such storms usually come during the months of August and September. One of the violent storms struck the settlement of West Point. Bleak recorded the following from a letter to the Saints located there. We sympathize with the brethren at West Point on account of the disasterous floods that have injured their crops and bred disease in the settlement. After conferring with President Young on the subject, we are authorized to say to the brethren of that settlement, that if they prefer to vacate that place, they are at liberty to do so and seek locations at St. Joseph, Overton, or St. Thomas or any where else they may choose among the Saints. Erastus Snow, Jos. W. Young. 54

But while a natural storm may have prompted the abandonment of West Point, storms of a political nature were responsible for the collapse of the other colonies along the Muddy. As in other parts of Utah, there was considerable uncertainty as to the exact location of Utah's border. A careful survey line had not been run, and then the boundaries were altered in 1861, 1862, 1866, and 1868. Three of these boundary alterations occurred in the area of the Muddy Mission. The one of 1866 actually cut the Mormons off from Utah and made them part of the new State of Nevada. But the Utahns did not know where the boundary was â&#x20AC;&#x201D; maintaining that it lay to the west of the settlements in the Upper Muddy country. The Nevada officials, however, were sure that the settlements of Pioche, Panaca, and those on the Lower Muddy were indeed in Nevada and included them in Lincoln County, whose county seat was at Hiko. B3

Ibid., 61-63. West Point was a colony of 20 families and lasted but two years. The writer located the old cemetery with 20 graves in it about one-fourth mile east of the present Mormon chapel, up on the barren hillside. 84


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Furthermore, they attempted,to collect taxes and in at least one instance at the point of a gun. Meanwhile, the Utah Legislature on February 18, 1869, created Rio Virgin County to include the Muddy settlements. St. Joseph was designated the county seat by the county court on April 3, 1869. Joseph W. Young had been named probate judge and Royal J. Cutler was named clerk of the probate and county courts. The court set the tax, most of which was paid in produce ($20.00 worth of flour, $12.45 worth of wheat, and $28.55 in cash) ,55 Nevada, on the other hand, required the payment of all taxes in "United States Gold and silver coin." 56 The stage was set for a real struggle. However, the law was on the side of the Nevadans. And despite pleas and petitions to Carson City, to Washington, D . C , and to Mormon friends elsewhere, the case was decided against the Mormon colonists. A survey line, run by Isaac James and Captain Monroe in the summer of 1870, proved that the 114 degree latitude was 30 miles east of the Mormon settlements. They were officially Nevadans not Utahns. There was small liklihood that the taxes already paid in Utah would be recognized by the Lincoln County officials. This double tax burden, along with the many other already suffered by the Mormons, prompted Brigham Young to write the following to the leaders on the Muddy. . . . You have done a noble work in making and sustaining that out post of Zion against many difficulties, amid exposure and toil. We now advise that you gather together and take into consideration your future course and if a majority, after fairly canvassing the subject, conclude to remain and continue to develope [sic] the resources which abound with you, all abide by the result. But if the majority of the Saints in council determine that it is better to leave the State whose laws and burdens are so oppressive let it be so done; but it will not be prudent to reduce your numerical strength much and attempt to remain. May the blessings of Iserael's [sic] God rest upon you and guide you in your decision. It would be adviseable, whether you conclude to leave the State or not to petition the Legislature for an abatement of all back taxes, setting forth the disadvantages under which you labor, being entirely an agricultural, instead of a mining people and far removed from market. It would also be well to petition for a new county, with all it's [sic] priveleges [sic]. If perhaps the authorities of Lincoln County should see proper to enforce the collection on their old assessment, or a new one, it might be 55 56

McClintock, Mormon Settlements in Arizona, 126. State of Nevada, Nevada Statutes, 1869, 51 Ch. VIII, Sec. 1.


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well to forestall the seizure of p r o p e r t y as far as possible by m o v i n g your stock a n d other p r o p e r t y out of the jurisdiction of the State. 5 7

At St. Thomas, the vote for abandonment was 61 for, two against — with Daniel Bonelli and his wife choosing to remain. In the Upper Valley all but three (S. M. Anderson, Joseph Asay, Sr., and James Jackson) chose to leave.58 Most of the settlers in the Upper Valley around Pioche stayed on and found a cash market from the mines of Pioche for their produce. In February of 1871 the more than 600 colonists of the Muddy Valley were once more in exodus — this time eastward from Nevada where they left behind 150 homes, 500 acres of cleared land, 8,000 bushels of wheat in the "boot," and an irrigation system valued at $100,000. Moving back along the route which had brought them to the Muddy Mission, the colonists, for the most part, settled in Long Valley east of Utah's Dixie. Here they founded the towns of Glendale and Mount Carmel. Descendants of these Muddyites are still living along the approaches to Utah's national parks. Here they reminisce of what life would have been for them had their ancestors remained to be removed at a later date by the rising waters of Lake Mead. 57 58

Bleak, "Southern Utah Mission, 1870," 67. Larson, "I Was Called to Dixie," 151.

U T A H , 100 YEARS AGO

April 20, 1867 — Richfield, Sevier Co., was deserted by its inhabitants because of Indian trouble. About the same time the other settlements in Sevier and those in Piute County were abandoned by the same cause, as well as the settlements of Berryville, Winsor, Upper and Lower Kanab, Shunesberg, Springdale and Northup, and many ranches in Kane County; also the settlements of Panguitch and Fort Sandford, in Iron County. [Church Chronology: A Record of Important Events Pertaining to the History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, compiled by Andrew Jenson [Salt Lake City, 1914])


R EVI EWS and PUBLICATIONS Orrin Porter Rockwell: Son of Thunder.

Man of God,

By HAROLD SCHIND-

Illustrated by DALE BRYNER. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1966. 399 pp. $7.50)

LER.

Shortly after Joseph Smith organized the Church of Christ on April 6, 1830, his good friend and neighbor, Orrin Porter Rockwell, then not quite 17, was among the first to be baptized into the faith. Porter, as he came to be known, served as one of Joseph's most trusted and loyal associates, becoming one of the prophet's bodyguards. After Smith's tragic death, Porter was one of those who unquestioningly transferred his loyalty to Brigham Young. He moved to the Great Basin with the first pioneer company in 1847. In those years of turmoil, Rockwell, like his coreligionists, learned what it meant to be a Mormon â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to be hated, spat upon, cast out. But unlike many, he learned to fight back, and unlike even more, he learned to kill. And so the legend of Porter Rockwell began. When he died in 1878, his obituary in the Salt Lake Tribune charged that he had killed as many as a hundred men. In this prodigiously researched and extremely well-written book, H a r o l d Schindler has set himself the task of separating legend from fact. If he has failed to restore a life-and-blood image of Rockwell, it is in many ways a magnificent failure, for given the lack of primary source material on Rockwell, Schindler has set himself an almost impossible task, and it would be unfair to hold him too close to his stated objec-

tive. Much more relevant, then, is what the author has accomplished, namely, a scholarly and detailed examination of the legend. In doing so he has destroyed many myths and exonerated Rockwell from many of the killings laid at his feet. But in his eagerness to provide flesh for Rockwell's meager skeleton, the author has developed a tendency to mislead the reader through his use of sources. Not that it is absolutely illegitimate to rely extensively upon the testimony of such sensation mongers and enemies of Mormonism as Achilles, Beadle, Hickman, Swartzell, et al. T h e author has justified his method by stating that "Since an account of Rockwell's life must be the history of a myth, a folk legend, not less than the history of a man, the possible bias of an authority is in a sense immaterial for such a book as this." Moreover, a seemingly dubious source, as Schindler points out, may be corroborated by many other circumstances and authorities that cannot always be reduced to a footnote. Nevertheless, the reader should always be aware when such a source is used to substantiate fact or legend. Technically speaking, Schindler is usually quite scrupulous in making this distinction. But a somewhat casual reader, one who does not carefully check every footnote, will easily mistake legend for fact. For it takes a conscious act of will on the part of the reader to constantly remind himself that a substantial part of the sources support legend only. In view of the author's strong interest in the legend, he might also have gone a little further and investigated the origins and the uses


174 of the Porter legend, perhaps exploring the use of symbol and myth in an important western subculture. The author also might have treated Porter "the man" with a little more sophistication. It does not seem sufficient to point out that Rockwell was no monster. True (Schindler seems to say), he killed in cold blood. But he was also a regular guy: a devoted husband and father, a loyal friend, willing to help strangers, loyal to his church. But it is a tragic irony that this kind of image can be much more devastating than the myth created by his enemies. They, after all, portray him as a devil, thereby diminishing a possible indictment of Mormon society. But the very humanness of the kind of Rockwell the author is attempting to portray reminds me of Hannah Arendt's penetrating and controversial observation in Eichmann in Jerusalem, namely, that evil in our times is banal, committed by the "regular guys." If Schindler is right, has he not established a collective guilt of Mormons? Perhaps this is pushing speculation too far, particularly since Schindler seems hard put to reveal enough about the "real" Porter. As a result, the author feels it necessary to fill in the historical background in minute detail, retracing almost the entire history of Mormonism in the light of Rockwell's career. The lengthy treatment of the Mormon-Gentile conflict in Missouri and Illinois provides excellent background for explaining the hardening of Porter's dogmatic arteries and the quickening of his vindictive pulse. Yet in the same detailed treatment of Mormon history in. the West, Rockwell sometimes gets lost in the vast sweep of larger events. And yet, in at least one area, Schindler has ignored detail that might have been crucial for an understanding of Rockwell's actions. For many of these become more plausible if seen in the light of his activities in the Council of Fifty. Although Schindler duly records Rockwell's membership, he misses some

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important implications. Under United States law, many of Porter's actions were clearly illegal, his killings murder. But as a member of the Council of Fifty, Rockwell believed he was subject to a higher law, in fact belonged to the "highest court on earth," which was to administer the laws of the nations of the world. There is strong evidence suggesting that the Council of Fifty never accepted the superiority of United States law. In fact, the secret, full official name of the Council of Fifty was "The Kingdom of God and His Laws with the keys and powers thereof and judgment in the hands of His servants." One of the laws of the Kingdom of God was blood atonement. These reservations, I hope, will not obscure the genuine value of this handsomely produced book about one of the most colorful characters on the western frontier. K L A U S J. H A N S E N

Assistant Professor of History Utah State University Beet Sugar in the West: A History of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, 1891-1966. By LEONARD J. ARRINGTON. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966. xiv 4-234 pp. $7.50) On October 15, 1891, a new factory at Lehi, Utah, produced the first white g r a n u l a t e d sugar from beets in the Mountain West. That small plant grew into a vast corporation that produced more than 16 billion pounds of sugar in the next 75 years. Beet Sugar in the West is the story of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company and the growth of beet cultivation in Utah and adjoining states. The author, an acknowledged authority on the economic evolution of the Great Basin, has written a valuable study of sugar refining and related agriculture in the West.


Reviews and Publications Founded as a "Mormon" enterprise, the sugar industry expanded from Lehi to suitable areas in Utah and Idaho, and eventually into five other states. Inaugurated as a church industry, the business was secularized in the 1920's with the adoption of professional management. Today there are 7,000 stockholders. The L.D.S. Church retains the largest single investment with approximately 47 per cent of the stock. The author's purpose in writing this book was "to choose themes that put U and I policies, problems, and achievements in their industrial and national perspective," and "to interpret the role of the company in the development of the industry and thus to integrate local and national history with respect to the beet sugar industry." The research and writing was supported by a grant from the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company to Utah State University. Professor Arrington has examined the dual growth of sugar refining and beet cultivation. Utah-Idaho Sugar Company emerges as an enterprise characterized by resourcefulness and imagination in applying science, technology, and effective business practices to industry and agriculture in order to compete in a domestic market long dominated by producers of cane sugar. The Utah-based company has grown apace with beet sugar refining in the United States. By the mid-twentieth century that industry had achieved maturity. Under the terms of the Sugar Act of 1965, beet sugar supplies 65 per cent of domestic consumption. The "saga of sugar," as Professor Arrington views the industry's growth in the West, was founded on change. For U and I the years since the 1890's "have been a parade of progress and not just a passing of time." Numerous community factories have disappeared; in their places five modern plants operate with enormous capacities. Methods of transportation and marketing have also changed. During the company's early

175 years sugar was packed only in 100pound bags and sold locally mainly for household consumption. Today the output is packaged in many types and sizes of containers, and it is sold nationally, with the principal market in the Middle West. Sixty-five per cent of the company's production is purchased by commercial consumers. Equally significant changes have occurred in the methods and techniques of beet cultivation. Disease-resistent varieties are now grown with mechanical devices, yielding beets that are far superior to the European species first planted at Lehi. U and I played a p r o m i n e n t role in p r o m o t i n g better plants, mechanical cultivation and harvesting techniques, and higher yields. Students of business, agricultural, and technological history will delight in this careful analysis of the U t a h - I d a h o Sugar Company. N u m e r o u s illustrations, an extensive Bibliography, and a comprehensive Index enhance the value of the book. L E E SGAMEHORN

Professor of History University of Colorado Nevada's Twentieth-Century Mining Boom: Tonopah, Goldfield, Ely. By R U S S E L L R. ELLIOTT. (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1966. xii + 344 pp. $5.95) Metal mining served as a catylist for economic development in the Mountain West. As Professor Elliott said, precious metal mining in southwestern Nevada and copper mining near Ely "came at a time when the mining industry in Nevada was in the throes of a depression which many thought threatened the existence of the state." He has shown that this development in the first two decades of the twentieth century though often neglected by historians has been as important as the earlier, betterknown discoveries.


176 Both of the twentieth-century boom areas had their beginnings in the prospector's discoveries. In both cases, however, as in other mining areas, outside capital was necessary for mining and subsidiary development. Eventually, the Brock family of Philadelphia furnished the capital which gave them control at Tonopah; and at Ely, the low-grade porphry ores attracted the Guggenheim family. Mining development meant urban growth to these areas in Nevada. In southwestern N e v a d a came the unplanned boom-and-bust characteristic of earlier mining frontiers, whereas at McGill and Ruth, the Nevada Consolidated planned and built model towns. There, houses of prostitution and other undesirable features were excluded by company order. Labor troubles came in both areas, though those in Goldfield and Ely were considerably worse than at Tonopah. In all districts, however, the major problems developed from activities of the Western Federation of Miners. In the Ely area, labor problems were compounded by the difficulty in assimilating immigrant groups. Though the study is thoroughly researched and well written, its main failing is one of perspective. Some attempts are made at comparison, but in general, there is little to tie the Nevada story to general development during the period or to relate it to the historiography of the subject. No reference is made, in discussing McGill and Ruth, to the general study of company towns in James B. Allen's doctoral dissertation or book. In attempting to analyze the impact of mining, no use was made of Leonard J. Arrington's The Changing Economic Structure of the Mountain West, 18501950, which helps sustain Elliott's major thesis. Though Paul Brissenden's and Vernon H. Jensen's works on the I W W and W F M are cited, no attempt is made to test Herbert G. Gutman's thesis concerning the impact of community feeling

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on labor relations. No attempt is made to test Richard Wade's thesis concerning western urban development. As a piece of Nevada history, Elliott's work is superb, but as an example of historical analysis it has some shortcomings. T H O M A S G. ALEXANDER

Assistant Professor of History Brigham Young University The Wagonmasters: High Plains Freighting from the Earliest Days of the Santa Fe Trail to 1880. By H E N RY PICKERING WALKER. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. xii+ 347 pp. $5.95) The difficult process of evaluating high plains freighting and its effect on the development of the West have generally been neglected by serious students of Western Americana. Attracted by the unavoidable lure to study such firms as Russell, Majors and Waddell and suffering from the economy of time, historians have failed to produce a precise monographic study of western freighting. ^ High plains freighting from the opening of the Santa Fe trade until the completion of the major railroad lines near the end of the last century served as an embryo cord sustaining life and progress in the Mountain West. Reaching adolescence during the Mexican War, wagon freighting served the needs of the budding frontier and reached its apex when it provided logistical support for the western armies. Wagon freighting stimulated the economic growth of the Missouri Valley and helped cushion the valley's economy against financial depression. The volume of equipment, draft animals, and supplies needed to sustain wagon crews, was either locally produced or handled by commission merchants. Acting as middlemen between eastern manufacturers and western freighters, these merchants extracted a margin of profit that


Reviews and Publications was subsequently reinvested in a variety of frontier enterprises. The influence of the entrepreneurs, wagonmasters, teamsters, and clerks in the development of the wagon freighting industry are critically analyzed by Henry Walker. Of the four classes of men the entrepreneurs who provided the capital with which the big companies operated were of p a r a m o u n t importance. The wagonmasters supervised the daily routine of the trains, while the teamsters, a collective term which included bullwhackers, mule skinners, herders, and cooks, manned the trains. The last category of men, the clerks, though ordinary in every sense, maintained the ledgers and inventory lists and gave order to the enterprises. Classified within the meaning of entrepreneurs were three subgroups: promoters, financial men, and general superintendents. For example, the firm of Russell, Majors and Waddell drew upon the combined talents of Russell who promoted the firm's commercial transactions, Waddell who helped finance its undertakings, and Majors who supervised the practical business of freighting. Western writers who have labored with great diligence to decipher the technical processes of western freighting are indebted to Mr. Walker for his painstaking scholarship which has clarified the mechanics of overland freighting. Yet his labors do not suffer from pedantry for the narration is lucid and entertaining. Not only is the text free from numerous historical errors, but it is tightly woven which provides the reader with a clear comprehensive view of this western activity. Walker maintains that the settlement of the Mountain West would have been delayed at least a decade and would have been more difficult without the services of wagon freighters; however, one might take issue to the unqualified application of this thesis to the early settlement of Utah. "If it had not been for the wagon-

177 freighter, the attempt to colonize the Great Salt Lake Basin might have failed, or might at least have been much slower and more expensive." DONALD R.

MOORMAN

Associate Professor of History Weber State College Karnee: A Paiute Narrative.

By LALLA

SCOTT. Preface by ROBERT F. HEIZER.

Annotated by

CHARLES

R.

CRAIG.

(Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1966. xviii+149 pp. $5.25) Karnee is the biography of Annie Lowry, a "half-blood" born of a Caucasian father and a Northern Paiute Indian mother. Annie was born in the vicinity of Lovelock, Nevada, about 1867 (as she believed) and lived there until her death in 1943. Annie met Lalla Scott in 1936. Mrs. Scott was then working on a WPA writer's project, and had come to interview Annie about aspects of Indian life. The two women developed a friendship that lasted until Annie Lowry's death, and Karnee is Annie's story as told by Mrs. Scott from her early notes of interviews with Annie, and from personal knowledge gained by virtue of their long association. The narrative may be divided into two parts. The first part deals with the life of Annie's mother and with certain incidents of Northern Paiute life and history, including their first encounter with the white man and the roles played during initial contact times by Cap John and John Pascal, prominent Northern Paiutes. The narrative is as Annie understood these events â&#x20AC;&#x201D; her knowledge of the earlier period covered by the narrative was, of course, derived from oral tradition, since she was not yet born. The annotations and commentary by Charles R. Craig are chiefly concerned with this portion of the text, and comprise a scholarly discussion of matters of historical fact or conflicting reports of specific aspects of Northern Paiute life and history.


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The second portion of the book (beginning with Chapter 10) is Annie Lowry's personal story. Written in the first person, it tells of her early life with her white father and Paiute mother, of her education in the public school in Lovelock, of her father's abandonment of her mother and Annie's subsequent decision to remain with her mother's people. And, finally, it tells of her marriages and children. Running throughout the narrative is the contrast between the Indian and white ways of life, and numerous personal anecdotes illustrate the human aspects of the transition between Indian ways and white ways that were forced upon Annie and her Paiute kinsmen by the advancing western frontier. Karnee is not a polished, organized history or ethnography of the Northern Paiute. The Preface by Robert F. Heizer and the commentary and annotation by Charles R. Craig authenticate by scholarly devices much of the historical and ethnographic content of the book, and establish it as a valid historical-ethnological document. Still, the chief interest and value of Karnee is as a personal chronicle of the western frontier, told for a change from the side of the Indian rather than from that of the conquering white man. As an absorbing personal account of Indian life during the Indianwhite accommodation period, as it was lived by Annie Lowry, Northern Paiute, the book is to be recommended. C. MELVIN A I K E N S

Assistant Professor of Anthropology University of Nevada

The Rocky Mountain West in 1867. By Louis L. SIMONIN. Translated and annotated by W I L S O N L.

CLOUGH,

from Le grand-ouest des Etats-Unis. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966. x i v + 1 7 0 p p . $5.50) Many Europeans visited America during the nineteenth century and wrote

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books about their adventures and impressions, but few of them ventured into the Mountain West before the transcontinental railroad was completed. M. Simonin was a perceptive French mining engineer who spent a few weeks around Denver in 1867 and who wrote long letters to friends at home. On his return to Paris, he gathered these letters into a book, The Great American West, now translated and supplied with notes and introductory material. T h e translation was accomplished without stiffness and quaint expressions, although the flavor of the nineteenth century is preserved in the choice of words and phrases current here a hundred years ago. The titles, both original and present, seem too inclusive, suggesting a discourse on general conditions throughout the area. Most geographers describe the Rocky Mountains as stretching from central America into northern Canada, but Clough seems to have developed a narrower usage, limiting the Rockies to that section of skyline visible between Fort Collins and Colorado Springs. In any case this is the area here concerned. Simonin begins with his departure from Paris and hurries along with only brief mention of his voyage to New York and train ride via Canada to Detroit and Chicago. He has more to say about Omaha and the trip to the end-of-track at Julesburg. Chapter Four finds him on the stagecoach leg of his journey and arriving in Denver. His official mission is the examination of mines in the adjacent mountains, which takes him to Golden, Central City, and Georgetown. But he reports only on the scenery, weather, and accommodations, except for a general word of praise for the mining properties and a mention of the difficulties which their complex ores present to the smelters. Ten of the 21 chapters are devoted to a report of events leading to and including the Fort Laramie Indian Council of 1867. Nothing came of it, as


Reviews and Publications attendance was poor except for the Crows who came all the way from the Yellowstone Valley. Not until the next year was a peace agreement reached. This close and amicable contact with the Crows and the few others present helped to relieve Simonin's apprehensions about Indians. In earlier chapters his attempt at a joking attitude to his frequent references to Indian atrocities did not conceal his concern. But after all, this was less than a year after the Fetterman Massacre and the Wagon Box Fight. Simonin was pleased with most of what he saw in America, including the frequent French-derived names on the map and among the Indians. He did not hesitate to jibe his own country on matters where he thought the United States to be more advanced. His favorable attitude, along with an easy style and the absence of any real trouble to mar his visit, all make for a satisfying little book. It is not loaded with factual nourishment, but it does leave a pleasant taste. STANLEY R. DAVISON

Professor of History Western Montana College The Indian: America's Unfinished Business. Report of the Commission on the Rights, Liberties, and Responsibilities of the American Indian. Compiled by WILLIAM A. BROPHY and SOPHIE D. ABERLE, et al.

(Norman:

University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. xix + 236 pp. $5.95) Published as Volume 83 of the Civilization of the American Indian Series, this work makes a truly significant contribution to the study of relations between the United States government and its Indian citizens. A publication of comparable stature in this field has not appeared since the completion of the Meriam report, The Problem of Indian Administration, in 1928, under the sponsorship of the Insti-

179 tute for Government Research and at the request of Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work. The Meriam report stressed heavily the need to have the federal government write the final chapter in its work with the Indian in such a way that its actions would be an example to other nations in their relations with tribal peoples. For some 20 years after that report appeared, it strongly influenced government policy, and it seemed that officials were following the above mentioned admonition. During the decade of the 1950's, however, the stress given to "termination" and "relocation" upset and distressed the Indian population. The present study, which proceeded under the direction of the Commission on the Rights, Liberties, and Responsibilities of the American I n d i a n (O. Meredith Wilson, chairman; William A. Brophy, executive director; W. W. Keeler, Karl N. Llewellyn, and A r t h u r S p r a g u e ; Sophie D. Aberle became executive director upon the resignation of Mr. Brophy; and after the death of Professor Llewellyn, Soia Mentschikoff was appointed to the Commission) satisfies a real need for an unbiased assessment of the situation that currently exists in the relations between the Indian and his government. Although the members of the Commission had final responsibility for the content of the published report, a group of 12 scholars was engaged to make p a r t i c u l a r studies in their fields of competence. This added variety and brought different points of view to the consideration of Commission members. In the various chapters under the headings: "Tribal Governments," "Economic Development," "Bureau of Indian Affairs," "Education," "Health," and "Policies Which Impede Indian Assimilation," one finds not only the most up-to-date treatment but usually the best work available (so concisely stated) on that subject.


180 A review that appeared in the Navajo Times, January 12, 1967, states: "If it were to be widely read, the outcries from shocked Americans would demand more justice for the Indians, . . ." It is the hope of this reviewer that federal employees who work with Indians, members of Congress, members of the executive branch in the federal government, and state officials (particularly in the states with large Indian populations) as well as Indian leaders, Indians generally, and other Americans will read and consider this work. I trust that the result would be renewal of the desire expressed above from the Meriam report that this chapter in our relations with the Indians be an exemplary one. Under the Constitution and by treaty it has been the federal government that the Indian has regularly turned to, and it is not likely that he will approve a change in this relationship until much more has been done to prepare the Indian, local governments, and state governments as well as the national government for an acceptably planned and orderly transition. While the average educational attainment of the Indian remains half that of the nation, while the average income of the Indian is considerably lower than any other minority group, while over 80 per cent of Indian housing is sub-standard, while the death rate of Indian babies per thousand live births is approximately twice that of the remainder of the population, and while Indian health conditions generally are similar to those found in the rest of the United States a full generation ago, much remains to be accomplished to prepare these tribal peoples for full participation and for fully sharing in the blessings and the problems of the "American" way of life. In a world where over half the population is found in underdeveloped nations and where great blocks of territory are still occupied by tribal peoples, with whom the United States is certain to

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become more deeply involved, let us hope that we will use this study to help us assess, to learn from, and make a success of our relations with our own tribal peoples, the American Indian. The University of Oklahoma Press has done its usual fine job of bookmaking. The attractive dust jacket, the binding, the quality of paper, the choice of type, the illustrations, and the Index, all combine to make this a book one that anyone with an interest in the American Indian will be pleased to own. S. LYMAN TYLER

Director Bureau of Indian Services University of Utah Songs of the Cowboys. By N. HOWARD ( " J A C K " ) T H O R P . Variants, Commentary, Notes and Lexicon by Austin E. and Alta S. Fife. Music Editor, Naunie Gardner. (New York: Clarkson N. Potter, Inc., 1966. 346 pp. $7.95) The Introduction of this fine book sets forth clearly the scope and the intent of the editors: to present the texts of the first printed collection of cowboy songs and to provide sufficient background and commentary on those texts to illuminate in general "significant aspects of the cowboy and western myth itself." In this double aim the book succeeds so admirably and competently as to make it easily the most valuable single critical text on cowboy songs in existence. Not the least of its strengths is the obvious depth and breadth of knowledge in his subject matter brought to bear by Austin Fife himself. Since the editors presume to do no more than examine the songs in Thorp's original edition, they concern themselves with 23 songs; such focus allows them to develop an exhaustive (though succinctly stated) c o m m e n t a r y on each song, and it gives them space to present a number of variant texts that demonstrate the changes which have come


181

Reviews and Publications about through oral and literary transmission. It thus stands as the direct and refreshing opposite of the typical anthology, which presents mostly quantity, usually giving one text of each song sans music. By choosing depth over breadth and by providing a generous number of musical, as well as poetic, texts for Thorp's songs, the Fifes (with the able ear and hand of Naunie Gardner in the musical notation) have succeeded in giving a semblance of the live song with all its regional nuances; such a phenomenon is a distinct rarity in printed collections. The task is not only difficult; for the serious historian and folklorist it is imperative. And the knowledge that the attempt has come off badly in others' hands must make the job an uneasy one to boot. Each song is presented with a discussion of its background, its possible authorship, its provenience in oral tradition, and its relation to the cowboy myths. After this come several variant texts of the song followed by an impressive critical apparatus that lists printed texts in other collections; points out especially significant texts, manuscripts, and field recordings held by archives and private individuals; and gives books, articles, commercial recordings, and notes in published sources where performance or discussion of the song may be found. Wherever possible, the informant and his part of the country are listed. All cowboy jargon that might not be readily familiar to the reader is explained in an admirable glossary toward the back of the book. The Bibliographies, Indexes (separately by first line, title), and Discographies are extensive and impeccable. Included, for its historical value, is a full reproduction of Thorp's 50-page book itself, with marginal notes by T h o r p indicating which of the songs he composed. In the final analysis one may hesitate to accept Fife's rhapsodies on Jack Thorp as the first to recognize that cowboy songs could become "the nucleus

around which a new culture might identify itself" and as a song collector whose efforts "may well loom in our American culture somewhat as did Homer's early efforts to gather and preserve the heroic songs and poetry of ancient Greece." But there can be no doubt that Thorp, himself the author of one of our most popular cowboy songs ("Little Joe, the Wrangler"), set in motion a valuable cultural exercise: the collection and publication of songs that might otherwise have remained beneath the notice of "normal" city folk until it was too late to find them. While we cannot neatly trace the popularity of the American cowboy "myth" to Thorp's book, we can see clearly in Thorp's collection, in his own compositions, and in his brief article "Banjo in the Cow Camps" (reprinted from Atlantic Monthly) that he understood and appreciated the poetic and cultural â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to say nothing of the historical â&#x20AC;&#x201D; values of cowboy song far better than did the famous "learned professor" (Lomax) to whom he jocosely pays deference. The new availability of this first text is thus of distinct value to anyone, scholar or layman, who holds an interest in the American West. Fife's edition of Thorp simply adds to the work in such a way as to make it patently indispensable to the serious student of western American history, literature, or folklore. J. BARRE T O E L K E N

Northwest Indian Slave Trade in the By L. R. BAILEY.

Editor Folklore Southwest.

( L O S Angeles:

Westernlore Press, 1966. xvi + 236 pp. $7.95) A little known or understood chapter in the long history of slavery was the Indian slave commerce in this country, particularly in the Southwest. Although forms of slavery undoubtedly existed among the natives before the Spanish came, it was Christopher Columbus who


182 introduced the E u r o p e a n system of bondage to the New World. The Spanish colonists used slavery not only to supply menial labor but also â&#x20AC;&#x201D; perhaps more significantly â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as a calculated policy to sap the strength of those tribes that resisted the Spaniards Christianizing efforts. It was not until after the Civil War that Indian slavery as a viable institution was destroyed. Slavery became interwoven into the social and economic fabric of the Spanish colonies, and the traffic in slaves was an underlying cause of conflict between the whites and reds. To further its political and economic aims, the Spaniards encouraged and even provoked raids between tribes by dispensing inferior guns and liquor and purchasing the loot and captives. It was the ancient technique of divide and conquer. No doubt this policy helps explain why a relatively few Spanish colonists were able to control the vast Southwest and Mexico for so long. Not all tribes were easy victims. Particularly difficult to conquer and enslave were the Apaches. Bonuses were offered for Apache scalps, and their captors were given the right to sell the women and children into slavery. There were many pathetic stories of these and other Indian captives sold to other tribes and the Spaniards. While many such slaves were mistreated, there were others who were so well taken care of that they preferred to remain with their owners rather than be repatriated. Some slaves even earned full fellowship into the tribe of their captors. As the author indicates, the slave traffic was the source of much bloodshed and turmoil. In Utah, the Walker War stemmed largely from the efforts of the Mormons to halt the vicious practice. Wakara, or Walkara as Mr. Bailey prefers, was the foremost slaver in the territory, and his turbulent career ended shortly after the slave trade was outlawed.

Utah Historical

Quarterly

This book gives a clear and well-documented account of the I n d i a n slave trade. It is written in a readable yet scholarly style. It has an adequate Index, an Appendix, and a useful Bibliography. CONWAY B. SONNE

Palo Alto,

Author California

NEW BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS The Christmas of the Phonograph ords, A Recollection.

Rec-

By MART SAN-

Illustrated by JAMES W. BROWN. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966)

DOZ.

This delightful little book shows Mari Sandoz at her best. Her recollections of her girlhood in western Nebraska with her now famous "Old Jules" are a delight to read. It is difficult for persons of the modern generation to comprehend what life must have been like without radio, hi-fi, and television, and that the introduction of a phonograph into the dreary frontier life could completely upset a family's quiet existence. The starvation of the Sandoz family for a few of the objects of "culture," must have been repeated over and over again on the frontier, especially among immigrants who brought to America a tradition of opera, classical music, and a taste for culture. Mari Sandoz has told her story well. This is a most enjoyable recollection. Gold in the Black Hills. By WATSON PARKER. ( N o r m a n : University of Oklahoma Press, 1966) Gold was known to exist in the Dakota Black Hills as early as 1804, but it was not until General George Armstrong Custer's well-publicized discovery in 1874 that a gold rush got under-


183

Reviews and Publications way. By the fall of 1875, United States troops guarding the Hills as a part of the Indians' reservation were withdrawn and the miners allowed to enter freely, opposed only by the now rebellious Sioux. By the spring of 1876, the miners had discovered the placers along Deadwood Gulch, where Deadwood City, the biggest, richest, and wildest of the Black Hills mining camps, soon roared into existence. "This book," says the author, "attempts to weave from the delightful chaos of Black Hills history the story of the rush and the men who made it. If it has a lesson, beyond the telling of a tale not told before, it is that no historical event is as simple as it seems, and that it takes more than gold to make a gold rush." The Original Journals of Henry Smith Turner: With Stephen Watts Kearny to New Mexico and California, 18461847. Edited by D W I G H T L. CLARKE. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966) Captain Henry Smith Turner, adjutant of the Army of the West, actively participated in the conquest of New Mexico and California with Stephen Watts Kearny in 1846-47. The letters he wrote his wife during his army campaigns present a keen and intensely personal reaction to the men and scenes around him. The journal of 1846, which he kept while marching with the Kearny expedition, is equally revealing. Turner never expected that what he wrote would be read by anyone except his wife, and his comments are frank and unrestrained. The shorter journal of 1847 was written when General Kearny returned to Fort Leavenworth from Monterey, California. This strictly factual and impersonal journal was the official report of the expedition. Turner's importance in history arises from the graphic journals he kept and

the forthright letters he wrote his wife during his western campaigning. Archeology and the Historical By J. C. HARRINGTON.

Society.

(Nashville:

American Association for State and Local History, 1965) The Bureau of American Ethnology: Partial History.

A

By N E I L M. JUDD.

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967) History of North Dakota. By ELWYN B. ROBINSON. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966) Pioneers and Prominent Men of Utah: Comprising Photographs-GenealogiesBiographies.

By F R A N K

ESSHOM.

(Salt Lake City: Western Epics, Inc., 1966) Sources & Readings in Arizona History: A Checklist of Literature Concerning Arizona's Past. Edited by ANDREW WALLACE. Decorations by A N N E M E R RIMAN PECK. (Tucson: Arizona Pioneers Historical Society, 1965) ARTICLES O F I N T E R E S T Agricultural History —• X L , October 1966: "The Canadian-American Irrigation Frontier, 1884-1914 [Mormons in Canada]," by LAWRENCE B. LEE, 271-83 — X L I , January 1967: "Science, Government, and Enterprise in Economic Development: T h e Western Beet Sugar Industry," by LEONARD J. ARRINGTON, 1-18; "Hand Laborers in the Western Sugar Beet Industry," by PAUL S. TAYLOR, 1926; "The Sugar Beet Industry and Economic Growth in the West," by GERALD D. N A S H , 27-30 American History Illustrated — I, January 1967: "The Saga of Butterfield's Overland Mail," by GLADYS MARIE

14-22; "Hotels: Pioneers in Progress," by L E O N S. R O S E N T H A L , 42-53 — February 1967: "Bancroft's WILSON,


184

Utah Historical

Assembly Line Histories," by H. K R E N K E L , 44-49

JOHN

The American West — IV, F e b r u a r y 1967: "Epic on Glass [photographs of the Union Pacific Railroad construction by A. J. Russell]," by ROBERT WEINSTEIN

and

ROGER

OLMSTED,

10-23; " H a y d e n in the Badlands [Ferdinand V. Hayden's surveys]," by GILBERT F. STUCKER, 40ff. The California Historical Society Quarterly—XLV, December 1966: "A New Look at Wells Fargo, Stagecoaches and the Pony Express," by W. TURRENTINE JACKSON, 291-324 Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought — I, Winter 1966: "From Pioneers to Provincials: Mormonism as Seen by Wallace Stegner," by JAMES L. CLAYTON, 105-14 Minnesota History-—40, Winter 1966: [entire issue devoted to the North American fur trade]; "The Fur Trade and Its Historians," by DALE L. M O R -

GAN, 151-56; "The North West Company: Pedlars Extraordinary," by W. L. MORTON, 157-65; "From Competition to Union," by K. G. DAVIES, 166-77; "Some American Characteristics of the American Fur Company," by DAVID LAVENDER, 178-87; "Fur Trade Sites: Canada," by J. D. HERBERT, 188-91; "Fur Trade Sites: The Plains a n d the Rockies [photographs]," by MERRILL J.

MATTES,

192-97; "Symbol, Utility, and Aesthetics in the Indian Fur Trade," by WILCOMB E. WASHBURN, 198-202; "Archaeology as a Key to the Colonial Fur Trade," by J O H N W I T T H O F T , 203-9; "The Growth and Economic Significance of the American F u r T r a d e , 1790-1890," by J A M E S L. CLAYTON, 210-20 Montana: The Magazine of Western History—XVII, January 1967: "The Short Incredible Life of Jedediah Smith," by PETER J. BURNS, 44-55

Natural 1967:

Quarterly

History — L X X V I , February "New Era for the American

Indian," by R O B E R T L. B E N N E T T ,

6-11 New Mexico Historical Review — XLI, October 1966: "Slavery Expansion to the Territories, 1850: A Forgotten Speech by Truman Smith," by CHARLES DESMOND HART, 269-86 Oregon Historical Quarterly —- L X V I I , September 1966: "Charles Becker, Pony Express Rider and Oregon Pioneer [experiences during Utah Expedition]," by MARIE PINNEY, 212-55 The Pacific Historian — X, A u t u m n 1966: "Jedediah Smith—Trailmaker Extraordinary," by DONALD CULROSS

4 - 8 ; " T h e Combine Made in Stockton," by J O H N T. SCHLEPEATTIE,

BECAKER,

14-21

True West—14, January-February 1967: " T w o Years on t h e Desert [Monument, Utah, in 1901-02]," by K. E. COVINGTON, 34ff. Western Folklore — X X V , October 1966: "Twenty-Five Years of Folklore Study in the West," by ARCHER T A Y L O R and

W A Y L A N D D.

HAND,

229-46 Western Gateways: Magazine of the Golden Circle —• 7, Winter 1967: "Conversation with Emery Kolb, a dialogue with the uncommon man who took up residence in Grand Canyon long before it was a national park, and whose achievements there still provide a unique interpretive service for park visitors," 40ff. The Westerners New York Posse Brand Book — 13, No. 4 : "The Women of the M o u n t a i n Men," by W A L T E R O'MEARA,

78ff.

Wisconsin Magazine of History — L, Autumn 1966: " T h e Passage of the National Park Service Act of 1916," by DONALD C. SWAIN, 4-17


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Membership in the Utah State Historical Society is open to all individuals and institutions who are interested in Utah history. We invite everyone to join this one official agency of state government charged by law with the collection, preservation, and publication of materials on Utah and related history. Through the pages of the Utah Historical Quarterly, the Society is able to fulfill part of its legal responsibility. Your membership dues provide the means for publication of the Quarterly. So, we earnestly encourage present members to interest their friends in joining them in furthering the cause of Utah history. Membership brings with it the Utah Historical Quarterly, the bimonthly Newsletter, and special prices on publications of the Society. The different classes of membership are: Student

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Your interest and support are most welcome.


Utah State Historical Society

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HISTORICAL QUARTERLY SUMMER, 1967 • VOLUME 35 • NUMBER 3


UTAH STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY

BOARD OF TRUSTEES j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1971 President MILTON c. ABRAMS, Logan, 1969

Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake City Secretary DEAN R. BRIMHALL, Fruita, 1969 MRS. JUANITA BROOKS, St. George, 1969

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 MRS. A. c. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1971 THERON LUKE, PrOVO, 1 9 7 1

CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio HOWARD c. PRICE, J R . , Price, 1971 MRS. ELIZABETH SKANCHY, Midvale, 1969

MRS. NAOMI WOOLLEY, Salt Lake City, 1971

ADMINISTRATION EVERETT L. COOLEY, Director

T. H . JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives F. T. JOHNSON, Records Manager, Archives

J O H N JAMES, J R . , Librarian MARGERY W. WARD, Associate Editor

IRIS SCOTT, Business Manager

The Utah State Historical Society is an organization devoted to the collection, preservation, and publication of Utah and related history. It was organized by publicspirited Utahns in 1897 for this purpose. In fulfillment of its objectives, the Society publishes the Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 annual membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps, and manuscripts. Many of these items have come to the library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only through such means can the Utah State Historical Society live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

The primary purpose of the Quarterly is the publication of manuscripts, photographs, and documents which relate or give a new interpretation to Utah's unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for the consideration of the editor. However, the editor assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts unaccompanied by return postage. Manuscripts and material for publications should be sent to the editor. The U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. The Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Copyright 1967, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.


SUMMER, 1967 • VOLUME 35 • NUMBER 3 :

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HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Contents FROM SELF-RELIANCE TO COOPERATION: THE EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE CATTLEMEN'S ASSOCIATIONS IN UTAH BY DON D. WALKER

187

EARLY DAY TIMBER CUTTING ALONG THE UPPER BEAR RIVER BYL. J. COLTON

202

THE IMAGE OF UTAH AND THE MORMONS IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY GERMANY BY D. L. ASHLIMAN

209

THE FRONTIER: HARDY PERENNIAL BY CARLTON CULMSEE

228

THE STRUCTURE AND NATURE OF LABOR UNIONS IN UTAH, AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE, 1890-1920 BY S H E E L W A N T B. P A W A R

236

THROUGH THE UINTAS: HISTORY OF THE CARTER ROAD BY A. R. STANDING

256

REVIEWS AND PUBLICATIONS

268

The Cover The National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C, has pictorially preserved pioneer artifacts. Shown here is an 1848, Utah-made, tin candle lantern, 12 inches in heighth. NATIONAL GALLERY OF ART INDEX OF AMERICAN DESIGN

EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR

L. COOLEY Margery W. Ward

EVERETT


T U R N E R , W A L L A C E , The

Mormon

Establishment,

and M U L L E N , R O B E R T ,

The Latter-day

Saints: The

Yesterday

and

Mormons

Today, 268

BY T H O M A S F . O DEA

BANCROFT LIBRARY, FRIENDS O F T H E , An Informal George P. Hammond Bancroft

Record of

and His Era in the

Library,

BY EDWARD H . H O W E S

BOOKS REVIEWED

-

269

-

H A F E N , L E R O Y R., ed., The Mountain

Men

and the Fur Trade of the Far West, BY DALE L. MORGAN

270

VAN O R M A N , R I C H A R D A., A Room for the Night:

Hotels of the Old

West,

BY J O S E P H W . S N E L L

271

S H E P P E R S O N , W I L B U R S., Retreat Nevada:

to

A Socialist Colony of World War I,

BY MURRAY M. MOLER

272

G O E T Z M A N N , W I L L I A M H., and Empire:

Exploration

The Explorer and the Scientist

in the Winning of the American

West,

BY RODMAN W . PAUL

272

H O W A R D , R O B E R T W E S T , The in

Horse

America,

BY VIRGINIA N . PRICE

273

K N O W L T O N , EZRA C , History of Highway

Development

BY EVERETT L. COOLEY

in

Utah,

274


From Self-Reliance to Cooperation: The Early Development of the Cattlemen's Associations in Utah BY DON D. W A L K E R

I

n the myth of the West, the cattleman has always been a rugged individualist. Like the mountain man before him, he has been a loner, a man given to solving his own problems in his own way. Although under the necessities of his business he has organized his roundups and trail drives, he has organized them as he has thrown his rope, as an expression of his Dr. Walker, a past contributor to the Quarterly, is professor of English and director of the Program in American Studies at the University of Utah. The spurs and branding iron are used through the courtesy of the National Gallery of Art, Index of American Design.


188

Utah Historical

Quarterly

personal know-how and rightful personal power. In the myth he has respected few institutions, and he has wanted no dependence on, and few dealings with, government. 1 Such a view of the cattleman does have some basis in historical fact. For a time at least isolation was a geographical reality; for a time society in any meaningful sense was nonexistent. The pioneering individual, whether he really liked it or not, was forced to assume the burdens of what rural sociologists might later have called a social cost of space. "Being sparsely settled in those early days," remembered J. R. Blocker, first president of the Old Trail Drivers Association, "the ranches being ten to fifty miles apart, counties unorganized and courts very few, every man in a way was a 'law unto h i m s e l f . . . . " 2 Such conditions led not only to fence-cutting, brand-blotting, and lynching, but also to range overcrowding and eventual depletion. The period of 1880 to 1900, wrote Albert F. Potter, stockman and first chief of grazing for the Forest Service, became a period of spoliation. "The use of the range degenerated into a struggle in which only the fittest survived, and the permanent good of the industry was sacrificed to individual greed. Natural laws and rules of justice were blindly disregarded." 3 In 1885 the Salt Lake Herald observed in an editorial: "Every stockman has been for himself, and we fear that in too many instances the individuals have been arrayed against each other to such an extent that one would not put himself out to assist, accommodate or protect the other. Mutual protection against thieves will be a great advantage to all over the old way of every owner watching his own interests, and caring nothing for those of others." 4 This note of mutual protection, struck on the day of the organization of the Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, was a sign of the new spirit in the livestock trade, a new maturity, some might have said. That same week an observer reported in a congressional study: "The stockman is no longer a lawless semisavage adventurer, but is a practical man of business. . . . In a word, the whole industry of raising range cattle is becoming established and well ordered." 5 But for the whole story of 1 This attitude, for example, is implicit in Jim Nabours' question in Emerson Hough's North of 36 (New York, 1923) : "When come it a cowman can't take care of his own cows?" 2 J. Marvin Hunter, ed., The Trail Drivers of Texas (Nashville, 1925), 2. 3 Quoted by Paul H. Roberts, Hoof Prints on Forest Ranges (San Antonio, 1963), 7-8. 4 Salt Lake Herald, January 11, 1885. 5 U.S., Congress, Senate, Joseph Nimmo, Range and Ranch Cattle Traffic in the Western States and Territories, 48th Cong., 2d Sess., 1884-1885, Senate Doc. 199, Appendix 1, p. 84.


Cattlemen's Associations

189

order and organization, the rise of associations in county, territory, state, and nation, let us go back a few years. As early as 1867 such common problems as theft and damage from migratory herds drew the livestock men of Colorado together to form the Stock Growers' Association. However, this apparent unity of interest did not long prevail; the growing cleavage between cattlemen and sheepmen deepened. The organization became the Colorado Cattle Growers' Association, and its president asserted that sheep and cattle interests had nothing in common but the grass on which their animals grazed. By 1877 membership reached 88, representing "nearly 600,000 cattle." Continuing problems of theft and strays are indicated by the facts that in 1884 the association had 12 brand inspectors and reported 586 strays. 6 In other states and territories similar associations were formed, but unquestionably the most powerful was the Wyoming Stock Growers' Association, organized in November of 1873 with 10 members. Concerned with the planning of roundups, with the appointing of detectives, 7 and other range matters, the association steadily grew in numbers and political influence. In his report of 1885, Secretary Thomas Sturgis claimed 400 members, with holdings (including 2 million cattle) valued at $100 million. 8 However effective such associations might be, the need for a still higher organization was soon recognized. The cattle business had long crossed state and territorial boundaries, but certain problems of the eighties more and more aroused the collective attention of cattlemen in all western areas. Obviously the driving of cattle from Texas to Montana was a matter as wide as the nation. Obviously the search for new grazing lands in the arid West was as big as the public lands themselves. In November of 1884, such problems of national dimension became the center of interest and controversy as 1,200 stockmen gathered in St. Louis. Attending this "cowboy convention" was a sizable delegation from the Territory of Utah. A week earlier these cattlemen, "from the owners of a new milch cow to the broadbrimmed herder on a thousand hills," had felt their economic importance as the railroads contended for their good will in what the press called the "Free Pass War." The Denver and Rio Grande Railroad offered free passes to the men, half fares to their wives. The Union Pacific went the whole way with passes for both cattle8

Louis Pelzer, The Cattlemen's Frontier (Glendale, 1936), 73-75. In 1884 the association voted the controversial Frank M. Canton a vote of thanks for his work in capturing criminals on the range. Ibid., 90. Ubid., 92. 7


190

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men and wives. Reported the Salt Lake Herald wryly: "A number of rangers are understood to have held back till the last moment, under the impression that one of the roads was about to offer cooking stoves or bedroom sets in addition to the passes. . . ." 9 Apparently such competition in generosity led to some freeloading. As T h e D. & R. G. pulled out, someone remarked to a reporter: "They call that a load of cattlemen, do they; I know men there who don't know the meaning of a muley cow and who never owned a horn in their lives." 10 Nevertheless, on one railroad or the other, many of Utah's best known cattlemen traveled to St. Louis for the big meeting. 11 Of the journey and the meeting, one of the cattlemen, H. J. Faust, sent back interesting and often amusing accounts. From Denver he reported that the group had ordered two lassos and "will capture the convention," and in a joke on his own interest in better livestock breeding he wrote that "Faust got a little mixed . . . and on one occasion advocated jacks." 12 There were other bits of good fun too. When the party in Denver returned to the hotel for their baggage, they learned that the landlord had "a chromo hung up for two years for the most upright, virtuous young man, which was unclaimed." Continued Faust, "Our party having just such a man along, your reporter was instructed by the delegation to demand it for him. All advancing to the office, your reporter demanded the chromo in a loud, stentorian voice, so that all heard. The landlord looking a r o u n d awhile, still d e m a n d e d proof, whereon the whole delegation asserted that we had him, and the picture was handed over, when I, in a solemn manner, as the occasion was solemn, presented it to John Rydalch, from Grantsville, in a long speech, with the concluding remark, 'we hope you will now cease to pay so much attention to cows, and hunt a heifer.' " 1 3 From Denver east the Faust party took the Chicago, Burlington & Quincey, continuing in the regal style to which their new importance seemingly entitled them. When they reached the station they found "five Pullman cars of the finest make, all decorated with bunting and paintings 9

Salt Lake Herald, November 13, 1884. Ibid. 11 Such cattlemen as W. L. White, Joseph A. Jennings, and H. J. Faust of Salt Lake City, took the D. & R. G.; Samuel Mclntyre and others took the "broad guage." The "rangers" on the "little giant," reported the D. & R. G. office, represented 196,000 head of stock. Salt Lake Herald, November 14, 1884. Joining the U t a h cattlemen on the D. & R. G. were delegates from neighboring states and territories. A prominent delegate from Idaho was General James S. Brisbin, author of that classic work of western optimism The Beef Bonanza; or, How to Get Rich on the Plains (Norman, 1959). In the subsequent selection of national officers in St. Louis, General Brisbin was chosen vice-president. 12 Salt Lake Herald, November 18, 1884. 13 Ibid., November 25, 1884. 10


Cattlemen's

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of horses and cattle heads, with a goodly number of cattle and horses." "Ours," said Faust, "has been surrounded with red, white and blue, stars and stripes, with four lassoes hanging around the outside, indicative that we came to conquer or die! A smoking car and a car containing the delegation was attached. . . . Fancy yourself whirling down the Platte at the rate of fifty to sixty miles an hour and you have got it just as we had it." One could not imagine, Faust observed, "that these same men had traversed the same route on a sore-backed mule or Indian pony; camped, perhaps, at or near the same station, with saleratus biscuit, old bacon and coffee, without sugar or cream. Look at them now. No one would think that they ever swore when the pot turned over just as breakfast was ready, but such is the reward of labor, perseverance and patience." 1 4 O n the 17th of November the great show commenced with a march of the various delegations to the exposition building. The Texas group, 200 strong, brought up the rear. Marching music blared from a "silver band, composed entirely of cowboys, with leggings and spurs on; the leader carried a large pistol, silver plated, with his thumb on the stock, and his finger on the trigger, flourishing it in the same manner as other leaders do their sticks. It was a thrilling sight to see him stand in front of the band, one hand on his hip, hat cocked on one side, dropping the revolver first on this and then on that one. The music was beautiful and time well kept. I think," concluded Faust, "that other bands should adopt the revolver system." 15 In some of the serious matters before the convention, the Utah stockmen had perhaps no urgent personal interest. T h e "great question" was the stock trail, but this trail, if established, would lie a great distance east of Utah. The cattlemen of the territory needed no such road to their markets, and their own home ranges were not threatened by Texas fever. Nevertheless, in apparent recognition of the needs of some of their fellow cattlemen in other parts of the West, Faust reported that the Utah group would "likely vote for it." 10 The resolution to ask for the leasing of arid lands, however, was another matter. Here Utah's own tradition of land settlement was challenged. The proposal to permit leasing of vast tracts of western lands at a cent an acre seemed, to some Utah stockmen at least, in the interest of 14

Ibid. ibid. 16 Ibid. Over the objection of some cattlemen, particularly Granville Stewart of Montana, the resolution passed by a large majority. On his return to U t a h Faust said of this action: "This is a tremendous step, and if it is successful it will result in great good for the cattle of both north and south." Ibid., December 4, 1884. 15


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William Jennings (1823-1886) was not only a cattleman, but a leading merchant, banker, railroad executive, and legislator.

Henry J. Faust (1833-1904) was particularly noted in Utah for improving cattle breeding.

monopoly. In a speech to the convention, Faust declared, "I don't wish to ask the government to lease me land so that I and my children can monopolize it for the next hundred years. . . . Let the man that wants to go and settle on that 160 acres of land â&#x20AC;&#x201D; let him do so! We have demonstrated that we may go to the very foot of the hills and there raise lucerne; and upon that lucerne we can raise the calf, we can raise the colt, and we can raise the pig, and we can make the poor men happy." Then he turned to the men of Texas, to whom such a lyrical defense of homesteading could hardly have been persuasive, saying, you have won your trail with the help of our vote; now help us on this. But although Utah and a few other states were excepted from the resolution by amendment, the proposition carried. 17 With business and festivities concluded, the "cowboys" returned to their home states and territories. A national organization had been established, and national problems had been confronted. The specific advantages to each delegate could not perhaps be seen, but many of them must have found some measure of identity with stockmen across the land. As H. J. Faust, who was chosen vice-president for Utah, patriotically put it, "Utah for once has shaken hands with every State and Territory in this grand United States." 18 Still, at the territorial level, there was no stockmen's organization in Utah. And this clearly was the next step. Faust himself proposed to get things started. "I intend," he said, "starting upon a tour . . . to get all "Salt Lake Herald, November 27, 1884. Ibid.

18


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parts of the Territory to organize into associations, and by the time of the next [national] convention we shall be a power, I hope." 1 9

W

hether Faust spoke for all, if even most, Utah cattlemen at the national convention is impossible to know. In any case not long after his return to Utah, other, different grazing land philosophies began to be heard. Economically accurate or not, the differences, as they were heard publicly at least, tended to polarize into a conflict between the "cattle kings" and the "people." In a letter to the Salt Lake Herald, Joel Grover, of Nephi, argued in defense of the proposal to lease the arid lands to the cattle interests. But no matter how much he stood to gain personally, he cast his argument in broadly democratic terms. "If the government," he asked, "would throw open to the people the right of lease at, say 1 or 2 cents per acre, is it not certain that the poor men would quite as eagerly avail . . . [themselves] of the opportunity to possess . . . a little pasture land as even the rich man would . . . ?" He asked further: "and in our country settlements would not our masses of poor people very eagerly acquire title to their cow-herd grounds?" 20 Ten days later, three stockmen from Mount Pleasant replied. Instead of securing the herd grounds for the people, they said, would not leasing cause exactly the reverse? Would not "the cattlemen secure them, and thus do great injury to the people of the country generally?" They were concerned too with what seemed a complete disregard for the sheep industry, "one of the most important industries of our country. . . . Shall any measures not in the nature of a benefit generally be forced upon us, and in the interest only of a few cattle kings? . . . If these wealthy stock owners are desirous of acquiring title to large scopes of the public land, let them turn out their money, pay the government price and take it." 2 1 In the meantime Faust was organizing county associations. Early in January he met with stockmen of Tooele County and helped form their association. "I hope to see the co-operative principle truly carried out in Utah," he said. "These stock men do not claim to be cattle kings. Still they have about 15,000 head, and this does not include last year's sales or this spring's calves." 22 By January 10, he claimed seven county organi19

Ibid., December 4, 1884. Ibid., December 24, 1884. 21 Ibid., January 8, 1885. 22 Ibid., January 6, 1885. Officers chosen were John T. Tich, president; Peter Clegg, vice-president; John W. Tate, secretary; W. C. Rydalch, treasurer; John Rydalch, S. W. Woolley, John B. Gordon, Enos Stookey, and Orson P. Bates, executive committee. 20


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zations, with a membership of "about as many hundreds, and the good work is still going on." 2 3 The first move toward a territorial association came at this same time, but it did not originate with Faust and his cattlemen. There were more signs of deep disagreements among livestock leaders. To the interested observer, it must have seemed clear that unanimity was still a long way off, that old stubborn individualistic attitudes might yet prevail. O n January 9, 1885, stockmen, largely from Salt Lake and Juab counties, began to gather in Salt Lake City for a meeting of the Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association. William Jennings, of Salt Lake, was president; Joel Grover was secretary. The two main objects, said Grover, were protections against thieves and herds driven through the territory. "I have heard it said," he remarked, "that one-half the beef used in . . . Bingham has been stolen." These objects, he insisted, could not be achieved by means of the county organizations that were being formed. T h e counties could not individually afford to station agents and inspectors at camps where thieving was liable to be carried on. But if they united into a territorial organization, they could clearly afford it.24 O n the following day, January 10, 27 stockmen signed the articles of agreement. Besides Jennings and Grover the membership included such prominent cattlemen as John and Alma Hague, Samuel and William Mclntyre, and F. H. Meyers. Discussion showed that perhaps more than anything else stock theft had stirred these men to common action. Samuel Mclntyre said cattle were being driven at night to several of the mining camps. Enough stock was being stolen in this way, he said, to pay for the services of a dozen detectives. One item of discussion indicated how Utah differed from other grazing states and territories. The plains states, Wyoming, for example, were one unbroken common pasture, where unless there were extensive fences cattle from many ranches were accustomed to mixing. Association planned roundups were therefore imperative. Utah, however, was different. Roundups would not work in Utah, said F. H. Meyers, because stock was so scattered. 25 Even as the articles of agreement were signed, Faust and Grover engaged in a verbal walk-down. Arguing for a territorial organization â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as if one were not already being formed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Faust said that if all the cattle and horsemen in Utah belonged to one association, with each member having a brand sheet and each county a detective and all in com23

Salt Lake Herald, January 11, 1885. Ibid., January 10, 1885. ~" Ibid., January 11, 1885. 2i


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munication with each other, "how long do you think this country would be infested with thieves?" As a more personal note he added, "if you fellows still feel bad about that confounded convention making me vicepresident, and you will accept my resignation I will tender it. I will do anything to keep peace in Utah." 2 6 Grover fired back: his association h a d a little money, was going to publish a brand book, establish a system of inspection, appoint detectives, and "as fast as possible complete a Territorial organization." Thus Faust's prediction would be carried out, was indeed being carried out. He too concluded with a personal shot: "If you are in earnest in 'let us have peace,' on that point we will agree with you and quietly look after our little herd of calves and give the public a rest." 27 T h e public, however, h a d little rest. O n J a n u a r y 2 1 , Faust announced a general cattle and horsemen's convention on April 2. "In this convention," he said, "all county associations will be expected to be represented by as many members as want to attend. These will elect a president and vice-president, with the rest of the officers for the Territory." Special matters for discussion, he went on to say, would be revision of brands, best modes of branding, and consideration of a fall stock fair. 28 Although the convention was still more than two months away, interest in it began to grow. In an editorial, the Salt Lake Herald told its readers that cattle and horse breeding was "destined to become one of the two or three leading occupations of the Territory." 2 9 Faust continued to speak and organize. Late in January he addressed the Utah County stockmen in their organizational meeting. 30 In the same week 80 names were enrolled in the Rich County association meeting at Randolph. 3 1 O n February 6, the Herald observed that the convention would be no insignificant affair. "It is not to be a meeting of the stockraisers of a town or county, nor a little gathering of gentlemen to have a jolly good time without meaning or effect. . . . The whole Territory," reported the Herald the following day, "seems to be waking up to the importance of the new interest, and organizations are springing into existence in the obscurest towns." On F e b r u a r y 7, over the n a m e s of H. J. Faust, vice-president National Cattle and Horse Association, and F. Armstrong, president, 28

Salt Lake Herald, January 11, 1885. Ibid., January 14, 1885. 28 Ibid., January 21, 1885. "-"Ibid., January 25, 1885. 30 Ibid., February 1, 1885. 31 Ibid., February 5, 1885. 27


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Salt Lake County Cattle and Horse Association, an official announcement appeared: Realizing the necessity of co-operation in the protection of our stock interests, we invite the stockmen throughout this interior region to unite in forming a convention to be held April 2d, at Salt Lake City. We invite the co-operation of all who feel an interest in the movement, and suggest that the different associations and individual members thereof, express their views upon the subject. T h e following subjects will be considered: T o suppress stealing. T o procure needed legislation. T h e best means to dispose of our surplus stock. T h e refrigerator versus live shipping. 32

By the first of April the stage was set for the greatest gathering of stockmen in the territory's history. There were to be two conventions, not just one. The Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, led by Jennings and Grover, was to meet in the City Hall; Faust's county associations were to convene in the Opera House. The railroads were to give conference rates. The Firemen's Band was to play; as the Herald put it, "the boys in red will parade the street, discoursing soul-stirring airs." 3 3 O n April 1 "bronzed faces and slouched hats began to show themselves upon the highways and byways" leading to Salt Lake City.34

U,

nfortunately, for the unity of Utah's cattle interests, the stage was also set that spring of 1885 for one of the greatest â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and most amusing â&#x20AC;&#x201D; squabbles in territorial history. In spite of apparently careful planning with the best of intentions, the show in the Opera House got off to a confused start. Attendance was scattered and leadership uncertain. Even the band for a time seemed pointless. As the Herald reported, "The Firemen's Band went about town drumming up for the occasion, but as no banners or streamers had been provided them, the object of their playing was not apparent to a good share of those who listened to them." 3 5 After some delay the meeting opened. Faust as temporary chairman spoke on the importance and aims 32 Ibid., February 7, 1885. On March 7, the Herald editorially suggested still another subject: control over the importation of contagious diseases. 33 Salt Lake Herald, April 2, 1885. 34 As the Herald reported, in its picturesque journalistic style. 3S Salt Lake Herald, April 3, 1885.


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of the meeting. Utah, he said, had been the first of the territories to be settled u p ; it could not be the last to organize in the interests of its horse and cattlemen. A major aim of the meetings was to permit stockmen from various parts of the territory to become better acquainted so that they could exchange ideas and stock. Other aims, he reminded his listeners, were protection against the thief "who has been so mighty in our midst," better railroad rates, more equitable estray pound laws, and the revision of brands. 36 The chairman then asking the pleasure of the meeting, a member suggested a tune by the band. "Something short and quick," said the chairman, whereupon the band rendered "The Short-Horn Overture," as someone promptly named the selection. Whatever it was called, it was not an overture to steady and immediate action. Few delegates responded to call, and one whole delegation "sat somewhat gloomily by itself in a corner." However, one step was taken toward organization. Abram Hatch was chosen permanent chairman, and he struck the note that would prevail in the meetings: stubborn pride mixed with the necessity of compromise. "This, he thought, was a legitimate body, the only Territorial organization duly authorized, and he hoped it would proceed in so conciliatory a manner that before it adjourned it would reconcile all factions and differences into one grand organization." 37 As the delegates filed out of the Opera House after the morning adjournment, they were handed dodgers inviting "all parties interested in the stock question" to a meeting of the Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association. This invitation, remarked the Herald reporter, "did not serve to lighten the general spirits of the assembly." 38 When the stockmen met again in the afternoon, things seemed to look better. At least the major obstacle to effective organization had now been recognized, and leaders were prepared to cope with it. With such cattlemen as Jennings, Grover, and the Mclntyres working in another direction, no truly territorial association could be formed in the Opera House. "Utah," said one of the delegates, "could not afford to have three or four rival stock organizations." Was it not possible to appoint a committee to wait upon the officers of the rival organization? Once again apparent personal differences were brought into the open. The quarrel between Jennings and Faust, one speaker remarked, should not threaten the unity of the stockmen. Faust rose to repudiate 36 37 38

Ibid. ibid. ibid.


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the idea of a split. He had, he said, only defended himself when attacked. If he stood in the way of the stock movement in Utah, he would take his hat and walk out. 39 When the City Hall group met on April 3, it too was acutely aware of competition. The chairman at once brought up the matter of the convention in the Opera House and the conciliation committee appointed the day before. A motion was made to appoint a committee to meet with that committee. Joel Grover spoke in favor of unity, but he reserved his fear that the aims of the association might be swamped by a host of small cattle owners and farmers. 40 In the afternoon the first matter of business was a report on what the two committees had come to. Chairman J. Q. Leavitt reported "the Opera House folks . . . were very anxious to form with this association into one grand Territorial organization." The committees had adjourned with an invitation to come to the Opera House to assist in bringing this grand organization into being. But wait a minute, some leaders began to say. Alma Hague said if the others expected them to give up all their labors thus far and wheel into line, he was opposed to meeting with them. William Jennings said the Opera House stockmen had no organization. The Utah Horse and Cattle Growers' Association already existed. Therefore, the Opera House group should instead come to the City Hall. Nevertheless, a motion to accept the invitation carried. 41 What followed in the Opera House must certainly have been one of the funniest shows of the year. To the tune of "Hail Columbia," the visiting leaders marched to the stage. At once Jennings said he wished to know who had been meant by the word faction. He certainly did not call himself a faction. Faust rose to move that the past be forgotten. Jennings repeated his question. J. C. Rich moved that all past differences be forgotten and buried, and Hatch gave a strong speech of conciliation. Jennings said the vote was useless since he and his group had no ill feelings whatever. Faust, in a gesture of peace, expressed a similar view, and the motion for forgetting and burial was withdrawn. Now, with good will at least temporarily in control, it was moved that both associations unite into one territorial association. 42 ""Salt Lake Herald, April 3, 1885. â&#x201E;˘Ibid., April 4, 1885. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid.


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This manifestation of unity, however, proved to be a very short scene in the play. Jennings rose again and said he still did not see why his group had been invited to the Opera House. Rich said he believed Jennings knew, and if he did not he would tell him publicly. Jennings replied that until the gentleman learned to attend in a sober and decent condition he would simply ignore him. Again a try to get on with unity, another motion to proceed to organization. But Legrande Young said organization had already taken place; he favored adopting the rules and bylaws of the already existing Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association. Jennings rose once more to insist upon the precedence of this association, which had, he said, been organized before any other in Utah had been thought of. The convention might vote as it pleased, but they should not ignore his association. He wanted nothing crammed down his throat. The The Salt the

two buildings where the cattlemen met in their separate organizational meetings. Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association led by William Jennings met in the Lake City Hall (right). The county associations led by Henry J. Faust met in Walker Opera House (left).

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

UTAH STATIC HISTORICAL SOCIETY


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At this Faust started up. He did not propose to have the tail wag the dog. He had not come to be insulted either. He had worked as hard as any man for the stock interest. When he finished his speech, he would take his hat and leave the hall. He had had enough. But the house voted that Mr. Faust remain. Jennings then announced that he would withdraw, that the meeting seemed intent on ignoring his association. The house voted again to keep an antagonist, but this one declined. Jennings walked out, followed by many members of the association he headed. Now the motion to organize was finally carried, but the comedy was not yet over. Faust moved that Hatch be made permanent chairman of the new territorial organization. A. Farr and Rich moved to substitute the name of Jennings. Faust said Jennings had bolted the convention. He agreed, however, to withdraw his motion and second the nomination of Jennings. The stormy afternoon closed as it had begun with an air by the band. It had been a drama with a conclusion still unknown. Said the Salt Lake Herald: What the night was to bring forth â&#x20AC;&#x201D; whether Mr. Jennings would accept the presidency of an association which had hung out, as far as the principal voices indicated, still hung out against enlisting under the banner of the U t a h Horse and Cattle Growers' Association, only the night meeting could tell. W h a t the cooler heads felt certain of was a tall feeling of disgust among the country members who had traveled so far to accomplish so little. Parts of the afternoon proceedings were never excelled outside of the Pickwick Club, and other parts for regularity and order would have been laughed at by a Hoosier Debating Society. 43

The evening saw a new try at unity. But even with the major antagonists of the afternoon absent, the differences, like high fences, remained. When Grover read the bylaws of the Utah Horse and Cattle Growers' Association, someone wanted to know how many cattle a man must own to entitle him to membership. There was, Grover replied, no restriction except that his cattle interests must predominate over his sheep interests. A. Nebeker said his delegation came from a society opposed to the land-leasing section of the bylaws. He said the sheepman ought to be encouraged and included in the organization. Grover said the section on land-leasing did not matter. Congress would pass no such law. And the sheepman, he added, was a natural opponent of the cattleman. There 43

Salt Lake Herald, April 4, 1885.


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was no possibility of harmonizing their industries. Hague supported Grover: it was impossible for cattle to live where sheep fed.44 After further debate on sheep, the old question came up again: was there one or were there two associations in session? The question was soon answered when the City Hall stockmen adjourned, leaving the Opera House folks in possession of the room, if not the cattle interests of the territory. The prevailing frustration was expressed by Farr: did they now stand exactly where they started â&#x20AC;&#x201D; unorganized? He said he thought they had made an association in the afternoon. If this was not true, he would take the morning train for home and see the cattle conventions in , 45 Coming after all of this drama, the next day's session, with the organization of the Territorial Stock Growers' Association of Utah, was anticlimax indeed. T h e contrast was almost too great, as if now the peace was the peace of resignation. Certainly it was not the peace of an achieved unity, for there were now in fact two organizations claiming territorial size. Jennings and Grover and their group had gone their own way. But for those who gathered that April 4th morning Faust had become the hero. After he was chosen president, he took the chair as the band played "Yankee Doodle." He hoped, he said, that a memory of the stormy times they had passed through would vanish in a recollection of the happiness of this last meeting. 46 Perhaps, the historian could say, some real progress had been made toward cooperation and unity. Even two associations meant more association than did a random collection of stockmen, each on his own spread of acres fighting his own kind of fight in his own individualistic way. And perhaps a later time would see what some men had hoped for, a burial of the jealous and prideful past, would see instead a real sense of community growing across Utah's varied rangelands.

ibid. â&#x20AC;˘ Ibid. Ibid., April 5, 1885.


Early Day Timber Cutting Along the Upper Bear River BY L. J . COLTON

e

arly day timber cutting in the h e a d w a t e r drainages of the Bear River can be divided roughly into two periods. The first period would cover from about 1870 to 1900, and the second from the turn of the century for about 25 to 30 years. There was, no doubt, some cutting before 1870, but not in any great volume. There was little or no governm e n t a l control d u r i n g the first period, and since there was no thought for the future, no system Mr. Colton is district ranger in the Kamas District of the Wasatch National Forest. He has been with the U.S. Forest Service for 25 years, 10 of these years in the Evanston area. The photographs used in this article were furnished by the United States Forest Service.


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of silviculture was employed. It was a time when fires, man-made and naturally caused, raged uncontrolled throughout the burning season. Many areas were cut over, mainly high-graded, then set on fire and allowed to burn. Old-timers recall that early loggers often times deliberately set fires as a means of retribution and of obtaining higher wages for their services. During the second period the U.S. Forest Service was established and gradually gained control of cutting and fires on federal land. This, in turn, had much influence on cutting and fires on private land, which covered large acreages since it was within the 20 mile bounds of the railroad land grant. Volume of timber cut during the first period is unknown because no one kept any record, but it must have been substantial. Examination of cut and burned-over areas indicates a large amount of timber was removed. The principal trees cut were lodgepole pine and Englemann spruce, and they were made into lumber, hewn railroad ties, mine props and ties, and cordwood for charcoal. The charcoal was used in turn for ore smelting in Utah and Colorado. The timber cutting industry during the first period and part of the second has a very interesting and somewhat romantic touch to it. Most of the timber in the form of saw logs, ties, props, and cordwood was floated to the market or point of manufacture down the Bear River or in a flume. The construction and use of the flume and the floating process on the Bear River must have indeed been colorful. Large numbers of men were employed, and there were, of course, brawls, injuries, drownings, and other activities that would be associated with this type of operation. During the early days of Evanston and Almy, Wyoming, there was a large sawmill established at Evanston by Jessie L. Atkinson. This mill manufactured the lumber used to build early Evanston and Almy. The latter was a mining community a few miles north of Evanston and at one time was as large or larger than Evanston. T h e Atkinson mill remained in operation until cheaper and better-processed lumber began coming in on the railroad from the Pacific Northwest and elsewhere. T h e saw logs that supplied the mill were floated from the forest down Bear River. These logs had been hand-cut adjacent to the streams and then skidded or hauled to the streams by wagon and sleigh. Much of the cutting and skidding was done during the winter. T h e floating, or log drives, took place during the early spring runoff and early summer. It was necessary during the logging drives to station men along the stream to prevent and


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Two views of a tie loading Wyoming.

operation

along

the Union

Pacific in

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southwestern

break up log jams. Some of these men lost their lives, but the whole operation provided a livelihood for many men and their families. The timber industry played an important role in the economy of this part of Wyoming and Utah at the time. Besides the sawmill in Evanston, there were 12 charcoal kilns constructed in the immediate vicinity. Four-foot length cordwood was floated down Bear River from the forest to supply fuel for these kilns. The charcoal manufactured from them was shipped to smelters in Utah and Colorado. Perhaps the most colorful operation in the first period of timber cutting was the construction and use of a 30-mile flume or aqueduct beginning near Gold Hill east of Mill City Creek and west of Hayden Fork and ending at Hilliard, which is about 14 miles southeast of Evanston. In addition there was a branch of the flume called the Howe Feeder, constructed for about six miles up what is now known as Main Fork 1 of the Stillwater Fork of the Bear River. Remnants of this branch are still seen even though the main flume has been removed or destroyed. The headwaters for the flume were taken from what is now known as Gold Hill 1

This was possibly once known as Fish Creek.


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Creek, which flows into Hayden Fork. Remnants of the old dam and canal that carried the water to the head of the flume still exist. The course of the flume followed down the west side of Hayden Fork and the Bear River proper to a point about one-half mile above its confluence with East Fork. Here the flume crossed to the east side where it remained close to the river for approximately another two miles. At this point the flume left the river and was trestled to the flat bench lands to the east of Bear River. The trestle reached a point as high as 16 feet above the ground. The flume then continued north and a little east, crossed Mill Creek, then on to Hilliard Flat, and thence to Hilliard. T h e total distance from the head of the flume to Hilliard was approximately 30 miles. The Howe Feeder branch joined the main flume about one mile above the confluence of the Hayden and Stillwater forks of the Bear River. This made a total of about 36 miles of flume constructed at a cost of $200,000. The flume was constructed by the Hilliard Fume and Lumber Company. Construction began about 1872 and was completed in about 1875. The company was organized by W. K. Sloan, also treasurer of the company, who had migrated from eastern United States. The project was Tie hackers' camp and lumbering

tools used on the north slopes of the

Uintas.


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first known as "Sloan's Folly," but it became a successful business venture long before it was sold to a Boston firm after the price of charcoal had dipped to a low level and better lumber was shipped in. The flume had a gradient that permitted the water to flow at about 15 miles per hour. A log placed at the head took two hours to arrive at the end, provided there was no jam or any other obstruction. The flume was built in the form of a V and was constructed mainly of 3-inch by 12-inch planks. Each side of the V was about 30-inches wide and was supported by scaffolding that varied in height according to the terrain. The bottom of the V rested on 3-inch by 6-inch cross pieces about 5-feet long and spaced at about 4-foot intervals. These in turn rested on 17-foot long by about 7-inch in diameter unsawed stringers running parallel with the flume and about 4-feet apart. Braces from these cross pieces supported the flume. The flume was constructed one mile at a time from timber milled at a point located near the head of the flume. T h e lumber and logs used were floated to the point of construction as they were needed. Eighty tons of square spikes were used in building the flume. The construction was so well done that after water had run through the flume for a short time, very little of it escaped through the cracks. During the construction and operation of this flume a small city was built on what is now known as Mill City Creek near Gold Hill. The city had a population that numbered as high as 500, a company store, and barracks for the men to live in. Remnants of this once flourishing camp are still present. Throughout the area that supplied the flume with timber, remains of once well-built cabins that housed loggers can be found. At three different places along the course of the flume, ponds or eddies were constructed. These were used to hold, reassemble, or sort logs if necessary and replenish the water in the flume. One eddy was located at the mouth of East Fork of Bear River, one where the flume crossed Mill Creek, and one at the upper end of Hilliard Flat. The one at Mill Creek was known as the "Big Eddy." Remnants of this eddy and the one on East Fork can still be seen. At two different locations lookouts were stationed. These were located on high vantage points so they could see each other and the terminals of the flume. A system of light signals was used to send messages back and forth. The main purpose, of course, for constructing this flume was to get timber to Hilliard in the fastest and most economical way. Hilliard at that time was located on the main line of the Union Pacific Railroad. This line was later moved several miles to the north after two tunnels


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were constructed. The main products as a result of the flume were railroad ties and charcoal. Thirty-two large charcoal kilns were constructed at Hilliard from rock. Four-foot cordwood was floated down the flume to supply the kilns. Several of these kilns are still standing and are in fairly good condition. In about 1885 use of that part of the flume above the Mill Creek eddy was discontinued, but a well-known logger by the name of John W. Hadden supplied logs and cordwood to Hilliard from the Mill Creek and Deadman drainages for quite some time after. When the price of charcoal dropped, the flume was sold to a Boston company, which tried to bring the flume back into use after a period of idleness. After a period of unsuccessful operations, the company went broke. The lumber in the flume was then sold to George W. Carlton who tore most of it down and sold it for construction of ranch buildings on Hilliard Flat and nearby Bear River country. Lumber and logs not used for constructing buildings were burned. Of interest is the fact that the basic structures of many of the ranch buildings constructed from this timber are still in good condition and, while covered with modern siding, are still in use. Cribbing and splash dam to contain and control the flow of water and of logs on Mill Creek.

transportation


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At about the time the charcoal industry was flourishing at Hilliard, two more kilns were constructed about five miles south on Sulphur Creek. Four more were constructed at Piedmont, which was then on the railroad line, and a few miles northeast of Hilliard. These were all active during the same period, but the latter kilns obtained their cordwood from the north slopes of Mount Elizabeth and the drainages of Big Muddy and Sulphur creeks near the Utah-Wyoming line. This timber was usually hauled in by wagons or sleighs. The end of the charcoal industry at this location signaled the close of the first period of timber cutting. Many cut-over areas had been burned and much valuable timber and watershed destroyed. One such area is located near the head of the Mill City Creek west of Hayden Fork and north of Gold Hill. Here very little timber has grown back except on the west side where there is now quite a heavy stand of aspen with some lodgepole pine mixed in it. The evidence of what was once a beautiful stand of timber is still present in the form of many blackened stumps. Elsewhere, heavy stands of pole-size and larger lodgepole pine have healed the scars of the old burns and some day will make valuable stands of saw timber. One must conclude that the early day timber industry on the north slope of the Uinta Mountains contributed a colorful and vital chapter to the settlement and development of this part of Utah. These timber cutters were courageous, rugged, and valiant, but apparently they had little concern, or at least it did not occur to them that what they were doing to the timber resource might have an effect on timber use for future generations. This effect was mainly adverse since millions of board feet of timber were destroyed by fires set by and uncontrolled by these people. Thousands of acres of fine timber land were converted to lands now covered with grass, forb, and aspen. While the resulting range land has great value for watershed and grazing purposes, of greater value would be stands of good timber. Much of the residual timber left from this early day type of harvest is inferior â&#x20AC;&#x201D; insect and disease infested. During most of these timber cutting operations only the choicest trees were taken, leaving cull or diseased trees to supply seed for future timber stands to replace those that were cut or burned.


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Balduin Mollhausen, whose three trips to the American West between 1851 and 1858 formed the background for a successful career as a novelist.

Title page of Jacob Schiel's Reise durch die Felsengebirge ( J o u r n e y t h r o u g h t h e R o c k y Mountains), one of the earliest travel narratives to give an account of Utah and the Mormons.

The Image of Utah and the Mormons In Nineteenth-Century Germany BY D. L. A S H L I M A N

X

he love of the Germans for adventure, exotic lands, and little-known civilizations has manifested itself in many ways for many centuries. In the latter half of the nineteenth century this romantic inclination was Mr. Ashliman is a graduate of the University of Utah and a Ph.D. candidate at Rutgers University. He is presently at the University of Gottingen under a grant from the German government collecting data for his dissertation, "The Image of the American West in NineteenthCentury Germany."


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directed toward the plains and mountains of North America. The reasons for the great interest of Germans in the American West, which has continued almost unabated to the present day, are manifold. One source is the Father of European Romanticism, Jean Jacques Rousseau, whose plea to "return to nature" in search for the "noble savage" found a receptive audience east of the Rhine. Many Germans found this noble savage in the American Indian; they had been convinced of the nobility of the red man through James Fenimore Cooper, whose Leatherstocking tales were first translated into German in the 1820's and who has been widely read in Germany from that day until the present. Another novelist who stimulated European interest in the American West was Frangois Rene de C h a t e a u b r i a n d (1768-1848), whose I n d i a n novels a la Cooper enjoyed great popularity in German translation. Any innate or cultivated predilection which mid-nineteenth-century Germans felt toward the American frontier was accentuated by ever increasing political strife at home, and they streamed to the New World by the hundreds of thousands (roughly three-quarters of a million in the decade 1846-56). The political refugees did not find their Utopia in the crowded, slum-ridden cities along the East Coast. Their idea of freedom was the pioneer company heading for the free land in the West, although most German immigrants themselves did not become active pioneers, but rather settled in the young cities of the Midwest: St. Louis, Milwaukee, and Chicago. German interest in the American West was selfperpetuating. Those who remained in the Old Country were now in contact with the American frontier not only through the novels of Cooper and Chateaubriand, but also through the letters, the published travel narratives, and the adventure novels written by their own countrymen in the New World. It is such firsthand reports about the Mountain West that we wish to examine in the present study. To our knowledge, the first German to visit the area now encompassed by the boundaries of Utah was Charles Preuss, the official cartographer and artist of the first, second, and fourth expeditions to the West of John C. Fremont. It is fitting that a country which has historically been associated with thoroughness and with scientific excellence should have been represented on these important expeditions. Preuss served with distinction; modern students of western history continue to laud him for his excellence in sketching and in cartography. The contributions of his maps to the opening of the American West find repeated mention in western histories.


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Preuss's entry into present-day Utah was made during his second expedition with Fremont on about September 1, 1843, with four other explorers who had made a short detour into Utah for the purpose of charting the Great Salt Lake. The entire party reentered Utah about eight months later, this time at the extreme southwestern corner. They crossed the state diagonally, visiting the southern shore of Utah Lake and leaving Utah at the point where the Green River intersects the present state boundary line. Preuss's account of his travels with Fremont makes fascinating reading for the student of western history, both as a supplement to the famous explorer's carefully prepared reports and as a highly subjective account of a well-educated, sensitive European on an arduous and dangerous journey through the wilderness. His journal, however, is of no more than passing interest in a study of the image of Utah and the Mormons in nineteenth-century Germany; Preuss was unknown in his fatherland. H e died in Blandensburg, Maryland, in 1854. His journal was not published until over a century later, and then in English translation in America. 1 A better-known early pioneer was Heinrich Lienhard, a GermanSwiss who crossed Utah in 1846 on his way to Sutter's New Helvetia. He later became disenchanted with his countryman and left California ultimately to settle in the former Mormon capital, Nauvoo, Illinois, where he carefully reworked the diary of his journeys into what Erwin G. Gudde has called "one of the three classical reports of the great western migration of 1846." 2 An abridged version of this report was published in the original German under the title Californien unmittelbar vor und nach der Entdeckung des Goldes {California Immediately before and after the Discovery of Gold). Although this book is a drastically condensed version of his journal, it does contain, nearly uncut, the account of Lienhard's journey across Utah. According to this book, Lienhard's party reached the shores of the Great Salt Lake on August 7, 1846, almost exactly one year before the first party of Mormon pioneers was to arrive. He recounts with delight 1 Erwin G. and Elisabeth K. Gudde, trans., Exploring with Fremont: The Private Diaries of Charles Preuss, Cartographer for John C. Fremont on His First, Second, and Fourth Expeditions to the Far West (Norman, Oklahoma, 1958). 2 Heinrich Lienhard, From St. Louis to Sutter's Fort, 1846, trans., Erwin G. and Elisabeth K. Gudde (Norman, 1961), ix. Lienhard's journal has never been published in its entirety. The Gudde translation, as one can ascertain from its title, includes that portion most interesting to the student of the westward migration. The portion of his journal covering his journey across U t a h has been translated into English by Dale L. Morgan and appeared in West From Fort Bridger: The Pioneering of the Immigrant Trails Across Utah, 1846-1850, Utah Historical Quarterly, X I X (1951), 117-76.


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Heinrich Lienhard, a Swiss pioneer who crossed Utah in 1846. A portion of his diary has been published by the Utah State Historical Society in Volume XIX of the U t a h Historical Quarterly.

a swimming party in the dense salt water, an experience that will be mentioned frequently by subsequent visitors to the Great Salt Lake, and he finds the climate and scenery of Utah exhilar a t i n g : " T h e clear, sky-blue water, the warm sunny air, the nearby high mountains . . . made an unusually friendly impression. I could have whistled and sung the entire day." 3 This Swiss pioneer, who was both by training and by inclination a farmer, noticed at once the agricultural possibilities of the Great Basin, or so he claimed in 1870 when he finally reworked the diaries of his pioneer adventures. "If there had only been a single family of white people here," he claims in his autobiography published in Zurich, "I probably would have remained. What a shame that this magnificent region was uninhabited, because the soil did appear to be fertile." 4 Although Lienhard is admittedly writing here with full knowledge of the Mormon accomplishments in their 23 years of settlement and colonization, one has no reason to disbelieve this prediction of Utah's agricultural potential. Lienhard's source was his own daily journal written in 1846. It is interesting to compare this comment made by a Swiss farmer with Jim Bridger's famous rumored offer to pay Brigham Young $1,000 for the first bushel of corn grown in the Salt Lake Valley. 5 The 10 days spent by Lienhard's party on the banks of the Great Salt Lake were apparently among the most enjoyable of their entire journey. The three days following their departure from the lake were also memorable, but in a negative sense. Lienhard calls their three-day 3 Heinrich Lienhard, Calif ornien unmittelbar vor und nach der Entdeckung (ZUrich, 1898), 70. 4 Ibid. 5 See Leland H. Creer, The Founding of an Empire: The Exploration and of Utah, 1776-1856 (Salt Lake City, 1947), 286.

des Goldes

Colonization


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march across the Salt Desert "the three hardest days of the entire trip." 6 In spite of the hardships inflicted on them by the waterless wasteland, they did reach water, and ultimately Sutter's Fort without serious incident. The next Germans of importance to arrive in Utah were participants in government exploration parties which investigated possible routes for a transcontinental railroad in 1853 and 1854. F. W. Egloffstein, an artist-topographer, entered Utah in the winter of 1853-54 with Fremont's fifth expedition and continued on to California with the remnant of Gunnison's expedition under the leadership of Lieutenant E. G. Beckwith. Two other Germans, Jacob H. Schiel, a geologist, and F. Creutzfeldt, a botanist, were members of the ill-fated Gunnison expedition of 1853; the latter was killed along with his captain and six other fellow explorers in the famous Gunnison Massacre. Schiel, however, escaped to return to Germany and publish his experiences in the West under the title Reise durch die Felsengebirge und die Humboldtgebirge nach dem stillen Ocean (Journey through the Rocky Mountains and the Humboldt Mountains to the Pacific Ocean). This 139-page book, over one-third of which is devoted to a description of Utah and the Mormons, is written in rather clumsy, sometimes abstruse, scientific German, and, judging from its present scarcity, it never achieved a very wide audience. Perhaps Schiel's narrow escape from the Indians gave all future memories of Utah a negative touch. In any event Schiel had little good to say about Utah or its inhabitants. Even his entry into the territory is marked with pessimism: "From the day we climbed down into the valley of the Uncompahgre until the hour we pitched our tents at the foot of the Wasatch Mountains, which we reached towards the middle of October [1853], every friendly feature in the character of the landscape disappeared, with the exception of the view towards these mountains." 7 He quotes Kid [sic] Carson (in English) that "not a wolve [sic] could make a living" in the region between the Blue River [in north-central Colorado] and the Wasatch Mountains. 8 Schiel admits that the Great Basin does offer some highly picturesque scenes, but he finds them unfriendly and gloomy. The Great Salt Lake Desert receives special mention: "From a lofty peak [in the Cedar Mountains] . . . one looked across a broad landscape which surpassed in empti0

Lienhard, Calif ornien, 74. J[acob] Schiel, Reise durch die Felsengebirge Ocean (Schaffhausen, Switzerland, 1859), 72. 8 Ibid., 79. 7

und die Humboldtgebirge

nach dem stillen


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ness and gloominess everything we had thus far seen. . . . If the eyes of an inhabitant of ancient Greece had beheld this view, he surely would have moved the entrance to Hades to this place." 9 Schiel's slurs on the Territory of Utah are mild, however, when compared with the aspersions which he casts upon its inhabitants. Although there is scarcely an aspect of Mormon life that escapes criticism from his barbed pen, it is the alleged ignorance of the Mormon people that is mentioned most frequently. T h e principal cause of inconvenience and suffering in the Great Basin, reports Schiel, is the unwillingness of the Mormons to accept any wisdom except that which is revealed from heaven. It remains a mystery to Schiel how the Mormon leaders, the majority of whom were "extremely ignorant and of limited intellect," could so completely fanaticize and ruthlessly manipulate their "poor, spiritually famished" followers.10 An example of Mormon ignorance is given in Schiel's account of his discovery on the bottom of the Great Salt Lake of a white crystaline deposit, which contained, according to his analysis, 60 per cent sulphate of soda. H a d the Mormons had any knowledge of chemistry, he asserts, they could have constructed a furnace and converted the deposit to soda, a necessary ingredient in soap production. "But," continues Schiel, "the knowledge of the chemical trade is not revealed, but rather demands diligent and persistent study, a very disagreeable arrangement for the leading men of Utah, who claim that they possess all of their knowledge through revelation from God." 1X They must be satisfied, he adds, to continue to import their soap at exorbitant prices. A similar case reported by Schiel is that of the Provo city engineer, who was having trouble executing his responsibilities because of the Holy Ghost's reluctance to reveal to him certain theorems of geometry and trigonometry. 12 Schiel was apparently surprised to find that the Mormons had in their possession a collection of expensive scientific instruments. He hastens to add, however, that most of them had been damaged beyond repair through carelessness, and that all were lying unused in the attic of the "Statehouse." 1 3 Although Schiel rails at Mormon ignorance and stupidity at every opportunity, in an early passage he unwittingly praises the ingenuity of a Mormon inventor in a glowing paragraph devoted to a "Ibid., 83-84. 10 Ibid., 103-4. 11 Ibid., 100. 12 Ibid., 125. 13 Ibid., 123-24.


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clever pioneer odometer. H e did not realize that it had been invented by Mormon leader Orson Pratt. 14 Schiel's lengthy discussion on the Mormons and on their beliefs amounts for the most part to little more than diatribe. Consider, for example, his closing statement to a section on Mormon doctrine: "For every tenet, every assertion, and every so-called revelation in the various works of their scribes there can be found a contradictory tenet, assertion, or revelation. T h e entire system is a chaos of nonsense, contradiction, and monstrosities of all kinds. But it has been preached with that confidence and audacity that has impressed and fettered unthinking men of all times." 1 5 Nor is he favorably impressed with the secular accomplishments of the Latter-day Saints: "They have not earned the admiration which they have for themselves; . . . their accomplishment appears insignificant when compared with that which has been achieved in a shorter time in California by the- overland emigration, even when one takes all the differences into consideration." 16 H e continues with an expose of other Mormon "exaggerations and deliberate lies" concerning their Utopian society. Their "magnificent national workshops," he reports, employ in reality less than a dozen men. Their educational facilities exist only as an idea, and their "large cotton mill" is a phantasm. These polemics are not without an occasional spark of humor. Schiel takes great pleasure in announcing to his German reading audience that during his seven-month sojourn in the Utah Territory he met only three of his former countrymen who had accepted the claims of Mormonism. Indeed, his entire discussion on the Mormons ends on a light note: If in the foregoing description I have done any injustice to the saints of the last days, I am all the sorrier, for I must close with a great incivility toward the women of U t a h . I am committing this transgression in the interest and for the consolation of those of my countrymen who may be looking upon the privileges of the Saints with quiet envy and perhaps secret desires. I n the entire valley I did not see even an almost beautiful woman. M a y the daughters of U t a h forgive me that I cannot have a better opinion of their charms. 1 7 14 Ibid., 10-11. Orson Pratt describes the circumstances leading to his invention of the pioneer odometer in his journal entry of May 16, 1847. Cf. Creer, Founding of an Empire 275-77. lu Schiel, Reise durch die Felsengebirge, 119â&#x20AC;&#x201D;20. "Ibid., 122-23. "Ibid., 126-27. This passage will remind many readers of Mark Twain's concluding remarks on Mormon polygamy in Chapter 14 of Roughing It (Hartford, Connecticut, 1872), which was published some 13 years after Schiel's book appeared in Switzerland: "With the gushing self-sufficiency of youth I was feverish to plunge in headlong and achieve a great reform here â&#x20AC;&#x201D; until I saw the Mormon women. Then I was touched. My heart was wiser than my head. It warmed toward these poor, ungainly, and pathetically 'homely' creatures, and as I turned to hide the generous moisture in my eyes, I said, 'No â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the man that marries one of


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Another German geologist to visit Salt Lake City before the turn of the century was a Professor Streng, who toured western America in the fall of 1891 with a 90-member international congress of geologists. Streng reported his findings in January of the following year in a lecture to the Oberhessische Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Heilkunde, a transcription of which was published under the title Eine Reise in das Land der Mormonen (A Journey to the Land of the Mormons). This 22-page brochure is divided almost equally into a geological description of the Great Basin and a description of the Mormons, their city, their religion, and their culture. In contrast to his colleague Jacob Schiel, Professor Streng has nothing but praise for the accomplishments of the Mormons. Writing some three decades later than Schiel, Streng recounts in glowing terms the story of the Mormon migration and their colonization of the wilderness. H e is especially favorably impressed with their capital city: "Everywhere one looks there are lawns, flower beds, shrubbery, stately villas; in short the city can boast all the comforts and luxuries of a great city, and although it is a long distance from the commercial centers of the United States, we did not find the prices in Salt Lake City stores to be excessively high." 1 8 Streng even praises the quality of beer served in the local taverns. Streng's brief account and explanation of Mormon doctrine are sympathetic in tone, but not always accurate. H e ascribes the supposed Mormon belief in reincarnation to a borrowing from Buddhism; he points out quite as a matter-of-fact that Christ himself is to appear in the heretofore unfinished temple as soon as it is completed; and he outlines the duties of the Quorum of the Twelve and the Council of the Hundred. If it were not for these doctrinal and organizational errors one could almost read Geologist Streng's treatise as a Mormon tract. He lightly ridicules the United States government for its part in the recent Utah War: "Now really, are the Mormons such dangerous people?" he asks, and then answers his own question by pointing out their great achievement in taming the wilderness. H e concludes his argument with the superlatives: "Furthermore the Mormons are the soberest and the most industrious people." 1 9 Writing only one year after the abolition of polygamy, Streng makes a claim that is often heard in Mormon circles today, i.e., that only them has done an act of Christian charity which entitles him to the kindly applause of mankind, not their harsh censure â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and the man that marries sixty of them has done a deed of openhanded generosity so sublime that the nations should stand uncovered in his presence and worship in silence.' " 18 Streng, Eine Reise in das Land der Mormonen (Giessen, 1892), 12. 19 Ibid., 13.


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a few Mormons ever practiced plural marriage. H e claims to have been shown a house belonging to a man who had five or six wives and 56 children, and, he adds: " H e who wants to provide for fifty-six children must be a very wealthy man. The number of such wealthy Mormons was naturally very small; polygamy was therefore practiced only in exceptional cases." 20 In spite of the immense interest shown by nineteenth-century Germans toward the romance of the American West, it is doubtful that many of them had read the travel narratives of Preuss, Lienhard, Schiel, or Streng. T h e name of our next writer-adventurer, however, was to become a household word in Germany. Heinrich Balduin Mollhausen, whose collected works fill 178 volumes, is said to have been the most widely read and most beloved German novelist of the 1860's and 1870's. 21 His great popularity came in part from his narrative skill and in part from the authoritative realism he was able to impart to his travel narratives and works of fiction. Mollhausen made three trips to western America between 1849 and 1858 and participated as an artist-topographer in three important expeditions: Duke Paul William of Wurttemberg's expedition to the Rocky Mountains in 1851-52, the Whipple expedition across the Rocky Mountains in 1853-54, and the Ives expedition up the Colorado River in 1858. Although Mollhausen apparently never entered the area encompassed by the present Utah boundaries, his works are of great interest to the present study; he came in frequent contact with Mormons, both those en route to Utah and those in outlying settlements (especially in the San Bernadino Valley), and he makes frequent mention of the Mormons and of the Territory of Utah in his works. Mollhausen's successful career as a writer began with the twovolume Tagebuch einer Reise vom Mississippi nach den Kiisten der Sildsee (Diary of a Journey from the Mississippi to the Coasts of the South Sea), an illustrated account of the Whipple expedition that reads more like a novel than a travel narrative. It was guaranteed a certain amount of success at the booksellers by a flowery preface written by the famous German naturalist and traveler Alexander von Humboldt. But the book speaks for itself, and it found a wide audience in spite of its prohibitive price of 18 thalers. English and Dutch translations were also successful, and a second, less expensive German edition appeared in 1860. Although the Whipple expedition did not cross Utah, Mollhausen includes in his report an excursus on the Mormons. This report, probably "Ibid., 15. 21 Preston A. Barba, Balduin Mollhausen,

the German Cooper (Philadelphia, 1914), 60.


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the first firsthand account of the Mormons to find wide readership in Germany, is factual, but unsympathetic in tone. It surveys Mormon history from Joseph Smith's first vision up to and including the Mormon War, and, as one could expect, devotes as much space to polygamy as to all other aspects of Mormon history. The information for his chapter on the Mormons was obtained during Mollhausen's stay with some Latter-day Saints on the upper Missouri River in 1852 and from the reports of Captain John W. Gunnison and Captain Howard Stansbury. Mollhausen's geographical description of the Great Basin is pessimistic ; he questions Brigham Young's wisdom in choosing the Great Salt Lake Valley for the Mormons' central settlement: "One cannot say that this people enjoys many natural advantages in their new territory; good water is scarce; wood is almost entirely lacking; and good pastureland is found only against the slopes of the mountains and in the marshes." 22 Of even greater interest than Mollhausen's travel narratives are his many adventure novels, several of which include scenes in Utah and two of which use the Mormon problem for a central theme. The first of these, Das Mormonenmddchen (The Mormon Girl), published in 1864, has been reprinted as recently as 1935 and is considered by literary historians to be one of Mollhausen's best works. 23 The opening scene of the novel is a sandy desert not far from the "Mormon City." A young escapee from a polygamous marriage is hiding in the sand with her one-year-old son, while a posse of Mormons combs the area. They come close enough for her to overhear her husband say, "I don't care if she chokes to death in the sand, the apostate, but I've got to get the boy back!" 2 4 The novelist leaves mother and child to perish in the desert and transports the reader to New York City, where a group of Swedish Mormon converts en route to Utah has just arrived. This second glimpse of Mormonism in action is scarcely more attractive than was the first one. We are introduced to the title heroine, Herta Jansen, a young and naive Swedish girl who has been tricked into joining the Mormon Church by her fanatical guardian uncle and who is now unknowingly being transported to Utah to become the second wife of a leading Mormon. The plot thickens when two unsavory Mormon agents arrive on the scene and begin making arrangements to smuggle weapons 22 Balduin Mollhausen, Tagebuch einer Reise vom Mississippi nach den Kiisten der Siidsee (2 vols., Leipzig, 1858), II, 435. 23 See, e.g., Heinrich Spiero, Geschichte des deutschen Romans (Berlin, 1950), 262-63. 24 Balduin Mollhausen, Das Mormonenmddchen (Dresden, 1935), 11.


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and ammunition into Utah in preparation for the imminent war with the United States government. The hero of the novel, Lieutenant Weatherton of the United States Navy, becomes doubly involved with the Mormon immigrants; not only has he fallen in love with Herta and wishes to save her from her impending fate in Utah, but he also has official orders to search all ships leaving the New York harbor for Mormon contraband. The Mormons manage to slip out of the harbor and head for Utah via Panama and California. Weatherton, in a heroic move, immediately applies for and receives a year's furlough and starts off westward on an incredible midwinter trek hoping to arrive in Utah in time to save Herta from the evils of a Mormon marriage. Many adventures later, most of which show the cunning ruthlessness of the M o r m o n s , H e r t a and W e a t h e r t o n are reunited. Truce has been declared in the Mormon War, and Herta's uncle, recognizing the true love she has for Weatherton, gives his permission for their marriage.

"Navajos," a painting by Balduin Mollhausen, from Joseph Christmas U p o n the Colorado River of the West, Explored in 1857 and 1858 D.C, 1861).

Ives' Report (Washington,


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Mollhausen's second Mormon novel is no more complimentary to the Latter-day Saints than was his first, as one can immediately deduce from its title, Der Fanatiker (The Fanatic), first published in 1883. Both novels are similar in structure, content, and tone. Each has as a heroine a naive Scandinavian beauty who has been tricked or forced into joining the Mormons and who is to be married into polygamy by an unscrupulous guardian. Each heroine is ultimately rescued by a young adventurer who removes her from the danger of future Mormon attempts at revenge. Each tale begins with a description of a heinous Mormon crime around which the plot is built. The opening scene of Der Fanatiker, a secluded stretch of the overland trail "in the northern part of the Salt Lake Valley," 25 is reminiscent of the Mountain Meadows Massacre. The carnage of a recently massacred party of 18 Missourians is described to the reader. The dastardly deed seems at first to have been the work of Indians, but a closer examination reveals that the Indian arrows had been shot into the bodies after they had already been riddled with bullets. The second scene introduces the culprits, who are gloating from a nearby ridge over their successful ambush: " I ' m telling you, Dowlas, that was as fine a blow against the gentiles as any there has ever been." Dowlas, who, as it turns out, is a Mormon apostle, replies, "May they be cursed! . . . A magnificent sight! As we have here eradicated a few of them, may they throughout the entire earth be eradicated with fire and sword!" 26 Mollhausen's novels exhibit the artistic faults typical of the exotic novel. His characters are painted in either black or white; his villains seldom show even the slightest redeeming quality, and his heroes are veritable paragons of virtue. In his Mormon novels the villains are identifiable even before their nefarious deeds have been revealed. Everyone who voluntarily associates with the Mormons is a villain. Trappers, frontiersmen, and other "gentiles" are automatically heroes. As with Cooper, the Indians also fall into two neat groups, good and bad, Mollhausen's Utes belonging to the latter group and his Delawares and Mojaves belonging to the former. As one could expect from a writer as prolific as Mollhausen, his novels contain some inconsistencies, but it takes literary skill to produce a best seller, and Balduin Mollhausen proved himself at the bookseller's for many decades. He not only demonstrated the ability to construct an exciting, suspensive plot, but perhaps even more important to the nineteenth-century German mind, he spoke 25

Balduin Mollhausen, Der Fanatiker -"Ibid.. 8-9.

(Leipzig, 1905), 7.


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with the authority of one who had been there. As he says in the preface to another of his western novels: "I relate that which I have seen and observed, and even if I myself have not personally experienced that which I narrate, I have heard it . . . from old hunting companions around a secret campfire in an inhospitable wilderness." 27 The next novelist to make extensive use of Utah and the Mormons in his works is one of German literature's most fascinating and problematical personalities. Karl May, a contemporary of Richard Wagner and Friedrich Nietzsche, began his literary career while serving a penitentiary sentence for a minor theft, a violation which he repeated frequently enough during his twenties and early thirties to accumulate nearly eight years of prison time. He probably turned to writing to find an escape from the monotony of cell life, but his tales of adventure captured the imagination of the youth of Germany and of other lands; his books have been translated into more than 20 languages (but not including English). Few, if any, German writers can boast a better sales record than May. His German editions alone, still popular more than 50 years after the author's death, have sold over 25 million copies. Nor has May's popularity been confined to Germany's youth; such diverse personalities as Adolf Hitler, Albert Einstein, Albert Schweitzer, and playwrite Carl Zuckmayer can be counted among the many admirers of Karl May. May's 70 novels, roughly half of which take place in mid-nineteenthcentury western America, owe their popularity largely to the author's quasi-realistic description of western geography and mores and to his "authoritative" account of "true" adventures. Most of his novels were written in the first person, and May asserted until the end of his life that his American tales were based on his own experiences in the American West. His claims, however, are given little credence by modern scholars, who doubt that May visited America prior to his highly publicized trip in 1908, many years after his most popular "westerns" had been published. May's knowledge of the American West was gleaned from the travel narratives of Mollhausen and others, from standard reference works, and, most important, from his own vivid imagination. Most of May's recent critics have pointed out that his characters are literarily uninteresting because of the predictability of their reactions in a given situation. May creates villains and he creates heroes, but no one in between. In their extensive travels May's heroes cross the Territory of Utah many times and come in frequent contact with the Mormons, 27

Balduin Mollhausen, Der Fluchtling

(Leipzig, 1862), xii.


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who invariably belong to the villain group. May's Mormon villain who is given the fullest treatment is Harry Melton, whose scheme to force a group of German immigrants to perform slave labor in an illegally procured quicksilver mine provides the plot of the popular May novel Die Felsenburg (The Cliff Stronghold), first published in 1893. Another Mormon who is well known to Karl May devotees is Elder Tobias Preisegott (Praisegod) Burton, a Mormon missionary whose crimes of robbery and murder provide an important episode in Unter Geiern (Among Vultures), first published in 1888. Although May does show some knowledge of Mormon and Utah history in his novels, he makes no significant use of it. There is nothing singularly "Mormon" about his Mormons; they could just as easily have been Armenians, French Canadians, or Chinese. Polygamy is frequently mentioned, but plays no important part in his plots, as it did in Mollhausen's Das Mormonenmddchen and Der Fanatiker; nor do May's Mormons act in behalf of their church in committing their vile deeds, as did the gunrunners and the Danites in the aforementioned works. May's geographical descriptions of Utah, as well as those of other western regions, show that he made careful use of detailed maps while composing his tales, but cast further doubt on his preposterous claims that his stories are based on his actual adventures in the American West. Richard Cracroft has pointed out two such quasi-realistic geographical descriptions in his master's thesis "The American West of Karl May" (University of Utah, 1963). One is a passage in Weihnacht im wilden Westen (Christmas in the Wild West), first published in 1897, which describes a 130-mile journey through the mountainous wilds of southern Wyoming. May lends the passage a semblance of accuracy by interspersing the actual names of numerous rivers, creeks, mountains, and passes throughout the text, but shows his ignorance of the area by letting the party cover over 130 miles of difficult mountainous terrain in an impossible two days. Cracroft's other example of May's geographical license is of still more interest to the Utahn. May's novels Winnetou III, first published in 1893, and Der Schatz in Silbersee (The Treasure in Silver Lake), first published in 1890, contain descriptions respectively of Echo Canyon and Big Cottonwood Canyon in Utah. In both instances May lets his fantasy run free, and the resulting descriptions bear little resemblance to the actual Utah locations. For example May's Echo Canyon contains Helldorf, a settlement of German immigrants, as well as a lovely alpine lake. His Big Cottonwood Canyon boasts a large, silver-colored lake. Neither historian nor literary critic will deny May the right to deal


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with both the geography and the inhabitants of U t a h in any way he pleases in his fiction. But Karl May has been for many Germans more than a writer of fiction; countless boys have idolized him not only as Germany's most popular writer ever but also as the authority on the American West. N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Germans were not wholly d e p e n d e n t upon novelists for their impressions of Utah and the Mormons. A number of book-length treatises on the Mormons appeared in Germany beginning in 1855 with a book by Moritz Busch entitled Die Mormonen, ihr Prophet, ihr Staat und ihr Glaube (The Mormons, their Prophet, their State, and their Faith). Busch had traveled as far west as the Mississippi in 1851 and 1852, at which time he apparently gathered material for this book, which went through several editions. We examined an edition of 1870 entitled simply Geschichte der Mormonen (History of the Mormons) and found it to be very objective. Busch frequently follows Ford's History of Illinois and expresses indebtedness to Gunnison, Ferris, Stansbury, and Schiel for his information about Utah. In 1856 Theodor Olshausen, the publisher of a German-language newspaper in St. Louis, Missouri, published his Geschichte der Mormonen oder Jiingsten-Tages-Heiligen in Nordamerika (History of the Mormons or the Saints of the Last Day in North America). This book too is a laudable example of German thoroughness and objectivity. Like Busch's history, it is also based largely on Gunnison and Ford. Both Busch and Olshausen quote frequently from Mormon sources such as Joseph Smith's writings, Times and Seasons, and The Millennial Star. One cannot say that Olshausen is sympathetic toward the Mormons, but he does defend them where he sees apparent injustice. For example, he criticizes a British expose of Mormon polygamy for its "exaggerations." 28 A book which probably received more popular attention in Germany than either of the two aforementioned works is D. T. Fernhagel's Die Wahrheit uber das Mormonenthum (The Truth about Mormondom), which was written in Salt Lake City in 1888 and published in Zurich the following year. Fernhagel states his objective very clearly in the preface: H e wants to prevent his fellow Germans and the citizens of Switzerland from becoming adherents to the Mormon religion. H e is not as bitter as was his predecessor Jacob Schiel; he does praise the Mormons for their accomplishments in overcoming the desert: "The northern half of Utah is studded with cities, villages, and farms. There are none more beautiful 28 Theodor Olshausen, Geschichte Nordamerika (Gottingen, 1856), 181.

der

Mormonen

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anywhere in the western states and territories of the North American Union." 2 9 But he has little else good to say about the Mormons in this 111-page book. He brands the Mormon claims as being a deliberate and elaborate fraud, showing where Joseph Smith and other leaders of the church were in collusion. H e gives stylistic evidence that Brigham Young, John Taylor, and George A. [sic] Cannon were coauthors of the Book of Mormon with Joseph Smith, but his reference to Morini [sic], the son of Mormon would indicate that his study of the Book of Mormon had not been as thorough as he would have his readers believe. 30 According to Fernhagel, Joseph Smith's 11 witnesses to the Book of Mormon had full knowledge of the fraud as did the majority of contemporary Mormon priests in Utah. 3 1 Fernhagel's principal criticism of Mormonism is not of polygamy, as one might expect, but rather the alleged exploitation of the Mormon masses by their ruthless leaders. Consider his statement on the Mormon tithe: "If the Mormon priests would really use the enormous sums which the church takes in every year . . . as they claim to, namely for the construction of churches and schools, for the support of the poor, for the maintenance and construction of canals, roads, etc., one would have no objection to the tithe." He continues with a "decree" ascribed to Brigham Young: "Whoever does not tithe must work, i.e., he must perform compulsory labor, and whoever will not or cannot do that will be excommunicated from the church." 3 2 Nor is excommunication something to be dealt with lightly, for in Fernhagel's Mormondom, Brigham Young, "like a true despot arranged for the disappearance into thin air of almost every Mormon who fell away from the church, if there seemed to be a danger that church secrets might be revealed." 33 The rapid growth of the Mormon Church in spite of its unsavory history is easily explained by Fernhagel. In the first place, he claims, "missionaries formerly received and still today receive instructions to bring only those individuals into the Mormon Church who are either mentally retarded or who are religious fanatics." 34 But the real secret of the Mormon success lies in a weakness common to all Americans: "The louder and more unashamedly one goes about a thing, the faster 29 D . T. 1889), 3. 30 Ibid., 31 Ibid., 32 Ibid., 33 Ibid., 3i Ibid.,

Fernhagel, Die Wahrheit 28-31. 22, 37. 83-84. 56. 37.

iiber das Mormonenthum:

Blatter aus Utah (Zurich,


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one will arrive at his goal and the larger will be the number of believers and afterwards of the oppressed; that is the case in every aspect of American life; a look in the newspapers gives us hundreds of such examples every day." 3 5 Germany has long been noted for its "yellow journalism," an assortment of illustrated tabloids which cater to lovers of the exotic, the sensational, and the sentimental. There were doubtless numerous lurid exposes of Mormonism published in these periodicals in the nineteenth century, but we have been spared the task of including them in the present study. The tabloids were not normally indexed in standard guides to periodical literature, nor were they usually subscribed to by research libraries, at least not in this country. The more reputable German periodicals have, however, supplied us with considerable material about Utah and the Mormons, much of which unfortunately shows little scholarly effort. Consider the following description of a typical Mormon service taken from a learned journal of the nineteenth century: "Between the speeches in their meetings they play cheerful dance music; then they say prayers, followed by jokes, so that the entire assembly of 'saints' breaks out into laughter." 3 6 The same author considers polygamy a natural consequence of the nomadic life led by the Mormons. The haphazard preparation of some of the articles is demonstrated by such misspellings as "Spandling" 3 7 Manuscript and the Book of Mormon City of "Zorachelma." 3 8 The articles in question were not written as exposes, but rather as "learned" essays about a most curious people. M o r m o n missionary efforts had not been successful enough in nineteenth-century Germany to cause the great concern about "soul snatching" that is evident in British and Scandinavian books and periodicals of the same period. There are, of course, exceptions to the poorly researched articles mentioned above. A notable one, not only because of its accurate reporting, but also because of its witty style, is a series of articles written by Emma Poesche, the W a s h i n g t o n correspondent for the influential monthly Deutsche Rundschau fur Geographie und Statistik.39 Miss 3

"Ibid., 7.

36

G. Zaxt, "Einige christliche Sekten des 19. Jahrhunderts," Padagogisches Archiv und Centralorgan fiir die Interessen des Realschulwesens, X L (1898), 264. 37 "Zur Entstehungsgaschichte des Mormonismus," Adolf Bruells popularwissenschaftliche Monatsbldtter zur Belehrung uber das Judentum, X V I I (1897), 204. 38 Ibid. 39 Emma Poesche, "Die Mormonen," Deutsche Rundschau fiir Geographie und Statistik, V I I (1885), 433-38, 440-41, 487-93. See also Emma Poesche, "Neue Kolonien der Mormonen," ibid., X X I I (1900), 165-72.


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Poesche concludes from the large number of multi-wived Utahns who still have buttons missing from their shirts that polygamy apparently was not as successful as the Mormons had claimed. She also tells of a convert to Mormonism who was so faithful that she was baptized by immersion in midwinter and thus could ascend to her blessed reward even sooner than she had hoped; she caught cold from the icy waters and died. In addition to the humor, Miss Poesche's articles are valuable as accurate, discerning accounts of conditions in Utah in the 1880's. Another exceptionally well-conceived and objectively rendered account of Mormonism to appear in a German periodical is a series published in the Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitung beginning February 16, 1873, and running four consecutive days. The author, Rudolf Schleiden, obtained his information in 1872 on a two-month tour of the United States which included a visit to Utah. This series was later reprinted under the title " U t a h und die Mormonen" in a book entitled ReiseErinnerungen aus den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika (Travel Memories from the United States of America). Schleiden gives the best account of Mormonism in Germany that we found in the research leading to this study. H e speculates on possible reasons for the lack of success of the Mormons in Germany and tells of Orson Hyde's unsuccessful missionary attempts in Bavaria fn 1841 and of similar failures by other missionaries in Hamburg and in Berlin. Schleiden includes in his article an accurate account of Mormon history and a faithful summary of Latter-day Saint doctrine and church organization. He expresses great respect for Brigham Young's organizational talents, and tells in an interesting anecdote how he met the Mormon leader and discovered that the latter could understand the German language reasonably well. Schleiden doubts that polygamy will be practiced by the Mormons much longer. He does give examples of some apparently happy polygamous marriages, but claims that the youth of the church is becoming disenchanted with the practice. All in all Schleiden seems to have succeeded in fulfilling his selfannounced objective, "to impart to my readers, with the highest possible degree of objectivity, my own observations of this interesting sect." 40 In conclusion, it appears that the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y German reporters on Mormonism only seldom remained true to the German tradition of thoroughness and scholastic excellence, although the "Mormonism-Exposed" polemics printed in that country were less numerous and probably less malicious than those being published in countries where the 40 Rudolf Schleiden, Reise-Erinnerungen York, 1873), 69.

aus den Vereinigten

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(New


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Mormon missionaries were enjoying greater success. Some writers, like Moritz Busch and Theodor Olshausen, were objective enough, but added little original insight or information, basing their histories and comments largely on standard American works. Although Balduin Mollhausen had spent years in the American West and Karl May had read the best books available about the scene of his tales, neither's novels show any degree of objectivity when dealing with the Mormons. T h e picture they paint of life in nineteenth-century Utah is little different from that presented later by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle or Zane Grey. One would expect that Mollhausen, May, and the many other writers of western fiction and travel narratives, which were the vogue in nineteenth-century Germany, would have put Utah on the map, for good or for bad; but there were still numerous Germans who had only the vaguest ideas about Utah and the Mormons, as is indicated by the following fragment of a conversation from a novel by Theodor Fontane, one of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y G e r m a n y ' s most widely read and highly respected novelists. The scene is Berlin in the 1870's, and the speaker is a well-meaning friend of a girl who is contemplating marriage with a member of a heretofore unnamed American sect. " 'Lord, oh my goodness,' said Frau Dorr. 'He isn't a â&#x20AC;&#x201D; God, what are they called, you know, the ones that have so many wives, always at least six or seven and some of them even more â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I can't imagine what they do with so many.' " 4 1 There were doubtless many Frau Dorrs in nineteenth-century Germany who knew that a sect existed somewhere in America which, in addition to advancing other reprehensible doctrines and practices, permitted (or required) its adherents to violate the monogamous code of the western world. They were not sure of its name, only that it was to be avoided at all costs.

41

Theodor Fontane, Irrungen

Wirrungen,

Chap. X V I I .


The Frontier: Hardy Perennial BY CARLTON C U L M S E E

Hardships and hard work are synonymous with the farming frontier. Even young children had to do a full day's work as is the young boy riding the derrick horse.


0

ne must be foolhardy to write about the Frontier, because most readers regard it as having long since been laid to rest in the dust of scholarship. But the fact is, because there is an enduring physical basis, Frontier psychology persists in significant senses. True, the 1890 census-makers saw the "zone between civilization and savagery" so fragmented that a "border" could no longer be traced. Then Frederick Jackson Turner told us the time had come to appraise the effects of the Frontier on our individual and mass psychology and institutions. Although he showed acute insight in pointing out some of these influences, his historical pioneering unfortunately coincided with an influx of philosophic and literary pessimism which helped persuade us that our exuberant national youth was ended. Now, it seemed, we must face a future of circumscribed opportunity and melancholy reality. Now some gloomily accepted a new era from which free land was lacking â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and from which the spirit of freedom and self-reliance and the fluidity of society, essences of our democracy, appeared to be vanishing. This view appealed to a sluggish streak in us. Although exhorters encouraged us by reminding us that there would always be New Frontiers for the enterprising, energetic, and courageous, many of us preferred to think that, if the age of experimentation with our institutions had passed, we could largely forgive efforts to drug a social conscience pained and painful in its birth-throes. This mood contained too much economic determinism, Spenglerism, nostalgia for a Golden Age when there was unlimited raw material in the hand of a brash adolescent country, longing for a bouyant phase that had slumped into stodgy middle age. Most of what Professor Turner's disciples wrote was authentic. But from it we have drawn assumptions that we tend to apply too broadly and yet too rigidly. It would be convenient and comfortable, in a luxurious sadness, if we could view the turn of the century as the opening of a new era in which pioneer individualism surrendered to forces too huge and complex for us. The fact is, as I suggested, important aspects of the Frontier seem destined to survive indefinitely, partly because a solid foundation for the Frontier psychology still exists and partly because our minds are, fortunately, as resilient as they are. Here is evidence: after 1890 when the Frontier ostensibly was closed, people have settled on wild lands (homesteads, former Indian holdings, and other lands â&#x20AC;&#x201D; sometimes in successive waves over tracts Dr. Culmsee is dean of the College of Humanities and Arts at U t a h State University, Logan, Utah.


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that the wilderness had recaptured) totaling an area approximating that of the Louisiana Purchase, which in 1803 doubled the size of our country. These pioneers cut themselves off from established ways of life. They plunged into the wilds with genuine pioneer temerity and entrusted their dreams, their fortunes, and their sanity to the rigors of pioneering under increasingly difficult natural conditions. I know something of the "postfrontier" because my family joined one of these latter-day assaults on the wild lands, I even "proved u p " on a 3 20-acre homestead myself. Rarely were these pioneers prepared for the harsh conditions they encountered, because they moved from the tamed lands or cities to the wild as abruptly as though passing through a door from a snug room to a storm outside. Thus many twentieth century frontiersmen resembled the "gentleman adventurers" who disembarked at Jamestown in 1607 ill equipped to overcome nature's adversities. Most of the hundreds who died at Jamestown, it is true, succumbed to fever; the western frontiersmen found aridity their chief foe. But in neither period were the pioneers inured to the vicissitudes that confronted them. We may deplore their ignorance, but we must concede that many developed rapidly and revealed much courage. Just as the first ScotchIrish adapted themselves so swiftly to the "border" that they often caught the Indians off guard, the western frontiersmen quickly gained tougher fibre and made adaptations. It is fortunate, however, that moral victories have been numerous, for the material triumphs over the arid lands have been, for the most part, transitory, illusory, or unrealistically expensive. T h e Mormons conquered the desert? Yes, in a manner of speaking. Not to detract from their very considerable physical achievements, we must make larger claims for intangible victories. After more than a century, only about four per cent of Utah's land is cultivated. Most of the remainder is highland or wasteland penetrated briefly by a few herdsmen, hunters, fishermen, and rock hounds. Planes fly over, and some roads hurry us across the barrens. But drive 50 or 100 miles across many a waste; come to an oasis at the mouth of a canyon; see at the edge of town the wind-beaten signs of Rotary, Kiwanis, Lions; guess how the villagers club together against desert and mountain that loom over them, which in many counties threaten to take back their own as the young people flee city-ward. One of Montana's forlorn boasts is that the state possesses more ghost towns than does any other state! But Utah, despite large population increases in a few centers, has a goodly number of declining or dead villages also.


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U . S . SOIL CONSERVATION SERVICE

Successful utilization of water is important to the farmer. This picture shows the development of new methods of bringing water to the thirsty land. The ditch is lined with a plastic material which cuts down on loss of water. The untreated ditch to the side permits seepage and erosion.

Let us, however, leave this doleful theme. Experts have already emphasized the economic features of the Frontier, sometimes unduly, for we have long lain enmeshed in various physical determinisms. Thus we have tended to depreciate the mental and spiritual aspects of the interaction between man's inner nature and physical nature on the Frontier. Such neglect leads to a gross imbalance in our judgment and to unwarranted pessimism. We have, it is true, observed how free land helped foster individualism and the democratic spirit. But we might profitably examine the paradox of rugged individuals who were so greedy to devour the Big Barbecue of natural resources that they shouted stridently, successfully for government aid; for troopers to fight the Indians and patrol immigrant and trade routes; for roads; for land-grants for railroads; for reclamation projects, dams, canals, and power plants; for research on a thousand problems posed by hostile nature on the Frontier. Every such demand inevitably made government more powerful, expensive â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and demand-


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ing on us. It would be fascinating to read epics of rampant individualists who, needing an ally to overmaster the might of the arid West, helped turn "creeping socialism" into a stampede! Do not misunderstand: I do not fear government and its influences through Flaming Gorge and Glen Canyon dams, land-grant universities and research, national forests and national parks. I merely relish the irony of how the Hero with the Winchester turned into the Statesman who allied the Big Sky Country with the industrial city to make Big Government bigger. But in this article I would emphasize a different influence which rises from the wilderness, And I would point out another paradox akin to the first: the legend of incalculable riches and felicity in the Sunset Lands finds an enduring foundation in physical conditions hostile to men! T h e explanation is simple. The attraction of the Frontier is its promise of unexploited potentiality. The well-watered lands do not offer this enticement because they comfortably sustain life and hence they hold inhabitants. But half of America west of the 98th meridian ranges from a zone of chronic drought, the High and Dry Plains, the Dust Bowl of old, to lands as malignant to man as Death Valley. Men penetrate these lands but they remain only on condition that they adapt to their stern environment. Despite automobiles and television sets, they change profoundly, in ways that may not be obvious, or they get out. The permanent settlements are confined to relatively small areas supported by costly reclamation projects, military bases, or "retirement colonies." Vast regions remain uninhabited to hint possibilities of inestimable rewards to generation after generation — furs first, then gold, silver, cattle and sheep baronies, coal, political power, oil, uranium, Gilsonite. All these may be appropriated or exhausted, but the fabulous Sunset Lands continue to beckon to the venturesome and enterprising or merely foolish. As a matter of

For a successful attack on the plains frontier, new equipment to be invented, such as the gang of plows shown here.

and new methods

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U . S . BUREAU OF RECLAMATION

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The

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fact, the barrens contain immense reserves of nonmetallic minerals and other wealth, and who knows what new riches science may find in the sand and rocks and the beds of ancient lakes? Thus the American Frontier (and this includes Canada and Alaska, Matanuska and Mount Kennedy, Great Slave Lake and Hudson's Bay, and the islands and seas about them) is a hardy perennial. It did not end in 1890 or 1900. Scholars may have decided that a chapter of our history ended; but the people? No. Coming from gentled acres and artificial, stilted cities, people approach the savage lands with dreams and dreads, exhilaration and deep uneasiness, and fear they normally conceal because it shames them — fear controlled and converted into some degree of victory for the spirit. Thus the emotional impact of desert and mountain frontiers finds expression in contrasting modes: delight at beauty manifested in strange, fierce ways; joy that requires effort to quell an undertow of trepidation at nature's blank indifference or sullen opposition; and sometimes frank admission of alienation, fear, or aversion. Philosophic and literary naturalism from abroad gave Americans ideas, models, and courage to be honest and more than honest, to be creative and original in an outraged or belligerent mood. We have, therefore, had books as diverse as Hamlin Garland's dour short stories, Ole Rolvaag's Giants in the Earth, Vardis Fisher's Toilers of the Hills, Rose Wilder Lane's Free Land, but with this in common: the authors told the exorbitant price of "free" land in toil and suffering. The more positive aspect, the undeniable beauty, is shown us best by feature writers for such magazines as Desert, by romantic photographers, poets, painters, and composers of such works as Grofe's Grand Canyon Suite. But there is a facet that does not fall strictly in either the mood of exultation or aversion. It helps us in our unresting quest for selfrealization. It is this that makes the Frontier, the wild lands, abidingly significant to our national psychology. Admittedly, the urban-industrial

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complexes, with artificiality and baffling intricacy cutting us off more and more from spontaneous nature, dominate America. But the more that Megalopolis overshadows the smaller towns and decaying rural hamlets, the more we need the influences typified in the Desolation Primitive area south of Lake Tahoe and the Wind River Primitive area of Wyoming, or the new Canyonlands National Park in southeastern Utah. Periodically we require the wholesome shock of immersing ourselves in undented, unvitiated nature. Let us cease to sneer at Emerson's faith in the curative powers of virgin solitudes. Perhaps, for the nineteenthcentury Romanticists' sentimental beliefs in the benevolence of Mother Nature or nature's affection as an indulgent mistress, we should substitute appreciation for a bitterly tonic effect, that which man receives upon bursting out of the overprotective, punchcard-regulated, filed, dehumanized society to confront the nature our literature presents as alien to humanity in our highest emergence. To face the brooding, towering spirit of adverse nature in the desert, in the majesty and terror of the Canyonland or Grand Canyon abysses, or to stare up at the mighty icecarved heads from the high Uintas to Jasper Park â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to outstare these Harsh conditions of frontier life are depicted in the dry, boulder-strewn cemetery on the outskirts of a desert frontier community. U . S . BUREAU OF RECLAMATION

fit*, > lM*k S 3


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ancient bullies who know not Man and care not a pine needle or a hawk's moulted feather for him â&#x20AC;&#x201D; this can be good for us. Even the unmitigated malignity of the poisonous Death Valley sinks can be tonic, although it must be taken in minute doses as a heart patient may take little nitroglycerin pills. One cannot, of course, attach much spiritual value to coloredpostcard experiences such as one gets from a car window glimpse of those desert flowers that bloom briefly once in two or three springs, or the yucca blossoms we admire as we flee from them at 80 miles an hour. The calendar photos by railroad public relations photographers reduce awesome mountains and canyons, alkali sinks and dunes to docile little dreams for the vacation-planner. You should experience intimately and actually the unseen presences behind treeless peak and cliff and wasteland, behind tundra and muskeg plains, behind rockslide and snowslide, and drought that dips a vulture's beak into your veins in the white hot glare of the summer desert; you must learn to know these in solitude, know fear of them, and learn to subdue the fear. For it is only terror felt and then mastered that makes courage, as only faith that outlasts despair and builds on despair can be real faith. Assurance we may draw from the unrelenting rigor of the arid and semiarid West is this: some of the world's most inspiring and heartening messages have been given humanity by prophets who stalked hollow-eyed out of desert and mountain solitudes. And to speak in terms the twentieth century accepts more readily, Utah has borne far more than her share of hard-headed but high-minded scientists who have gained national distinction. The toad adversity does truly carry a jewel in its head. And solitude is not always an enemy of society.


The Structure an


ature of Labor Unions in Utah, An Historical Perspective, 1890-1920 BY SHEELWANT B. PAWAR


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T

rade unions are highly complex institutions. Their goals and philosophy vary. They differ in their structure, nature, and individual characteristics. They can be studied from the points-of-view of several disciplines including economics, political science, sociology, and history. "Under the caption of 'history of labor' are chronicled what purport to be the collections of fact and sequences of fact." 1 But as Talcott Parsons contends, " T h e facts do not tell their own story; they must be crossexamined. They must be carefully analyzed, systematized, compared, and interpreted." 2 "The development of any labor movement is determined by a number of important factors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the nature of the economy, the political habits and the traditions of the people, the opportunity for social mobility, and the values and attitudes fostered by the culture." 3 This viewpoint, strengthened by Joel Seidman, was advocated by Professor John R. Commons more than 50 years ago, and has since been discovered true by others. The labor movement in Utah is also a product of its environmental forces. Utah, during the early period of its development, offers a fine example of a regional economy founded for a religious purpose, dominated by religious sentiments, and managed by religious leaders. 4 It endeavored to grow in seclusion and remain free from outside influences. During the first decade after the Mormon pioneers arrived in Utah, their economy was primarily that of a barter system.5 The activities of the pioneer society were directed mainly toward agrarian production. Utah offers a peculiar set of environmental forces for the study of its Mr. Pawar, research associate in the Institute of Industrial Relations at the University of Utah, is currently finishing the requirements for his doctorate in business administration. In the fall of 1967, he will assume the position of assistant professor of business administration at Idaho State University in Pocatello. This article, read at the Fourteenth Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society, September 1966, is a part of the author's forthcoming doctoral dissertation. 1 John T. Dunlop, " T h e Development of Labor Organization: A Theoretical Framework," Readings in Labor Economics, eds., Gordon F. Bloom et al. -(Homewood, Illinois, 1963), 58. 2 Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action (New York, 1937), 698, as quoted in Dunlop, "Labor Organization," Labor Economics, 58. 3 Joel Seidman et al., The Worker Views His Union (Chicago, 1958), 2. 4 Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (2nd ed., Lincoln, Nebraska, 1966), vii. 5 Noble Warrum, ed., Utah Since Statehood: Historical and Biographical (4 vols., Chicago, 1919), I, 277.

Photograph on preceeding page of the G. A. Heaman Asphalt Plant located at Ninth South and Fifth West streets. Asphalt from this plant was used in the construction of Salt Lake City streets.


Labor Unions in Utah

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economic institutions. Here one finds the foundation and evolution of a pioneer society in which the founders had determined to achieve economic welfare through highly organized cooperative efforts. During the early period the economic activities were organized and directed by religious institutions. Thus, the main directives came from a religious rather than economic institution. This earlier influence on organized society in Utah has left its mark on the subsequent development of economic institutions, including labor organizations. It is the purpose of this paper to offer an historical perspective of the structure and nature of labor unions in Utah from 1890 to 1920. In this period the labor movement had a sense of continuity; it had a sense of an unfolding history; it had a sense of direction. As mentioned earlier, an historical study is based on collections of fact and sequences of fact. In an attempt to compile a history of organized labor in Utah as a meaningful interpretation and an adequate analysis, one is confronted with a lack of complete, original written records and historical data. T h e lack of available primary sources for research presents a challenge to the researcher who attempts to compile factual material unbiased by subjective interpretations. 6 T H E STRUCTURE OF U N I O N S IN U T A H

Professor Chester Morgan of the State University of Iowa maintains that structurally the typical labor movement ultimately erects a pyramid. The base of the pyramid consists of the sundry local unions which are usually the first to develop; the heart or midsection of the pyramid consists of national or international unions created later which unite related locals; and the apex of the labor movement pyramid, added usually after the national entities are relatively established, consists of a federation of national unions. 7 Applying this observation to the study of the structure of labor unions within a geographical area, Utah's experience more or less follows the pyramid pattern of the union organization structure. The base or the foundation of sundry locals in Utah extends from the 1860's to 1890, when the city centrals or councils which form the midsection of the pyramid came into existence. During this early period, 6 The primary sources for the research of this paper were the handwritten minutes of the meetings of the following local unions: Bridge and Structural Iron Workers Local No. 27, Plumbers and Steamfitters Local No. 19, Painters and Decorators Local No. 77, Building Laborers Protective Association Local No. 1, Salt Lake Typographical Union Local No. 115, Allied Printing Trades Council, Building Trades Council, Metal Trades Council, and Salt Lake Federation of Labor. The records of the meetings were not in sequence, but the whole period from 1890 to 1920 was sufficiently covered by the records in the Archives of the Institute of Industrial Relations, University of Utah. 7 Chester A. Morgan, Labor Economics (Homewood, Illinois, 1962), 344.


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labor unions took the form of fraternal organizations of the various crafts. The heart or midsection and the apex of the labor movement, which is the period under examination, covers three decades, from 1890 to 1920. This was the period in which conservative unionism came in conflict with radical unionism in Utah, and it was also the period in which the nature and characteristics of Utah unions were roughly determined. Although the statewide labor organization was affiliated with the American Federation of Labor during the first 10 years of the twentieth century, it was not until the next two decades that the apex of the labor movement pyramid became effective in practice. Briefly the period 1860 to 1890 was characterized by incidental attempts of persons in various trades or crafts to organize in order to further their mutual interests. The growth of labor organization coincided with periods of prosperity. The only union that continued uninterruptedly from its formation to now is the Typographical Union Local No. 115, which was chartered on August 3, 1868,8 and was the first affiliated local union organized in Utah. The following locals, among others, were organized by the end of 1890: Amalgamated Carpenters, Brotherhood of Railway Firemen, Painters, Brewery Workers, Cigar Workers, Plumbers, Retail Clerks, Machinists, and Iron Molders. The total number of locals was around 20. 9 T H E FORMATIVE PERIOD OF U T A H LABOR M O V E M E N T

1890-1920

On February 28, 1889, the "Utah Federated Trades and Labor Council" gave an inaugural concert and ball at Emporium Hall. This was the first city central labor organization established in Utah. Most of the locals in Salt Lake City were affiliated with this newly organized city central, commonly known as the Federated Trades. The entry in the minute book of the Plumbers and Steamfitters Local 19, July 16, 1890, says "moved and seconded that Local 19 of Plumbers Steam and Gas fitters and Steamfitters helpers amalgamate with federated trade, ays 15 nays 7 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; carried." 1 0 8 Dee Scorup, "A History of Organized Labor in U t a h " (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1935), 1. 9 Ibid., 2. 10 Plumbers and Steamfitters Local Union No. 19, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book I (1890-1894), July 16, 1890, p. 16. Many spelling and sentence errors occur throughout the minute book entries, and frequent use of sic would make the reading difficult. Therefore, these acknowledged errors will be allowed to stand as they appear in the original entries.


Labor Unions in Utah

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The depression of the 1890's apparently slowed union organization activity until the turn of the century. However, repeated attempts were made all through the 1890's to establish a city central. It is of vital importance to note that structurally, organization on the "trades" or "crafts" line was the main theme of unionization during the 1890's as was also the case nationally. In 1880 the number of persons engaged in the building trades in Utah was 6,162. 11 This accounted for 46 per cent of all persons engaged in manufacturing and mechanical industries. This relatively high concentration of persons in the building trade occupations explains the attempt made by them to establish in 1893 a limited and exclusive central organization of the building trade unions. 11 U.S., Census Bureau, Statistics of the Population Census: 1880 (Washington, D . C , 1883-1888), I, 768-75.

Skilled machinists, the craft unions.

of the United States, at the

as shown in this lathe shop, formed

part of the membership

Tenth

of

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As early as 1890, R. G. Sleater, the organizer of Utah Federated Trades and Labor Council, urged all the building trade unions to form a council ". . . for the interest and better protection of the skilled mechanic." 1 2 An attempt to establish a Building Trades Congress in 1893 was met with only partial success as this central body of building trade locals did not survive the depression of 1894. However, in May 1899, a Building Trades Council was established as a central body with the affiliation of building trade locals only. Most of the locals which had dissolved during the depression were reorganized again. O n April 27, 1899, the Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers organized their Local No. 77. L. W. Gallaher organized and initiated the members. 13 T h e minutes of the meeting, held in the Bricklayers Hall 49 on Main Street, read as follows: "Bro. Chalker moved that no smoking be allowed during the meeting, adopted â&#x20AC;&#x201D; moved by Bro. Kraft that a committee of three be appointed to confer with other Trades in regard to organizing a Building Trades Council." 14 O n the other hand, around 1894, the Federated Trades was dissolved and a newly organized Board of Labor took over the functions of the Federated Trades. The Board of Labor functioned more or less as a social organization during the period of the 1894 depression. It established a free reading room, a library, and an employment office. In 1896 the city central organization of labor came to be known as the Utah Federation of Labor. As the number of unions outside Salt Lake City and vicinity was not too large at this time, the Utah Federation of Labor, though technically a city central body for Salt Lake City, also acted as a central body for most of the labor unions in Utah. This was an active period in the Utah labor movement, as indicated by the following entry in the minutes of the Painters Local 77. Bro. Norling Delegate to the U.F.L. [Utah Federation of Labor] stated there was no business of importance with the exception that the Barbers were organized [25 members], and also trying to organize the Laundry employees, Bro. Zimmerman stated that the stage hands at the Theatre would like to have a union if they could have some one to help them. Bro. Norling stated he would see to it as soon as possible . . . , 15 12

Plumbers Local No. 19, "Minutes," Book I, November 20, 1890, p. 48. Painters and Decorators Local Union No. 77, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book I (18991902), April 27, 1899, p. 1. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid., March 28, 1901, p. 85. 13


Labor Unions in Utah

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T h e apex of the structural pyramid of labor organization in U t a h was completed with the establishment of the Utah State Federation of Labor in 1908. An earlier attempt, in May 1904, to establish a statewide federation of labor met with only partial success as political issues created a conflict between the radical and the conservative elements in the Utah labor movement. Out of this conflict was born a permanent State Federation of Labor in 1908, which has since been the statewide central body of labor in Utah. The minutes of the Utah Federation of Labor report this second attempt to organize the State Federation of Labor, "The organization committee reported the State Federation has been organized; twenty-three unions were represented; all officers elected, and adjourned to meet again May 6th, 1908,.. ." 1 6 With the establishment of the Utah State Federation of Labor, the Utah Federation of Labor changed its name to Salt Lake Federation of Labor on May 8, 1908, 17 and became solely a city central body rather than a statewide organization. Undoubtedly the reason for this change was to avoid the confusion of names. Thus, the first decade of the twentieth century witnessed the completion of the structural pyramid â&#x20AC;&#x201D; local unions, city central, state federation â&#x20AC;&#x201D; of the labor unions in Utah, which remained basically unchanged thereafter. A radical element, consisting primarily of miners in Utah, started to organize by the end of the nineteenth century. In fact, on May 10, 1898, the miners called a conference at Salt Lake City and established the Western Labor Union. 18 The following two decades witnessed active and revolutionary unionism in Utah among the mining and smelter workers through such nationally known organizations as the Western Federation of Miners, the Industrial Workers of the World, and the Workers', Soldiers' and Sailors' Council. T h e chart on the following page represents the locals in Salt Lake City, Ogden, and mining towns to 1920. The relatively active unionism in Utah during the first two decades of the twentieth century could be attributed to many factors. First, the population of Utah increased from 276,749 in 1900 to 373,351 in 1910, or by 34.9 per cent. It increased again to 449,396 in 1920. The population of Salt Lake City, which was then the center of most of the labor 16 U t a h Federation of Labor, "Minutes of the Meeting," April 10, 1908, as reported in Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book I I (1907-1910), May 3, 1908, p. 78. 17 Salt Lake Federation of Labor, "Minutes of the Meeting," May 8, 1908, as reported in Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book II, June 7, 1908, p. 88. 18 Irving Bernstein, "Union Growth and Structural Cycles," Labor and Trade Unionism, eds., Walter Galenson and Seymour Martin Lipset (New York, 1960), 79.


AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR (Organized November 15, 1881) U T A H STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR (Organized May 3, 1904) (Reorganized April 6, 1908) Chartered May 6, 1908 State-wide Labor Organization

//

U T A H FEDERATED TRADES & LABOR COUNCIL 1889 U T A H FEDERATION OF LABOR 1896 SALT LAKE FEDERATION OF LABOR May 8, 1908 OGDEN TRADES & LABOR ASSEMBLY January 1, 1903 City Central Bodies

//

L

Labor Temple Association Union Label League Women's Auxiliary City Central Organizations GROUP I — CONSERVATIVE BLOC

Building Trades Congress— 1893 Building Trades Council—(Salt Lake and Ogden) May 1, 1889. Reorganized October 30, 1908

Miscellaneous Locals (Affiliated with Salt Lake Federation of Labor) Bakers No. 63 Barbers No. 377 Bartenders No. 721 Brewery Workers No. 64, No. 252, No. 291 Cigar Makers No. 224 Chocolate Dippers No. 1 Confectioners No. 161 Culinary Alliance (Cooks & Waiters) No. 815 Fire Fighters No. 81 Horse Shoers No. 134 Laundry Workers No. 16 Leather Workers Meat Cutters & Butchers No. 537 News Writers Office Workers No. 16092 Oil Field, Gas Well & Refinery Workers No. 3 Retail Clerks No. 558 Salt Lake Federated Musicians No. 104 Stage Employees No. 99 Street Car Employees No. 382 Sign Writers No. 647 Teamsters No. 131, No. 291, No. 418 Telegraphers Upholsterers No. 90

Bricklayers Building Laborers Protective Association No. 1 Building Laborers & Hod Carriers No. 79 Bridge, Structural, & Ornamental, Reinforced Iron Workers and Riggers No. 27 Carpenters' District Council Carpenters & Joiners No. 184 Amalgamated Society of Carpenters No. 725, No. 767, No. 790, No. 794, No. 1370 Cement Finishers No. 550 Cement Workers No. 122 Electrical Workers No. 57, No. 354 Glaziers No. 911 Hoisting & Portable Engineers No. 354 Lathers No. 43 Painters & Decorators No. 77 Plasterers No. 68 Plumbers & Steamfitters No. 19 Sheet Metal Workers No. 121 Steamfitters No. 103 Tile Setters & Helpers No. 101 Wood, Wire, & Metal Lathers No. 45 Metal Trades Council

Allied Printing Trades Council

Blacksmiths No. 166 Boilermakers No. 103, No. 182 Foundry Employees No. 48 Iron Molders No. 231 — Iron Workers No. 27 Machinists No. 106 Pipefitters No. 726 Sheet Metal Workers No. 121 Steam Engineers No. 363 Pattern Makers G R O U P II — R A I L R O A D UNIONS CONSERVATIVE BLOC Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Engineers Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen The Order of Railway Conductors

\\

Typographical Union No. 115 Printing Pressmen's Union No. 148 Printing Press Feeders & Assistants No. 54 Stereotypers No. 71 Bookbinders No. 151 Photo-Engravers No. 50 Salt Lake Mailers Union No. 141, No. 21 Webb Pressmen's Union No. 28

INDEPENDENT UNIONS

GROUP III

MINER'S & INDUSTRIAL UNIONS RADICAL BLOC

Western Federation of Miners (Western Labor Union) Bingham Miners' Union No. 67 Eureka Miners' Union No. 151 United Mine Workers No. 4422 Industrial Workers of the World No. 69, No. 202, No. 262 The Workers', Soldiers' and Sailors' Council


Labor Unions in Utah

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activity, rose from 53,531 to 92,777, an increase of 73.3 per cent during the first 10 years of the twentieth century. The foreign-born poplation in Utah was 19.4 per cent in 1900, 17.6 per cent in 1910, and 13.1 per cent in 1920. Second, the occupational changes were remarkable during this period. Of the total persons engaged in all occupations, approximately 29 per cent were engaged in agriculture. O n the other hand the manufacturing and mechanical industries accounted for 23 per cent of the total persons engaged in all occupations. The persons engaged in extraction of minerals grew from 6,643 in 1900 to 10,117 in 1920, which was approximately 7 per cent of the persons engaged in all occupations. Thirdly, the number of manufacturing establishments in Utah in 1900 was 1,400, which provided employment for 6,615 persons. Though the number of establishments decreased to 749 in 1910, the number of persons employed increased to 11,785, which indicates the increase in the size of individual establishments during this 10 year period. Over 1,000 establishments in 1920 employed 18,863 persons. 19 Between 1890 and 1920, there was a remarkable change in the composition, structure, and characteristics of the labor force in Utah. Intrastate transportation was growing rapidly and extensively. The first report of the Utah State Bureau of Immigration, Labor, and Statistics gives the following account of railroad development in Utah. Work is now in progress on the U t a h railroad, which is being constructed by the United States Smelting and Refining Company, running from Morhland, Emery County, to Provo, a distance of one hundred miles. Work will shortly be started on a suburban electric road from Salt Lake City to Payson, and other interurban lines are completed. T h e Denver and Rio Grande Railroad Company is double tracking and regrading a large section of its road west of Colton, and the electrification of nearly its entire main line in U t a h is contemplated. T h e U t a h Light and Railway Company is to extend its street car system from its present northern terminus in Salt Lake City to points north in Davis county, this year. T h e Ogden Rapid Transit Company will complete its electric line from Brigham City to Logan in 1913. 20

According to the report of the State Board of Equalization for 1918, the total railway mileage for the state was 3,253.20. Of the 29 counties 19 U.S., Census Bureau, Fourteenth Census of the United States: 1920 Population (Washington, D . C , 1921-1923), I I I , IV and Manufactures IX. 20 State of Utah, Bureau of Immigration, Labor, and Statistics, The First Report of the State Bureau of Immigration, Labor, and Statistics, for the Years 1911â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1912 (Salt Lake City, 1913), 32-33.


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in the state at the beginning of the year 1919, only seven were without railroads. 21 The growth of transportation within the state resulted in the expansion of both product market and labor market, which facilitated labor mobility. T h e environment was conducive to the organization of labor. T H E NATURE OF U T A H U N I O N S

The nature and characteristics of workers and their work, and the environment under which they work, influence the philosophy of their organization. The philosophy of a labor union is also characterized by its objectives and goals as well as by the means it uses to achieve these goals. Examining the nature of unionism in Utah at the end of the nineteenth century, one finds a predominance of craft unions which were loosely affiliated to the city central body. The objectives and goals of early labor unions were restricted to improving conditions of work, protecting the craft, and bettering the wages. The unions more or less took the form of fraternal organizations. Social activities were enthusiastically celebrated and Labor Day parades were colorful. The Labor Day parade of 1901 consisted of 2,000 workers, " . . . the bone and sinew of Salt Lake," as described by the Deseret Evening News. The report further states: It was a great crowd, too that deserted the residence portions of the city and swarmed over the streets to greet the toilers. . . . Fair maidens who probably never before gave a second thought to the begrimed and overailed worker, gazed with admiration upon the muscled arm of the blacksmith as he wielded his sledge upon the red hot iron. T h e little red-clad painters' devils, with their face smeared with ink were voted "just too cute for anything," and the brewery display of kegs and bottles looked more attractive than ever did before. 22

Until 1910 most local unions insisted on maintaining their own nature and characteristics even when these were in conflict with the policies of central labor organizations, such as Salt Lake Federation of Labor and Utah State Federation of Labor. The means to achieve the goals of the labor unions were mainly centered around economic pressures or strikes. The earlier strikes were restricted to individual establishments. A list of "unfair" shops was published by the unions and the union members were asked not to work for them. The penalty was usually a fine. For example, the minutes of the 21 22

Warrum, Utah Since Statehood, I, 355. Deseret Evening News (Salt Lake City), September 2, 1901.


SHEELWANT PA WAR

Miners were the subject of intense union organizing activity, but these unskilled miners in Park City, near the turn of the century, were not welcome among the craft unions.

meeting of Plumbers Local 19, on June 20, 1896, state that "It was moved and seconded that J. C. Heesch be fined $150.00 for the stand he took against our association during our last strike, and for working debtremential to our by laws since then . . . carried." 2 3 The impact of the earlier strikes, except in the mining camps, was not severely felt by the community. The nature of the issues involved in the strike, which were mostly economic, and the number of the members involved, which was often not too large, tended to make the strike a mild weapon. The plumbers strike in 1890 is an example of how the employeremployee relationship affected the strike policy. A minute book entry on July 11, 1890, states: It was here announced that a delegation of master plumbers were awaiting to confer with the Journeyman. It was moved and carried they be invited into Hall and state their case. T h e delegates were received and stated that they had nothing to offer but requested a like delegation of the Journeymen to confer with him [them] and try and arbitrate. 2 4 23

Plumbers Local No. 19, "Minutes," Book II (1895-1903), June 20, 1896, p. 57. "Ibid., Book I, July 11, 1890, p. 8.


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Later in the same strike it was decided that, ". . . the adjustment of the strike be left in the hands of Mr. Slater," 25 who was the president of the Federated Trades, a city central body of the organized labor. This indicates a tendancy towards mediation and arbitration rather than fighting a strike to the end. The carpenters strike in 1890 for a wage increase and a closed-shop; the streetcar men strike in the same year for improvement in their conditions of work; the general strike of plumbers in 1911 for a wage increase; the electrical workers strike in 1916 for recognition of their union; and the cooks and waiters strike in 1919 for a wage increase and a closedshop were comparatively important strikes up to 1920. O n the other hand the miners strike in November 1903, against Utah Fuel Company of Carbon County; the Federation of Railway Shopmen strike in 1911, against the Harriman Railway System; the Smelters Union strike in 1912, against the American Smelting and Refining Company; the most violent strike of Bingham miners in 1912; and the Park City mining strike in 1915 are examples of powerful strikes conducted not only for economic reasons, but fought for the sake of principles, such as recognition of respective unions. Generally, the methods used in conducting strikes and their impact on the community reveal the nature and the characteristics of the unions involved. Most of the strikes that occurred in Salt Lake City reflected the conservative nature of the unions. O n the other hand, almost all of the strikes conducted in the mining camps of Utah are evidence of the fact that the mine workers' unions were militant in character and radical in nature. The Building Trades Council, the Metal Trades Council, and the Allied Printing Trades Council, all consisting of skilled locals, formed a bloc of craft-conscious unionism. O n the other hand the Western Federation of Miners; the I W W ; the Workers', Soldiers' and Sailors' Council; and the United Mine Workers formed an active and revolutionary unionism, which came directly in conflict with the "craft-conscious" conservative element of the Utah labor movement. The radical groups not only failed in their attempts to organize skilled craft unions, but were also defeated when they tried to organize an I W W local of building laborers. Mr. L. J. Trujillo, an active and idealistic member of I W W Local 202, made sincere efforts to organize an I W W affiliated local of building laborers around 1906. However, his 25 Ibid., July 17, 1890, p. 22. Mr. Sleater's name has been misspelled often in the minutes. His full name was Robert G. Sleater.


Labor Unions in Utah

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attempts met with only partial success and though Local 262 of the I W W â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "Building Employees Industrial Union" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; came into existence on March 5, 1906, it was short-lived. A letter written by Mr. Trujillo to the officers of the I W W Local 202 explicitly shows the difficulties encountered by radical organizers to extend their activities beyond the mining camps of Utah. T o the Officers and members of the mix Local # 2 0 2 [skilled and unskilled] Comrades & Fellow workers As I have undertaken to organize the Building Employes Ind. U. # 2 6 2 , with old Craftmen simplers, I wish to state that it has been a failure [the word failure scratched and substituted by the words hard proposition] and on account of a band of ring rulers the Local is not progressing very fast, in our last meeting night the self constructed leaders show[ed] their contempt [the word contempt scratched and the words bitter opposition are substituted] to the new union, but there is enough class conscious members that will uphold our charter and we appeal to your local for moral support. O u r object is to incorporate with the mix local until such time that the branching become necessary. Yours for the revolution, L. J. Trujillo (Organizer) 2 6

The Salt Lake Federation of Labor tried in vain to bring together these factions in the Utah labor movement. O n November 25, 1910, the Federation, in an attempt to recognize both factions equally, voted unanimously in favor of a charter to be granted to the Western Federation of Miners by the American Federation of Labor. 27 The minute books of various unions are evidence of the sentiments of the locals of the conservative bloc toward the radicals. For example, on the matter of sending delegates to the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council, a radical organization formed in February 1919, the minute books of the Salt Lake Federation of Labor give the following account: Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors council of Salt Lake asking Federation to send delegates, and upon motion the chair appointed Currie, Roundy, and Bales a committee to investigate and report back to the next meeting. 28 28 Mr. L. J. Trujillo was elected the recording secretary of the Building Laborers' Protective Association, Local No. 1, in the regular meeting of that local on December 25, 1905. All his correspondence is found in Building Laborers' Protective Association, "Minute Book," No. I. The letter cited above was not dated, but it follows the minutes of the meeting held on Monday evening, April 2, 1906. 27 Salt Lake Federation of Labor, "Minutes," November 25, 1910, as reported in Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes," Book I I I (1910-1911), December 3, 1910, p. 79. 28 Salt Lake Federation of Labor, "Minutes," March 28, 1919.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Women played an important part in the labor force of the garment of the tailoring department of the Utah Woolen Mills.

industry.

View

T h e inclination of the regular meeting of the Salt Lake Federation of Labor is evident from the minute book entry: "Special committee submitted a majority report recommending that we do not send delegates to the workers, soldiers, and sailors council. Meeting non-concurred [emphasis added] in the report." 2 9 A further entry on the same issue says, "Resolution from Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors Council, adopted by roll call vote 67 to 5."3<) This action by the Salt Lake Federation of Labor was the result of a difference of opinion between the conservatives on the one hand and the supporters of the radicals on the other. Apparently the supporters of the radicals were successful in adopting the resolution from the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council. However, on the issue of a general strike in support of securing the release of Thomas J. Mooney, a radical labor leader of the Iron Molders International, the Salt Lake Federation of Labor voted to hold the strike in abeyance. 31 From the minutes of the Typographical Union, Metal Trades Council, and Building Trades Council, it is apparent the opinions of these unions were not always the same as the Salt Lake Federation of Labor. "Ibid., April 11, 1919. 30 Ibid., June 13, 1919. 31 Ibid., June 27, 1919.


Labor Unions in Utah

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For example the Federation asked local unions to take a vote on the question of whether the unions should unite in a general strike July 4th for the purpose of "securing the release of Thomas Mooney, now serving a life term in California for complicity in the preparedness-day parade in San Francisco." T h e Typographical Union voted unanimously against the strike. The Federation also asked whether or not the Federation should send delegates to the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council of Salt Lake City. The motion was made "that the unions is opposed to the sending of delegates by any labor organization to the Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors council and that we condemn and denounce the said council." 32 The minutes of the Salt Lake Federation of Labor appearing in the minutes of the Typographical Union stated that the resolution and communication from the Typographical Union regarding the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council had been consigned to the waste basket, and also that Delegate Steen of the Typographical Union had stated that the resolution did not represent the sentiment of the Typographical Union, but was the work of one individual. T h e Typographical Union voted to repudiate the alleged statement of Delegate Steen and reaffirm its approval of the resolution and accompanying communication. 33 The reaction of both the Metal Trades Council and Building Trades Council to the resolution presented by the Salt Lake Federation of Labor concerning the strike and sending a delegation to the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council were the same. The motion was lost.34 The controversy between the Typographical Union and the Salt Lake Federation of Labor regarding the support to the radical element resulted in a decision by the Typographical Union, ". . . to pay no more per capita tax to the Federation." 3 5 The radical labor movement did not significantly change the nature or the structure of labor unionism in Utah. But it certainly added color to the history of the Utah labor movement during the first two decades of the twentieth century. T H E SURVIVAL OF CONSERVATIVE U N I O N I S M

Professor Neil W. Chamberlain of Yale University, in his book talks about unions as agents and institutions. He observes that: 32 Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book I V (1911-1919), May 4, 1919. 33 Ibid., June 1, 1919. 34 Metal Trades Council, "Minutes of the Meeting," June 6, 1919; Building Trades Council, "Minutes of the Meeting," June 9, 1919. 35 Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes," Book IV, July 6, 1919.


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once a labor union has come into existence, it acquires organizational interests of its own which differ in some respects from the interests of the individual member who looks to it as his agent. This is due to the fact that the union regards itself as an ongoing institution whose interests therefore require it to consider a potential future membership as well as its present constituents. Moreover, as a collective representative it encounters conflicts within its own membership, and it can scarcely act as an agent for conflicting interests except by rationalizing its actions in terms of organizational welfare. 36

It seems that the structure and nature of the unions in Utah, which remained simply as the agents of their members, precluded them from evolving as ongoing institutions emphasizing the broader organizational interests over the specific factional interests. Craft-conscious unionism developed the unity of interests only within specific crafts, and craft unions of skilled workers, which were in the majority, placed emphasis upon the present rather than the future of their own crafts. They were guided solely by the benefits to be derived by those who happened to be on the membership role at the moment. T h e survival of conservative unionism in Utah was a result of these structural and characteristic factors which were internal factors existing within the labor movement. T h e external factors responsible for conservative labor movement in Utah were social, economic, and political in nature. Edward Gross in his book states that in early days when industry was small, local customs regulated industrial affairs. He says, "Business might dominate the community not because it desired to do so or it felt that it should do so but rather because there was no other power available to counterbalance business control." 37 In the early Utah economy the Latter-day Saints Church played a vital part. Business was mainly under the guidance of the church, and even when business became free of church domination and direction, it still found itself following the philosophy developed in the early period. The church advocated a conservative labor unionism. This is evident in a statement made by President Joseph F. Smith in 1903. If we are to have labor organizations among us, and there is no good reason why our young men might not be so organized, they should be formed on a sensible basis, and officered by men who have their families and all their interests around them. T h e spirit of good-will and brotherhood, such as we have in the Gospel of Christ, should characterize their conduct and organization.

Neil W. Chamberlain, The Labor Sector (New York, 1965), 100. Edward Gross, Industry and Social Life (Dubuque, Iowa, 1965), 37-38.


Labor Unions in Utah

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It is not easy to see how the Latter-day Saints can endorse the methods of modern labor unions. As a people we have suffered too much from irrational class prejudice and class hatred to participate in violent and unjust agitation. N o one denies the right of laborers to unite in demanding a just share of the prosperity of our country, provided the union is governed by the same spirit that should actuate men who profess the guidance of a christian conscience. 38

During the early period of union organization, social life was centered around church activities. Professor Arrington gives an extensive account of the part played by the church in fighting the depression of the 1890's.39 All the church welfare programs and other organized social activities indirectly shadowed the activities of the early labor organiza38 "The Church and Unionism," reprint of an editorial published in the Deseret News, November 29, 1941. 39 Leonard J. Arrington, " U t a h and the Depression of the 1890's," Utah Historical Quarterly, X X I X (January, 1961), 3-18.

Concrete workers making repairs on Mountain

Dell Dam in Parley's

Canyon.

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tion. This might be one of the reasons why Utah labor unions evolved as the "functional type" described by Professor Robert F. Hoxie, concentrating their attention strictly on the attainment of economic goals. According to Hoxie, the union emerges when group sentiments have been crystalized. "The union constitutes a common interpretation and set of beliefs concerned with the problems confronting the worker and a generalized program of amelioration. Such a persistent group 'viewpoint or interpretation' Hoxie calls functional type unionism." 40 T h e predominance of the agrarian activity and relatively simple economic conditions of life did not give rise to any significant labor legislation in Utah until the turn of the century. The first 20 years of the twentieth century witnessed the enactment of health and safety legislation in mining, child labor laws, eight-hour laws for certain workers, minimum wage laws for female workers, and workmen's compensation laws. Attempts were made to recognize and remedy labor problems, as far as possible, through the establishment of the Utah State Bureau of Labor and the Industrial Commission. The culmination point in this field of labor legislation came with the enactment of legislation in 1917, entitled "Bettering Conditions of Labor." The act provided that, It shall not be unlawful for working men and women to organize themselves into, or carry on, labor unions for the purpose of lessening the hours of labor, increasing the wages, bettering the conditions of the members of such organization; or carrying out their legitimate purposes as freely as they could do if acting singly. 41

The act also embodied measures implying the legality of strikes, permitting picketing during labor troubles, and restricting the use of injunctions against labor unions. Organized labor, however, did not long enjoy the freedom and security accorded to it by the 1917 enactment. Business organizations of the state strongly urged the repeal of the law, and in spite of a huge demonstration, which involved approximately 2,500 men who marched to the State Capitol on October 4, 1919, a special session of the legislature passed a law defining and prohibiting picketing in Utah. 42 This was the beginning of the open-shop movement which strongly opposed organized labor in Utah all through the 1920's. 40 41

Dunlop, "Labor Organization," Labor Economics, 62. State of Utah, The Compiled Laws of the State of Utah, 1917 (Salt Lake City, 1919),

3651. 42 State of Utah, Laws of the State of Utah Passed at a Special Session in 1919 (Salt Lake City, 1920), 37.


Labor Unions in Utah

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Nevertheless, up to 1920, a fairly comprehensive labor code was developed in Utah, although the administration and the enforcement of this labor code did not become effective until the establishment of the State Industrial Commission in 1917. The economic and political efforts of organized labor were quite influential in securing the passage of significant labor laws. However, as this reasonably broad labor code was realized before 1920, relatively more emphasis of Utah labor organizations could be and was directed toward their immediate economic needs. This is a basic characteristic of "pure and simple" unionism. Utah labor legislation was, therefore, another external factor which made possible the development of a conservative or "pure and simple" type of unionism in Utah. The search for historical truth is an everlasting job. One must necessarily fit the pieces of facts into the theoretical framework and try to find out why things happened the way they happened in the past. Professor Kenneth Davies states that while Utah is not, and never has been, a "labor" state, labor has played an important part in its history. 43 The viewpoint of this paper is that the social and economic history of Utah have played an important part in shaping the structure and nature of its labor organizations.

43 J. Kenneth Davies, "Mormonism and the Closed Shop," Labor History, 1962), 169.

I I I (Spring,


Through the Uintas: History of the Carter Road BY A. R. STANDING


At

.ention of the Carter Road often elicits the response, " I have never heard of it. Where is it?" It was a road from Carter Station on the Union Pacific Railroad, and from Fort Bridger, Wyoming, over the Uinta Mountains to Fort Thornburgh â&#x20AC;&#x201D; located at the mouth of Ashley Creek Canyon, six and one-half miles northwest of Vernal, Utah. This is the story of the Carter Road as assembled from numerous written sources, visits with "old-timers" who remember the road, and personal treks over it. No one knows the road's beginning. Originally, the route was used as a trail by Indians before white men entered the country. T h e first known use of any portion of the route as a wagon road began in 1865 when Major Noyes Baldwin, who was then commanding officer at Fort Bridger, opened a road from Fort Bridger to Browns Park or Browns Hole. Baldwin followed the approximate route of Wyoming Highway 2105 and its Utah extension, Highway 43, which passes through Mountain View and Lone Tree, Wyoming, and Manila and Linwood, Utah. The Carter Road followed the route of the Browns Park Road to Burnt Fork. Baldwin's road followed down Henrys Fork along the creek bottom, crossing the creek seven times, to near the confluence of Henrys Fork with Green River, now covered by Flaming Gorge Reservoir. Here it turned north two or three miles where Green River was crossed. It then went u p Spring Creek through what is known as Minnie's Gap, and on easterly, skirting the south slope of Richardson Mountain, down a creek into Clay Basin, thence down the approximate route of the present road into the upper end of Browns Park. The establishment of the Carter Road was the result of Indian trouble in western Colorado. A succession of events culminated on September 29, 1879, in an ambush by Indians of Major Thomas T. Thornburgh in command of 190 officers, soldiers, and scouts en route to protect the White River Indian Agency. In the meantime a sudden attack on the agency resulted in the deaths of Agent Nathan Cook Meeker, eight men and boys attached to the agency, and two travelers. O n demand of the settlers in western Colorado, the government effected a treaty with the White River Utes that resulted in their removal Mr. Standing, a past president of the Weber Valley Chapter of the U t a h State Historical Society, spent 41 years in the U.S. Forest Service in the Intermountain and Pacific Regions before his retirement. T h e photographs used in this article were furnished by the author. A section of the Carter Road from Young Springs to the summit tains where extensive rock work was required.

of the Uinta

Moun-


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to the Uintah Reservation in Utah. A fort, named in honor of Major Thornburgh who had been killed in the Indian attack, was established in the fall of 1881 to protect the people living near the reservation and to assure control of the Indians. 1 Troops had been removed from Fort Bridger on May 23, 1878. Government officials believed that with the influx of white settlers the Indians were unlikely to cause further trouble. T h e attack on Major Thornburgh's command and the massacre at the White River Agency quickly changed this thinking. Utes had also been crossing the north side of the Uinta Mountains to hunt and raid cattle. They escaped into the Uinta Mountains before they could be apprehended. Judge William A. Carter 2 was deeply concerned by these events. Removal of the troops from Fort Bridger adversely affected his business interests of cattle ranging in that area. When news of the trouble at the White River Agency reached Fort Bridger, Judge Carter saw an opportunity to benefit himself, as well as other settlers in the area, and so went to Washington, D.C. He convinced the authorities that soldiers should be returned to Fort Bridger, and further suggested that the newly established Fort Thornburgh be supplied from Carter Station and Fort Bridger. The following description and subsequent use of the Carter Road was written by William A. Carter, Jr., 3 son of Judge Carter. When the order for the re-establishment of Fort Bridger was given, Judge William A. Carter, who had lived there since its construction in 1858, was instrumental in bringing to the attention of the commanding officer of the Department the practicability of making a wagon road across the Uinta Mountains to the proposed site of the new post, by a shorter and more direct route than the one then in use by way of Park City, Utah. There were two trails in use by the Uinta Ute Indians, between their reservation and Fort Bridger. One crossed immediately west of Gilbert's Peak and was known as the Soldier Trail, because it was said to have been used by General [sic] Marcy 4 in 1857, on his trip to New Mexico for emergency supplies for the army sent to Utah under General Albert Sidney Johnson [Johnston]. The other route, known as the Lodgepole Trail, ran from a point near the present Burnt Fork post office in Wyoming to Ashley, Utah. 1 For a history of Fort Thornburgh, see Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arrington, "The Utah Military Frontier, 1872-1912: Forts Cameron, Thornburgh, and Duchesne," Utah Historical Quarterly, 32 (Fall, 1964), 330-54. 2 William Alexander Carter, Sr., was born April 15, 1818, in William County, Virginia. He graduated from the Virginia Academy and taught school and studied law. In July of 1857 Carter arranged with General W. S. Harney to serve as sutler-general at the new post to be established in connection with the Utah Expedition. 3 William Carter, Jr., was born at Fort Bridger on July 26, 1863. 4 Captain R. B. Marcy was dispatched by General Albert Sidney Johnston from Fort Bridger on November 27, 1857, to Taos, New Mexico, to obtain meat and draft animals to replace those lost as a result of Mormon resistance to the Utah Expedition.


259

The Carter Road

Fort Thornburgh

VERNAL fort Duchesne


260

Utah Historical Quarterly In the Summer of 1881, General George Crook, commanding the Department of the Platte, made an inspection trip across the mountains from Fort Bridger to the Uinta U t e Agency, and the writer was invited to accompany him. T h e party crossed by the trail west of Gilbert's Peak. T h e route was found to be impracticable for a wagon road, and General Crook decided upon the Lodgepole Trail advised by Judge Carter as the best route for a road, and favored its construction and adoption for the transmission of troops and supplies. There was much rivalry between towns in Colorado, U t a h and Wyoming for the location of the road to the new military post, but Fort Bridger was favored by distance. O n this account and because of General Crook's approval, Judge Carter undertook, at his own expense, the work of making a passable road along the route designated, expecting that it would be adopted and improved later by the War Department. The winter of 1881-1882 was aproaching; there was no time for surveys; streams had to be bridged; marshes corduroyed; a roadway cleared through timbered sections; and two long and difficult dug-ways were to be constructed. One of the latter, a half-mile long ran from Sand Canyon to the top of the mountain near Lodgepole Park; and the other two miles long, climbed the main range between M a m m o u t h Springs 5 and Summit Park. . . . Early in 1882, a contract was let by the Chief Quartermaster of the Department for freighting supplies by way of the new road from Carter Station on the Union Pacific R.R., via Fort Bridger, to Fort Thornburg[h]. It fell to the lot of the writer to carry this contract out, and on the first day of May, 1882, we started with twenty-two six-mule teams and wagons, loaded with freight for the new post. It soon became evident that from the character of the past winter at Fort Bridger, we had very erroneous conceptions of what we would encounter in attempting to freight through the mountains so early in the spring. T h e dug-way between Sand Canyon and Lodgepole was blocked with snow and ice, which had to be removed before we could get our outfit up the mountain. From the head of the dug-way the road was almost impassable. Ravines filled with melting snow and water nearly up to the wagon beds; bogs in which both teams and wagons were often mired down at the same time; hills so soft that all the teams we could hook on were often required to pull a single wagon to the top; and slopes so sidling that the whole crew, with ropes, were needed to keep a loaded wagon from upsetting; were everyday experiences. U p the long dug-way above M a m m o u t h Springs and on top of the main range, our difficulties seemed to have been overcome; when we reached Brush Creek, where in one locality, a separate road had to be cut through the timber for each wagon. T h e ground at this place appeared dry and firm, but each team broke through a thin crust into a quicksand beneath, making the road impassable for the next team. In spite of obstacles we delivered the freight at Fort Thornburg[h] in three weeks from the day we started.

5 Mammouth Springs was later named Young Springs after Lieutenant Young who operated a military station there. Richard and Vivian Dunham, Our Strip of Land: A History of Daggett County, Utah (Lusk, Wyoming, 1947), 50.


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As soon as conditions permitted, in the summer of 1882, Major W. H. Bisbee, who was then in command at Fort Bridger, sent Lt. R. H. Young with a detachment of soldiers, to work on the road, which from that time was known by T h e Army as T h e Thornburg Road. Such good work was done by this party, especially in removing large boulders from the road way and corduroying the swamps, that when we had to take a second train of supplies over the road, in July 1882, it was a different story. We had learned too, that mules were not best adapted to such conditions, and we used work-oxen, with "bullwhackers" instead of "muleskinners" for drivers. . . . In the summer of 1883, four companies of Infantry, under Major I. DeRussey were ordered to work on this road, for a period of three months, and by then the greater part of the corduroy through the mountain parks was laid. . . . 6

Hauling freight on the new road was extremely difficult as can be seen from Carter's description and also the following narrative. 6 William A. Carter, Jr., "The Fort Thornburg Road" (typescript, supervisor, Ashley National Forest, Vernal, U t a h ) .

L. A. Fleming examining Uintah County.

corduroy

remains

of the Carter Road in Summit

Park,


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Willie Carter, the Judge's son, came home from Cornell University to take charge of the Carter interests. 7 H e appointed William Summers foreman of the freighting operations, sent to Missouri for a carload of mules, and early in the spring of '82, the freighting started. T o m Welch, who later bought up several of the ranches on Birch Creek, was one of the teamsters. T h e outfit of ten mule teams and heavy freight wagons started off from Bridger. It took days to cover the first few miles, for the blue, badland clay mired the wagons down to the hubs. Teams would have to be uncoupled, hitched onto the lead wagon to haul it along a ways, and then brought back to double up on the other wagons. At Smith's Fork, the teamsters camped for a week, hoping that the mud would dry up. Unfortunately, it turned out to be a very wet spring, and the mud grew worse rather than better. T h e outfit managed to move on ten miles, and then hung up again. It took another several days to get over Henry's Fork Hill. Then, when they got up Birch Creek in the timber, the going got really tough. T h e mules simply couldn't pull the wagons out of the deep, black mire. Summers was forced to return to Bridger and report that the wagons just couldn't get through. Young Carter was anxious to carry out the contracts; so he went to Rawlins and purchased a number of ox teams. T h e oxen did the trick —• they could manage in the mud -where the mules couldn't. Summers started off with a new set of wagons and supplies and the oxen. They managed to pass the stranded mule outfits, take their load over to Fort Thornburgh, and return in time to help pull the original loads over. By putting long stretches of corduroy over the marshes and swales up in the mountains, and over the worst of the muddy stretches down below, the wagons kept going, and Carter finished up the contract that fall. . . . Impracticable — and nearly impassible — as the road was, the ranchers in western Daggett County were grateful for it. While they couldn't use it to haul heavy loads, they could at least get over the mountains to Ashley Valley in a buckboard to get honey and apples, or to take a sack or so of grain to the grist mill to be ground into flour. In 1880, Daggett County had again changed its allegiance, being shifted from a part of Summit County to Uinta County, with Ashley, or — after 1885 — the brand new, little town of Vernal as their county seat. So to Ashley or Vernal everyone had to go to file on their land, pay taxes, get married, serve or answer a writ, or any other official business. For this purpose, the old military road came in very handy. 8

In the summer of 1882, soldiers from Fort Thornburgh established a sawmill about in the center of Summit Park to supply lumber for Fort Thornburgh. It was operated by soldiers with Henry Ruple as their sawyer. 9 During the period of construction, military camps were estab7

Judge Carter died in November of 1881 from pneumonia contracted while building the Ibid. 8 Dunham and Dunham, Our Strip of Land, 49-50. 9 Daughters of Utah Pioneers of Uintah County, comp., Builders of Uintah: A Centennial History of Uintah County, 1872 to 1947 (Springville, Utah, 1947), 97.

road.


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lished along the route, one at Dodds Hollow 10 where the remains of several cabins still may be seen. Following the road, a military telegraph line was constructed in the fall of 1882 between Fort Bridger and Fort Thornburgh. Soon after use of the Carter Road began, General George Crook decided that freighting from Park City, Utah, rather than Carter, was best because the road was open longer during the year. Both routes were then used to supply Fort Thornburgh. In 1882 and 1883 contracts were let with John H. Arnold, Merrill L. Hoyt, and Joseph Hatch to haul supplies from the two locations at $3.10 and $3.00 per 100 pounds. 11 Another freight contractor, William Richmond, operated with eight horses and mules and two wagons. The wagons, with exceptionally high wagon boxes and elevated spring seats, were frequently mired during the rainy season, and it often took three weeks to make the trip to Carter Station and return. 12 In 1883 the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad was completed to Salt Lake City, and freighting of goods into the Uintah Basin from Price, Utah, began. Fort Duchesne, located by General George Crook at the junction of the Uinta and Duchesne rivers on August 16, 1886, was constructed that fall. Army contracts for hauling over a million pounds of freight to the post over the Carter Road were awarded to J. S. Winston. Later, contracts were let at Price, Utah, to ship goods to the fort. As the Price route was much shorter, men from Fort Douglas and Fort Duchesne were detailed in 1886 and 1887 to improve it. 13 In 1884 Fort Thornburgh was abandoned as a military reservation, and the goods and equipment were hauled to Fort Bridger. However, the Carter Road continued to be important to the region. A major use of the Carter Road was in connection with the Dyer Mine. This mine, named after the cowboy who discovered it, is located on Dyer Ridge at the head of Kane Hollow Fork of Brush Creek. Rich copper deposits were discovered about 1887, and the mine operated until about 1900. Quantities of gold and silver were also found in the copper ore. Estimates of the value of ore extracted from the mine vary from a quarter of a million to three million dollars. One million dollars seems 10 Named after Captain Dodds, early Ute Indian agent, who, with his son, grazed the first cattle on Taylor Mountain and had his headquarters here. 11 Alexander and Arrington, "Military Frontier," U.H.Q., 32, p. 342, 348. 12 D U P , Builders of Uintah, 97. 13 Alexander and Arrington, "Military Frontier," U.H.Q., 32, p. 348.


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Utah Historical

of miners' cabins at the Dyer

Quarterly

Mine.

to be the most reliable figure. Mining operations at the Dyer Mine ended when a rich pocket, which went down about 240 feet, played out. At the peak of mining production, about 50 men were employed. Hand-picked ore was hauled to the railroad over a road from the mine northwesterly through Oaks Park and Windy Park to connect with the Carter Road in Trout Creek Park, about a mile below the present Forest Service Trout Creek Guard Station, and then over the Carter Road to Carter Station. 14 Later, a smelter was constructed near the head of Anderson Creek, about two airline miles northwest from the Dyer Mine, and ore and ingots were hauled over the road. Much hauling was done during the winter months when sleighs could be easily moved over the frozen marshes, the worst part of the road. The ore was reloaded on wagons at Youngs Springs for the balance of the trip to Carter Station. 15 Fragments 14 Information furnished the writer by G. E. Untermann, director of the Utah Field House of Natural History, Vernal, Utah, who was employed at the mine. 15 Dunham and Dunham, Our Strip of Land, 49.


265

The Carter Road

Handmade

mine rails found at the Dyer

Mine.

of the green copper ore can still be found along the road from the Dyer Mine to Carter Creek. Residents of Daggett County continued to use the Carter Road as the main route to Vernal and vicinity until a road was started in 1922 along the route of present Highway 44 from Vernal to Manila via Greendale. The road from Greendale to Manila was constructed in 1923 and opened in 1924. Use of the Carter Road continued up to 1924. The Forest Service did some improvement work on the road that year. In the 1930's passenger cars were going as far as Youngs Springs from the west side. 16 From the crest of the Uinta Mountains to Birch Creek, much of the road is no longer passable, except on foot or horseback. Following is some specific information about the road and its attractions for those who may some day want to visit it. 16 Information furnished the author by Glen Lambert of Vernal, Utah, who served as forest ranger on the Manila Ranger District and Hole-in-the-Rock District of the Ashley National Forest from 1923 to 1927, and on the Vernal Ranger District from 1927 until he retired May 31, 1956. He is well acquainted with the Carter Road from Fort Thornburgh to Birch Creek. His assistance is gratefully acknowledged.


266 Fort Thornburgh plaque at Maeser, Utah. The initials of Major Thornburgh should read "T.T." rather than

Utah Historical

Quarterly

^~~y

"J.N." As previously stated, the Carter Road followed the route of the 1865 road from Fort Bridger to Browns Park as far as Burnt Fork. It crossed Henrys Fork at present Burnt Fork and ran southeast to Birch Creek, then followed up the east side of Birch Creek to the mouth of what William A. Carter, Jr., called Sand Hollow â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a very appropriate name. This is four and seven-tenths miles south of the junction of the Birch Creek Road (Utah Highway 165) and the Manila-Mountain View Road (Utah Highway 2105) and about a mile and one-half below the Ashley National Forest boundary. From this point the road progressed southeasterly up Sand Hollow and Carter Dugway to the head of it; thence across Lodgepole Creek to intercept the present Conner Basin Road near an old sawmill sitting about a half mile from where the Conner Basin Road leaves the Birch Creek Road (Utah Highway 165). T h e Carter Road then followed up the route of the Conner Basin Road and on southeasterly to the west end of Sheep Creek Park. It went through Sheep Creek Park and along Beaver Creek to its junction with Carter Creek. T h e old road can be seen going down a steep hill about a quarter of a mile southeast of Browne Lake D a m and on down Beaver Creek. At the junction of Beaver Creek and Carter Creek, Judge Carter had a log cabin with a fireplace constructed as a station for freighters who were to use the road, which explains how the creek received its name. From this point the road progressed south up a draw with numerous small springs where the old corduroy is still visible. Not far up this draw the road branches, one going southeast to Youngs Springs, and the other going southwest a half mile or so before turning east toward Youngs Springs. From Youngs Springs the road goes southeast about a mile to Deep Creek; thence up the east side of Deep Creek about three miles over a long dugway to the summit â&#x20AC;&#x201D; elevation of the summit where the road crosses is 9,866 feet. From the summit the road goes in a straight line south-southeast across Summit


The Carter Road

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Park. It is graded up several feet much of the way across the park, and stretches of rotted corduroy and stubs of the old telegraph poles can still be seen. Signs of the old road are still in evidence most of the way along the Taylor Mountain Road toward Vernal. It passed through Big Park, the lower end of Ox Park, Soldier Park, and Trout Creek Park. At Dodds Hollow, the road was about a half mile east of the present road and passed by the old Dodds Hollow cabins. About seven-tenths of a mile down the Taylor Mountain Road from the junction of the Merkley Spring Road, there is an old rock milestone on the south side of the road on which is chisled V[ernal] 16 M[iles]. Near the lower end of Taylor Mountain, about three and one-half miles south of the Ashley National Forest boundary, the original road went southwest down Spring Creek to Ashley Creek, and then down Ashley Creek to Fort Thornburgh. Later, this was used as a horse trail, and a wagon road was established southeast from Spring Creek to the site of the present Steinaker Reservoir, and, thence west along the base of the foothills to Fort Thornburgh. It seems appropriate to close this narrative with the words of William A. Carter, Jr., concerning the Carter Road. T o the traveller who comes upon this road at any part of its course, through the Uinta Range, it seems to present an unusual example of wasted effort and money, but like many other of the works of man, it served its purpose, and gave way to changes in the development of the country. 17

Carter, "Fort Thornburg Road."


REVIEWS and PUBLICATIONS Mormon Establishment. By W A L T U R N E R . (Boston: Houghton in C o m p a n y , 1966. 343 p p . 00) The Latter-day Saints: The Mormons Yesterday and Today. By ROBERT M U L L E N . (New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1966. xvi + 316 pp. $5.95) Mormonism remains a continual object of scholarly and popular interest, a fact to be partly explained by its curious combination of being typically an American p h e n o m e n o n while a t t h e same time being uniquely itself. Its problems are indeed those of America as a whole in miniature, but with significant elements unique to its own history and c o n t e m p o r a r y setting. R e l i g i o n in America today faces problems of moral and intellectual relevance as indeed does religion in the western world generally. T h e Second Vatican Council dramatized this crisis of relevancy for all religious men in the West. What about Mormonism ? Based in a rapidly changing Utah, though with a majority of its m e m b e r s now o u t s i d e the m o u n t a i n Zion, Mormonism faces its version of the general challenge. Among the issues central to this current crisis are two which have become central to Mormonism at the moment. Religious groups in America have sought contemporary ethical relevance in their support of the struggle for civil rights for Negroes, and clergy a n d religious from v a r i o u s denominations, c u t t i n g across ancient divisions, have appeared on picket lines and in militant demonstrations. Sec-

ondly those among t h e members of America's churches who fear that the older world in which they felt their values protected if not embodied is being u n d e r m i n e d by rapid change, often turn t o ultra-conservative politics for consolation and support. Right-wing political extremists and religious conservatives on the defensive against the forces of secularization tend to merge and join together in a n ideological crusade to bring back older conditions or to conjure into existence desired conditions whose historical precedents may be entirely imaginary. T h e tendency for religion-on-the defensive a n d political rightism to coalesce is not a new one and has been a conspicuous phenomenon at least since the French Revolution. T h e schemata of Vatican I I are historic precisely in that they indicate the turning away by the great body of the hierarchy of t h e Roman communion from such earlier defensive alliances a n d a turn instead toward open dialogue with contemporary points of view â&#x20AC;&#x201D;â&#x20AC;˘ even hostile ones. I t marks t h e recognition, long obvious to the sociologist and historian, that "holy alliances" of faith and reaction are costly to religion and ultimately subversive of it. How does the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints measure u p when examined against the background of these two issues: the demonstration of relevance in relation to standing up for effective equality for all the children of God, and the danger of seduction by the illusory refuge of alliance with rightism. Wallace T u r n e r presents a good up-todate discussion of these questions. I n


Reviews and

269

Publications

his three chapters on politics, "Romney and the Rightists," T u r n e r shows the real attraction which conservatism in politics exercises u p o n t h e L.D.S. C h u r c h . Moreover, he shows us how this attraction leads over into a real susceptibility for extremism. T h e church's difficulties with both Birchism and Apostle Benson are discussed. T h e author concludes t h a t the M o r m o n C h u r c h " c o u l d become a bastion of the right-wing, r e a c t i o n a r y p o l i t i c a l forces who are allied with southern racists in many common purposes" (p. 325). Moreover, he finds the church policy of barring Negroes from the priesthood as part of a general attitudinal set which he calls "racial bigotry" (p. 245) and having "the ultimate effect" of being "as racist as anything asserted by the Theodore Bilbos and Robert Sheltons in the bigoted corners of the southern states" (p. 244). Yet he holds that though "possible," it is "unlikely that the Mormon church could become the religious refuge of the anti-Negro bigots" (p. 325). He sees as safeguard against rightist d o m i n a t i o n and the t r i u m p h of bigotry the "growing number of liberally oriented Saints produced by the exposure to the life outside U t a h and by the Mormon drive for education of the young" (pp. 325-26). H e is quite aware of the i n t r a - c h u r c h significance of George Romney, a man both liberal in social and political matters and highly orthodox in religion. H e offers a model whose significance may prove as significant in the future as it is unusual at present. T u r n e r finds the c h u r c h in deep trouble in these two issues. His analysis, however, is presented against the background of Mormon history and its general current problems, considering all the m a j o r issues d i v i d i n g Mormons today. H e is an able investigator and has prepared his study with skill and care. U t a h social scientists, excommunicated F u n d a m e n t a l i s t s who practice

plural marriage, Michigan's governor, and ordinary folk have been interviewed for this book. Authoritative published works and in one case at least an u n p u b lished thesis have been consulted. Some in U t a h will feel that his probe is too blunt and that the author's frankness is at times irreverent. But all will find the work enlightening and fascinating. As a neutral outside interpreter of Mormonism today, T u r n e r does show empathy and sympathy but as a seasoned newspaperman he calls his shots without circumlocution. T h a t enemies of the church may quote him to advantage is not his fault. H e has something important to say to thoughtful members and friends of the Mormon Church. Mr. Mullen's book tells pleasantly and in a highly noncontroversial way the story of Mormonism from its foundation to now. It is a good introduction for one completely unfamiliar with the background and is evidently intended as such. It is less than candid on the race problem in U t a h and the church, and it underestimates the problem of rightwing extremism. Its discussion of sources is inadequate and its attempt to classify those who have written on Mormonism either uninformed or impertinent. If one has never read a book on Mormonism he would not do badly to read Mr. Mullen's book. H e might find it highly enjoyable and thoroughly illuminating to read Mr. Turner's as a follow-up. T H O M A S F.

O'DEA

Professor of Sociology University of California, Santa Barbara

An Informal Record of George P. Hammond and His Era in the Bancroft Library.

By T H E FRIENDS OF T H E

BANCROFT LIBRARY.

(Berkeley:

The

Friends of the Bancroft Library, 1965. xii+ 119 pp.) In May 1965 a special meeting of T h e Friends of the Bancroft Library was


270 held to honor Dr. George P. H a m m o n d on the eve of his retirement after 19 years as director of that great research library a n d as professor of history at the University of California in Berkeley. O n that occasion he was surprised with the formal presentation of this little book, produced to salute him as a scholar, archival administrator, and friend. This book reviews the remarkable growth of that historical and literary research collection, serviced by a highly competent staff under his direction, with the very considerable s u p p o r t a n d encouragement of the voluntary association known as T h e Friends of the Bancroft Library. T h e book is comprised of a Foreword, seven essays, and two addresses centering on G.P.H. and the B.L., contributed by "Friends" and fellow scholars. I t also includes an address by Dr. H a m m o n d ; a c o m p r e h e n s i v e b i b l i o g r a p h y of his books, articles, reviews, a n d edited publications; a n d a reprinting of his first published article. A section of some 11 illustrations includes r e p r o d u c t i o n s of selected rare-book and original manuscript materials, plus examples of the remarkable pictorial collections from the library, and two portrait sketches of Dr. H a m m o n d made at a 10-year interval, c o m p l e m e n t i n g the e x c e l l e n t photograph which serves as the frontispiece illustration. T h e work was published for distribution to members of the organization of T h e F r i e n d s of B a n c r o f t Library, numbering over 1,000, and was not made available for general sale. C o n t r i b u t o r s whose essays a n d addresses make up this charming little volume are all people who have had a hand in some phase of the making of the Bancroft Library, in association with George H a m m o n d , and their names will be familiar to most students and aficionados of H i s p a n i c - A m e r i c a n history, Western Americana, and Californiana. Their respective contributions not only recall their associations with Dr. H a m mond and pay tribute to him as scholar,

Utah Historical Quarterly library administrator, book- and manuscript-collector, and a warm and charming friend, they also relate interesting accounts of the acquisition of valuable additions to the library's materials in which the writers had a hand, or provide excellent descriptions of the kind and character of some of the lesserknown important collections available at Bancroft Library. For this reviewer, who arrived at the Berkeley campus as a new "grad student" in history in 1946, the same year that G.P.H. became the fourth director of the Bancroft Library, a reading of the volume was like an "old home week" return. O n e might well wish that T h e Friends of Bancroft Library had seen fit to make this little volume available to that wider audience of friends of western history who might be interested in its contents. EDWARD H . H O W E S

Professor of History Sacramento State College

The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West. Biographical sketches of the participants by scholars of the subject and with introductions by the editor. Edited by L E R O Y R. H A F E N .

( G l e n d a l e : T h e A r t h u r H . Clark Company, 1966. Vol. I l l , 411 pp. $14.50) This third volume carries forward a series expected to extend to six or more volumes before the project is closed with an analytical index. I reviewed the first two volumes in the Spring, 1966, Utah Historical Quarterly, and my viewpoint on the editorial plan, as on the virtues a n d defects of the series generally, was sufficiently expressed at that time. T h e present review is limited to the specific contents of the latest addition to the series. It consists, then, of 35 alphabeticallyarranged b i o g r a p h i c a l sketches by 25 different writers. Some of the "moun-


Reviews and

Publications

tain men" never actually laid eyes on the m o u n t a i n s , being Missouri River traders of greater or lesser note. One, John Thomas Evans, belongs to the period antedating Lewis and Clark; several were British t r a d e r s , i n c l u d i n g Michel Bourdon, Peter Skene Ogden, Pierre Chrysologue Pambrun, and David Thompson. Experienced hands like Janet Lecompte and Harvey L. Carter are back with finely detailed and documented accounts of such southwestern m o u n t a i n men as M a r c e l i n o Baca, John J. Burroughs, Joe Doyle, Antoine and Abraham Ledoux, Marcellin St. Vrain, George S. Simpson, William T h a r p , and Dick Wootton; in particular I would urge Mrs. Lecompte to begin thinking about a large book under her own byline which would build effectively upon the preliminary studies she has been publishing in this series and in the Colorado Magazine. Harvey L. Tobie returns with useful sketches of such veterans of the northern Rockies as William Doughty and Caleb Wilkins. Contributions by A. P. Nasatir, Raymond W. Settle, Richard E. Oglesby, and Alvin M. Josephy, Jr., to name a fewr are fully up to the standard of their diverse separate publications. More particularly interesting to me, however, is the work of various newcomers to the field of fur trade scholarship. Rex W. S t r i c k l a n d , with new information from Mexican archives, has notably extended the record on James Baird; David J. Weber equally impresses with his account of Stephen Louis Lee; and Cierald C. Bagley offers an interesting account of Daniel T. Potts. Ted J. Warner's brief narrative of Peter Skene Ogden's life is somewhat uncritical, and is also disappointing in that it leaves out of account his journals of 1825-26 and 1826-27 as authoritatively published by the Hudson's Bay Record Society; and several of the studies are so deficient in fresh information as to raise the question, why they were published â&#x20AC;&#x201D; espe-

271 cially the sketches of Jim Baker and Richard Campbell. Still, the average level of the individual contributions is high, more than justifying the publication of this series, and students of western history will await with interest the volumes yet to come. D A L E L. MORGAN

Bancroft

A Room Old

for the Night:

West.

Library

Hotels of the

By RICHARD A. V A N O R -

MAN. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966. x i i i + 1 6 2 p p . $4.95) As new towns were founded in the American West, one of the first structures usually raised was a hotel. At first it was often a tent or a dugout with a capacity for half a dozen patrons who were compelled to sleep on the floor or on tables without the benefit of bedding. As the towns prospered and grew so did the hotels until, in many cases, they were the most p r o m i n e n t and i m p o r t a n t structures around. In places like Abilene, Kansas, in 1868, the hotel was the city hub since fabulous cattle deals were made there, social activity centered in its halls, and political strategy was conceived in its rooms. T h e Drovers Cottage was the largest, most elaborate building in town for the five years it was there. When it was taken to Ellsworth in 1872, it was as though the head of Abilene had been surgically removed. So it was with a great many other hotels in other western towns. It is difficult to underestimate the importance and influence of the hotel in the development of J. he West. Strangely, few historians and writers have made more than a mention of this facet in their studies. Now, finally, Professor Richard A. Van O r m a n has produced a delightful book filled with concise and well-written vignettes on nearly all areas of the western hotel. V a n O r m a n writes not only with professional ability (he is


Utah Historical Quarterly

272 professor of history at the Calument Campus of Purdue University), but also from a personal viewpoint since he is a descendant of an old American hotel family. O n e need only to review the chapter headings to see the wide range of topics within the general theme. T h e author covers old West hospitality; resort hotels; palatial hostelries and ones not so grand; meals of the times; servants, managers, and owners as well as patrons; and for topping a good chapter on what life in the hotels could be like. A Room for the Night is a good book to read on a cold winter's evening when visions of grand balls, warm lobbies, and carpeted halls form easily in the mind. It is good, also, to read that some of the hotels were a little less than liveable as cold winter winds whistled through unplastered walls and one's bed partner, probably a stranger one h a d never seen before, tossed, t u r n e d , s n o r e d , and scratched the vermin inhabiting his unwashed clothes. Certainly V a n O r m a n has given a lively a n d accurate picture of all levels of this kind of community living. O n e cannot say this is truly a history of western American hotels; perhaps it is better described as a social document that has finally opened the door to a long neglected but interestingly important part of our past. J O S E P H W. S N E L L

Assistant State Archivist Kansas State Historical Society

Retreat

to Nevada:

A Socialist

Colony

of World War I. By W I L B U R S. S H E P -

PERSON with the assistance of J O H N

G. F O L K E S . (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1966. xiv + 204 pp. $5.25) Reading Retreat to Nevada was both interesting and disappointing. Interesting because this carefully researched volume by a professor of history

at the University of Nevada explains the ruins of buildings that still can be seen by motorists driving along the highways just east of Fallon, Nevada. They are all that remain of a socialistic colony established there — at Nevada City in 1 9 1 6 — b y would-be cooperativists. But the book is disappointing because the story is told in a stilted manner, with disturbing breaks in the continuity that make reading almost difficult. It does show, however, that even these Marxists of half a century ago could not follow in practice —• any more than the Russians of today — the true socialistic teachings of Karl Marx. Jealousies and aspirations for personal gains derailed communism in Nevada in 1916, during the short life of the Nevada City colony, just as the U.S.S.R. now is increasingly following the personal rewards basis of capitalism. M U R R A Y M.

MOLER

Associate Editor Ogden Standard Examiner

Exploration and Empire: The Explorer and the Scientist in the Winning of the American West. By WILLIAM H . GOETZMANN. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. xxii + 656 + xviii pp. $10.00) Here is an unusual book. William H. Goetzmann has taken a mass of familiar people and events — such as the mountain men, Fremont, the railroad surveys, Hayden, a n d Powell—has studied them in the original sources, and then has fashioned his findings into a volume that gives us for the first time a comprehensive history of western exploration in the nineteenth century. T h e result is a book that is at once a highly detailed narrative and yet also very much of an interpretation. T h e author's initial assumption (p. xi) is that nineteenth century exploration was more than just a series of disconnected discoveries; it was a purpose-


273

Reviews and Publications ful and continuing process, even though carried out by men who varied greatly in training and objectives. Mr. Goetzm a n n is impressed by the extent to which e a c h e x p l o r e r was "programmed," as he expresses it, by the eastern or European culture from which he came. But the author finds a kind of national purpose being fulfilled by the sum total of all their efforts. T h e most notable chapters are those on the civilian scientists who were in the West from 1860 to 1900. Despite all that we have been told about Powell, Hayden, a n d Clarence King by Wallace Stegner, William Culp Darrah, Richard Bartlett, and T h u r m a n Wilkins, Mr. Goetzmann is able to a d d considerably to our understanding, partly because of excellent n e w r e s e a r c h , b u t p a r t l y because he is looking at these men not as a biographer would, but rather in comparison with one another, as units in a complex whole. Less valuable is the author's discussion of such too-familiar themes as the mountain men, Fremont, and early travel over the California and Oregon Trails. T h e book is as extensively illustrated as any volume published in a long time. There are well-chosen and well-annotated groups of old paintings, drawings, and photographs. T h e reproductions of old maps, however, have been so greatly reduced in size as to be almost unreadable even with a magnifying glass. RODMAN W.

PAUL

Professor of History California Institute of Technology

The

Horse

in America.

W E S T HOWARD.

By R O B E R T

(New York: Follett

Publishing Company, 1965. 243 pp. $6.95) T h e recent second printing of this book will be welcomed by the horse lover, the researcher, and the history buff interested in memorabilia based on horses and horsemanship. Not only does

the author deal with the development and use of the horse in America but he excites the imagination with glimpses of b r o n c - b u s t i n g C e n t a u r s migrating across the Caucasus and Balkans and barbarian charioteers racing along at possibly 10 miles an hour to conquer U r and Egypt. Mr. Howard paints the tropical lushness of the Laramie Plains, Wyoming, in the Eocene Epoch where the foreb e a r e r s of the h o r s e first roamed in America. With changing climate and forage, this hardy beast evolved until it almost achieved the physical appearance of the modern horse, then unaccountably it disappeared. T h e facts involved make for a good science "who done it." Columbus reintroduced the horse to the New World when he landed "peddlers' nags a n d cart drafters" off Haiti, no mean feat this since their transportation in tiny sailing vessels across u n c h a r t e r e d seas w a s an a u d a c i o u s undertaking. Succeeding explorers and colonizers brought horses with them, the latter importing breeding stock; the Conquistadors, h o w e v e r , limited their horseflesh to stallions, a status symbol for the caballero. I n great detail the author traces the origin of the various breeds of horses among them the Quarter Miler developed by the Virginia horsemen in 1690 to run a track that length at Malvern Hills, the Chicasaw horse bred by the Indians of Tennessee and Mississippi, the sturdy Conestoga which pulled the wagon of the same name, the superior saddler k n o w n as the N a r r a g a n s e t t Pacer, and the Morgan sired by "Figure," one of the most famous names in horsedom. E n g l i s h b r e e d s carefully tended in the south later provided the "hot blood" strain ridden by the Virginia Dragoons under "Light Horse Harry" Lee. T h e author also points out that while "gentlemen of the turf" formed a Jockey Club in Charleston, South Carolina, the horse and his rider were playing an


274

Utah Historical

important role in the history of the West. H e states that the Lewis and Clark expedition brought back word that from the late seventeenth century the horse had swept through all the trans-Mississippi West transforming the habits and culture of the American Indian. Pope's Plot, which resulted in the massacre of possibly half the Spanish population of Santa Fe in 1680, and the subsequent plunder of horses from ranches and missions are credited with p r o v i d i n g m o u n t s n o t only for t h e Apaches and Navajos but also for tribes as far removed as the Utes. Mr. Howard chronicles the westward migration. Emmigrants bound for the California gold fields and the Nevada silver mines at a later date brought with them e a s t e r n horse b r e e d s of which many foundered on the trails. As a consequence and due to its favorable geographic location, Salt Lake City became a t r a d i n g c e n t e r for livestock. T h e author quotes Hubert Howe Bancroft who wrote the Mormons bought "jaded oxen and horses at one-fifth their cost, often blooded stock which needed only rest." This kind of windfall would gladden the heart of any horse trader! Although not a book to be read at one sitting the quantity of facts and miscellany assembled are formidable, nevertheless, Mr. Howard writes with authority and interest and has produced a provocative history. Forty-three pages of illustrations, a helpful chronology, a usable system of notes, a Glossary and Index complete the volume. VIRGINIA N. PRICE

Preston Nutter Ranch Price, Utah

Quarterly

U t a h State Road Commission is a project which is most l a u d a t o r y . Other departments of state government could well follow this example. T h e author, Ezra C. Knowlton, can speak from an eyewitness point of view on much that is contained in the book. Mr. Knowlton was an employee of the U t a h State Department of Highways for 29 years, four of those years as chief engineer. Sitting near and in the top position for an extended period of time, Mr. Knowlton helped shape the direction of Utah's highway development and is thus able to provide background and insight afforded few individuals. T h r o u g h laborious research, the author has traced the beginnings of road construction from the first "authorized" roads to the state's modern interstate network of freeways. T h e legal aspects of the development of the road system form one of the least interesting but most important parts of Mr. Knowlton's story. Only a person with the author's training and e x p e r i e n c e could bring understanding to this otherwise complicated subject. Some chapters offer real drama. T h e account of the construction of the Lincoln Highway is a good study in pressure politics with all that implies. An a m p l e A p p e n d i x provides the reader with a compilation of brief biographies of commissioners, a digest of road laws, and highway expenditures and receipts. Although a large undertaking, the Highway Department is to be congratulated for the publication of this history. EVERETT L. COOLEY

Utah State Historical

Director Society

in

NEW BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS

Utah. By EZRA C. K N O W L T O N . ([Salt

L a k e City, 1967.] xxv + 943 p p . $10.00)

Crazy Weather. By CHARLES L. M c N I C H O L S . Reprint. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1967)

R e c e n t p u b l i c a t i o n of History of Highway Development in Utah by the

Critchlow and Related Families. The Life Histories, Writings and Genealo-

History

of Highway

Development


Reviews and Publications

275

gies of William Critchlow, Benjamin Chamberlin Critchlow and Elizabeth Frances Fellows Critchlow and Their Families. Compiled, augmented and edited by GEORGINA BOLETTE C R I T C H LOW

BICKMORE, C H A R L O T T E R H O D A

CRITCHLOW

RYBERG and

ELIZABETH CRITCHLOW.

FRANCES

([Salt Lake

City, 1967]) How They Dug the Gold: An Informal History of Frontier Prospecting, Placering, Lode-mining, and Milling in Arizona and the Southwest. By O T I S E. Y O U N G , J R . (Tucson: Ari-

zona P i o n e e r s ' H i s t o r i c a l Society, 1967) Joseph

Smith,

The

Prophet-Teacher.

By BRIGHAM H . R O B E R T S . tion by S T E R L I N G

M.

Introduc-

MCMURRIN.

(Princeton: T h e Deseret Club of Princeton University, 1967) No More Than Five In A Bed: Colorado Hotels in the Old Days. By SANDRA DALLAS. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967) Palenque: The Walker-Caddy Expedition to the Ancient Maya City, 18391840. Collected and edited by DAVID M. PENDERGAST. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967) Sod and Stubble: The Story of a Kansas Homestead. By J O H N I S E . Reprint. ( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, 1967) Son of Old Man Hat: A Navaho Autobiography. R e c o r d e d by W A L T E R DYK.

Foreword

by EDWARD

The World's Rim: Great Mysteries of the North American Indians. By BURR

ALEXANDER.

American Heritage — X V I I I , J u n e 1967: "Here Come the Wobblies! T o the hard-bitten laborers of the I.W.W., the union was a home, a church, and a holy crusade," by BERNARD A. WEISBERGER, 3Iff.

The Bulletin [Missouri Historical Society] — X X I I I , April 1967: " T h e Myth of the Fremont Howitzer," by D O N A L D J A C K S O N , 205-14

Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought — 2, S p r i n g 1967: " T h e 'Legend' a n d the 'Case' of Joe Hill," by V E R N O N

H. JENSEN,

97-109 —

Summer 1967: " T h e Coalville Tabernacle, A Photographic Essay," text by THOMAS

WOOD,

photographs

by

DOUGLAS H I L L , 6 3 - 7 4

The Improvement Era—70, April 1967: [portion of issue devoted to the Salt Lake Tabernacle] "Bring on the Lumber: T h e B u i l d i n g of the T a b e r nacle," by STEWART L. G R O W , 4 - 9 ;

" O p e n i n g of the T a b e r n a c l e , " by ALBERT L. ZOBELL, J R . , 1 0 - 1 3 ; " T a b -

ernacle Organ," by JAY M . TODD, 14-20; "Focal Point for Important Events," by ELEANOR K N O W L E S , 2 2 -

25; "Tabernacle Choir," by MABLE J O N E S GABBOTT, 26-31;

"Popular

Tales about the shape of the Tabernacle roof," 42-43 Journal of the West — V I , April 1967: "Proselytism, Immigration and Settlement of Foreign Converts to the Mormon Culture in Zion," by J O H N ALDEN O L S O N ,

189-204

SAPIR.

Reprint. ( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, 1966)

HARTLEY

ARTICLES OF INTEREST

Fore-

Nevada Historical Society Quarterly — X, Spring 1967: "William C. (Hill) Beachey, N e v a d a - C a l i f o r n i a - I d a h o Stagecoach King," by VICTOR GOODWIN,

3-46

Re-

Pacific Northwest Quarterly — 58, January 1967: " T h e Mystery of Saca-

p r i n t . ( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, 1967)

gawea's Death," by H E L E N ADDISON HOWARD, 1-6; "Sacagawea and the

word

by C L Y D E

KLUCKHORN.


276

Utah Historical Quarterly

Suffragettes, An Interpretation of a Myth," by Ronald W. Taber, 7-13 Sunset, The Magazine of Western Living— 138, M a y 1967: "Unlocking the canyon country. Jeeps take you, without roads into Utah's new national park, around the park, beyond t h e park. A n d in 1967 you still are years ahead of t h e crowds [Canyonlands National Park]," 8 2 91 Utah Architect — No. 44, Spring 1967: "Manti's Mormon Castle," by K E N N E T H L. LAMBERT, 25-26

Utah Science — 28, M a r c h 1967: " T h e Great Salt Lake: H u b of Utah's Water Development," by J A Y M. BAGLEY,

GAYLORD

V.

SKOGERBOE,

and

D O N N A H I G G I N S , 15-20

Western American Literature—I, Spring 1966: " T h e Mountain M a n as Literary H e r o , " by D O N D . W A L K E R , 1 5 -

The Westerners New York Posse Brand Book — 14, No. 2: "Timothy O'Sullivan, Pioneer Photographer of the West," Part I I , by JAMES D . HORAN,

25ff. Westways — 59, M a y 1967: [entire issue d e v o t e d to C a l i f o r n i a Gold R u s h ] "When Was T h a t Golden Day," by RODMAN W. P A U L , 5 - 7 ;

"Innocents

Aboard [travel by ship]," by JERRY M A C M U L L E N , 8 - 1 1 ; " T h e Overland

Ordeal [travel by land]," by R A Y A L L E N BILLINGTON,

12ff.; "Life in

the City," by RICHARD H .

DILLON,

16ff.; "Life in the Mines," by Remi N a d e a u , 20ff.; " T h e ' S t r a n g e r s ' A m o n g T h e m [ i m m i g r a n t s ] , " by D O Y C E B. N U N I S , J R . , 2 4 - 2 7 ; "Gold

as C u l t u r e ' s C a t a l y s t , " by W. H . H U T C H I N S O N , 2 8 - 3 1 ; "Drive [Highway] 49 to ' 4 9 , " by R u s s

LEADA-

BRAND, 3 2 - 3 4 ; "A M o t h e r Lode Album [photographs]," 35-46; "Methods in t h e Madness [mining

25; " T w o Views of T h e American West," by J I M L. F I F E , 34-43 — Fall 1966: " T h e Primitive and the Civilized in Western Fiction," by LEVI S.

methods]," by PAUL D I T Z E L ,

PETERSON, 197-207

W. CAUGHEY. 54-55

47ff.;

"Towns on the Sidelines: An End to the Quiet Life," by W. W. ROBINSON, 5 0 - 5 3 ; " T h e Midas Touch," by J O H N


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Membership in the Utah State Historical Society is open to all individuals and institutions who are interested in Utah history. We invite everyone to join this one official agency of state government charged by law with the collection, preservation, and publication of materials on Utah and related history. Through the pages of the Utah Historical Quarterly, the Society is able to fulfill part of its legal responsibility. Your membership dues provide the means for publication of the Quarterly. So, we earnestly encourage present members to interest their friends in joining them in furthering the cause of Utah history. Membership brings with it the Utah Historical Quarterly, the bimonthly Newsletter, and special prices on publications of the Society. The different classes of membership are: Student

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$ 250.00 $ 500.00

Benefactor

$1,000.00

Your interest and support are most welcome.


Utah State Historical Society


2!* 'ft

»***;»***'


u I Mn

STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

BOARD OF TRUSTEES j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1971 President MILTON c. ABRAMS, Logan, 1969

Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake City Secretary DEAN R. B R I M H A L L , F r u i t a , 1969 MRS. J U A N I T A BROOKS, St. George, 1969

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 MRS. A. c. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1971 T H E R O N L U K E , Provo, 1971

CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio HOWARD c. PRICE, J R . , Price, 1971 M R S . ELIZABETH S K A N C H Y , Midvale, 1969

MRS. NAOMI WOOLLEY, Salt Lake City, 1971

ADMINISTRATION EVERETT L. COOLEY, Director

T. H . JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives F. T. J O H N S O N , Records Manager, Archives

J O H N J A M E S , J R . , Librarian MARGERY W . WARD, Associate Editor

IRIS SCOTTJ Business M a n a g e r

T h e U t a h State Historical Society is an organization devoted to the collection, preservation, a n d publication of U t a h a n d related history. I t was organized by public spirited Utahns in 1897 for this purpose. I n fulfillment of its objectives, the Society publishes t h e Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 annual membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps, and manuscripts. Many of these items have come to t h e library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only through such means can the U t a h State Historical Society live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past. ?

,:

T h e primary purpose of t h e Quarterly is t h e publication of manuscripts, photographs, a n d documents which relate or give a new interpretation to Utah's unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for the consideration of the editor. However, the editor assumes n o responsibility for t h e return of manuscripts unaccompanied by return postage. Manuscripts and material for publications should be sent to the editor. T h e U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid at Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1967, U t a h State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.


FALL, 1967 • VOLUME 35 • NUMBER 4

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Contents DESERT T O R T O I S E : T H E M O R M O N TABERNACLE ON TEMPLE SQUARE BY ROBERT C. M I T C H E L L

279

RELIGIOUS ACTIVITIES AND DEVELOPMENT IN UTAH, 1847-1910 B Y T. EDGAR L Y O N

-

292

TRIBUTE T O STANLEY S. IVINS

-

307

NOTES ON M O R M O N POLYGAMY B Y S T A N L E Y S. I V I N S

-

309

ELI AZARIAH DAY: PIONEER SCHOOLTEACHER AND "PRISONER FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE" EDITED B Y ROBERT B . DAY

322

T H E PRESIDENT'S R E P O R T FOR T H E FISCAL YEAR 1966-67 BY J. GRANT IVERSON REVIEWS AND PUBLICATIONS

-

342 -

INDEX

352 -

360

The Cover The year 1967 marks the centennial of the construction of the Tabernacle in Salt Lake City. This photograph shows the Tabernacle completion, with some of the roof trusses in place.

Mormon nearing

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR

L. COOLEY Margery W. Ward

EVERETT


H A N S E N , K L A U S J., Quest for The Political Kingdom

Empire:

of God and the

Council of Fifty in Mormon

History,

BY DALE L. MORGAN

352

-

B R O D I E , F A W N M., The Devil A Life of Sir Richard

Drives:

Burton,

BY LAMAR P E T E R S E N

353

H O R A N , J A M E S D., Timothy America's

Forgotten

O'Sullivan:

Photographer.

Life and Work of the Brilliant Whose Camera Recorded

Photographer

the

Scene from the Battlefields

The

American

of the Civil

War to the Frontiers of the

West,

BY W . D. A E S C H B A C H E R

354

C L A R K , T H O M A S D . , Gold Rush

Diary:

Being the Journal of Elisha Douglas on the Overland and Summer

Trail in the

Perkins

Spring

of 1849,

355

BY GUSTIVE O. L A R S O N

H A W G O O D , J O H N A., America's Frontiers:

The Exploration

of the Trans-Mississippi

and

W E B E R , F R A N C I S J., Readings Catholic

Settlement

West,

BY BRIGHAM D. M A D S E N

California

Western

-

356

in

History,

BY B E N J A M I N F . GILBERT

357

S M I T H , F A Y J A C K S O N , J O H N L. K E S S E L L , A N D F R A N C I S J. F O X , Father Kino in

Arizona,

BY L E L A N D H . CREER

358


MMMMi

DESERT TORTOISE: The Mormon Tabernacle On Temple Square BY R O B E R T C. M I T C H E L L

F

or one hundred years the Salt Lake Tabernacle has stood like a giant tortoise in the desert. And like the tortoise shell, the famed Tabernacle shell and underpinnings have been adapted to meet the needs of contemporary occupants over the century. A balcony, which is said to have improved acoustics as well as increased seating capacity, was added in 1870; the celebrated Joseph Mr. Mitchell, a reporter on the Deseret historic preservation within the state.

News,

has taken an active role in promoting


280

Utah Historical

Quarterly

Harris Ridges organ was remodeled and enlarged; lighting and steam heat were innovations; an aluminum roof, possessing greater durability than either the original split wood shingles or the replacement metal roof applied about the turn of the century, was added in 1947; a tiled baptistry eliminated a marble-font version; podium changes and arrangements were numerous; and a myriad of major and minor adaptations were effected in the Tabernacle. The building replaced the Old Tabernacle situated in the southwest corner of the Temple Block, where the Assembly Hall now stands. The Old Tabernacle served from 1852 until the new building was completed. Construction on the Desert Tortoise began in 1863, after a survey was made by Jesse W. Fox, the territorial surveyor. During church conference that spring, Daniel Hanmer Wells, Brigham Young's second counselor, announced that a tabernacle would be built that would seat 10,000 persons comfortably. 1 Proposed specifications for the structure were announced by Church Architect William H. Folsom in the Deseret News.2 But the finished building shows a departure from those specifications, Henry Grow, a former Pennsylvanian and a bridge builder, applied arching lattice supports, characteristic of bridge construction, to the roof. He also was credited with being a designer and builder on the project. Other than the building's general shape which was suggested by Brigham Young, what actual credit for design belongs to whom remains in dispute. And there is some question whether detailed plans for the building ever existed. It was Mr. Grow who compared the building with a tortoise in the Salt Lake Telegraph on October 6, 1867.3 Three days before the July 26, 1864, cornerstone laying, the Salt Lake City Council voted to contribute money toward construction of the new building. It was motioned by Counselman [sic] Burton and carried that the sum of five hundred dollars be appropriated toward the erection of the new Tabernacle now being built in this city; that the mayor be requested to communicate by note or otherwise to Pres't. Young the action of the council notifying him that said appropriation was subject to his order. 4

The Tabernacle was completed enough to be opened for the semiannual conference of the church in October of 1867, but the building was 1

Journal of Discourses (26 vols., Liverpool, 1854â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1886), X, 139. Deseret News (Salt Lake C i t y ) , J u n e 3, 1863. 3 Stewart L. Grow, " T h e Building of the T a b e r n a c l e , " The Improvement Era, 70 (April, 1967), 8. 4 Salt: Lake City Council, "Record Book D , 1 8 6 2 - 6 4 " (Salt Lake City Recorder, City and County Building, Salt Lake C i t y ) , 130. 2


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not dedicated until October 9, 1875. The giant tortoise is 250 feet long by 150 feet wide and 80 feet in height. The roof rests on piers of red sandstone that vary from 10 to 12 feet apart. More than a million feet of lumber was used in the roof alone. Lumber was provided under contract by Joseph A. Young, son of Brigham.5 When the building was opened for use, it was a marvel of its time â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the largest indoor auditorium in the youthful Zion. And ironically, when the centennial was commemorated October 9, 1967, the Tabernacle was still the largest indoor auditorium in Utah.

I

he Tabernacle's evolvement from an exclusively religious edifice to a place for dignified but secular lectures and entertainment was slow at first, but the pace of such activity became anything but tortoise-like after 1884. Though religiously related and dealing with whether the Bible sanctioned polygamy, a debate between Elder Orson Pratt, of the Council of the Twelve, and Dr. John P. Newman, U. S. Senate chaplain, has been described as the first recorded "non-religious" use of the structure. 6 But it was the feminine guile of Adelina Patti, world-renowned operatic singer, and the agressiveness of impresario James Henry Mapleson that are credited with paving the way for non-religious, admission-charged entertainment to be held in the Tabernacle. 7 During an 1884 tour of the West with Her Majesty's Opera Company, Mme. Patti amused herself the day of her arrival in Salt Lake City by visiting the Tabernacle. Both she and Mr. Mapleson were calculating and solicitous of Mormon authorities in an effort to use the building for a concert. They were impressed with the building's acoustical quality. Mapleson recounted the visit: O n entering this superb building, excellent in an accoustic point of view, a n d capable of seating 12,000 persons [this was a n exaggeration], t h e idea immediately crossed my m i n d of giving, if possible, a concert there on our return from San Francisco; but I was unsuccessful in m y endeavors to< obtain the use of it. I thereupon resolved that M d m . Patti should invite the M o r m o n Prophet himself, together with as m a n y of the twelve apostles as we could obtain, to visit her private car, then outside t h e station; a n d a splendid dejeuner was prepared by the cooks. T h e next m o r n i n g the Prophet Taylor came, accompanied by several of his apostles. M d m . Patti took great care to praise the magnificent building she h a d visited the day 5 Levi Edgar Young, The Mormon Tabernacle with Its World-Famed Organ and Choir (Salt Lake City, 1930), 7. 6 Eleanor Knowles, "Focal Point for I m p o r t a n t Events," The Improvement Era, 70 (April, 1967), 22. 7 Harold Rosenthal, The Mapleson Memoirs (New York, 1966), 194.


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previously, expressing a strong desire t h a t she m i g h t be allowed to try her voice there, which led on to my offering t h a t a regular concert would be m o r e desirable . . . . 8

Several apostles countered Mapleson's proposal by explaining that the building was not intended for any such purpose, but was simply a place of worship. But Mme. Patti was not stymied. Again, she launched into enthusiastic praise of Mormon doctrine and even expressed a strong wish to join the church. Persistence had its reward, and after hearing Mme. Patti try her voice in the building, President John Taylor granted permission for the famed singer to hold a concert on her return trip. 9 Meanwhile, the M o r m o n s h a d been enthusiastic at the idea of their m a g nificent T a b e r n a c l e echoing with the tones of Adelina Patti. President Taylor, the p r o p h e t of the M o r m o n C h u r c h , assisted in the preparations m a d e to receive the great songstress. A special line of t h e railway h a d been laid d o w n from the regular m a i n line of Salt L a k e City to the T a b e r nacle, a n d on it t h e special train r a n without a hitch u p t o the very door of the building. 1 0

The Deseret News announced that the Tabernacle would be lighted by gas jets and heated with steam, if needed, "and the audience will be made comfortable while listening to the world's greatest singer and her satellites." Old timers described Mme. Patti's concert as being the first time the Tabernacle was either "let or het." The great singer's concert, April 1, was considered one of the extraordinary events in the territory and was praised by reviewers. T h e coming of Patti has driven from our m i n d s the r e m e m b r a n c e of all former favorites . . . . ______â&#x201E;˘__ÂŤ=ra_^^ Even Gerster [Patti's rival w h o appeared with H e r | 8

Ibid.,

193.

9

But after winning the battle, Mapleson nearly lost the j war for M m e . Patti, when he suggested that $3.00 should be j charged for the best seats in the Tabernacle. "An objection was |. instantly made by one of the apostles, who, having five wives, | thought it would be rather a heavy call upon his purse" (Rosenthal, Mapleson Memoirs, 1 9 3 ) . Quick negotiations set the price at $2.00 a n d $1.00 for the seats, but as actually charged, the general admission was \ $1.00 while reserved seats were $1.50 a n d $2.00 {Deseret News, ''M a r c h 6, 1884). WMMMf, 10 Rosenthal, Mapleson Memoirs, 208.

Adelina Patti, world-renowned operatic singer, presented the first commercial program in the Salt Lake Tabernacle April 1, 1884.

|

sâ&#x20AC;&#x17E;


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Majesty's Company at the Salt Lake Theatre], brightly as she shone, is now in the shadow, and must with all others who have delighted us in the past henceforth hide a diminished head . . . . "

It was fitting that Mme. Patti, who paved the way for other entertainers, would mark her conquest amid "thunders of applause." She was dressed in an elegant satin of white and azure with lace and pearl trimmings and "glittered from head to foot with diamonds." 12 Patti came, saw, liked, and conquered and set the stage for other artists to appear in the building, including Nellie Melba, Ernestine Schumann-Heink, Lili Pons, Ignace Jan Padewreski, Lauritz Melchior, Lawrence Tibbett, John Charles Thomas, Nino Martini, Richard Crooks, John Philip Sousa, Fritz Kreisler, Vladimir Horowitz, Rise Stevens, Igor Gorin, Artur Rubinstein, Yehudi Menuhin, Marian Anderson, and many others. Various famed symphony orchestras and singing groups have performed there also. Although Mme. Patti broke the tradition of the Tabernacle being used solely as a religious meeting place, certain rules governing its use were still retained. One such rule, forbidding costumed performances, caused the cancellation of a 1927 appearance of the great Feodor Chaliapin. The singer was to have starred in The Barber of Seville. Today, the Tabernacle is the home of the Utah Symphony and the Salt Lake Tabernacle Choir, is the scene of annual presentations of The Messiah, and is the place where many top-level cultural events, aside from religious conferences, are held.

S,

'amuel S. Bateman, chief custodian of the Tabernacle from 1935 to 1963, was unofficial greeter and has probably guided more famous persons through the building than anyone else. He remembers many "heart stirring events," such as Helen Keller, blind and deaf from birth, placing her hands on a wall of the speaker's stand to "hear" the great organ. She nodded her head in approval and told her aid that she had "heard" its sounds. Shirley Temple, who captured the hearts of nearly everyone during the 1930's, added Mr. Bateman's own to her collection. "Shirley, who was seven or eight, attended the pin-dropping demonstration and was so thrilled when I gave her the pin that had been dropped that she later sent me two pictures of herself."13 11

Deseret News, April 2, 1884. Ibid. 13 Personal interview with Samuel S. Bateman, Salt Lake City.

12


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It was Mr. Bateman who guided Nelson Eddy through passageways of the cavernous Tabernacle basement and out another entrance to avoid fans who mobbed the exits. Mr. Bateman also guided Alfred Landon, Thomas E. Dewey, and Wendell Wilkie (all U. S. presidential candidates) on a tour of the latticed beam attic under the great tortoise shell. "Wendell Wilkie was impressed with the original rawhide bindings on some of the beams. He tried to scratch the rawhide but could not because it was too hard," Mr. Bateman said.14 Other presidential candidates â&#x20AC;&#x201D; James G. Blaine, Adlai Stevenson, Richard M. Nixon, and Barry Goldwater â&#x20AC;&#x201D; have visited or spoken in the Tabernacle. Presidents Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft (who carried Utah in the three-way 1912 election between Teddy Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Taft), Woodrow Wilson, Warren Gamaliel Harding (whose Tabernacle podium included only two microphones during his 1923 visit), Herbert Clark Hoover, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson have spoken in the Tabernacle. Of the Presidents since 1900, only "Silent Cal" Coolidge was not heard in the Tabernacle as either President or a candidate for the office. President Wilson made Salt Lake City one of 26 major stops on his 9,981-mile trip to take his League of Nations fight to the people. At Salt L a k e City the speech was to be in t h e M o r m o n T a b e r n a c l e a t eight in the evening. A t six, T u m u l t y [Wilson's secretary] came to the hotel where they were resting a n d said the T a b e r n a c l e was so packed t h a t the police h a d locked the doors . . . . Inside, fifteen thousand people sat in a n unventilated building on a very h o t night. T h e h e a t a n d fetid air m a d e the First L a d y sick a n d blind. T h e y w e n t u p on t h e rostrum, where the hot thick air was even m o r e stifling, a n d she t h o u g h t she was going to> faint. H e r m a i d saw her getting white a n d passed u p a bottle of smelling salts which she gratefully inhaled a n d then p o u r e d onto a handkerchief for the president. H e was in agony from the terrible pain in his h e a d and choking from the asthma a n d the poor air, a n d w h e n they got back to' the hotel his clothing was soaked through with perspiration. 1 5

President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared in the Tabernacle at the funeral of former Utah Governor George Dern, who was Secretary of War in the Roosevelt cabinet. Eight cabinet members also attended the Tabernacle service for Secretary Dern, who had held his position only one year when he died August 28, 1936. Dern was Utah's sixth governor, serving from 1925 through 1933. 14 15

ibid. Gene Smith, When the Cheering Stopped (New York, 1964), 79-80.


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Funerals of many church officials and civic leaders have been held in the Tabernacle. The funerals of all church presidents were held there, with the exceptions of the Prophet Joseph Smith and President Joseph F. Smith (his was a graveside service because of the dread Spanish Influenza epidemic which discouraged gatherings of people). Services of other governors, including that of the first Utah chief executive, Heber Manning Wells, were held in the Tabernacle. Funerals were also conducted there for former Utah Senator Reed Smoot and J. Reuben Clark, Jr., who had been the U. S. ambassador to Mexico. Among the roll of happy events held under the great dome was the 1868 Independence Day celebration program, the first of its kind held there. After residents were awakened at 5 A.M. by music from bands of Captain Croxall, Captain Beesley, and Captain Parkinson, students representing all schools filed into the Tabernacle. After they were seated, others were allowed to enter the building. Dignitaries lined the stand, whose front and canopy supportive shafts were draped with the national flag. Among them were Presidents Young and Wells; Elder Orson Pratt, chaplain of the day; Elder John Taylor; Colonel F. H. Head, orator; Governor Charles Durkee; George A. Smith; and George Q. Cannon. Governor Durkee, who was to leave office two years later "enjoying the general respect and good feelings" of the Mormons, spoke on the theme that just principles make just government and not the names, such as democracy or republicanism, which are attached to it. He said: L e t us resolve today, in the sight of G o d our Everlasting father, to< be m o r e united in the cause of duty, of benevolence, of charity, of industry, a n d the m a i n t e n a n c e of the principles of civil a n d religious liberty; a n d n o m a t t e r w h o the m a n m a y be, w h e t h e r Methodist, Baptists, M o r m o n , or anything else, w h o lives according to those principles; those who- live t h e m are true saints a n d doers of the Almighty's will, a n d they have revelation, joy a n d peace. 1 6

Among the very early celebrations held in the Tabernacle, the Deseret Sunday School Union Jubilee of July 24, 1875, was perhaps the first occasion for which the building was lavishly decorated. A Deseret News account of the celebration shows that era's flowery way of decorating as well as writing: . . . T h e scene as a whole has perhaps never been surpassed for beauty in the U t a h Territory. T h e decorations were simply magnificent. T h e large center piece, trees a n d festoons, of evergreens a n d artificial flowers appeared to metamorphose the h u g e ceiling into an inverted garden. O v e r 16

Deseret News, July 6, 1868.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

S. S. BATEMAN

The Deseret Sunday School Union Jubilee of July 24, 1875 (left), and the funeral of Heber J. Grant (1856-1945), president of the Mormon Church from 1918 to his death (right). This was the first public service held in the Tabernacle after Pearl Harbor. Note the changes in the famed Tabernacle organ.

the gallery, at the east end, was a very fine b a n n e r with the words "Deseret Sunday School U n i o n " in large letters with a beehive, of flowers and shrubbery in the centre, painted by Morris and Weggeland. T h e n there were flags, hanging baskets, banners, and other things too numerous to mention, tastefully arranged along the front of the gallery and between the pillars, all heightening the beauty and gaiety of the effect. O n e beautiful feature, which attracted great attention, was the fountain of living water, near the middle of the building, toward the stand, which sent forth a graceful spray. I n this basin of the fountain were live water lilies and on each of the four corners a crouching lion, on which were seated four children, in costume representing the four quarters of the globe, Europe, Asia, Africa a n d America, the latter two being genuine specimens. Surmounting the organ was a gilded and shaded figure of an angel sounding the Gospel T r u m p e t , to "every kindred, tongue and people," and on the stand were children from every country on the globe, where the Gospel has been preached, and from whence converts have gathered in this dispensation. 17

Several happy events held at the Tabernacle were the 1896 Statehood Day program, at which time Governor Heber M. Wells was inaugurated; the 1930 L.D.S. Church centennial celebration, whose Tabernacle production was entitled Message of the Ages; and a gigantic pageant and other activities of the 1947 centennial commemoration of the arrival of the pioneers in Salt Lake Valley. 17

Ibid., July 27, 1875.


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For the 1896 Statehood Day affair (it fell on Saturday, J a n u a r y 4, but was officially celebrated the following M o n d a y ) there was suspended from the Tabernacle ceiling what has been described as the largest United States flag ever m a d e . T h e flag was about 75 by 160 feet in size and was sewn at the Z C M I overall factory on South Temple. T h e flag was delivered to J o h n Starley, the first permanent landscape gardener and foreman of the Temple Block, who also was responsible for decorating the Tabernacle for special occasions. T h e flag was spread over the seats a n d rings were sewn to it to correspond with the ceiling vent holes. T h e flag was then pulled into position near the ceiling. O n e star in the flag, Utah's, was illuminated. T h e gigantic flag continued to hang in the Tabernacle until it was taken down to be hung on the south side of the T e m p l e for the July 24th celebration. It was hung there each July for several years until it reached such poor condition that it h a d to be burned. Five m e n were required to handle it because of its size. 18 I n addition to the huge flag, the 1896 Statehood D a y decorations included bunting and a great American eagle which surmounted the tower between the pipes of the organ, with the word " U t a h " electrically lighted below it. After being i n a u g u r a t e d in the T a b e r n a c l e p r o g r a m , G o v e r n o r Wells, then only thirty-six years old, called for a special session of the legislature for 2:00 P . M . that day. T h e inaugural was preceded by a p a r a d e witnessed by throngs of people and included military units, state officials, 1847 pioneers, G r a n d Army of the Republic members, and others. Events of both solemn and happy occasions held under the giant tortoise' acoustical shell have utilized the Tabernacle's two finest accessories â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Tabernacle Choir and organ. T h e choir has been directed by eleven m e n â&#x20AC;&#x201D; J o h n Parry, Stephen Goddard, James Smithies, Charles J. Thomas, Robert Sands, George Careless, Ebenezer Beesley, Anthony C. Lund, J. Spencer Cornwall, and Richard P. Condie. 1 9 Robert Sands was director when the Tabernacle was opened in 1867. E v a n Stephens, who was the choir's director for twenty-five years, composed the state song, " U t a h , W e Love T h e e . " T h e choir's weekly broadcast, inaugurated in 1929, is the oldest continuously 18 Gwennie Starley Matheson, " J o h n Starley, gardner [sic] a n d foreman of the Salt Lake T e m p l e Block" (typescript, U t a h State Historical Society). 19 Young, Mormon Tabernacle, 37.


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broadcast noncommercial radio program. Some of the choir's 375 members have sung with the group for forty years. Tabernacle Choir singers won plaudits for singing at the 1893 Columbian Exposition at Chicago, and more recently under Director Richard P. Condie have won a gold record and "Emmy" for their rendition of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," which became a national best seller.20 Joseph Harris Ridges' original Tabernacle organ, remodeled and expanded, was begun in 1866, but was not completed in time for the instrument's dedication in October of 1867. By dedication time only about seven hundred of the nearly two thousand pipes planned for the organ were finished. Mr. Ridges, an English native who emigrated from Australia to America, had been a carpenter and an organ factory employee. He was assisted in building the Tabernacle organ by Shure Olsen, Niels Johnson, Henry Taylor, Frank Wood, and others. 21 It has been suggested that the organ of the Boston Music Hall may have inspired Mr. Ridges in constructing the exposed portion of the organ with its huge decorative and speaking pipes, which are visible to Tabernacle visitors today. 22 Nearly one hundred men worked simultaneously on the organ project. Some experimented with glue making; some fashioned tools with which to carve the wood. People from various settlements sent samples of wood from their locales to be considered for use in the instrument. Fine grain wood that had few knots and little gum or pitch was selected from the Pine Valley, near St. George, Utah. In November of 1867, when the organ was nearing completion, Mr. Ridges gave a description of what the organ contained and stated that builders had used twenty-five thousand feet of lumber in its construction. The organ has been overhauled, expanded, and improved several times. The first renovation was made in 1885 by Niels Johnson, one of Mr. Ridges' associates. An organ of finer tonal quality resulted. 23 The W. W. Kimball Company, of Chicago, updated the organ once again in 1900. The instrument was enlarged and a new mechanism was added. Austin Organ Company, of Hartford, Connecticut, overhauled the organ in 1915. The fifteen-foot wings or extensions were added to the visible portion at that time. 24 20

Mabel Jones Gabbott, "Tabernacle Choir," The Improvement Era, 70 (April, 1967), 31. Deseret News, February 15, 1958. 22 Jay M. Todd, "Tabernacle Organ," The Improvement Era, 70 (April, 1967), 17. 23 Ibid., 20. 2i Ibid., 24. 21


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Tabernacle

The Tabernacle organ, though it has in effect been several organs over the past one hundred years, continues to elicit favorable comment from visitors and coast-to-coast radio listeners. Its music once caused Mme. Ernestine Schumann-Heink, the great Austrian-born contralto, to comment that she counted the music of the organ as one of the greatest pleasures of her life.

D

uring its first hundred years, the Tabernacle has not been without threats from the elements, from wood hungry insects to fire. On several occasions the building was closed because of disease epidemics and war. One brush with fire came in 1938 when a man, self-described as the "Prophet of the Living God," led several others in spraying the south wall of the building with gasoline and touching a match to it. The man, who claimed to have had "personal talks with God," reportedly said he had been denied use of the Tabernacle to tell of his experiences, and that his group was not actually attempting to destroy the building. Persons inside the building were unaware of the incident. The men, who wielded wagon-spoke clubs, shouted passages of scripture and warned of impend-

Stairwell leading to the top of the Tabernacle. Note the original rawhide and wooden pegs used in the construction of the Tabernacle. The right shows the Tabernacle roof beams still held securely by wooden pegs. S. S. BATEMAN

wrappings photograph

ROBERT C. MITCHELL


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ing danger to anyone attempting to stop them, however. Several spectators were hurt in the melee when they tried to stop the men. 25 In 1942 it was announced that all public meetings in the Tabernacle would cease, including noon organ recitals, for the war's duration. The recitals were broadcast over KSL Radio, and Sunday Tabernacle Choir broadcasts were listened to by spectators in the Assembly Hall and Bureau of Information, but not in the Tabernacle. Officials of the church explained the action was taken as a precaution to safeguard the lives of people and the building itself. C h u r c h authorities indicated that if crowds were not permitted in the Tabernacle the building might not be bombed as a moral-defeat type of enemy attack, aimed only at the people who might be inside. 26 The reopening of the Tabernacle in August 1945 was regarded by many as an omen of peace. In May 1947 the dome of the great Desert Tortoise began to "shine like a new dime." Strips of a new aluminum roof, which would weigh thirty thousand pounds, were being installed to replace the roof of patched copper which had been laid over the original wood shingles. Jed L. Ashton was the contractor, and the Overly Manufacturing Company provided the prefabricated metal strips. The Tabernacle was once again closed in 1962 because of an extensive renovation program. During the renovation, 324 native pine benches were reinforced and refinished. A newspaper article aptly cited the reason for this: "Cracks in some of the benches have [been] known to pinch sitters during the past few years and the square benchlegs have contributed to numerous snags of women's hose." 27 The Tabernacle's plastered ceilings survived without cracking several minor earthquakes that have jostled the valley floor. Steps have been taken to prevent plaster from falling should other tremors hit. 28 A tour of the Tabernacle basement shows many chalk marks of " D " and " T " on huge supportive timbers. These stand for places where dry rot and termites seemed apparent. 29 Several years ago, under the direction of then Presiding Bishop LeGrand Richards, a crew worked ten months removing six hundred cubic yards of earth and placing new supports and concrete work on which massive timbers would rest. Earth was removed to prevent ground contact with the timbers, which were 25

Salt Lake Bateman 27 Salt Lake 28 Bateman 29 Ibid.

20

Tribune, January 17, 1938. interview. Tribune, May 5, 1962. interview.


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treated with creosote and capped with metal to prevent future termite infestation. But like the aged tortoise, whose shell is scarred from the elements, the Tabernacle, with many repairs and adaptations, continues to function and should be extant for people to marvel at for another hundred years. In June of 1870 Brigham Young said he hoped and prayed that people from throughout the world would come to the Tabernacle to partake of the spirit of the building and the music of the great organ and choir. That it today remains sturdy as a place of worship and cultural events and as the potential site of such activity a hundred years hence, seem to be a fulfillment of the great colonizer's desire.

July 4, 1887 . . . the Tabernacle, Salt Lake City, took fire from the alighting of a toy balloon, from the fire works, on the roof, but the flames were promptly put out by the fire brigade before much damage. (Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology, A Record of Important Events Pertaining to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints [Salt Lake City, 1899], 149.)


Religious Activities and Development in Utah, 1847-1910 BY T. EDGAR LYON

The First Presbyterian Church was organized in Salt Lake City, November 12,1871. In 1874 the group met in this church on Second East and Second South. Here the first Presbyterian school was established.


u.

tah has the unique distinction of being the only state in the Union which was founded primarily as a religious colony and in which the total population was almost all of one faith, perhaps as high as ninety-eight per cent, in its first decade. This condition created an unparalleled situation in which religious differences became inextricably entwined with the political, educational, and social life, both of the territory and the later state. No discussion of denominational religious activities in U t a h from its founding in 1847 to the acquisition of statehood can be understood without a background of this peculiar religious phenomenon. An investigation of religious activities in U t a h during these years must recognize six divergent groups:

1. T h e Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints commonly referred to as the " M o r m o n Church," but which the non-Mormons usually designated " T h e local dominant church." Existing as the sole religious organization in the territory for nearly two decades, by 1895 it numbered about 200,000, or eighty-two per cent of the new State of Utah's approximately 240,000 inhabitants. With its wards (parishes) established in every L.D.S. community, it dominated every phase of territorial life. With its "People's party" it managed and won, with few exceptions, the elections; manipulated the territorial legislature; and controlled the district schools and the two territorial institutions of higher learning. This fact had led objective observers, as well as non-Mormon ecclesiastics, to conclude there was no separation of church and state in Utah. 2. T h e Jews. This religious community first organized itself in Salt Lake in 1866, and consisted of twenty-four adults of whom eighteen were males. They were a non-proselyting group, engaged primarily in business, and about evenly divided between Reformed and Orthodox traditions. Their growth was slow. By 1895 there were a few more than 1,200 Jews in Utah. About 1,050 of them were in Salt Lake City, where they h a d erected a synagogue. Ogden had about 150 members of this faith. 1 3. T h e Unitarian Society. In 1891 the first Unitarian Society was organized in Salt Lake City. Its informal manner of extending membership, its disconcern about records, and its rapid turnover of members make it impossible to list its membership or accomplishments. At the beginning of Utah's existence as a state, its total membership was less Dr. T. Edgar Lyon, associate director of the Salt Lake Institute of Religion and research historian for Nauvoo Restoration, Incorporated, presented this article at the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the U t a h State Historical Society, September 12, 1964. 1 Representatives of the Religious Denominations, comp., World's Fair Ecclesiastical History of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1893), 305-7.


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than one hundred, all in Salt Lake City. This group provided an intellectual prod to those who tended to become complacent about religion, politics, education, or social problems. 2 4. The Roman Catholic Church. This world-wide institution commenced work in Utah in 1864, although it was sporadic until 1871. Its efforts were designed primarily to serve members of that faith who were residing in the territory. This ecclesiastical body did not carry on an organized missionary program for the purpose of converting members from the L.D.S. Church. By 1895 the Roman Catholics had established seven chapels, three parochial schools, and two hospitals in Utah. 5. The Protestant Episcopal Church. In 1867 this church established itself in Utah under the direction of Bishop Daniel S. Tuttle. He viewed his apostolic assignment as a charge to serve his denomination and not as a proselytor among the Mormons. Throughout his administration, and that of his successors, a policy of "constructive Christian fellowship with the Mormons and other people of U t a h " characterized Episcopal activities. Bishop Tuttle, as did the Roman Catholic bishop, Lawrence Scanlan, lived among the Mormons in "peaceful co-existence." By 1895 the Protestant Episcopal Church had seven parishes, two schools, and one hospital in operation. 3 6. The Evangelical Christian Churches operating in Utah constitute a sixth religious group. By dictionary definition, the word "evangelical" means . . . any school of Protestants which holds that the essence of the gospel consists mainly of its doctrines of man's sinful condition and the need of salvation, the revelation of God's grace in Christ, and necessity of spiritual renovation, and participation in the experience of redemption through faith.

According to this definition, the Presbyterians, Methodists, Congregationalists, Baptists, Lutherans, and Church of Christ were the six evangelical Christian bodies that operated in Utah during its territorial period. Following the Civil War the American evangelical churches turned their zeal for service, which during the war years had been channeled into relief work, into three areas â&#x20AC;&#x201D; renewed missionary work among the heathen nations; among the recently freed Negroes of the South; and to 2

Ibid., 303. Wain Sutton, ed., Utah, A Centennial History (3 vols., New York, 1949), II, 622-65, and Religious Denominations, Ecclesiastical History of Utah, 217. 3


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the "deluded Mormons, semi-Pagan Mexicans, sun-worshiping Pueblos, [and] demon-worshiping Alaskans" of the West.4 These evangelical churches came to Utah with an attitude quite different from that of the groups previously mentioned. They set out as missions to convert the "deluded" Mormons from what they sincerely believed to be a non-Christian religion. They soon discovered that conversion of adult Mormons was almost impossible. Most of these Mormons had been converted from evangelical Christian churches and to reconvert them proved to be an almost impossible task.5 They soon concluded the "Mormon Problem" must be attacked in another manner, as traditional Protestant proselyting techniques proved unsuccessful. Utah, as was the case with other western territories, had no true public schools, as we understand the term today, until 1890. Its territorial schools, with few exceptions, were usually semiprivate fee schools. There were no compulsory education attendance laws, no standards for certification of teachers, and no legally defined length of a school year. Salaries for teachers were niggardly, and the superintendent of territorial schools had no supervisory authority, but only power to recommend and report. The evangelical Protestants conceived the idea that although the adult Mormons were beyond redemption, the children might be saved from the evil Mormon system by providing a true Christian education for the Mormon youth, fewer than one-fourth of whom were regularly attending school for three months a year. This they viewed as the vulnerable spot in Mormon solidarity. They believed that if they established free schools with a nine-month course of study, instructed by certified denominational teachers from outside Utah, who were provided with the most modern educational equipment, the more intelligent Mormon youth would flock to their schools. There, along with the standard curriculum of the day, biblical, moral, and Christian education would be provided. Extracurricular activities in the Loyal Leagues, Liberty Brigades, Sewing Circles, and similar youth clubs would, it was hoped, bind them to Protestantism. They believed the Mormon youth, thus exposed to "true Christianity" would grow up, see the difference, abandon the errors of Mormonism, and accept evangelical Christianity. With this conviction, the evangelical churches turned to schools as their primary mission tool. 4 Robert Laird Stewart, " T h e Mission of Sheldon Jackson in the Winning of the West," Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society, V I (June-September, 1911), 58. 5 R. M a u d e Ditmars, who served as a Baptist missionary-teacher in U t a h for ten years, wrote, " T h e combined efforts of all evangelical denominations have m a d e n o perceptible impression on the M o r m o n C h u r c h as to numbers . . . ." R. M a u d e Ditmars, "A History of Baptist Missions in U t a h , 1 8 7 1 - 1 9 3 1 " (Master's thesis, University of Colorado, 1931), 82.


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By the time most of the mission schools closed near the end of the century, the evangelicals claimed that they had taught more than 50,000 Mormon children in their schools.6 This was probably a cumulative, rather than an individual, number. The Presbyterians opened their first missionary work in Utah in 1869 at Corinne, a non-Mormon town on the Central Pacific Railroad near the north end of Great Salt Lake. Two years later a church was established in Salt Lake City. By the close of the territorial period, twenty-five years later, twelve churches and forty-nine schools had been in operation in Utah, although not all of them had functioned at the same time. As many as sixty-five imported teachers and nineteen missionary-ministers had worked in the missions among the Mormons at one time. More than $1 million had been invested in their educationalmissionary effort. Methodists had also started their work in Corinne in 1869 and then invaded the Mormon centers. A quarter of a century later they had operated twenty-six schools with twenty-nine teachers at the height of their expansion, and had forty-one churches or preaching stations staffed by twenty-two missionary ministers or pastors in the Mormon communities. Their total membership was 1,440 in 1895.7 Methodist expenditures were in excess of $600,000. Congregational missionary work among the Mormons opened in Salt Lake in the spring of 1874, when the regular missionary board of the church, the American Home Missionary Society, entered the field. In 1880 an independent group, The New West Education Commission, which functioned within the framework of the Congregational Church, took over most of the schools already established and proceeded to establish more of its own. At its greatest extent, twenty-eight schools and forty-eight teachers were serving the missionary effort. About fifteen congregations had been established, presided over by ten pastors in 1893.8 Expenditures were in excess of $625,000. It was not until 1881 that the Baptist Church commenced permanent missionary work in Utah, although some efforts had been made as early as 1871. At the close of the territorial period the Baptists reported only four schools and nine churches in Utah, with ten teachers and eight 6 Herbert Reherd, "An Outline History of the Protestant Church in Utah," in Sutton, Utah, A Centennial History, II, 687. 7 Religious Denominations, Ecclesiastical History of Utah, 271. 8 Ibid.


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pastors at their greatest period of expansion. Their investment was about $230,000 and their membership numbered 478 persons, 9 Lutherans were late arriving in Utah. Their first church was established in Salt Lake City in 1882, and in Ogden the second church was commenced in 1888. An Icelandic Lutheran Church was organized and a chapel built in Spanish Fork in 1892. Only one school was operated, and that in Salt Lake, for a few years. T h e total membership of the two 9 T. Edgar Lyon, "Evangelical Protestant Missionary Activities in Mormon Dominated Areas: 1865-1900" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of U t a h , 1962), 210.

B'Nai Israel Temple, 249 South Fourth East, was erected, dedicated, and consecrated in 1891. The Auerbach family, members of the B'Nai Israel Congregation, brought a nephew, Philip Meyer, an architect, from Germany to draw plans for the new synagogue. The temple of Byzantine architecture is a replica of the famous Jewish temple in Berlin. (Left) The First Methodist Church first held services in Salt Lake City on May 22, 1870, in an unfinished hay loft of a livery stable at 32 East Second South. The following year construction began on a church at 33 East Third South. Services were held in this church for over thirty years until the church pictured here was constructed at 203 South Second East. On May 22, 1906, the church was dedicated, and over the years has undergone many additions and changes to the original structure. (Right) UTAH STATE DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT SERVICES (ROBERT MCCREA)

- . â&#x20AC;˘;: v-watlBiS ja^f,)ihrnffl \i\ iTfiTr Tl "^IT


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Lutheran Synods functioning in Utah in 1896 was less than two hundred. The Lutheran investment was approximately $60,000.10 The last of the evangelical groups to establish itself in Utah was the Christian Church (also having groups known as the Church of Christ and the Church of the Disciples of Christ). This movement had its origin primarily in the work of Alexander Campbell and Barton W. Stone during the first third of the nineteenth century. The church in Salt Lake City was organized in 1890. The following year a congregation was organized in Ogden, but soon disintegrated because of not being able to sustain a minister. The territorial period closed with but one active congregation of this denomination, numbering fewer than one hundred. Its Utah investment was approximately $35,000. As the years passed, the evangelical churches seemed to crystallize their attitude toward the Mormons around four major concepts. Unable to unite in their Christian endeavors on anything except their distrust of Mormonism, which they viewed as a national menace to Christianity, they announced their determination to arouse American public opinion and thus block any attempt of Utah to acquire statehood: (1) until the territory had adopted a tax-supported, free public school system, which would be removed from ecclesiastical control; (2) until the Mormon Church agreed to abolish plural marriage, or polygamy as the nonMormons denominated it; (3) until the territory abolished the marked ballot in elections, which they claimed gave the L.D.S. Church a means of determining how anyone in the territory voted in territorial elections; and (4) until the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints would guarantee the separation of church and state in Utah politics. United on these principles, the evangelical churches generated a great amount of anti-Mormon propaganda throughout the country through their constituent churches. Their members sent petitions containing millions of names to Congress, demanding legislation to correct these situations which they felt were incompatible with American democracy. They were convinced, judging from their press releases, that their efforts had been among the most powerful factors in the passage of the Edmunds Law in 1882, and even more important in the enactment of the more drastic Edmunds-Tucker Law of 1887. By 1895 all four of these goals had nominally been obtained, and the churches found themselves without a common cause in their crusade against the Mormon Church. With Utah admitted to the sisterhood of 10

Ibid., 247.


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states in 1896, a new era dawned for the evangelical churches as well as the L.D.S. Church. R E A D J U S T M E N T ACTIVITIES,

1890-1910

From 1890 to 1910 the M o r m o n Church, the largest of all the religious groups in Utah, with a membership of perhaps eighty per cent of the population, readjusted and reoriented its religious teachings and practices in many areas. Perhaps its greatest adjustment was accommodating itself to the abolition of plural marriage as a basic practice of the church. Opposition rose within its ranks and the seeds of the later "Fundamentalism" began to appear as those unwilling to accept the new interpretation c o n t i n u e d to a d v o c a t e a n d p r a c t i c e p l u r a l marriage regardless of the publicly announced policy of the church. Economically the L.D.S. Church entered upon a new era. I n 1895 the church appeared to be hopelessly in debt. U n d e r President Lorenzo Snow methods were adopted to materially increase the financial resources of the church. U n d e r his leadership the outstanding bonds commenced to be paid off, first by selling replacement bonds locally rather than in eastern or western markets, and secondly by a renewed emphasis on the payment of tithing. President Joseph F. Smith continued these wise fiscal policies, a n d on December 31, 1906, the church retired the last million dollars in bonds. At the April conference in 1907, President Smith was able to announce the church was out of debt and operating on a cash basis. T h e church then started accumulating a surplus, which enabled it to adopt the policy of paying the return transportation of its missionaries. A new era, characterized by the building of hospitals, schools, and chapels, few of which had been constructed in the previous quarter of a century, was inaugurated. Politically, the church effected a great change in abolishing the oneparty system which h a d existed in the territory. Quite effectively the membership divided fairly evenly on national party lines, so that henceforth Jews, Catholics, Mormons, and evangelical Protestants would associate together in political activities. T h e separation of church and state posed another challenge. This topic is one which is still under investigation and one which must be dealt with in greater length at a later time. During these twenty years the Jewish community, the Unitarian Society, the R o m a n Catholics, and the Protestant Episcopal Church followed much the same course that h a d characterized their activities


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since they first entered the Territory of Utah. Each had enjoyed a steady growth, although small, drawn primarily from members of their denominations migrating to Utah. All were, however, small minority groups. As new industries were established, there was an increasing influx of nonMormon people into Utah. Many of these joined the local parishes and took an active part in promoting their respective faiths. This was especially true of the Jewish groups in Salt Lake who were able to establish another synagogue so the divergent elements of that ancient faith could enjoy two forms of ritual according to their Orthodox or Reformed inclinations. Ogden was able to establish a congregation and employ a rabbi during this period. Increased mining and smelting activities brought many Roman Catholics into Utah. The vigorous Bishop Scanlan founded parish chapels at Price and Tooele, and in addition established several missionary stations for serving the sacraments. In 1899 he undertook the erection of the present magnificent Cathedral of the Madeleine as the bishop's church for the Salt Lake Diocese. By December of 1907, the building had progressed sufficiently to abandon the old church of St. Mary Magdalene and move into the basement of the new edifice. It was dedicated in 1909 as a worthy cathedral for what was at that time the most extensive diocese in the United States. Bishop Scanlan recognized a need among his flock, a large portion of whom were engaged in mining and smelting, for a hospital to care for the injured, nursing facilities for the disabled and aged miners, and an orphanage for the bereft children. Simultaneously with the erection of the cathedral he embarked on the construction of an orphanage. Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Kearns generously backed this much needed institution, and Kearns St. Ann's Orphanage was opened and almost immediately filled. The facilities of the Holy Cross Hospital were also expanded, but could not take care of the disabled miners and the civilian population. Largely through the generosity of Mrs, Mary Judge, the Judge Memorial Home for aged and ailing miners was opened in 1910. New safety devices and regulations in the mining industry reduced the need for such an institution shortly thereafter, but it is indicative of the untiring efforts put forth by the diocesan bishop, the priests, Sisters of the Holy Cross, and the parishioners to apply Christian teachings to the unfortunate victims of the contemporary industrial world. 11 11

Sutton, Utah, A Centennial astical History of Utah, 217.

History,

I I , 2 7 0 - 9 0 , a n d Religious Denominations,

Ecclesi-


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The Unitarian Society, the smallest of all the religious bodies, had struggled along for years in rented buildings without the means to acquire suitable headquarters. In 1903 this society constructed and moved into Unity Hall, its first chapel. In 1896, in keeping with a policy then followed by the U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, the federal government allocated Indian reservations to various churches. Bishop Abiel Leonard of the Protestant Episcopal Church assumed responsibility for the spiritual well-being of those dwelling on the Uintah Reservation. A chapel was built at Randlett and a priest stationed there. In 1904, when the government school was moved to Whiterocks, a chapel and station were erected at that agency. The Emery House, adjacent to the University of Utah campus, was dedicated in 1910 by the Episcopal Church. It was the gift of a widow of a wealthy mining man and was constructed to care for both the physical and spiritual needs of out-of-town students attending the University of Utah. It also hoped to provide a spiritual environment for those seeking such on the University campus. In 1910 it was the only religiously sponsored institution in the vicinity of the University. This and the Indian school were big undertakings as the Episcopal membership was small â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as late as 1947 it was only 2,784, and probably numbered not more than half that in 1910.12 For the evangelical Protestant churches, the period from 1890 to 1910 was quite different from the social and religious expansion of the Jews, Roman Catholics, and Episcopalians. T h e evangelical groups had developed very expansive school p r o g r a m s , which depended almost entirely on contributions from mission boards and private individuals. The funds raised locally were negligible. In 1893 the great economic panic produced a crisis in church finances in the United States, and the various church administrative units were forced to reduce expenditures. They decided to invest their money only where it was producing some visible results. T h e evangelical schools in Utah were subjected to careful scrutiny, and the few converts made from among the Mormons could not justify the continued outlay of money. A committee of the Methodist Church, after making an investigation of the total impact of the evangelical churches on Mormonism reported: So far as converting the Mormons is concerned money has been largely wasted. If 200 real Mormons have been changed into' real evangelical Christians during the time we have been unable to discover them. 13 12

Sutton, Utah, A Centennial History, II, 662-67; Religious Denominations, Ecclesiastical History of Utah, 217. 13 Henry Martin Merkel, History of Methodism in Utah (Colorado Springs, 1938), 213-15.


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Retrenchment started immediately. The smaller schools were abandoned, and with them, the small churches and preaching stations were closed. The Methodist, Presbyterian, and Congregational boards had operated academies (later known as high schools) in Salt Lake City, Mt. Pleasant, Springville, Logan, Ogden, Provo, Beaver, Nephi, Park City, and Lehi. Only one of the three such institutions that operated in Salt Lake City survived the readjustment period. Neither of the Ogden schools survived, and the one in Logan carried on for only a few years after 1910. The Wasatch Academy at Mt. Pleasant is the only school south of Salt Lake City which survived the economy move by the mission boards. The Presbyterians had operated an academy in Salt Lake, the Salt Lake Collegiate Institute, since the 1870's. In 1895 and 1896 Dr. Sheldon Jackson, who had formerly been superintendent of Presbyterian missions in the Intermountain Area, agreed to turn over a legacy he had received to establish a Presbyterian college in Salt Lake City. A board of directors was chosen, a president selected, and the new institution was designated as Sheldon Jackson College. A large tract of land in the southeast section of the city was donated by a local Presbyterian for the proposed school. A portion of it was laid off in lots and a national real estate promotion scheme organized whereby lots were given free to donors who contributed a minimum amount. Advertisements appeared in the leading Presbyterian periodicals and in the interdenominational Christian Herald. The nature of the advertisements was a resurrection of the anti-Mormon propaganda with which the evangelical churches had raised money to support their schools ten years earlier. The headlines of one of these advertisements read: AN APPEAL FOR W O M A N H O O D MORALITY AND CHRISTIAN EDUCATION COLLEGE T O F I G H T POLYGAMY AND SAVE M O R M O N GIRLS F R O M POLYGAMOUS SLAVERY AND DEBACHERY 1 4

Dr. Jackson carried on a voluminous correspondence -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; much of it on Department of the Interior letterhead as he was an official of the Indian Service, as well as being Presbyterian Missionary superintendent for Alaska â&#x20AC;&#x201D; asking for donations. He addressed one of the Vanderbilt girls of New York, who had been a regular donor to his Alaskan Indian 14 Presbyterian Banner (Pittsburgh), November 18, 1899. T h e "Sheldon Jackson Scrap Book," I I I , at Westminster College Library in Salt Lake City contains many of these scareheadline advertisements.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The first hospital operated by the Sisters of the Holy Cross in Salt Lake City was housed in this adobe building on Fifth East between South Temple and First South streets. The hospital opened in October of 1875 and could accommodate thirteen patients. The present site of Holy Cross Hospital (between Tenth and Eleventh East on First South) was purchased in 1881. By June of 1883 the nucleus of the Holy Cross Hospital of today was ready to accommodate 125 patients. Today the hospital can care for 380 patients. St. Mark's Hospital (803 North Second West), an affiliate of the Episcopal Church, was established in April 1872 on the corner of Fourth South and Fifth East. The hospital accommodated six patients. Four years later the hospital moved one block north where it doubled its capacity to twelve beds. In 1879 the hospital moved to its present location, and through additions to the original structure it can now accommodate 260 patients.

missions. The letter indicates his sincere conviction that Utah needed education, but also is indicative of his ignorance concerning the real situation in Utah. He wrote: T h e r e is n o section of the Globe â&#x20AC;&#x201D; there is n o people â&#x20AC;&#x201D; there is n o heathenism existing where God is so dishonored as in U t a h by the M o r mons, hence the need for m o r e money, m o r e prayer a n d m o r e faith. Y o u like myself h a v e largely a family of daughters. W h a t have they been saved from by being born a n d brought u p in Christian homes! C a n w e better testify our gratitude, t h a n by trying to create Christian homes in U t a h , where the religious condition of women is beyond expression? 1 5

In spite of such appeals, the money was not forthcoming. The national Presbyterian Mission Board condemned the real estate promotion technique. Apparently the people in the East were convinced that the "Mormon Menace" propaganda which had been so effective a decade or two earlier was not as menacing as they had formerly believed. The college was not established. Out of the movement, however, Westminster College emerged in 1902. Another area in which the evangelical churches manifested a determination to wage a crusade against the L.D.S. Church in the period following statehood, was that of theology. In April of 1897, the Presbytery of Utah adopted ten resolutions against Mormon doctrines. These ^ Jackson to Mrs. Elliot F. Shepherd, January 1, 1897, in "Sheldon Jackson Scrap Book," II, 89-93.


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were published in pamphlet form under the heading "Ten Reasons Why Christians Cannot Fellowship the Mormon Church." The Congregational Association of Utah placed its stamp of approval on these resolutions on October 14th of the same year and joined in its distribution. Apparently these two churches were still convinced that the Mormons and Christians could not cooperate nor have fellowship one with the other. The election of B. H. Roberts, a known polygamist, to the U. S. House of Representatives in 1898 was not only a political problem, but one heavily weighted with religious implications. With the financial and moral support of the evangelical ministers of Utah, who drew up a petition of protest against his seating, Dr. Thomas C. Iliff, Methodist superintendent for Utah, traveled throughout the nation urging Christian people to demand that their congressmen vote to deny Roberts a seat in the national legislature. When Roberts was deprived of his congressional office, the evangelicals thought their campaign had been one of the most powerful factors in this action. Because of the effort he had spent in this campaign, Iliff was promoted by his church to a coveted position on one of the national Methodist boards. In 1903 when Reed Smoot was elected to the Senate, the Christian evangelicals of Utah organized for a similar defeat for Smoot. Dr. John L. Leilich, who had succeeded Reverend T. C. Iliff, attempted the same thing Iliff had done. He toured the country, proclaiming Smoot to be a polygamist and demanding that he be refused admission to the Senate. His charges, however, were not proved, and he and every Methodist minister in Utah, except two who had refused to support his crusade, were replaced by men who were instructed to stay out of politics.16 The Baptists entered the Roberts contest in a different manner. They circulated two flyleaves entitled "The Mormon Octopus." Each had a map of the United States showing an octopus with its head in Utah, but its tentacles extending into Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada. Its massage was that the Mormon Church had a stranglehold on the Intermountain Region and was destroying American freedom. Below the m a p and the octopus, one of the flyleaves contained a purported pro-polygamous hymn, which it claimed the Mormons sang, beseeching God to destroy Congress for passing anti-polygamous bills. The other handbill, in place of the hymn, had a drawing of what it proclaimed to be the Great Seal of the State of Utah. Around 16

Merkel, Methodism in Utah, 77, 121-22.


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the outer edge of the seal were the words, "Utah for Mormons Only." In the center of the seal was the inscription "In Polygamy We Trust." The impact of these leaflets apparently was almost nil, and the evangelical churches in Utah commenced to see that their strength could not come from attacking the L.D.S. Church but would have to arise from building on a solid foundation by developing a stronger Christian community life among the denominations. With one unsuccessful exception, which occurred immediately following 1910, such attempts to return to the nineteenth century religious practices were abandoned. The evangelical Christian churches of Utah from 1890 to 1910 were going through a transition period which had not led them to a solution of their problem of expanding their religious services in Utah. A number of attempts had been made to produce cooperation among them, but they were not yet ready to readjust their denominational consciousness to the extent they could unite their efforts to expand their usefulness. They were trying to maintain three and four competitive denominations in small Mormon towns where the combined non-Mormon population was too small to support effectively one Protestant church. The hope of supporting three Protestant churches in such places as Lehi, Monroe, Scipio, Midway, Parowan, Millville, Moroni, and Benjamin was preposterous, but they persisted in the attempt. It was not until 1915 that the Protestant churches of Utah formed the Home Missions Council.17 By this cooperative arrangement it was agreed that no church would establish a church in a community where another was already functioning. Furthermore, the weaker churches were urged to move out of the small towns and leave the largest there to take care of the religious needs of the populace. It was also agreed that if a person moved from one town to another where there was no congregation of his denomination, his membership would be transferred to whatever church existed in that town. The idea of a community church was commencing to grow. This technique has enabled the evangelical churches to establish flourishing churches in many of the small Utah towns which they could not have done by competing for members and thus dividing the potential flock. Denominational consciousness was too strong until after the first decade of the twentieth century to achieve this logical solution to their problem. At the close of the period under discussion some noticeable changes had taken place in the religious climate of Utah. Tax supported free " D i t m a r s , "Baptist Missions in U t a h , " 90. Miss Ditmars gives the date as 1915, but some denominations date it a year or two earlier.


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public schools had become a reality; plural marriage had been officially abolished in 1890; the marked ballot had been replaced by the secret ballot; and the separation of church and state had been written into the state constitution. In contrast to the situation a half century earlier, when non-Mormons first commenced their missionary efforts, the Jews, Roman Catholics, Episcopalians, Unitarians, and Evangelical Protestants had sunk their roots deep in the soil of Utah. Although their parishes and congregations were neither numerous nor large in numbers, they were firmly grounded, some having become self-supporting and no longer mere missions of their respective national organizations. Their members were actively participating in the social, economic, political, and religious life of their communities. They were to be found cooperating with the Mormons in civic endeavors, moral problems, and community projects.

. . . Pres. Brigham Young having tendered the use of the Tabernacle to the Rev. Mr. Vaux, chaplain at Fort Laramie, he held service according to the form and order of the Episcopal Church, Dr. Forney reading the responses . . . . {Deseret News [Salt Lake City], June 19, 1859.)


Tribute to Stanley S. Ivins Notes on Mormon Polygamy BY STANLEY S. IVINS


Utah Historical Quarterly

A

quiet, unassuming man, schooled in animal-husbandry, but reared in a home where philosophy, religion, and politics were common fare, Stanley S. Ivins (1891-1967) has left his mark on his society. Although not a trained historian, Stanley Ivins will long be remembered for his work in this area by friends and scholars of Mormon history. His writing was not extensive, but his articles that did appear in print have made significant contributions to the knowledge of Utah and Mormon history. Stanley Ivins' written contributions include the following: The Moses Thatcher Case (Salt Lake City: Modern Microfilm, 1964) ; "Anthony W. Ivins," The Instructor, 78-79 (November, 1943-August, 1944) ; "A Constitution for Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly, XXV (April, 1957); "Free Schools Come to Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly, X X I I (October, 1954); "Deseret Alphabet," Utah Humanities Review, I (July, 1947) ; "Notes on Mormon Polygamy," The Western Humanities Review, X (Summer, 1956); History of Brigham Young, by William L. Knecht, reviewed in Utah Historical Quarterly, 33 (Spring, 1965); Isn't One Wife Enough? by Kimball Young, reviewed in Pacific Historical Review (November, 1954) ; and The Twenty-Seventh Wife, by Irving Wallace, reviewed in Utah Historical Quarterly, X X I X (Summer, 1961). Perhaps Stanley's greatest service to history has been the generous assistance he has given to other scholars. For the past dozen years, Stanley Ivins has been a faithful visitor to the Library and Archives of the Utah State Historical Society. Scarcely a week went by when Stanley did not "hold court" for the numerous students working on Utah subjects for books, dissertations, theses, or merely to satisfy a curiosity or problem of Utah history. Whatever the status of the knowledge seeker, he found a helpful mentor in Stanley Ivins. He was extremely generous with his time and his accumulated knowledge â&#x20AC;&#x201D;- dispensing both with no thought that he was being mined by others who stood to benefit from his years of collecting information. And Stanley was a veritable storehouse of information on Utah and Mormon history. For a good part of his life he had accumulated notes, correspondence, memorandums, and books which he digested thoroughly. Not trusting entirely to memory, Stanley methodically compiled an index to his notebook materials which he had copied from various manuscripts, rare books, and library resources across the nation. His card index is a fruitful subject guide to a wealth of information about Utah and the Mormons.


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And Stanley acting in his characteristically generous manner willed his library of more than 1,000 books and pamphlets, his notebooks and index, and private family records to the Library of the Utah State Historical Society. While Stanley S. Ivins, the son of Anthony W. and Elizabeth Snow Ivins died on Wednesday, July 5, 1967, and will be missed by all of his many friends at the Society, he will not be forgotten. His strong sense of serving the cause of history by willing his library to the Society will permit the present generation and future ones to continue to benefit from his accumulated knowledge. The Society gratefully pays its respects to the memory of Stanley S. Ivins, scholar, servant, and friend of Utah history. In recognition of his numerous contributions to Utah history, the Society had planned to award Stanley Ivins the highest award granted by the Society for years of service to history beyond the ordinary call of duty â&#x20AC;&#x201D; an Honorary Life Membership. Since his death occurred prior to the 1967 Annual Meeting when this award was to have been presented, the Board of the Society unanimously voted to withhold the granting of any Honorary Life Membership this year out of respect for Stanley. At the same time it was agreed that one of his articles should be reprinted in the Utah Historical Quarterly. Originally published in the Western Humanities Review, Volume X (Summer, 1956), "Notes on Mormon Polygamy" has enjoyed an enthusiastic reception from scholars. The limited circulation of the Review of 1956 suggested that the wider audience of the Quarterly would enjoy and benefit from the article's reprinting. We have, therefore, printed the article exactly as it appeared in the Review. In this way we once again pay tribute to Stan.

Notes on Mormon Polygamy BY S T A N L E Y S . I V I N S

T

ime was when, in the popular mind, Mormonism meant only polygamy.1 It was assumed that every Mormon man was a practical or theoretical polygamist. This was a misconception, like the widespread belief that Mormons grew horns, for there were always many of these 1 "Polygamy" is used here rather than the technically correct "polygyny" because it is the term generally employed to designate this Mormon experiment in marriage.


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Latter-day Saints who refused to go along with the doctrine of "plurality of wives." It was accepted by only a few of the more than fifty churches or factions which grew out of the revelations of the prophet Joseph Smith. Principal advocate of the doctrine was the Utah church, which far outnumbered all other branches of Mormonism. And strongest opposition from within Mormondom came from the second largest group, the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, with headquarters at Independence, Missouri. This strange experiment in family relations extended over a period of approximately sixty-five years. It was professedly inaugurated on April 5, 1841, in a cornfield outside the city of Nauvoo, Illinois, with the sealing of Louisa Beaman to Joseph Smith. And it was brought to an official end by a resolution adopted at the 74th Annual Conference of the Utah church, on April 4, 1904. Since that time, those who have persisted in carrying on with it have been excommunicated. But the project was openly and energetically prosecuted during only about forty years. For the first ten years the new doctrine was kept pretty well under wraps, and it was not until the fall of 1852 that it was openly avowed and the Saints were told that only those who embraced it could hope for the highest exaltation in the resurrection. And during the fifteen years prior to 1904, there were only a few privately solemnized plural marriages. So it might be said that the experiment was ten years in embryo, enjoyed a vigorous life of forty years, and took fifteen years to die. The extent to which polygamy was practiced in Utah will probably never be known. Plural marriages were not publicly recorded, and there is little chance that any private records which might have been kept will ever be revealed. Curious visitors to Utah in the days when polygamy was flourishing were usually told that about one-tenth of the people actually practiced it. Since the abandonment of the principle this estimate has been revised downward. A recent official published statement by the Mormon church said: "The practice of plural marriage has never been general in the Church and at no time have more than three per cent of families in the Church been polygamous." This estimate was apparently based upon testimony given during the investigation into the right of Reed Smoot to retain his seat in the United States Senate. A high church official, testifying there, referred to the 1882 report of the Utah Commission, which said that application of the antipolygamy laws had disfranchised approximately 12,000 persons in Utah. The witness declared that, since at least two-thirds of these must have been women, there remained no more than


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4,000 polygamists, which he believed constituted less than two per cent of the church population. The error of setting heads of families against total church membership is obvious. Using the same report, Senator Dubois concluded that twenty-three per cent of Utah Mormons over eighteen years of age were involved in polygamy. Later on in the Smoot hearing the same church official testified that a careful census, taken in 1890, revealed that there were 2,451 plural families in the United States. This suggests that, at that time, ten per cent or more of the Utah Mormons might have been involved in polygamy. Of more than 6,000 Mormon families, sketches of which are found in a huge volume published in 1913, between fifteen and twenty per cent appear to have been polygamous,2 And a history of Sanpete and Emery counties contains biographical sketches of 722 men, of whom 12.6 per cent married more than one woman. 3 From information obtainable from all available sources, it appears that there may have been a time when fifteen, or possibly twenty, per cent of the Mormon families of Utah were polygamous. This leaves the great majority of the Saints delinquent in their obligation to the principle of plurality of wives. While the small proportion of Mormons who went into polygamy may not necessarily be a true measure of its popularity, there is other evidence that they were not anxious to rush into it, although they were constantly reminded of its importance to their salvation. A tabulation, by years, of about 2,500 polygamous marriages, covering the whole period of this experiment, reveals some interesting facts. It indicates that, until the death of the prophet Joseph Smith in the summer of 1844, the privilege of taking extra wives was pretty well monopolized by him and a few of his trusted disciples. Following his death and the assumption of leadership by the Twelve Apostles under Brigham Young, there was a noticeable increase in plural marriages. This may be accounted for by the fact that, during the winter of 1845-1846, the Nauvoo Temple was finished to a point where it could be used for the performance of sacred rites and ordinances. For a few weeks before their departure in search of a refuge in the Rocky Mountains, the Saints worked feverishly at their sealings and endowments. As part of this religious activity, the rate of polygamous marrying rose to a point it was not again to reach for ten years. It then fell off sharply and remained low until the stimulation given by the public announcement, in the fall of 2 3

Frank Esshom, Pioneers and Prominent Men of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1913). W. H. Lever, History of Sanpete and Emery Counties, Utah (Ogden, 1898).


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1852, that polygamy was an essential tenet of the church. This spurt was followed by a sharp decline over the next few years. Beginning in the fall of 1856 and during a good part of the following year, the Utah Mormons were engaged in the greatest religious revival of their history. To the fiery and sometimes intemperate exhortations of their leaders, they responded with fanatical enthusiasm, which at times led to acts of violence against those who were slow to repent. There was a general confession of sins and renewal of covenants through baptism, people hastened to return articles "borrowed" from their neighbors, and men who had not before given a thought to the matter began looking for new wives. And, as one of the fruits of "the Reformation," plural marriages skyrocketed to a height not before approached and never again to be reached. If our tabulation is a true index, there were sixty-five per cent more of such marriages during 1856 and 1857 than in any other two years of this experiment. With the waning of the spirit of reformation, the rate of polygamous marrying dropped in 1858 to less than a third and in 1859 to less than a fifth of what it was in 1857. This decline continued until 1862, when Congress, responding to the clamor of alarmists, enacted a law prohibiting bigamy in Utah and other territories. The answer of the Mormons to this rebuke was a revival of plural marrying to a point not previously reached except during the gala years of the Reformation. The next noticeable acceleration in the marriage rate came in 1868 and 1869 and coincided with the inauguration of a boycott against the Gentile merchants and the organization of an anti-Mormon political party. But this increased activity was short-lived and was followed by a slump lasting for a dozen years. By 1881 polygamous marrying had fallen to almost its lowest ebb since the public avowal of the doctrine of plurality. With the passage of the Edmunds Act of 1882, which greatly strengthened the anti-polygamy laws, the government began its first serious effort to suppress the practice of polygamy. The Mormons responded with their last major revival of polygamous activity, which reached its height in 1884 and 1885. But, with hundreds of polygamists imprisoned and most of the church leaders driven into exile to avoid arrest, resistance weakened and there was a sudden decline in marriages, which culminated in formal capitulation in the fall of 1890. This was the end, except for a few under-cover marriages during the ensuing fifteen years, while the experiment was in its death throes.


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If there is any significance in this chronicle of polygamous marrying, it is in the lack of evidence that the steady growth of the Utah church was accompanied by a corresponding increase in the number of such marriages. The story is rather one of sporadic outbursts of enthusiasm, followed by relapses, with the proportion of the Saints living in polygamy steadily falling. And it appears to be more than chance that each outbreak of fervor coincided with some revivalist activity within the church or with some menace from without. It is evident that, far from looking upon plural marriage as a privilege to be made the most of, the rank and file Mormons accepted it as one of the onerous obligations of church membership. Left alone, they were prone to neglect it, and it always took some form of pressure to stir them to renewed zeal. The number of wives married by the men who practiced polygamy offers further evidence of lack of enthusiasm for the principle. A common mistaken notion was that most polygamists maintained large harems, an idea which can be attributed to the publicity given the few men who went in for marrying on a grand scale. Joseph Smith was probably the most married of these men. The number of his wives can only be guessed at, but it might have gone as high as sixty or more. Brigham Young is usually credited with only twenty-seven wives, but he was sealed to more than twice that many living women, and to at least 150 more who had died. Heber C. Kimball had forty-five living wives, a number of them elderly ladies who never lived with him. No one else came close to these three men in the point of marrying. John D. Lee gave the names of his nineteen wives, but modestly explained that, "as I was married to old Mrs. Woolsey for her soul's sake, and she was near sixty years old when I married her, I never considered her really as a wife. . . . That is the reason that I claim only eighteen true wives." And, by taking fourteen wives, Jens Hansen earned special mention in the Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, which said: "Of all the Scandinavian brethren who figured prominently in the Church Bro. Hansen distinguished himself by marrying more wives than any other of his countrymen in modern times." Orson Pratt, who was chosen to deliver the first public discourse on the subject of plural marriage and became its most able defender, had only ten living wives, but on two days, a week apart, he was sealed for eternity to more than two hundred dead women. But these men with many wives were the few exceptions to the rule. Of 1,784 polygamists, 66.3 per cent married only one extra wife. Another


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Brigham Young (1801-1877), grew up with little formal education, but was trained in carpentry. He joined the Mormon Church in April of 1832, was made an apostle in 1835, and before 1844 had advanced to president of that quorum. After the death of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young was named leader of the church at a general meeting of the membership held August 8, 1844, but he was not formally sustained as president until December 27, 1847.

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Heber Chase Kimball (1801-1868), blacksmith and potter by trade, was an effective proselyter for the Mormon Church â&#x20AC;&#x201D; baptizing thousands of converts in England. He accepted plural marriage reluctantly, but became the most married man in the church. On December 5, 1857, when Brigham Young was sustained president of the Mormon Church by the Twelve Apostles, Heber C. Kimball was made first counselor, a position he held the remainder of his life.

21.2 per cent were three-wife men, and 6.7 per cent went as far as to take four wives. This left a small group of less than six per cent who married five or more women. T h e typical polygamist, far from being the insatiable male of popular fable, was a dispassionate fellow, content to call a halt after marrying the one extra wife required to assure him of his chance at salvation. Another false conception was that polygamists were bearded patriarchs who continued marrying young girls as long as they were able to hobble about. It is true that Brigham Young took a young wife when he was sixty-seven years old and a few others followed his example, but such marriages were not much more common with the Mormons t h a n among other groups. Of 1,229 polygamists, more than ten per cent married


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Polygamy

-ÂŁ"*â&#x20AC;˘

John D. Lee (1812-1877), joined the Mormon Church in 1838. The second adopted son of Brigham Young, he participated as an important leader in the Mormon migration of 1848 to the Valley of the Great Salt Lake and played a major role in the exploration and settlement of southern Utah in the 1850's. On March 23, 1877, John D. Lee was executed at Mountain Meadows for his part in the massacre which occurred there September 11, 1857.

Orson Pratt (1811-1881), one of the most intellectual leaders of the Mormon Church, filled many missions and wrote extensively in defense of his faith. In 1835 he was ordained an apostle. In addition to fifteen religious pamphlets, Orson Pratt published books on mathematics, astrology, and calculus. He was also a territorial legislator and served seven times as speaker of the House, edited the Millennial Star (1848-57), and in 1874 was appointed historian and general church recorder.

their last wives while still in their twenties, and more than one half of them before arriving at the still lusty age of forty years. Not one in five took a wife after reaching his fiftieth year. T h e average age at which the group ceased marrying was forty years. T h e r e appears to be more basis in fact for the reports that polygamists were likely to choose their wives from among the young girls who might bear them many children. Of 1,348 women selected as plural wives, thirty-eight per cent were in their teens, sixty-seven per cent were under twenty-five and only thirty per cent over thirty years of age. A few had passed forty and about one in a hundred had, like John D. Lee's old Mrs. Woolsey, seen her fiftieth birthday.


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T h e r e were a few notable instances of high speed marrying among the polygamists. Whatever the n u m b e r of Joseph Smith's wives, he must have married them all over a period of thirty-nine months. A n d Brigham Young took eight wives in a single month, four of them on the same day. But only a few enthusiasts indulged in such rapid marrying. As a rule it proceeded at a much less hurried pace. Not one plural marriage in ten followed a previous marriage by less t h a n a year. T h e composite polygamist was first married at the age of twenty-three to a girl of twenty. Thirteen years later he took a plural wife, choosing a twenty-two-year-old girl. T h e chances were two to one that, having demonstrated his acceptance of the principle of plurality, h e was finished with marrying. If, however, h e took a third wife, he waited four years, then selected another girl of twenty-two. T h e odds were now three to one against his taking a fourth wife, but if he did so, he waited another four years, and once more chose a twenty-two-year-old girl, although he h a d now reached the ripe age of forty-four. I n case he decided to add a fifth wife, he waited only two years, and this time the lady of his choice was twenty-one years old. This was the end of his marrying, unless he belonged to a three per cent minority. Available records offer no corroboration of the accusation that many polygamous marriages were incestuous. They do, however, suggest the source of such reports, in the surprisingly common practice of marrying sisters. T h e custom was initiated by Joseph Smith, among whose wives were at least three pairs of sisters. His example was followed by H e b e r C. Kimball, whose forty-five wives included Clarissa and Emily Cutler, A m a n d a and Anna Gheen, Harriet a n d Ellen Sanders, H a n n a h and Dorothy Moon, and Laura a n d Abigail Pitkin. Brigham Young honored the precedent by marrying the Decker sisters, Lucy and Clara, and the Bigelow girls, M a r y and Lucy. A n d J o h n D. Lee told how he married the three Woolsey sisters, Agatha Ann, Rachel and Andora and rounded out the family circle by having their mother sealed to him for her soul's sake. Among his other wives were the Young sisters, Polly and Lovina, sealed to h i m on the same evening. T h e popularity of this custom is indicated by t h e fact that of 1,642 polygamists, ten per cent married one or more pairs of sisters. While marrying sisters could have been a simple matter of propinquity, there probably was some method in it. M a n y a m a n went into polygamy reluctantly, fully aware of its hazards. Knowing that his double family must live in one small home, a n d realizing that the peace of his household would hinge upon the congeniality between its two mistresses,


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he might well hope that if they were sisters the chances for domestic tranquility would be more even. And a wife, consenting to share her husband with another, could not be blamed for asking that he choose her sister, instead of bringing home a strange woman. Ill The fruits of this experiment in polygamy are not easy to appraise. In defense of their marriage system, the Mormons talked much about the benefits it would bring. By depriving husbands of an excuse for seeking extra-marital pleasures, and by making it possible for every woman to marry, it was to solve the problem of the "social evil" by eliminating professional prostitution and other adulterous activities. It was to furnish healthy tabernacles for the countless spirits, waiting anxiously to assume their earthly bodies. It was to build up a "righteous generation" of physically and intellectually superior individuals. It was to enhance the glory of the polygamist through a posterity so numerous that, in the course of eternity, he might become the god of a world peopled by his descendants. And there was another blessing in store for men who lived this principle. Heber C. Kimball, Brigham Young's chief lieutenant, explained it this way: I would not be afraid to promise a m a n w h o is sixty years of age, if h e will take the counsel of brother Brigham a n d his brethren, t h a t h e will renew his age. I have noticed t h a t a m a n w h o has but o n e wife, a n d is inclined to t h a t doctrine, soon begins to wither a n d dry u p , while a m a n who goes into plurality looks fresh, young and sprightly. W h y is this? Because God loves t h a t m a n , and because he honors His work a n d word. Some of you m a y not believe this; but I not only believe it â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I also know it. F o r a m a n of God to be confined to one w o m a n is small business; for it is as m u c h as we can do now to keep u p u n d e r the burdens we h a v e to carry; a n d I do not know w h a t we should do if we h a d only one wife apiece. 4

It does appear that Mormon communities of the polygamous era were comparatively free from the evils of professional prostitution. But this can hardly be attributed to the fact that a few men, supposedly selected for their moral superiority, were permitted to marry more than one wife. It might better be credited to the common teaching that adultery was a sin so monstrous that there was no atonement for it short of the spilling of the blood of the offender. It would be strange indeed if such a fearful warning failed to exert a restraining influence upon the potential adulterer. 4

Journal of Discourses (Liverpool, 1854-86), V, 22.


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There is, of course, nothing unsound in the theory that a community of superior people might be propagated by selecting the highest ranking males and having them reproduce themselves in large numbers. The difficulty here would be to find a scientific basis for the selection of the favored males. And there is no information from which an opinion can be arrived at as to the results which were obtained in this respect. When it came to fathering large families and supplying bodies for waiting spirits, the polygamists did fairly well, but fell far short of some of their dreams. Heber C. Kimball once said of himself and Brigham Young: "In twenty-five or thirty years we will have a larger number in our two families than there now is in this whole Territory, which numbers more than seventy-five thousand. If twenty-five years will produce this amount of people, how much will be the increase in one hundred years?" 5 And the Millennial Star reckoned that a hypothetical Mr. Fruitful, with forty wives, might, at the age of seventy-eight, number among his seed 3,508,441 souls, while his monogamous counterpart could boast of only 152.6 With such reminders of their potentialities before them, the most married of the polygamists must have been far from satisfied with the results they could show. There is no conclusive evidence that any of Joseph Smith's many plural wives bore children by him. Heber C. Kimball, with his forty-five wives, was the father of sixty-five children. John D. Lee, with only eighteen "true wives," fell one short of Kimball's record, and Brigham Young fathered fifty-six children, approximately one for each wife. Although the issue of the few men of many wives was disappointing in numbers, the rank and file of polygamists made a fair showing. Of 1,651 families, more than four-fifths numbered ten or more children. Half of them had fifteen or more and one-fourth, twenty or more. There were eighty-eight families of thirty or more, nineteen of forty or more, and seven of fifty or more. The average number of children per family was fifteen. And by the third or fourth generation some families had reached rather impressive proportions. When one six-wife elder had been dead fifty-five years, his descendants numbered 1,900. While polygamy increased the number of children of the men, it did not do the same for the women involved. A count revealed that 3,335 wives of polygamists bore 19,806 children, for an average of 5.9 per woman. An equal number of wives of monogamists, taken from the same 5 6

Journal of Discourses, I V , 224. Lattter-day Saints' Millennial Star (Liverpool), X I X (June, July, 1857), 384, 432.


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general group, bore 26,780 for an average of eight. This suggests the possibility that the over-all production of children in Utah may have been less than it would have been without benefit of plurality of wives. The claim that plurality was needed because of a surplus of women is not borne out by statistics. There is little doubt that the plural wife system went a good way toward making it possible for every woman to marry. According to Mormon teachings a woman could "never obtain a fullness of glory, without being married to a righteous man for time and all eternity." If she never married or was the wife of a Gentile, her chance of attaining a high degree of salvation was indeed slim. And one of the responsibilities of those in official church positions was to try to make sure that no woman went without a husband. When a widow or a maiden lady "gathered" to Utah, it was a community obligation to see to it that she had food and shelter and the privilege of being married to a good man. If she received no offer of marriage, it was not considered inconsistent with feminine modesty for her to "apply" to the man of her choice, but if she set her sights too high she might be disappointed. My grandmother, who did sewing for the family of Brigham Young, was fond of telling how she watched through a partly open doorway while he forcibly ejected a woman who was too persistent in applying to be sealed to him. Her story would always end with the same words: "And I just couldn't help laughing tŠ see brother Brigham get so out of patience with that woman." However, if the lady in search of a husband was not too ambitious, her chances of success were good. It was said of the bishop of one small settlement that he "was a good bishop. He married all the widows in town and took good care of them." And John D. Lee was following accepted precedent when he married old Mrs, Woolsey for her soul's sake. As for Mr. Kimball's claims concerning the spiritual uplift to be derived from taking a fresh young wife, what man is going to quarrel with him about that? IV The most common reasons given for opposition to the plural wife system were that it was not compatible with the American way of life, that it debased the women who lived under it, and that it caused disharmony and unhappiness in the family. To these charges the Mormons replied that their women enjoyed a higher social position than those of the outside world, and that there was less contention and unhappiness in their families than in those of the Gentiles. There is no statistical infor-


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mation upon which to base a judgment as to who had the better of this argument. In addition to these general complaints against polygamy, its critics told some fantastic stories about the evils which followed in its wake. It was said that, through some mysterious workings of the laws of heredity, polygamous children were born with such peculiarities as feeble-mindedness, abnormal sexual desires, and weak and deformed bodies. At a meeting of the New Orleans Academy of Sciences in 1861, a remarkable paper was presented by Dr. Samuel A. Cartwright and Prof. C. G. Forshey. It consisted mainly of quotations from a report made by Assistant Surgeon Robert Barthelow of the United States Army on the "Effects and Tendencies of Mormon Polygamy in the Territory of Utah." Barthelow had observed that the Mormon system of marriage was already producing a people with distinct racial characteristics. He said: T h e yellow, sunken, cadaverous visage; t h e greenish-colored eye; the thick, p r o t u b e r a n t lips; t h e low forehead; t h e light, yellowish hair, a n d t h e lank, angular person, constitute a n a p p e a r a n c e so characteristic of the n e w race, the production of polygamy, as to distinguish t h e m a t a glance. T h e older m e n a n d women present all t h e physical peculiarities of the nationalities to< which they belong; b u t these peculiarities are not p r o p a g a t e d a n d continued in t h e new r a c e ; they are lost in t h e prevailing type. 7

Dr. Cartwright observed that the Barthelow report went far "to prove that polygamy not only blights the physical organism, but the moral nature of the white or Adamic woman to so great a degree as to render her incapable of breeding any other than abortive specimens of humanity â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a new race that would die out â&#x20AC;&#x201D; utterly perish from the earth, if left to sustain itself."8 When one or two of the New Orleans scientists questioned the soundness of parts of this paper, the hecklers were silenced by Dr. Cartwright's retort that the facts presented were not so strong as "those which might be brought in proof of the debasing influence of abolitionism on the moral principles and character of that portion of the Northern people who have enacted personal liberty bills to evade a compliance with their constitutional obligations to the Southern States, and have elevated the Poltroon Sumner into a hero, and made a Saint of the miscreant Brown." 9 7

See De Bow's Review, XXX (February, 1861), 206. Loc. cit. 9 Loc. cit.

8


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Needless to say there is no evidence that polygamy produced any such physical and mental effects upon the progeny of those who practiced it. A study of the infant mortality rate in a large number of Mormon families showed no difference between the polygamous and monogamous households. It is difficult to arrive at general conclusions concerning this experiment in polygamy, but a few facts about it are evident. Mormondom was not a society in which all men married many wives, but one in which a few men married two or more wives. Although plurality of wives was taught as a tenet of the church, it was not one of the fundamental principles of the Mormon faith, and its abandonment was accomplished with less disturbance than that caused by its introduction. The Saints accepted plurality in theory, but most of them were loath to put it into practice, despite the continual urging of leaders in whose divine authority they had the utmost faith. Once the initial impetus given the venture had subsided it became increasingly unpopular. In 1857 there were nearly fourteen times as many plural marriages for each one thousand Utah Mormons as there were in 1880. Left to itself, undisturbed by pressure from without, the church would inevitably have given up the practice of polygamy, perhaps even sooner than it did under pressure. The experiment was not a satisfactory test of plurality of wives as a social system. Its results were neither spectacular nor conclusive, and they gave little justification for either the high hopes of its promoters or the dire predictions of its critics.


'M'lr .

ROBERT B. DAV

Eli Azariah Day (second from the left) serving his prison sentence in 1888-89. George Q. Cannon is in the doorway, and Francis M. Lyman is dressed in street clothing.

Eli Azariah Day: Pioneer Schoolteacher and ^Prisoner for Conscience Sake" EDITED BY ROBERT B. DAY


0

n Sunday, November 18, 1888, Eli Azariah Day was ushered through the gates of the Utah Territorial Prison to the welcoming call of "Fresh Fish!" from the old inmates. His "crime" was the same that imprisoned a thousand other Latter-day Saint men in the same institution. He had been sentenced for polygamous cohabitation to a term of five months and a fine of $150.00. In 1878 Eli had married Eliza Jane Staker in the St. George Temple. Six years later he had been sealed to Elvira Euphrasia Cox, his first and only plural wife, in the Logan Temple. Eli was himself the son of a polygamist. His father, Abraham Day, III, had marched with the Mormon Battalion, then pioneered in Springville, Utah, where Eli was born September 23, 1856. In 1860 Abraham moved Eli's mother, Charlotte Katherine Mellon Day, to Mt. Pleasant. Here Eli herded cows, swam in Sanpitch or in Pleasant Creek, and played with Indian children as well as white. Poverty amid pioneer conditions was the common lot, but, as Eli remembered, "I was happy as a lark." He went to school in the old log schoolhouse and soon showed a natural aptitude and love for learning. On the street in Mt. Pleasant in the summer of 1875 he was approached by Bishop Seeley and his own father with the proposition that he should go to the University of Deseret (now the University of Utah) and complete a one-year normal course to prepare himself to teach in his own community. The eager young scholar accepted and worked hard to support himself during the demanding school year in Salt Lake City. He boarded and worked at the home of Amos Milton Musser, who soon advised him to join a new organization of young men just formed by Brigham Young in the Thirteenth Ward. So it happened that young Eli became a member of the first Mutual Improvement Association of the church. During the winter Professor Karl G. Maeser, who had been teaching the normal class, was sent by Brigham Young to Provo to found the Brigham Young Academy. John R. Park completed the class year as teacher. On June 9, 1876, thirty-two students received their normal diplomas, the first ever issued at the University of Deseret. Armed with that diploma and the learning it represented, Eli went home to teach in Mt. Pleasant. As his letters reveal, he was a man of gentle nature and loving affection. He discarded the willow switch and corporal punishment wherever he taught. He was to have a long and happy career in the classroom. As Mr. Day is a grandson of Eli A. Day. At present he resides in Brigham City, Utah, where he is a bookmobile librarian for the U t a h State Library.


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teacher and principal he taught in places so far removed, for those days, as Spring Glen in Carbon County, Thurber (now Bicknell) in Wayne County, Woodland in Summit County, and the Emery Stake Academy. Most of his teaching years, however, were spent in the northern Sanpete County communities of Milburn, Oakcreek, Indianola, Round Knolls, Mt. Pleasant, and Fairview. Sixty-six years after his enrollment at the University, Eli was its honored guest at Homecoming. His diploma was the only one known still in existence, and he was the only survivor of that first normal class. Eli settled to his teaching in Fairview in the 1880's. Mt. Pleasant, six miles to the south, had been the childhood home of his first wife Eliza Jane Staker. She was the daughter of Mormon pioneer Nathan Staker, whose first wife had died crossing the plains. In Utah, Nathan married a widow, Eliza Cusworth Burton (Eliza Jane's mother), who had survived the terrible ordeal of the march of the Martin handcart company of 1856. In Eli's school at Fairview was a young teacher named Elvira Euphrasia Cox, daughter of Fairview pioneers Orville S. Cox and Elvira Pamela Mills. She caught the principal's eye and became his second wife. Eventually Eli built separate homes within two blocks of each other for the two families, but at first they lived together. In the spring of 1885, Eli had to leave his school in Fairview and "go on the Underground." U.S. marshals were out to arrest him for polygamy. He went alone to Emery County and worked, much of the time for his father who had moved there earlier. This was the beginning of a long period of unsettled family life and sudden flight to avoid arrest. After his release from imprisonment during the winter of 1888-89, Eli took both his families to Emery County, where he taught at the Emery Stake Academy while his second wife, Euphrasia, taught in Cleveland. One day a marshal accosted him with a warrant for his arrest. Eli, quick to seize any chance of escape, noted that the name was incorrectly stated on the warrant. His protest sent the marshal to Eli's bishop who confirmed that Eli was not the man named in the court document. The chagrinned officer dashed off to have the change legally made while Eli dashed for home. He loaded his plural wife and family in a wagon and set off for Colorado. Eventually, as feelings cooled following the Manifesto, Eli and his families were allowed to resume their normal lives. In 1900 his second wife Euphrasia separated from him. She had borne him five children; Eliza had been the mother of thirteen. Eli was an affectionate parent and his old age was filled with children, grand-


Eli A. Day

Eliza Jane Staker Day, first wife of Eli A. Day.

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Eli Azariah Day (1856-1943)

Elvira Euphrasia Cox second wife of Eli A.

Day, Day.

children, and more. T h e r e were frequent family reunions at which the descendants of both wives mingled freely. T h e respect of generations of his former students mellowed his declining years. Eli could take pride in his progeny. His example h a d been impressive: eight of the eleven children, by Eliza, who reached adulthood, taught school. Four of them married teachers. At the age of eighty, Eli began his memoirs, but lost himself so completely in the reminiscences of the younger years that he never carried his history p a s t the b e g i n n i n g of his first year's t e a c h i n g . It r e m a i n s a remarkable record of pioneer childhood games, songs, adventures, and relationships. H e died at age eighty-seven on November 23, 1943, and was laid to rest in the hilly cemetery above the town of Fairview where he could look down upon the generations he h a d taught the studies he h a d loved. Both of his wives survived him -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Euphrasia to pass away in 1944, and Eliza in 1948. T h e following letters were written to his families while Eli was "on the U n d e r g r o u n d " and during his imprisonment in the territorial penitentiary. [Emery County] May 8, 1885 Loved ones at home. Your letters have been received, and read with much gratitude. I received one from Mt. Pleasant a week ago-, but did not answer it then, because I had just mailed one the same day. From Fairview, it came day before yesterday. I now answer both to Fairview, because, as I suppose Eliza is there before this gets there. I am glad that


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E. J. 1 feels so well, she seems to be less blue than E. E. 2 Please to look through something of a lighter shade and with all the hope you can. Do not look at the black side so much, for there is a side that appears to me to be very bright and glorious. As long as I know that dear ones are not suffering for food or clothing, or from cold, hunger or sickness I can feel joyous, and thank God for his many blessings, for they are many and great unto me and mine. I had much rather you would stay at home during your "We are too poor to hire?" Are there no bills against folks who are able to work, and not likely to pay anything else? But you may have your own way, just as you can agree. No coercion from me, remember. Tell mother E. P. 3 that her lines were greatfully received, but to be very cautious about using relationship to much in letters, for we do not know where they may sometimes go, and might, in a certain emergency, prove very ugly. Love and respects all the same, but we must be "wise as serpents, and harmless as doves." I am doing nothing but working for father. Nor expect to for some time. I am getting $30.00 per month. Make up your minds to stay where you are the coming winter. Do not feel despondent about finances. I have seen much darker times, with less prospects. Remember the darkest hour is just before the dawn of day. But what is dark before us? A short separation? Hundreds of men leave their families for much longer periods, and we must not grieve at such a small thing as the present, but look forward to the bright future which will come as surely as God reigns and we prove faithful to our covenants. Poor Tena! Ah! if such trouble were stairing us in the face, then there would be great cause for forebodings. But may God grant her recovery! If E. J. is not in Fair please send this to her, it is written to all. Let E. P. read it. One thing please remember, and that is that I do not wish you to injure yourselves with big day's work, even though things may not go to suit. One foolish day may ruin a woman's life, and I never was in love with any person for what she could do in a day, but for her striving to be pure, holy, virtuous, and true to the Kingdom of God. I continually pray for loved ones, and was about to ask you all to pray for me, but think I would be asking for something that I have already received. Do not sell the organ. I have plenty to settle all debts if they will take what I have to offer, and if they will not, they will have to wait until I get something that will suit them. But my debts are to be paid by me. I am very glad you are so willing, and thankful for it, but if the organ is sold, use the means to make yourself comfortable, or in someway to provide income for yourself for the future. If I had language sufficient I would express feelings of love that are in my breast, but my words would fail. Often in my dreams am I with you, but oftener in my thoughts. Short will be the time until I will see you all face to face, then what joy will be ours! Ah! the thought of that time gives me strength! Health and happiness are mine; and I wish you to try to imitate me, and be just as happy as you can. When blue streaks appear, cast them aside and think of joy to come, for I feel to say, in the name of Israel's God, that joy is not very far off for all. Since I know that all are well at home, I am happy and joyous. I intend to so continue. What can the world do to mar this happiness of mine? Nothing!! So long as I am able to keep God's commandments! 1

Eliza Jane Staker, Eli's first wife. Elvira Euphrasia Cox, the second wife. 3 Elvira Pamela Mills Cox, mother of Euphrasia.

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And may God assist you to feel the same is the prayer of E. W i t h love and kisses for all. T h e girls will have to eat dinner without me, b u t may each eat a piece of pie for me, well sweetened though. O u r fare is not of the richest. Potatoes, milk, butter, pork, rabbits, b u t not quite as m u c h g r a h a m as I would like, yet I a m e [sic] hale and hearty, and my labor scarcely makes me feel tired since I have got a little used to it. Tell the boys w h o teach school to use my things t h a t are in school until the end of this term and then r e t u r n them. H a n s Madsen, is one of the best young m e n I know. W h a t do folks say about m e ? E. P.S. Please see Brown a n d ask him how much he will give to boot between his place a n d mine. If h e will give $200.00 in cash to boot h e can have mine. Get P. H . H u r s t 4 or Amasa 5 to see him. E. [Emery County] M a y 30, 1885 Dearest: This is my last half Sheet of paper, and I sent my last envelope with my last letter. I a m well, a n d all the folks are also well. W e have got our work done so nearly that we expect to start to the canion [sic] next Tuesday, to work o n the H u n t ington Canion road. W e expect to get to work at the mill about t h e 15th. I have got in about 2 % acres of lucerne in and watered over once. Next M o n d a y we intend to lay off our land t h a t we are intending to take u p . Yesterday we were out leveling ditch and found t h a t we can get the water onto the land with about three months work from each m a n . Ditch making, in this country, is quite a h a r d job, as the streams are large a n d lay so low. W e have to make 5 or 6 miles of ditch to get the water where w e w a n t it, and p a r t of t h a t is on t h e sides of hills. I h a v e got one of the colts that I bought, paid for. I expect to> get some lucern p u t in on the lots in Castledale, if I can hire anyone to p u t it in for lumber, this is my only pay. N o one has been to the office this week, and I expect to get a letter today, the reason why I did not get your letter last week, was because you sent it to t h e wrong office. It came to m e on M o n d a y last. T w o or three weeks! Not very long to wait! Be patient, a n d keep off the blues. I had them very badly for about three hours one day this week, b u t have been feeling better since. Be cautious of your work, and guard your health very carefully, for my sake, and also t h a t of the sweet ones. Tell them that p a loves t h e m all day and all night, but they must not talk to other children or folks about pa, a n d t h a t he is coming to see them b u t they must not tell any one anything about it. If any one has any desire to write to me, let t h e m do so, but do> not tell them where I am, b u t p u t their letters in with yours. You m a y direct one more letter the same as usual, then I will try to be post master and mail carrier also. I believe t h a t I have said nothing about George. 6 H e has been the truest boy to his M t . Pleasant girl that could be possible, a n d she will never find one w h o can 4

Philip H. Hurst, resident of Fairview and of the Mormon colonies in Mexico. Amasa B. Cox, brother of Euphrasia. 6 Probably Eli's younger brother, George William Day, then nineteen years old. A year and a half later he married Elizabeth Ellis Staker. 5


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be more so. He has never once gone with a girl in this county, not even so musch [sic] as to take one home, or walk through the streets with one, although he has been counciled to forget her, and find another. All would be very glad to see things made right again, even George, and he has written to her once, but she seemed to have no desire to make up. My gossip. My heart yearns to be with you all, and that is my aim. How about the propositions to Brown and Hanson? Love to all the dear ones, and respects to all enquiring friends, unless they get too inquisitive. E.A.D. ., Pen. Dec. 1, 1888 r Dear wife & family, This is the second time I have written, but have not received any word from home yet. I have been he[re] no[w] two weeks to-morrow. My health is good, and the time seems short to me. Nothing bothers me but the thought of those at home who have a heavy burden to bear. Tell the children to be good to one another, and that I want Estella7 to be good and kind to her little brothers & sisters, and to do all she can for her mother, also to write a letter to her father. Tell Ellis,8 Geneva,9 and Orville 10 to carry all the wood & coal, and ask them what they want to tell pa. Kiss the children for me every morning, and remember me always in your prayers. I think of you by day, and dream of my home and dear ones by night. Be careful of your health, and do as little as you possibly can and get along. Please do not cut your own wood, but get some one to do it for you, for I know you have more other work, without chopping, than you are really capable of doing. I want the children that are old enough to attend S.S. and Primary whenever the weather will allow. We had a grand time here on Thanksgiving day. The people of Salt Lake, under the lead of Geo. Q. Cannon, donated turkeys, cellery [sic], butter, money, and the necessary things, and we had a nice dinner, at 3 P.M. on Thursday. After the dinner, before we had left the tables, Mr. Doyle, the prison guard, proposed a vote of thanks to G. Q. Cannon, & others who had assisted in getting up the dinner, and a hearty responce came from all present. Even Peggy, the little pet dog of the Pen, responded in a way to* raise a roar of laughter and a rousing clapping of hands. I have found a few brethren who wish me to give them instructions in Grammer and other branches. We have to go through the exercises promenading in the yard, or in some corner, as the house formerly used for school, is now in use as a hospital. Everything here is kept neat and clean, but it seems to me to be a pity to see over two-hundred men, most of whom are healthy and strong, enclosed in these walls, with nothing to do but to cook, eat, sleep, and clean yards, rooms, & cells; still such is life in the pen. Some employ their time in study, some in making whips, walking canes, bridles, and other trinkets, probably earning 25^ a day. I fear that when I am released I will be too lazy to do anything, even to teach school. Please write & tell 7

Eliza Estella, first child of Eli and Eliza, was born April 29, 1879, in Mt. Pleasant. Sarah Ellis, third child (the second child, also a daughter, who died in childhood had this name) of Eli and Eliza, was born March 1, 1883, in M t . Pleasant. 9 M a r t h a Geneva, fourth child of Eli a n d Eliza, was born April 14, 1885, in Mt. Pleasant. 10 Orville Cox Day, first child of Eli and Euphrasia, was born June 1, 1885, in Fairview. 8


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your brother W m . ' s 1 1 family that I a m here. T h e y m a y desire to come to see me. Send m e a towel if you can. Sunday. I h a d written most of m y letter before I received your welcome letter. Give my love to all enquiring friends. I would be pleased to h e a r from any of them but cannot answer their letters. Y o u m a y let any of t h e m read my letters to you. Get the hay from the old yard hauled, if you can, a n d p u t into t h e south end of the barn. If E. Davidson will winter the old mare, h e m a y h a v e t h e above n a m e d hay. Write often. Y o u r loving husband, Eli A. D a y Dec. 7, 1888 Beloved wife: I have just received a can of honey a n d three lbs. of butter from home. M a n y thanks. Yesterday I received a letter from my sister, m a n y thanks to h e r for her kind r e m e m b r a n c e of m e in my time of trouble, b u t you will have to let her read letters t h a t I write to you for her answer. Give her my love. Ask all my brothers and sisters to write to me. I d r e a m of them nearly every night, a n d a m often on t h e old homestead w i t h them, father & mother. If father does not come to see you, send him some of my letters to read, that h e may know how I a m geting on. I a m so glad to 11

William Staker was a brother of Eliza.

A pencil sketch of the Utah Territorial Penitentiary, by Eli A. Day. Shortly before Eli Day's incarceration a new three-story, white brick building was constructed to house the prisoners. The inside measurements of the building were 30 by 126 feet, with 120 cells in three tiers. In the basement were the kitchen and laundry. The dining room on the second floor measured 37 by 56 feet and 250 men could^ be seated comfortably at the tables for meals. Religious services were conducted in this room on Sundays. The bunkhouses surrounding the new building were removed. ROBERT B . DAY

.

1-

M:M(M^^M-:

'M^


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hear that he has concluded to stay in San Pete this winter, and that Arlington 12 and his wife will be with him. Tell him that I have learned of several families of Days in the Territory since I came here. I hear of one, presumably about 70 years of age, whose address is Eli Day, CircleVille, Piute Co., Utah. I almost hope it is uncle Eli, my namesake, for I have been informed that he went to California many years ago, also that this Eli Day came from California. I have also learned that Wm. Broomhead, son of sarah Broomhead, wife of mothers Cousin Benjamin, lives at Lake Shore, Utah Co.; and that Wm. Broomhead, son of Wm. Broomhead, also mothers cousin, lives in Paris Idaho. Tell Geo. and Dora 1 3 of this, and tell George that / charge him very particularly to write to them upon the business With C. H. Wheelock,14 and getting the genealogy of mothers family. I can only write but one letter a weeke [sic] from here (and my dear wife is entitled to that one) or I would write to them myself. As nearly as I can learn, all of your brother Wm.'s folks except Matilda Wagstaff, have moved from Sugarhouse Ward, I cannot learn where. As the little mare is badly hurt, I would rather you would not let Thompson have her at all. I have milk for supper now, also all the good water I want to drink at all my meals. The warden's name is Pratt. Give my kind regards to Bro. & Sister Anderson, to brother Madsen & Wife, also brother Wilson, and all enquiring friends, send word to the school that I long every day to be with them, and would willingly teach them for nothing this winter if it would release me from here. Not that imprisonment is irksome to me, but my love for my dear pupils in school, and also' my pupils in music, leads me to> desire greatly to be with them again. Tell the schoolars to be kind and obedient to their teachers. I think also of my choirs that I left and the S.S. Give my regards to the trustees, to the presidents & members of my quorum, and all who enquire after my welfare. Our S. S. is composed of but one class, with Bro. Cannon for teacher! Think of a Sunday school Class of over one hundred members, composed of Presidents, bishops, Seventies, elders, high Priests, with an apostle for a teacher! We learn golden thoughts from the Bible, which are explaned by our teacher, and then read from the New Testament. Sunday, Dec. 9, 1888, I am still well, have just come from S.S. and listened to very excellent remarks from Br. Cannon. But O! it will be a treat to me when I can again mingle my voice with my own dear schools at home. I have the privilege of singing in the choir here which I highly appreciate, but all are male voices, and not half so sweet to my ears as the voices of the daughters of Zion. I want Estella to attend S.S. choir practices when the weather is good, if the leader will allow. I asked you to send me a towel. Please send me a fine comb, a ball of yarn & darning needle. My health is excellent, and I am getting fat and lazy. I have not yet received my covering of stripes. I can find plenty to do to pass away the time. I remain, your ever affectionate husband, E. A. Day Tell the babies that papa sends kisses to them all, and will come to see them again by & by. My Christmas present to them is 25 cts in wheat to each, and 50^ to ma. be sure to use this much for presents for them and yourself. 12

Albert Arlington Day, younger half-brother of Eli, married to E m m e r Jane Loveless. D o r a Elmira Day, Eli's older (full) sister. 14 Cyrus H . Wheelock of M t . Pleasant. 13


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Dec. 15. Dear wife; Your letter was received on Monday, my sister's on Tuesday. I am sorry to hear that you are not very well. I know that you have more to do than you are capable of doing. I told you before I left that it was to much for you. Now, I want you to see brother Warner and get him to do the feeding of the horses and cattle, and also the watering of them. Tell him that I will pay him for it after I get home, and that if he wants to use the team some he can, by being careful of them, as I know he will be. If you can not get him to do it, see if you can get brother Neilsen. Then give him to understand to feed the cows about half as much hay as they would eat, and let them eat the straw from the shead which they can reach themselves as the shed is very low. He can also open the chaff house about Christmass [sic] and deal out the chaff in proportion that will use it up by Spring. No excuses will be accepted by me for your not getting help; for your welfare is more to me than all the property we have. Also hire the wood chopped. Urge brother Mower to haul the load he is owing, also urge Orville 15 to haul a load. I charged him nothing for the teaching of his children for a year, and he can certainly haul a load of wood in return. Has C. Coolard hauled a load of coal ? If not, get after him pretty sharply about it, also after Owen, for he promised faithfully to haul me two loads, and you must pay him out of the store. Do not neglect these things, but be very urgent upon them. I try to answer all your questions. Be very sure to keep me posted as to your health and the children's. There is nothing to bother me but the anxiety concerning my family, and if you do not let me know the true conditions of things, I will certainly feel to blame you. If anything is wrong, do not wait for a certain time of the week, but write at once. Tell the children Pa is so glad to hear that they are good, and that, by the time you get this, one month of my absence will be past. Pa sends them an extra kiss. Remember to get them the presents for the wheat. There are many nice little things made here that I would like to by to' send to them, but I can not. Remember, dear wife, that my love is true and increasing, and that the advice I give is not to find fault but for your good. I spend a portion of my time here teaching some of the brethren Grammar and arithmetic, some writing in albums, also studying geology, chatting with the brethren upon principle, practicing in the Choir, &c.; plenty of ways to pass the time. I desire to study Bookkeeping, and if you will please look among the books you will find two books on that branch. Please send them to me by mail. I believe they have been covered with colored cloth. I caught cold and was not very well yesterday, but am feeling splendid again to-day. Sunday. Dec. 16. I have just returned from a feast of instructions in S.S. given by Bro. Cannon. H e teaches us, not as little children, but as, what shall I say? Cohabs.? Probably! I was so pleased to get such a nice letter from my little girl, and to see it so well written and nicely composed. I want her to write one or two every week and send in your or sister's letters. Have received three letters this week. Get the straw if you can. Tell the folks in Mt. Pleasant that if they do not write to me, I shall give orders to keep my letters from them. I send my love to them all, also to father and mother and all the relations in Manti. I believe Nathan 1 6 is still at the paper mill which, I think is located on Cotton wood near the canon. I have plenty of bedding for the present. You may send me one pair of socks. 15 18

Either Orville Cox, brother of Euphrasia or her father of the same name. Probably Nathan Staker, father of Eliza.


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I am glad the children are so- good and helpful, and Pa will buy them something nice some time if they will only keep on. T e n cts. per day for the wagon. T h e school bills are all in the small red backed bill book. I have tried to answer all your questions but it is in a very scattering way. Tell the children Pa got all the kisses they sent, & you give them two, for me, for each one they sent. May God bless all my dear ones and keep them from evil, sickness, poverty, distress, and perplexity of every kind, is the constant desire and prayer of your loving husband, E. A. Day Give my regards to all enquiring friends. I enclose a small poem of my own composition. E. A. Day Dec. 21. Dear wife; George has written me a letter and sent Ephraim 1 7 & wife's letters to' me. Thank him kindly. I was very much pleased for the favor. This is all the letter I have yet received this week. I wish you all a merry Christmas and hope you will enjoy yourselves. We are, I understand, going to have a grand dinner here. I have been promoted (?) to the office of waitor and dishwasher! so you see I will be handy when I come home. The work does not hurt my feelings very much, but it takes so much of my time, that I can not get to study half so much as I desire, it also interferes with the teaching I was engaged in. I hope though, to be able to retire from Dishwashing before long. It would be a sight to you to> see me, and Bro. Baily, my 42nd. cousin, with our sieves rolled above our elbows, washing spoons, tin cups & plates &c, for over two hundred men, three times a day, and four or five men wiping them. This takes us but little over half an hour, but setting tables, and putting on the food, then cleaning up and gathering the dishes, is what takes the most time, so that five or six hours each day are spent in the dining room. T h e food of the waiters, though, is a little better than the others get, and we can sit in the dining room to< study, if we wish. It is a pleasant room, well lighted and warmed. We are getting pretty well filled up with men, some coming in every few days, Bp. Chamberlain, of Orderville came in this week. He tells me that Delon 1 8 is safe yet. Some men here have hopes of a speedy release, others rest certain that they will stay a long time. All that come from Beaver court seem to get the full extent of the law, while, from the other courts, there is much more leniency. Many are here serving a second term. But look forward with renewed hope, for the time is speedily passing, Christmass will have past by the time you get this and spring will be upon us almost before we look for it, when we will be reunited, I hope, to be separated no more by the law. Be that as it may, we are working in the kingdom of our God. H e is still stearing the ship Zion, and will bring her safe to shore. Again I caution you against working too hard. Do not stay up late of nights to do your work, even though you may have to' leave some little things unfinished, for the first part of the night is the best to rest in, and "Early to bed & early to rise" is a good motto and worth practicing. Tell my little ones that Pa still remembers them, that we had a nice deer here in the yard, but he got so that 17 18

Ephraim Arthur Day, a younger, full brother of Eli, married to Janie Gartrel. Delann Cox of Orderville, a relative of Euphrasia.


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he would hook people down and they had to kill him. We also have a nice little dog and three or four cats. Many pretty little birds fly about the prison, roosting in the windows and picking up the crumbs. We are surrounded by a wall 21 ft. high, and can not get out unless we could fly with the birds. But Pa will get out in the Spring and come to his little children again. Just got a good long letter from sister E.19 George says that sister Dora is going to write to me soon. Tell her I am very glad her health is so good, singing school calls me now, more hereafter. Dec. 23. I received your letter and one from Henry M. Bohney 20 the evening I started to write this. As to sisters question about helping mother, I would advise her to do* so when she has time, but to continue living where she is. Tell Bro. Henry that I would be ever so much pleased to write to him, but can write but once a week. I feel to say "God bless Bro. & Sister Anderson for their kind visit, and all others who come to cheer you in this time of trouble. At such times we find out who are our true friends. I am surprised about John M. for he promised me faithfully to haul the load of wood. Tell Bro. Wilson I will be pleased to shake his hand, but do not desire to in this place. Kind regards to all enquiring friends. Tell the school children to be kind to their teachers and get their lessons well. I know they have good teachers who will show them an example in life worthy to be followed. How I would love to be there with the school, with the S.S. also, on Christmass Eve, but above all, to see the dear ones at home, who so long to see me. But we must be patient, and give honor to God who does all things for the good of his children. May His blessings ever be with you, is the prayer of your loving Husband and father: E. A. Day Jan. 3, 1889 Dear wife, Your letter and Estella's came day before yesterday. I was very pleased to get them. I am well at present, and a prospect of continueing [sic] so. I am very glad you have concluded to go to Manti, and believe it will greatly benefit you. Your health, I have faith, will improve if you are careful not to over work, or expose yourself to the cold too much, and are cautious in your diet. I advise you to eat graham bread & butter principally. My prayers constantly ascend in your behalf, and also in behalf of all the family. From what I have been shown, I am satisfied that I will see you all at the expiration of my imprisonment, in health. To-day is Fast-day, and I am observing it as are many of my brethren. Some who say they observe it when at home, do not keep it here. I am glad the children are so well pleased with their Christmas toys, and hope they will be careful of them, and show them to Pa when he comes home. Did not Pearl 21 & Earl 22 get any presents for Christmas? I hope they were not forgotten, and do not think they were, though nothing was said about them in Estella's letter telling of her parents and the other children's. I hope my little girl, Estella, will try to write when she has time to write a good long letter, and that she will ask her little brothers and sisters what they want to tell Pa, and write it for them. I hope my little lambs are good to mama all the time. They must 19

Second wife Euphrasia. Bohne was the husband of Eli's older half-sister Juliett. 21 Dora Pearl, fifth child of Eli and Eliza, was born March 4, 1887, in Fairview. 22 Abraham Earl, second child of Eli and Euphrasia, was born March 27, 1887. 20


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try not to cry a n d tease a n d to d o all they can to help m a m a , a n d be little m e n & ladies. Pa's time to stay is only three m o n t h s & twenty days from to-day, I got a letter from m y little nephew, Joseph D . Bohney. I was really pleased to get it, a n d wish m o r e of my little nephews would write. I w a n t you t o thank h i m kindly, a n d tell h i m to write again. I h e a r from Alma Y o u n g t h a t his father is badly h u r t . H o w is he getting along? I presume the young folks are h a v i n g jolly times, dancing a n d sleighing. W e have no chance for sleighing here, for the snow is swept from the yard, into large piles in the shad of the wall, a n d the yard is dry, besides we have n o sleighs. T h e little birds, Eng. sparrows, still fly a b o u t picking u p the crumbs from the dining room. T h e y are all the animal life we see t h a t comes from the outside. N e w years day has past. W e h a d Con. grub for breakfast & supper, with the addition of p u d d i n g at dinner. W e were interested in t h e eclipse in the after-noon, a n d since then the weather here has been m u c h colder. T h i s m o n t h of course will be the coldest of the Winter, and I h o p e you will get help in some way. D o not think of sending money to me, for w h a t little means you have you need it m u c h worse t h a n I do, a n d I know t h a t if you get w h a t you need to m a k e you all comfortable, you will use m o r e means t h a n you can possibly raise. I pay for my milk by giving lessons in arithmetic, and believe t h a t I can earn all I need in this way. If we h a d schoolrooms here the b r e t h r e n would spend m u c h more time in improving, b u t m a n y are, as it is, studying Spanish, G r a m m a r , Writing, Bookkeeping, Arithmetic, &. T h e books I w a n t are a b o u t the size of a fourth and a first reader. T h e y are nicely bound, with good backs, &, I believe, are also covered with dark calico. I disremember their names, b u t they are works on Bookkeeping. D o not bother to look m u c h for them. Please send m e 25^ w o r t h of this kind of paper, a n d a b o u t a half dozen envelopes. Dec. [Jan.?] 6 I a m not very well today, but nothing serious is the matter. I t is still the same complaint, my food does not agree with me. If I could h a v e g r a h a m bread I would be m u c h better off. I received a letter from sister Elvira 2 3 a n d one from sister Adelia. 2 4 T h e y were so cheering, a n d so greatfully received as are all letters t h a t I get. T h e y bring joy every time they come. Tell sister Elvira not to work too- hard, I fear from her letter t h a t she is doing so. I h o p e Miss M a r s h will have success in her music lessons, a n d t h a t Semour will succeed in teaching. Give t h e m m y regards, a n d also all the young folks. If Lindsey Stevens desires to practice on the organ, I would let him do so, a n d let him cut wood or help with the feeding to pay for it. I would advise all the young m e n & ladies to go to school a n d learn all they can. I feel t h a t God is good to us, yes; even here in prison, I feel t h a t h e blesses me, though m a n y things h e r e are very h a r d for m e to bear; and nearly every day something happens to try m e to the very centre. O u r Sunday school is such a treat, and blessing. Bro. C a n n o n tries so h a r d , to impress u p o n us the necessity of bearing with others, being kind, help the afflicted, the poor, orphans, widows, a n d all w h o are in any way oppressed with poverty, or otherwise. If I can only p u t these instructions into practice in m y future life, I know it will be for my own good. M a y God bless and protect you all, a n d keep you in the enjoyment of health, a n d assist you to improve yourselves in kindness, love, faith, hope, charity, and all things of the gospel t h a t tend to elevate a n d ennoble the 23 24

M o t h e r of Euphrasia. Oldest sister of Euphrasia.


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human mind, and bring us nearer to Heaven, is the prayer of your loving Husband and father, E. A. Day Jan. 9, 1889 Dear Wife, Your welcome letter came yesterday. The news was all good except the school bills. I fear some are trying to take advantage of my absence. Geo. Vance, H. Cox, J. Orton, F. Christensen, R. A. Stevens, August & Peter Nordstrom, James Anderson, C. Petersen, J. A. Mower, J. Blanchett, A. C. Christensen; all, as nearly as I can remember, had not paid one cent on the tuition of the term, but had said they would pay before the term was out. Some of them are even owing for the former term. H. Mower 75^ & H. Sorenson 60^, had partly paid. This is of course, the best I can remember. But I left a half sheet of large paper in the record with the names of those who had made arrangements, also of the amounts that had been paid, upon it. I left instructions with my assistant about it. Please try to find the paper. It is correct, and no one's memory need be trusted to for the accounts, I should be sorry to have any mistake made in the bills, and hope you will be careful not to offend any one about it. If you have butter to spare you might send me a little once in a while. I do not think preserves would be very good for me. I have a very hard time with my food, and hardly dare to eat sweets or meat. I am bothered with dispepsia, but, with care, I believe I will get along all right. If I had graham bread and butter to eat I would be all right. I can get pills here, but they are of such a nature that they seem of very little good, leaving me worse than before I take them. I was not allowed to bring in the medicine I brought with me, and can get none, not even a little ginger, only as our doctor may prescribe; and you know what faith I have in doctors generally. Do not think that I am sick, only complaining a little. I am better this week than the two previous weeks. I have obtained a couple of pounds of butter, and will fare better while it lasts, which I think will be about three weeks. I saw brother P. R. Young 25 yesterday, and we would like for you to see the Bishop and ask him to give it out in meeting and request the brethren, when any of them are coming to Salt Lake, to see our families before they come, and bring any little thing that you may wish to send to us. If they cannot bring it to the Pen., they can leave it at the head Marshals office in S. L., or at the City Hall, and I think it will be brought up to us. Beloved wife, do not despond, though things look dark for us, and there seems to be a more stringent effort against us continually. All will be well in the end. Others there are whose burdens are even heavier than ours. But It is a long lane that has no turning, and I believe we are getting nearer to the turn, when the sun will shine upon us more brightly than ever. I love the gospel, and often feel that I could even sacrifice life itself for the pure principles thereof. But, I tell you, this thing is terrible to me, and a great strain upon my nature. Yet, I feel to say, "God is ever good to us, and has showered blessings upon us, manyfold; and will, in the future, give us more than in the past." "Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness' sake; for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven. Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you, falsely, for my sake. Rejoice and be exceeding 25

Parley R. Young, fellow townsman and fellow prisoner of Eli.


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glad, for great is your reward in Heaven; for so persecuted they the prophets which were befor[e] you." Matt. 5, Chap. 10 verse. Jan. 13. Beloved wife, the above was written four days ago. I have since received a letter from Sister. My health has also improved. I have not been working in the dining room this week, and hope not to go back there any more. I believe part of my sickness was caused from catching cold, as my feet got wet nearly every day. How kind and charitable Bro. Cannon is! So thoughtful of his brethren! He often buys some little dainty and treats all the prisoners. Thursday was his birthday, and he brought in a very large cake and gave each man a piece on Friday. This morning he brought a glass of jelly to' my next neighbor, saying it was so difficult to get things from so far away he might have the jelly. These little kindnesses will be remembered to his credit throughout time and eternity! many others might be mentioned of him. O, if we can only emulate his example of charity in our future lives! How blessed we will be, and how great will be our reward! Please try at home to be kind to one another in all your associations, and to teach the little ones the same. At the same time try to be cheerful, and the Spirit of the Lord will lighten your burden very greatly. When I think of my dear wife, and my six little babes, left to battle with life alone, in a severe climate it nearly unmans me and the tears will sometimes flow in spite of my endeavor to choke them back. My burden, if borne alone, would be very light but my heart is often very sad for the loved ones who< have the heavier burden to bear! My prayers ascend constantly in your behalf, and I firmly believe God is blessing and strengthening you. "As thy day, so shall thy strength be." I know I am week [sic] to-_give way to such feelings, but I am only a week human, and have much yet to learn before I am really worthy to be called a faithful servant of God. But he is merciful and charitable, and if we will to do> right, and strive to keep his commandments, he will overlook many little failings. I here inclose a couple of little trinkets which I have made. Please treasure them, even though they are of poor material. It is the best I could get here, and only obtained it by accident. When you receive any thing from me, please mention it in your next communication, and be wise in your expressions. No fault to find as yet. Give my love to sister E. and all the folks, and accept the same yourself, also, to all the relations; and my kind regards to all enquiring friends. I thank your Bro. James 26 for his proffered help, also E. Davidson. This is to the children also. I want them to continue to be good, so that when ma writes she can say they are loving, kind, and helpful. Pa is coming home after awhile, and will love them better than ever before. I am now living in No. 101, third tear South, and think I have about the best cell in prison. I can see out over the wall a large scope of country. With love, E. A. D. Jan. 18, 1889 Dear wife; your last letter came to me last Sunday about half an hour after I had mailed mine to you. I am very glad to hear that all is going on well at home. You may settle my tithing, but let it stand on the books and keep what means you need for yourselves until June. Do not pay any of the school bills on tithing, and I will try to pay up when I come home. All my tithing for the year should be about $50. 26

James Staker of Mt. Pleasant, brother of Eliza.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Utah Territorial Penitentiary (Utah State Prison), 2100 South 1400 East, where Eli A. Day spent five months serving a conviction for unlawful cohabitation. The site for the prison was selected in 1853, and in 1854 an adobe brick prison was constructed. Improvements and new construction followed over the years, but by the 1940's the prison had outlived its usefulness. On March 12, 1951, the inmates were moved to a new prison at the Point of the Mountain. The old prison site is now a city park. Some of this is paid, and I will try to pay the balance in the future. I have no pain in my head or side, but my food hurts m e nearly all the time, b u t nothing of a serious nature. I have the priviledge of bathing every week. N o m o r e Dining-room work for me, but another job of mopping a Corridor and cleaning wash stand and bowls every morning, and some other things. This suits me m u c h better a n d gives m e some exercise, but leaves m e plenty of time for other things t h a t I wish to a attend to. P. R. Young does my washing. I believe I have received all you have sent to the present time. T h e Stationery and socks came last. I also got the two lbs. of butter that Bro. P. N. Petersen sent to me. I t was a mystery to me w h o sent it, b u t I a m very thankful to him for it, and want you to tell him so. I am so thankful the children are so good, but very sorry to hear of the deaths in other families, b u t God does all for the good of his children. I received Sister's letter yesterday, a n d Estella's also. She will have to read your letter for her answer, and I w a n t you to be sure to let her read every one, because she is so good to write every week. I t seems to me t h a t most of my relations have forgotten me, or probably they consider my imprisonment has disgraced the family, a n d they are ashamed to write to their convict brother. Now, my dear little ones, Pa thanks you for being so good and loving p a & m a so much. You have all been little men and women. Pa wants to tell you t h a t we h a d a snow storm the other night, a n d the next day we plowed it all off from the yard, so that we h a d dry ground, but the snow has come again and covered the yard with whiteness. Pa used a willow broom to help sweep the snow away b u t Brother F. M . L y m a n 2 7 took it from me and used it about half of the time. H e swept the cleanest of any m a n in the yard. T h e little birds still fly around our house, and sometimes come right in at the windows, and sing in the house. T h e little dog, Peggy, and the cats, also r u n around in the prison, and sometimes come into our cells. T h e r e is also a big fierce bull dog here in prison, but he cannot get to us, and will not h u r t any one unless they are mean. Pa is very anxious to see his sweet children again, a n d will come home again after awhile, 27

prisoner.

Francis M. Lyman, member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles and a fellow


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and will have a lot of kisses for the little ones, and let them sit on his lap, too. Dear wife, be patient and I will be home. The time I spend here will not be missed in three years after it ends. Great blessings are ahead of us, and also many trials. This is serving to purify the saints and make them charitable, and strong to> bear the greater test that I feel is before the people of God. Our enemies are upon us, and have the power in their hands to bring oppression upon us; but, though barred in prison, and subject as far as the body is concerned, to the laws enacted against us, yet the spirit is free and cannot be bound by man. Thus we can still serve our God in Spirit and in truth, even though the spirit may be driven from this mortal coil. Though there is much to regret, yet there is much to be thankful for, for the Warden gives us all the priviledges he possibly can, and most of the guards are very kind. Certainly, to be a prisoner is very humiliating in many respects, but when we know that we have committed no crime before God, it brings joy to the oppressed. Dear wife, I feel that your burden is greater than mine, but If this one term will end it, we will none of us be caused to suffer much. I still have hopes that the indictment still against me, will amount to nothing. I must acknowledge the receipt of a letter from H. Boney and his little boy, which afforded me great pleasure, and I thank them both kindly for remembering me in my loneliness; as also the letter and poetry from Bro. Williams. These kind and encouraging letters bring hours of sunshine between the heavy and lowering clouds of prison life. I thank Bro. Williams and will ever be grateful to him, and the poetry will be cherished forever. Jan. 20. More than two long months have passed since I bade you good by, but the wail of my little girl as I left the door still rings in my ears. Three months and 3 days are yet to pass before I can leave these dreary enclosures. I just got my "stripes" yesterday, and many of the brethren were unable to recognize me in my new clothes. Things go' on about after the old fashion here. Eat, sleep, clean up, study or lie around, is about the regular order of prison life. I am now studying Astronomy, having finished Geology. We have a refreshing time in S.S. Every Sabbath morning. Much of the Sunday meetings is more amusing than instructing to me. Still many good things are spoken even by those of different faith, and common respect between men teaches me to listen quietly and respectfully to doctrines that I cannot believe in. And others are as much entitled to their belief as I am to mine. O! how joyous will the greeting be, When from prison walls I am set free, And I can meet my dear ones again, In our beloved home! Your Affectionate Husband, Kind regards to all enquiring friends.

~" Jan. 26, 1889

Dear wife: Your letter and sister's came to me all right, also* one from my dear niece, Juliette Bohney,28 and one from Ellie Whitmore, 29 for which I thank them very 28 29

Daughter of Henry M. and Juliett Day Bohne. Daughter of Frank Whitmore and Eli's older half-sister, Elmira Janett.


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kindly, but cannot answer at present. Sister thinks one of her letters has not reached me. I have got one from her each week since she commenced writing. I am very glad the children and you keep so well, the knowledge of that takes off the greater part of my anxiety about home. My health has steadily improved until I am now enjoying good health again. I do not wish to bother the officers & others about graham. The fewer favors I can get along with from them the better. I have a good pair of shoes, but when I asked the regular day guard to get me a pair, when my old ones were no longer fit to wear, he said it was expected that a man who was able to keep two families was able to> provide for himself. H e then referred me to the Warden, but my Cellmate let me have a pair, which suited me much better than asking for any of them. Tell brother Sanderson 30 that if he wants a good comfortable bed when he comes here, as I fear he will have to befor[e] a great while, he had better get him a narrow -mattress made and bring it with him. T h e mattress should not be over two feet wide, as our hammocks are only about that wide, and many of the older men find them very uncomfortable to sleep in for a while without a mattress or a bed tick. He had better, also, bring such little things as butter, sugar &c. that he wants to use; enough to last him until he will be able to get supplies from home. Also, if he wishes to get letters from home shortly after he arrives, he had better tell his folks to write before he writes to them, as it is sometimes two or three weeks before some of the brethren get any word from home, and, O, how lonely those first weeks are, unless we can hear from dear ones! You can give him the directions the same as you direct to me. I hear other brethren have also been arrested. He can give them the same advice, as I send to him, and they can suit themselves about acting upon it. I am glad Estella is so good and helpful. I hope she is also kind to her little brothers and sisters. I know she is a good girl, and she will be blessed for it. I hope Earl's cold will not make him sick. I know you will take good care of the children, and keep them from getting sick if you can. My only care is for my family. This imprisonment hurts me but very little, as far as I am concerned myself, but for me to banish from my mind the thoughts of my home and family, is something that I will not try to do. What kind of a heart could I have to put that care from me! God grant that my thoughts may ever be centered on them! That nothing but the Gospel, and the love of God, may ever be stronger in my mind, than the love and care of my family! These are the dearest things on earth to me, and are the only things that can make me submit to what is now placed upon me. I do not look upon our condition despondingly, but I do believe that there is a glorious and happy future ahead of all who serve God faithfully. I do not fear the result. All I fear is that some who ought to prove faithful will swerve from the path of duty. The darkest hour is just before the dawn. I believe it will not be long before the sun will shine between the clouds, and I also believe that it will not be much longer before a heavier trial than has ever come upon us, will take many out of the church, and that it will shake all that can be shaken. Get enough of your dividend from the mill to pay the interest on your mortgage to Neilsen in Mt. Pleasant. If the dividend is 10% it will still leave you some. First pay what is owing in the mill, with the balance, and then use the other to buy bran, if you need it, or whatever you think you need most. Tell Wm. Terry I would like for him to take the land on the terms we agreed upon, if he will, for I do not expect to be home 30

Probably Henry Wix Sanderson of Fairview.


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soon enough to do anything with it myself. Be sure to feed the old mare a little wheat every morning, before you give her hay, if that will not be too much trouble. Is Filley, the small mare, still at home, or did W. Cox take her to feed? Try to> get Amasa to look after the old mare after the 20 of Feb., if only to come to the barn and arrange things every day or two, or as often as he can. If you cannot get him to-, try to get R. A. Stephens to do it, and tell him to use his own judgement about the matter. Jan. 27. I expected a letter to-day but was disappointed. My health is good. Dear wife, do not keep any sickness of yourself or children from me. I wish to> know the truth about this at all times. How sorry I am to hear of the arrest of sister Sanderson! It looks hard enough to take the father away from the family, but that innocent women should be torn from the bosom of their families! O, what a terrible thing it would be! I hardly believe that the judge will be hard hearted enough to' send her to prison. He seemed to me, to be a man of a feeling heart, but yet we know not what he may do, under the pressure of influence of others. Why is it that my brothers & sisters do not write to me, and father. If they only knew the comfort and satisfaction a few lines from them to me would be, I do not think they would let one opportunity pass. But why should I bother them with my loneliness? May God bless them, and may they never have this to pass through! I am looking forward with joy to the time when I will again be united with my loved ones! May God grant, to part no more in life. Accept my love and blessings. Give my respects to all enquiring friends. God bless you all. _, . _ J E. A. Day Pen. Feb. 2, 1889. Dear wife: The last letter that I have received was yours written 24 ult.. I have not received what you said you would send by P. Petersen. I have been out of butter for several days, but got about half a pound to night after supper. I ate the last of my honey to-night, but have got about 2 lbs of sugar. My health is still good. If things are only going on all right at home, I will be very thankful. The brethren are leaving here now, very fast, many more going out than coming in. I think there are 40 or 50 less Cohabs. now here than there were at Christmas, but, from the best information I can get, it appears that we will fill up again from the Provo court. I have moved again. I now live at No. 108, third South Cohab. street. It is not so quiet and good a place to study in as either of my former cells was. This evening I was walking the yard, arm in arm with Bro. P. R. Young, chatting cozily, while listening to the strains of three violins, one banjo, and a clarionet, and now and then paused to look at the dancing of the Pen. clown, and an old gentleman 72 years of age. When the weather was not so cold, our band used to play often in the evening. We also, sometimes witness a bout between some of our pugilists with boxing gloves. They call it a manly art, but to me it does not appear so much manly as cruel, though the most active men are the ones who excel in it, but I doubt whether they are as excellent in mind as in body. Well, dear wife, the time is passing, but not fleeting on golden wings. By the time you get this, half of my dreary imprisonment will be passed. This is getting to be an old thing to me, but that does not lessen the heaviness of its pressure. "Be patient, weary soul, for your deliverance will surely come." If a week should pass without your receiving a letter from me, let that be no cause to deter you from writing. I write every week, and wish you would write twice as often. I am very sure


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that I would if it was allowable. I sent a walking cane to-day to' father, by Bp. Jensen of M a n t i . I m a d e it, a n d got it painted for him. I h o p e h e will give m e a letter in return for it. I do not know t h a t I have acknowledged t h e receipt of a letter from m y dear niece, Imogene. I was very thankful to receive it. I h o p e she will not let it be the only one she writes. T h e one George wrote is getting very lonesome, being alone so l o n g . H e h a d b e t t e r send a n o t h e r to k e e p it c o m p a n y . You said you were going to send m e some p a p e r t h a t D o r a gave you. If it comes, a n d is suitable, I believe t h a t I will spend some of my leisure time in writing a short sketch of m y life. If you can get a bottle of pasteboard, or paper, please send it to< me, with ink in it. I t is so very h a r d to get such things here. Send it by mail. I have h a d t o borrow all the ink I have yet used. Ask George if h e will take charge of the lucerne p a t c h near M t . Pleasant, if I do not r e t u r n in the Spring. I a m in hopes that I will, for I a m not guilty of w h a t is charged against me, b u t w h e t h e r I can prove this or not is quite another question. D e a r wife, still hope to see m e before April passes, for I firmly believe we will meet then. Sunday, Feb. 3, Still well, b u t feeling bad because it is so long since I received a letter. I fear something has h a p p e n e d to detain one or more, as this is the longest period without receiving one since you first began to write. Perhaps it is wrong for m e to do so, b u t I almost feel like finding fault. H o w deep is the snow at home? D o the children still keep well a n d good to one another? I do not think t h e younger ones will know m e after so long an absence; b u t they will soon learn to k n o w m e again when I get home. I h o p e you a r e all kind a n d charitable to one another, and let love abound in your hearts. D o not foster evil feelings or thoughts against any one, and, as a prophet of old said, " L e t not the sun set o n thine anger." T h e L o r d has blessed us so abundantly t h e past three m o n t h s t h a t w e ought to strive h a r d e r t h a n ever to keep his c o m m a n d m e n t s . H o w blessed would the world be if all would only keep the laws laid down by Jesus Christ! T h e r e would indeed be a millenium ushered in upon the e a r t h ! Peace, good will, love, charity would a b o u n d a n d m a k e the earth as E d e n of old! If we, in our little family, can only cultivate this Spirit of the teaching of our Savior, we will possess a n E d e n of our o w n ; a n d joy a n d happiness will shadow us oer. Now, d e a r wife, I w a n t to ask you again, to get someone to do the outside chores. I know, u n d e r t h e present circumstances, t h a t t h e labor both in a n d out of doors, is to m u c h for you to accomplish. I know you wish to be saving, but save your own health a n d well being before the things of this world. See if you can not get Bro. Neilsen, (the old gentleman) to do the feeding. If not, try some other old gentleman. I will some day be able to repay him amply for all h e will do. If you do not m a k e a n effort in this direction, I shall most certainly deprive you of one letter, a n d write to some one w h o will d o something of the kind. Now, please tell m e w h a t you do in this regard. Give my respects to all enquiring friends. Tell them I would be pleased to have t h e m to' write to> me. Bro. Young is well, a n d seems to feel first rate in his imprisonment, I believe h e takes it easier t h a n I do. Bro. Jenkens of Nephi is well, a n d sends his respects to Charles Terry, with w h o m h e labored on his mission. Accept m y love a n d cincerest desire for the welfare of m y loved family. God bless you. E. A. D a y


Iâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Mm I

U T A H STATE DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT SERVICES (ROBERT MCCREA)

The President's Report for the Fiscal Year 1966-67 BY J . GRANT IVERSON


T

onight I am reporting to you not as the president of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society, but as the president of the Board of the Division of State History of the Department of Development Services. This change in title resulted from an act of the 1967 Legislature which consolidated functions of government under coordinating councils. Section 67 of Chapter 175, Laws of Utah, 1967, specifies: T h e r e is created within the d e p a r t m e n t of development services a division of state history which shall be u n d e r the administration and general supervision of the coordinating council of development services a n d u n d e r the policy direction of the board of state history. T h e division of state history shall be the authority of t h e state of U t a h for state history a n d is vested with such powers to perform such duties as are set forth in law.

Section 70 further specifies that: T h e governing body of the division of state history a n d the U t a h state historical society shall be the board of state history consisting of eleven persons, ten of w h o m shall be appointed by the governor with the advice a n d consent of the senate. O n e m e m b e r of the board shall be the secretary of state. T h e appointed members shall be appointed for terms of four years a n d shall serve until their successors a r e appointed a n d qualified. T h e board shall choose a president a n d a vice-president from its own members and shall make rules a n d regulations for its own governm e n t a n d for the administration of t h e U t a h state historical society a n d the division of state history. . . .

And so it can be seen from the reading of the law that it is the intention of the legislature that the Utah State Historical Society shall continue â&#x20AC;&#x201D; with memberships and publications provided for. It is earnestly hoped that the new organizational structure of the Historical Society in a Department of Development Services will not adversely affect the existing Society program. Instead, it is hoped that being part of a major department of state government, the Division of State History can properly win its place in the eyes of the legislature and in the minds of the people of Utah. It is hoped that the new alignment will permit the achievement of those goals envisioned by the Society's founders who seventy years ago organized to preserve and proclaim Utah's rich heritage. Those goals of 1897 are still valid today. They remain constantly before the Board as they determine policy to guide the fortunes of the Mr. Iverson, a member of the Board of Trustees since 1959, has been president of the Board since 1961. A condensed version of the "President's Report" was presented at the Fifteenth Annual Meeting, September 23, 1967.


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Society. Then as now it is the Board's desire to build the best possible library on Utah history, the most complete file possible of the official sources of Utah history, and publish the best of those sources, interpretive books, and articles relating to Utah. With an increase in Library, publications, and Archives budgets for the present year, The Division of State History comes closer toward the achievement of these goals. The Library budget was increased by approximately 60 per cent, the Archives received a 160 per cent increase, and the Society administration and publications budget was increased by approximately 5 per cent, moreover, a publications revolving fund of $40,000 was created which gives some benefit to the existing program.* With these increases, a central microfilming program is being developed in the Archives, with additional staff members to carry on the responsibilities assigned the Archives by the 1963 Legislature. The Library is also increasing its staff to try to keep pace with the ever increasing demand for research services from the public. In addition the budget increase will permit an increase in book purchases so that the Library can more nearly keep abreast of the current books being published by and about Utah. The modest increase in administration funds is less than the known increases needed for added personnel benefits, i.e., health insurance, retirement, etc. However, the additional appropriation of $40,000 for a publications revolving fund will permit extra publications by the Society â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a program long planned by the Board and staff. And so with the continued support of the legislature, the Society or Division of State History will come much closer to the achievement of the goals set by the original founders in 1897. Turning our eyes from the future to the past, we must note several changes and significant accomplishments for the Society since our last meeting and my last report. We welcome tonight two new members to the Board of the Division of State History. They are Mrs. Naomi Woolley and Mr. Theron Luke. Mrs. Woolley, a native Utahn, is a graduate of the University of Utah. She taught in the Salt Lake City and Granite School districts, and was supervisor of the University of Utah Nursery School. Mrs. Woolley has been active in civic affairs and has been an officer or member of the boards of the Utah Association for the United Nations, * Ed. n o t e : These figures apply to the legislative appropriations. Unfortunate events of the past few months caused a reduction in available funds, thus curtailing Society operations.


President's Report

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UTAH STATE DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT SERVICES (ROBERT MCCREA)

Governor Calvin L. Rampton presented the Utah State Historical Society Awards at the Annual Dinner, September 23, 1967. Here receiving the Teacher Award is Mr. Jack W. Leifson, of Spanish Fork High School.

Women's Legislative Council, Planned Parenthood, Abolition of Capital Punishment, as well as several others. She has held offices at all levels in the Salt Lake County Democratic party. Mrs. Woolley has recently retired as vice-chairman of the Salt Lake County Democratic Committee. Mr. Theron Luke, the other new member of the Board of Trustees, resides in Provo. Mr. Luke, also a native Utahn, attended Brigham Young University and went into newspaper work immediately after attending college. Outside of a few years working for Geneva Steel during World War II, Mr. Luke has been actively associated with newspapers. He has worked for the Salt Lake Telegram, the Anchorage Daily


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U T A H STATE DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT SERVICES (ROBERT MCCREA)

Mr. Dale L. Morgan, noted Utah historian and staff member of Bancroft Library, was the guest speaker at the Fifteenth Annual Dinner of the Utah State Historical Society.

Times in Alaska, and has been city editor of the Daily Herald in Provo for nearly twenty years. With the appointment of Mrs. Woolley and Mr. Luke, the Board lost two faithful and devoted members who have served you, the Society, and the state well. They are Mr. J. Sterling Anderson and Mr. L. Glen Snarr. Both have left their mark on the Society. Mr. Snarr was the first chairman of the Society's award program and served in that capacity from its inception until his retirement. Mr. Anderson has an enviable record for attendance and support of the Society meetings and programs. He had an almost one hundred per cent record during his eight years of Board service.


President's

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Report

Board members reappointed for another four-year term were Mrs. A. C. Jensen, Mr. Jack Goodman, M r . H o w a r d C. Price, and myself. W e look forward to serving on the Society's distinguished Board for another four years. Also, beginning in April, there was a reorganization of the Board with Dr. Milton C. Abrams replacing Mr. Jack Goodman as vice-president. For the contributions and labor of these persons who receive no pay for the time they devote to the work of the Society, we are grateful and express a w a r m thanks as I know all Society members do. Among the highlights of the year's activities was the very successful annual meeting of one year ago. T h e program oriented toward preservation, set the stage for the Society's role in supporting the newly organized U t a h Heritage Foundation. T h e efforts of the Society have proved worthwhile, for the Foundation is becoming a force for preservation of Utah's significant landmarks. As a result of the Foundation's activities, a team of architects and researchers has been working during the summer to record via photographs, sketches, drawings, and measurements some of Utah's historic buildings which are threatened or have, since surveyed, been destroyed. T h e team will continue the project next summer in cooperation with the U.S. National Park Service. Recipients of the Society Awards at the Fifteenth Annual Dinner were Mrs. Calvin L. Rampton, for service to the Society and Utah history; Mr. Jack W. Leifson, for exceptional teaching of history in the public schools of Utah; and Mrs. Fawn M. Brodie, Fellow for outstanding scholarship. U T A H STATE DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT SERVICES (ROBERT MCCREA )


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The Society has been working closely with the Utah State Department of Highways in the construction and remodeling of the highway historic markers. Many new markers have replaced old ones which were found to contain much misinformation. This cooperative program with the Highway Department will continue through the next year. Eventually new historical signs will be located at each rest area on the interstate highway system, and most of the old signs will be replaced on the state highway system. In return for Society help in this project, the Highway Department has been most cooperative in supplying photographs and printing services to the Society. We are grateful for this support of our programs. The publications of the Society continue to illicit favorable comment from readers all over the nation. The Cumulative Index for the Utah Historical Quarterly, printed last summer, has proved very helpful to scholars. The new edition of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake is larger and more attractive than earlier editions. It has had a sale of over 100,000 since its first printing. The new edition will, I am sure, exceed the old in sales appeal. A publication which has been in progress for all of twenty years, should be finished this next year â&#x20AC;&#x201D; A Checklist of Mormon Literature. Begun by Dale L. Morgan, the project was turned over to the Historical Society in 1952. Mr. John James, the Society librarian, attempted to carry on the collecting of titles while doing his usual eight-hours of work. Other staff members also worked on the project. Then in 1963, a cooperative venture was begun under Dr. S. Lyman Tyler's direction with Brigham Young University personnel carrying the major burden. The University of Utah granted research funds under Dr. Ray Canning's administration. Mr. Chad Flake, special collections librarian at Brigham Young University, was employed to complete the project. It is now in its final stages â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and will represent the cooperative effort of Dale L. Morgan, the Utah State Historical Society, Brigham Young University, the University of Utah, Utah State University, and the L.D.S. Church Historian's Office. Utah's birthday was celebrated again this year by the Society. An excellent program at the Capitol brought favorable comment from various quarters. The address of Mr. Neal Maxwell, vice-president of the University of Utah, was well received. The Society printed the address and distributed it to its membership. The birthday celebration seems to be an established tradition of the Society after several years and will be continued.


President's Report

349

The Library of the Society has received some significant gifts in the past year. The Ellis Shipp and Ellis Shipp Musser Collection promises to be a rich source of information on one of Utah's first women doctors and her family. The Stanley S. Ivins library is, in the words of Society Librarian John James, "one of the best private collections of Mormonia." Now in the Society Library, the Ivins Collection will soon be available to researchers. The Society and the State of Utah have greatly benefitted from the generous gifts of Stanley S. Ivins and the Ellis Shipp Musser family. Other persons may properly follow their example. Of course, gifts of this nature are only valuable for research when they are catalogued, arranged, and useable by scholars. During the past year, great strides have been made in the Library to make more useable the Society's manuscript collection. That progress has been made is due largely to a dedicated staff and numerous volunteers from the Salt Lake Junior League under Mrs, Marilyn Warenski's supervision and also the volunteer labor of Mrs. Florence Showell. The Society wishes to give a vote of thanks to these persons for their generous support of the Society. Considerable changes have occurred in the Archives during the past year. Unable to accession any more records into their crowded quarters in the Society building, the Archives during the Christmas holidays moved to the basement of the Capitol. There midst the plumbing and heating pipes, the official records of state government for Utah are being cared for as well as conditions will permit. That such a situation exists is a disgrace to the state. But it will continue to exist as long as the people of the state are not interested or concerned enough to see that better and safer quarters are provided. Meanwhile, the staff of the Archives is doing their best to preserve the original records and provide security microfilm copies of these unique documents of our past. There are now approximately 3,150 cubic feet of records in the Archives. During the past year, 1,360 cubic feet were added to the collection. The records accessioned into the Archives this year are equal to 136 five-drawer file cabinets. All the governors' records from 1851 to 1965 have now been arranged and are available for research. They are contained in 995 document boxes and constitute one of the richest sources for Utah history. Another Archives project worthy of noting is the mounting of approximately 900 maps into microfilm aperture cards. These maps will be used in connection with several federal planning projects besides the usual historical information.


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The Archives made an agreement with the L.D.S. Church Genealogical Society whereby birth and death records, marriage records, probate records, and inheritance tax records were microfilmed in each county of the state except Utah and Weber. The Genealogical Society did the microfilming â&#x20AC;&#x201D; supplying the photographer and all processing at a cost to them of $22,375. For their part in making contacts and all arrangements, the Archives received a copy of each of the 895 rolls of film at no cost. This is another example of cooperative effort between the Utah State Historical Society and the L.D.S. Church. Part of the work of the Archives is the destruction of useless records as well as the preservation of the valuable. In this connection the Archives approved the destruction of 3,359 cubic feet of useless records from various state agencies. This represents a saving to the state of $50,385. This volume of records would fill 336 five-drawer filing cabinets. Eighty-five cubic feet of records were destroyed after being microfilmed. The Records Center operation continues to be successful. More state agencies are using the service, and the number of requests for service is increasing. During the year 1,111 cubic feet of records were brought into the Center and 886 cubic feet of records were destroyed by Records CenLeft, Dr. Everett L. Cooley, director of the Utah State Historical Society, presenting the American Association for State and Local History Award of Merit to Mr. Harold Schindler for his biography of Orrin Porter Rockwell. Right, Dr. Cooley presenting the American Association for State and Local History Award of Commendation to Mr. Keith Wallentine of the Utah Idaho Sugar Company for that company's sponsorship of its business history, Beet Sugar in the West: A History of the U t a h - I d a h o Sugar C o m p a n y , 1891-1966, by Leonard J. Arrington.


President's Report

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ter personnel. The resultant savings of approximately $30,000 by the Records Center was accomplished with a budget of $16,000. However, because of the shortage of funds for personnel and equipment, many tasks remain undone. There is a backlog of at least 1,000 cubic feet of records to be destroyed and approximately 10,000 documents remain to be refiled. All of the space allocated to the Records Center is filled to capacity and the halls are now being used in order to satisfy the demands of state agencies for records storage. By way of conclusion, I would be remiss in my duties if I failed to call your attention to the dedicated and capable staff of the Utah State Historical Society. Several staff members have more than ten years of service with the Society. During this time they have devoted themselves to serving the state and the cause of Utah history to the best of their abilities and to the extent the funds of the Society will allow. To them and to the newer employees, I extend them a hearty thanks and an expression of appreciation for their work under, what at times, are most trying and frustrating conditions.


REVIEWS and PUBLICATIONS Quest for Empire: The Political Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty in Mormon History. By KLAUS J . H A N S E N . (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1967. xiv-f- 237 pp. $6.50) Klaus Hansen's book is an interesting and valuable product of the new Mormon scholarship â&#x20AC;&#x201D; intellectually aware, intellectually curious, and disposed to follow the facts wherever the facts may lead. Inquiries begun for a master's thesis a t Brigham Young University were widened for a doctoral dissertation at Wayne State University which became the basis of the present book. In a much larger sense, Quest for Empire is the exposition of a thesis "that the idea of a political kingdom of God, promulgated by a secret 'Council of Fifty,' is by far the most important key to an understanding of the Mormon past," more important by far than the polygamy issue which so long dominated analysis of the Mormon position vis-a-vis the United States and in American social history. Having got hold of some ideas and some facts which have not been widely known or properly evaluated, Dr. Hansen works vigorously to apply both to a reinterpretation of Mormon history, and for this he merits the warmest praise. If he also tends to ride his thesis too hard, in the fine flush of discovery, this excess is understandable and may readily be discounted. Dr. Hansen's fundings are, in brief: On April 7, 1842, Joseph Smith had a revelation, the text of which is still withheld, outlining the organization of a political Kingdom of God. Nearly two

years later, in February 1844, Smith formally organized this Kingdom in Nauvoo. Thereafter it was referred to by a variety of names, "Kingdom of God," "special council," "general council," "council of the Kingdom," but usually "Council of Fifty," elaborated by one member as "Fifty Princes of the Kingdom" in reference to the number of members at its inception. This council (or "legislature," or "living constitution") was to have the responsibility of attending to the temporal welfare of the Mormon Church; or, as conceived at the time, set up that political kingdom which would end by swallowing up all the other kingdoms of the world. At some length, after skillfully setting the stage with preliminary chapters on "The Kingdom of God and the Millennial Tradition" and "Mormonism and the American Dream," Dr. Hansen describes the immediate antecedents of the Kingdom the extraordinary milieu of its founding, and the principal known activities of the Council of Fifty during its period of maximum energy, 1844â&#x20AC;&#x201D;51. Brigham Young found the Council of Fifty a useful instrument during the turbulent era of the Mormon expulsion from Nauvoo, their migration to the Rockies, and the founding of the State of Deseret. (The latter has had to be reexamined since the diaries of John D. Lee and Hosea Stout became available to scholars.) When the Mormons got about half what they had hoped for from the United States government, a territorial government with many officers chosen from among their number, with county


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353

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and municipal governments to handle the local affairs of the Saints, the C o u n cil of Fifty showed a tendency to wither on the vine (my point of view, not Dr. H a n s e n ' s ) . I t was revived during the excitement occasioned by the Civil W a r , w h e n it seemed t h a t the downfall of the U n i t e d States as prophesied by Joseph Smith might be imminent, but again lapsed after 1870. T h e r e was another revival of the Council of Fifty in 1880, after Brigham Young's death, but its later years are shrouded in obscurity, a n d t h o u g h Dr. H a n s e n makes the effort, n o fair assessment of its functioning thereafter can be m a d e on the basis of the available record. H e offers some sage remarks on the changing character of M o r m o n society, a n d t h e uses the M o r m o n s have tended to make of their history at different times, and for these alone his book merits thoughtful reflection. T h e real importance of Quest for Empire is t h a t t h e book has been written, could be written, without reference to t h e primary records of the Council of Fifty, shown to be still existing as late as 1880. T h e r e seems n o real reason they should not now be m a d e available to scholars as a p a r t of a general opening u p of t h e archives of the M o r m o n C h u r c h , seen to be in the best interests of the church. D A L E L.

MORGAN

Bancroft

Library

The Devil Drives: A Life of Sir Burton.

By F A W N M .

BRODIE.

Richard (New

Y o r k : W . W . Norton & Company, Inc., 1967. 390 p p . $6.95) T h e chief interest for U t a h readers in R i c h a r d F . Burton is probably his threeweek stay in Salt Lake City in 1860. F r o m this brief sojourn h e was able to p r o d u c e the 700-page City of the Saints which F a w n M . Brodie terms the best book on t h e Mormons published in the

nineteenth century. This excellent volume, b u t one of forty-three of Burton's books on his world travels a n d explorations, was recently reprinted by W . W. N o r t o n & C o m p a n y with an introduction by Mrs. Brodie. I t was while engaged in this task t h a t she was motivated to write a full biography of the noted British adventurer a n d was commissioned by N o r t o n to pursue her study in depth. I t took courage to enter a d o m a i n t h a t h a d already been explored by ten earlier biographers, b u t the result is not a mere r e p e t i t i o u s recital of known events nor a token gesture to a great figure, it is a brilliant and comprehensive analysis d r a w n from original sources a n d from a newly discovered collection of letters a n d papers. T h e a u t h o r is no novice in the field of biography. I n two earlier studies, No Man Knows My History, the Life of Joseph Smith the Mormon Prophet (Alfred A. Knopf Company, 1945) a n d Thaddeus Stevens, Scourge of the South ( W . W . N o r t o n & Company, 1959), M r s . Brodie demonstrated t h a t she could reexamine a n d synthesize with telling effect the lives of two American luminaries whose fortunes h a d previously been chronicled by others. T h o u g h but one chapter of The Devil Drives is devoted to Burton's Salt Lake visit a n d his impressions of Brigham Y o u n g a n d the Mormons, the U t a h reader is soon caught u p in the excitem e n t of his pilgrimage to t h e forbidden cities of M e c c a and H a r a r ; his measuring of the sacred K a a b a where torture or d e a t h awaited him if his disguise were detected; the gruelling h u n t for the headwaters of the Nile; t h e discovery with J o h n H a n n i n g Speke of L a k e Tanganyika, the longest lake in the w o r l d ; the escape from Somali warriors with a javelin in his cheek; the penetration of Dahomey, land of the fierce female Amazons; a n d the 1,500mile navigation by raft of the treacherous Sao Francisco River in Brazil. Burton was a soldier in I n d i a a n d the


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Crimea; he was a gallant swordsman, a dedicated ethnologist, a keen observer of men and women on four continents, a poet, a prolific author, and master of twenty-five languages. In 1886 he was knighted by Queen Victoria for his services to the crown. A less competent biographer might h a v e skirted the motif t h a t r u n s throughout every chapter of Burton's turbulent career: his intense preoccupation with the sexual customs of every people that he visited, culminating in his translation of the unexpurgated Arabian Nights, with copious notes and commentary on forbidden topics. Mrs. Brodie has carefully explored Burton's own sexuality and the insights that made him a worthy precursor of Ellis and Freud. The author's critical summation of Burton's City of the Saints might well be applied to her own vigorous scholarship in The Devil Drives: "sagacious and thorough." The twenty-nine chapters are supported by twenty-five pages of notes, making it the only Burton biography to be fully annotated. A chrono^logical listing of all his books is given, and at the center of the book are sixteen pages of pictures including a heretofore u n p u b l i s h e d p h o t o g r a p h of Burton. Maps showing the routes of the search for the Nile adorn the inside cover pages. It would have been helpful if other maps had been included. Few today know the location of the exotic cities of Karachi, Medina, Balaclava, Fernando Po, Agbome, and a score of others where Burton trod. L A M A R PETERSEN

Salt Lake City, Utah

Timothy O'Sullivan: America's Forgotten Photographer. The Life and Work of the Brilliant Photographer Whose Camera Recorded the American Scene from the Battlefields of the Civil War to the Frontiers of the

Quarterly

West. By JAMES D. HORAN. (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1966. xiv + 334 pp. $15.00) In the Introduction to his Matthew Brady: A Historian with a Camera, James D. Horan remarked that Timothy O'Sullivan deserved his own biography. Now, eleven years after the Brady book, he has supplied the biography. His work on Brady introduced the photographer to a larger circle of enthusiasts, and Matthew Brady became more than a credit line under many, perhaps most, of the Civil War photographs that we see. The book on O'Sullivan has even more to recommend it. Besides one of Brady's most active, and most artistic, photographers of the Civil War, O'Sullivan had two other careers as an action photographer. He participated in two major expeditions in the Trans-Mountain West 1867-75, and during an interlude in 1870 served as photographer on an expedition surveying in Panama. Thus you may expect and find pictures of the Civil War, the King Expedition of 1867-69 and the Wheeler Expedition of 1871-75 portraying the West, and the Darien Survey Expedition of 1870 in this book. The book is handsomely made and profusely illustrated. It is printed on a good grade of glossy paper, but the quality of the photographs does not come out as sharply in this printing as in books where the photographs are printed separately on a different paper stock. Thus while the overall appearance and quality of the book are superior to editions of Horan's Matthew Brady and The Great American West with which it was compared, photographs that appear in both an earlier work and this book are a bit sharper and more detailed in the earlier book. O'Sullivan made his reputation as a photographer in the Civil War, and about half of the pictures in the book are devoted to his photographs of that


Reviews and Publications conflict. A number of these appeared in the book on Brady, but many are pictures that were unused in the earlier book. Credit lines from the earlier to t h e later book do differ on some pictures. Credits in the Brady book that indicate the picture was m a d e by one of Brady's photographers are definitely attributed to O'Sullivan in this book. U n d o u b t e d l y additional i n f o r m a t i o n uncovered in the eleven years between publication makes the credit line used both times as accurate as possible in each instance, but the new captions m a k e O'Sullivan a m u c h more import a n t p a r t of Brady's picture taking crew during the Civil War. Perhaps for readers of this magazine the most interesting sections of the book are those devoted to the K i n g a n d Wheeler Expeditions. A rough count disclosed fifty-five photographs from the K i n g a n d eighty from the Wheeler. T h e K i n g Survey r a n from Virginia City to D e n v e r r o u g h l y f o l l o w i n g the 40th parallel, while the Wheeler Survey was m u c h farther south. U t a h partisans m a y not be particularly pleased with the selection of photographs for the K i n g Survey, as there are a preponderance of pictures from the Nevada mountains a n d from the Snake River country in I d a h o , with no more than ten or eleven pictures from U t a h . However, putting state pride aside, you will be delighted with the views of the Shoshone Falls a n d the spectacular flash photographs, some of the first underground pictures ever m a d e , that were taken in the Cornstock Lode. T h e book is an interesting addition to the material available on early photogr a p h y a n d photographers with special applications to the pictures of the Civil W a r a n d the early photographs of the F a r West. I t may disappoint those familiar with Horan's earlier works as there are a large number of photographs reproduced that he has used in earlier books. Also the text again covers the career of M a t t h e w Brady at length,

355 going over his relationship with O'Sullivan, rehashing and repeating m a n y of the things t h a t were said in the book on Brady with little new in either information or insight. A n erroneous entry on page 172, which repeats an entry in The Great American West, is of special interest to U t a h n s . I t is a picture of Salt L a k e City with " C a m p Douglass" on the left. T h e r e seems to be no authority for the second " s " on Douglas as the c a m p was n a m e d for Stephen A. Douglas. Perhaps it was a misspelling in a label by O'Sullivan, or he may have erroneously thought the post was named for a Douglass, possibly the famous former slave Frederick Douglass. At any r a t e the a u t h o r again uses Douglass with the second " s " for the n a m e of the installation. W.

D.

AESCHBACHER

Associate Professor of History University of Utah

Gold Rush Diary: Being the Journal of Elisha Douglas Perkins on the Overland Trail in the Spring and Summer of

1849.

Edited

by

THOMAS

D.

CLARK. (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1967. xxv 4-206 p p . $8.75) Adding to the goodly n u m b e r of "Gold R u s h " d i a r i e s c o m e s t h a t of Elisha Douglas Perkins, edited by Dr. T h o m a s D . Clark. After enjoying every mile of the rugged journey with the diarist, this reviewer agrees with the editor w h o suggests that "Perkins was more intimately observant than most of his fellow travellers." This appears in his notations of flora and fauna along the route, his pen pictures such as t h a t inspired by a panoramic view from the top of Scotts Bluff, and his descriptions of I n d i a n tribes varying from "Snake warriors galloping over the hills on their fine horses with their red blankets a n d headdresses" to the Diggers who stole


356 their cattle â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "naked rascals could be seen dancing upon the rocks and hill tops and making all kinds of j erring gestures . . . ." T h e cold statistics of t h e press a n n o u n c i n g t h a t there were 5,000 wagons on the California Trail in 1849 including 16,772 persons, and 33,544 mules come to life in Perkins description "As we came nearer it seemed as though a vast army was encamped . . . wagons with their mules and oxen scattered over the plain and nearly all in motion, some just starting forward on their way, some just camping, others driving their animals to water etc. The scene was a very animated and exciting one." The reader feels a certain intimacy with the diarist who records unexpected friendship along the trail, growing consciousness of his total dependence upon a mule, and fascination with a forked stick serving to distribute mail in a strategic location. He suffers the choking alkali dust along the Sweetwater and the Humboldt and blesses refreshing water after a long day of thirst; he feasts with the writer on buffalo meat, starves with him when provisions run out, and shivers around a cold morning fire after a drenching rain. He counts not only the many roadside graves but notes the daily mounting number of dead animals left for devouring wolves. He deplores the endless piles of abandoned equipment, clothing, and food supplies â&#x20AC;&#x201D; monuments to total ignorance in preparation for the overland journey. He becomes accustomed to the dissolution of organized traveling companies to a point where the breakup of his own unit meets casual acceptance. Noteworthy in Perkins diary as edited by Thomas Clark, is a valuable Appendix which, as a collection of letters published in the Marietta Intelligencer for the home folks, introduces the reader to the gambling-crazed gold rush community spawning in Sacramento Valley. Herein is reflected the hunger for news from home, deep concern for delayed

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friends on the trail facing the hazards of winter, introduction to back-breaking gold mining processes, disillusionment about climate, and disappointment over prospects of quick wealth. T h e one letter included from Perkins himself relates "I have hardly met a man who is not disappointed and dejected and wishes himself back." Another, observing the exchange of thousands of dollars in the canvas-covered gambling houses, comments "one hears occasionally of the large amount of gold obtained by a certain person in a short time but nothing is said about the many hundred who do not make expenses." Editor Clark has given the diary unique perspective with liberal quotes from several contemporary sojourning diarists in marginal footnotes. The result is to make the Perkins Gold Rush Diary one of the most interesting and valuable in collections of Western Americana. GUSTIVE O. LARSON

Professor of Religious Brigham Young

Instruction University

America's Western Frontiers: The Exploration and Settlement of the Trans-Mississippi West. By J O H N A. HAWGOOD. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967. xxiii + 440 + x pp. $10.00) America's Western Frontiers by John A. Hawgood presents a scintillating and d r a m a t i c synthesis of Far Western American history. Professor Hawgood's many years of travel in the West, his painstaking and erudite scholarship, and his delightful command of the English language all combine to produce a book which certainly deserves its selection as the first winner of the Alfred A. Knopf Western History Prize. The Table of Contents follows the traditional pattern of examining the following topics: exploration of the Louisiana Purchase and the Pacific Coast, the


Reviews and Publications fur trade and trappers, wagon roads and trails, discovery of gold and the mining boom, western t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , the Indian problem, the cattle kingdom, the western farmer, and the twentieth-century frontier. But any similarity between this book and the traditional text on the western frontier disappears immediately when the reader starts on a delightful journey from the Mississippi River to California and Oregon with Mr. Hawgood as guide. The important personalities involved in the early development of the West are revealed in all of their warmth and in all of their unregeneracy as well. With wit and humor and an unerring sense of what is appropriate, the author introduces seldom-used quotations to flavor his narrative with a savory sauce which will delight the palate of the general reader as well as that of the professional student of history. T h e chapters devoted to mountain men, cowboys, and Indians are of particular interest and reveal Mr. Hawgood's very wide knowledge of original and contemporary sources. His bibliographic essays on each chapter are valuable appraisals from one who commands respect in the field. In addition he even dares to inject a little humor into his historiography. For example his notation on LeRoy Hafen's The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West includes the comment that these volumes bid "fair to tell us . . . all that we need and perhaps more than we ought to know about these rugged and picturesque characters." Welcome words, indeed, among a usually sterile recital of historic tomes. The book's format has the accepted excellence of all of Alfred A. Knopf's publications â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the ninety-eight pictures include rare photographs and illustrations which are new, at least to this reviewer. Mr. Hawgood also betrays his enthusiasm for geography with an inclusion of nineteen maps which are very helpful.

357 In his discussion of the mountain men, the author remarks that "One cannot have enough of Jim Bridger. . . . " The reader of America's Western Frontiers can only agree that that statement should be applied to the entire book. BRIGHAM D. MADSEN

Vice President University of Utah

Readings in California Catholic History. By

REV. FRANCIS J.

WEBER.

(LOS

Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1967. xi + 265pp. $7.95) This book completes the author's trilogy on California's Catholic heritage. His first two volumes in the series were Documents of California Catholic History and A Select Guide to California Catholic History. The book has 132 short essays which the author originally wrote for his syndicated column appearing in several Catholic newspapers. These are divided into six sections with the first covering the mission era with essays on such topics as the Pious Fund, the earthquake at Mission San Juan Capistrano, mission architecture, and secularization. In the second section, entitled "Pastoral Scene" and largely biographical, is an essay about Father L a w r e n c e Scanlan, "Utah's Pioneer Prelate." During the 1870's he founded St. Mary's Academy and Holy Cross Hospital, and in 1891 he became the first bishop of Salt Lake City. Section three, "Blueprints for Greatness," is concerned with education, journalism, and Catholic orders and clubs. Sections four and five are primarily biographical essays and section six, "Local Scene," is a miscellany. One of the more interesting essays in the last section is about the anti-Catholic American Protective Association's activities in San Francisco. Father Peter C. Yorke defended the Catholic position and vigorously fought this organization. Yorke's career as edi-


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Utah Historical

tor of the Monitor, a Catholic weekly, and his work in behalf of labor are treated in a separate essay. Since the book is merely a collection of miscellaneous essays, it does not fully portray the history of Catholicism in California; however, the Introduction summarizes this history. While many of the essays deal with familiar subjects, the book has much data that may not be readily located elsewhere. Although the book lacks a bibliography, there is probably no need for one because a reader may consult the second volume in the trilogy. The book is not a critical study, but it remains an interesting one. A detailed Table of Contents and an adequate Index make the book a useful reference work. B E N J A M I N F. GILBERT

Professor of History San Jose State College

Father Kino in Arizona.

By FAY J A C K SON S M I T H , J O H N L. K E S S E L L , AND FRANCIS J. Fox, S.J. Maps by D O N B U F K I N . ( P h o e n i x : Arizona Historical Foundation, 1966. xvii -1- 142

pp. N.P.) In the early 1900's Herbert E. Bolton of the University of California discovered Kino's original manuscript, since called the Relacion Diarea from which he quoted liberally in the preparation of his own moving two volume biography, Rim of Christendom published in 1936. Says Father Ernest J. Burrus, S.J., of this memorable work, "This daily report by Kino records only a month of his life, but it contains elements and accomplishments representative of the twenty-four years he spent in Pimeria alta. It shows first of all his dedication to both majesties — King and Church. . . . His diary reminds us anew that the beginnings of civilized Arizona were of Spanish origin. It tells us also in a capsule the life of Kino as missionary, explorer, cattle man, and one of our earliest historians" (p. 5 ) .

Quarterly

Eusibio Francisco Kino was born of Italian parentage near Trent in the Austrian province of Tyrol in 1645. He distinguished himself as a student at Freiburg and Ingolstadt, and became a missionary in N e w Spain. Kino arrived in Pimeria alta in M a r c h of 1687. At that time the frontier mission station was established at Cucurupe in the San Miguel River Valley. Fifteen miles north of this site, the pioneer Jesuit built his first mission •— Neustra Senora de los Dolores — O u r Lady of Sorrows. The site chosen was one of particular fitness and beauty. From his station at Dolores, Kino pushed the missionary frontier across Arizona to the Gila and Colorado rivers. In 1691, with his faithful companion, Salvatierra, he reached Tumacacori, a Pima village on the Santa Cruz River and the year following (1692) came to San Xavier del Bac, where he entered the Valley of the San Pedro. Here, eight years later (1700), he built his most notable structure, reputed to be architecturally the most beautiful mission in North America — Mission San Xavier del Bac. Kino developed a keen geographical interest in the Sonora Northwest. The difficulty of sending supplies across the gulf to his c o m p a n i o n , S a l v a t i e r r a , accelerated his thinking on this problem. By 1702 he had explored the Colorado from the mouth of the Gila to- the Gulf and proved, to his own satisfaction at least, that Lower California was not an island but a peninsula. In proof of his deductions he prepared a map (1705) which was not improved upon for more than a century. Kino was successful as a missionary. His diaries reveal not only a consuming zeal for his faith but a love and paternal care for his rapidly accumulating redskinned friends. By 1691 he began to prepare for resident missions in Arizona by founding stock ranches in the Santa Cruz and San Pedro valleys and by inaugurating plans for the completion


Reviews and Publications of Mission San Xavier del Bac. San Gabriel was built at Grebavi in 1691. For support of his many missions the intrepid pioneer frontiersman started his stock and grain farms. On one occasion he sent as many as 1,700 head of cattle to his beleaguered friend Salvatierra on the California Peninsula. As an explorer, Kino ranks among the greatest of the Southwest. From Dolores, during his twenty-four year ministry, he made over fifty journeys which varied in length from a hundred to a thousand miles. This rugged apostle of the wilderness lived in extreme poverty and simplicity; he ate sparingly, drank no wine, and always went meagerly clothed. U n d e r his supervision crops were planted, cultivated, irrigated, harvested, stored, and prepared for consumption. Father Kino died at Magdelena in 1711. Apostle Valarde describes the tragic event in these words, "He died as he had lived, with extreme humility and poverty. His death bed, as his bed had always been, consisted of two- calfskins for a matress, two blankets such as the Indians use for covers, and a pack saddle for a pillow. No one ever saw in him any vice whatsoever, for the discovery of lands and the conversion of souls had purified him. He was merciful to others but cruel to himself" (Herbert E. Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, pp. 200-1). LELAND H. CREER

Professor Emeritus of History University of Utah

359 "Books That Won The West," by A. B I L L I N G T O N , 25ff.; "Gold Rush Daguerreotypes," by ROBERT A. WEINSTEIN, 33ff. RAY

Arizona Highways — X L I I I , August 1967: "Return to Rainbow Bridge," by NEILL M. JUDD, 30-39 — Septem-

ber 1967: "Hubbell Trading Post, National Historic Site," by Jo J E F FERS,

2ff.

Colorado Magazine — XLIV, Spring 1967: " M i n i n g C a m p s : Myth vs. Reality," by DUANE ALLAN SMITH,

93—110; "Rural Settlement Patterns in the San Luis Valley: A Comparative Study [Mormons in Colorado]," by ALVAR WARD CARLSON, 111-28 National Geographic— 132, July 1967: "Lake Powell: Waterway to Desert W o n d e r s , " by W A L T E R

MEAYERS

44-75 — August 1967: "Life in a 'Dead' Sea—Great Salt

EDWARDS,

Lake," by PAUL A. ZAHL, 252-63

New Mexico Historical Review—XLII, July 1967: "Diary of the Mormon Battalion Mission, John D. Lee [Part 1]," edited by JUANITA BROOKS, 165209 The Pacific Historian—11, Spring 1967: "Jedediah Smith Today," by DALE L. MORGAN, 35-46 Western Gateways, Magazine of the Golden Circle — 7, Summer 1967: "Swinging Around the Four Corners," by WELDON F. HEALD, 6ff.;

ARTICLES OF INTEREST American History Illustrated — II, August 1967: "Indian Culture Before the White Man Came," by NONO MINOR,

4ff.

The American West — IV, August 1967: "The Rise & Fall of Alec Swan [one of the greatest cattle kings]," by HELENA HUNTINGTON SMITH, 2 Iff.;

"Where

Four States Meet," by WELDON F. HEALD, 16; "The Golden Circle Concept [scenic wonders in southern Utah, southwestern Colorado, northeastern New Mexico-, and north-central and northeastern Arizona]," by GEORGE B. HARTZOG, JR., 32ff. The Western Political Quarterly -— XX, June 1967: "The 1966 Election in Utah," by FRANK H. JONAS, 602-6


INDEX

Aberle, Sophie D., comp., The Indian: America's Unfinished Business. Report of the Commission on the Rights, Liberties, and Responsibilities of the American Indian, reviewed, 179-80 Abrams, Milton C , vice-president U t a h State Historical Society board, 347 Aeschbacher, W. D., Timothy O'Sullivan: America's Forgotten Photographer. The Life and Work of the Brilliant Photographer Whose Camera Recorded the American Scene from the Battlefields of the Civil War to the Frontiers of the West, review by, 354-55 Aikens, C. Melvin, Karnee: A Paiute Narrative, review by, 177—78 Alexander, Thomas G., Nevada's Twentieth Century Mining Boom: Tonopah, Goldfield, Ely, review by, 175—76 Allen, G. E., prominent non-Mormon, 95 Allen, Charles, tarred and feathered, 72 Almy, Wyoming, mining community, 203 America's Western Frontiers: The Exploration and Settlement of the Trans-Mississippi West, by Hawgood, reviewed, 356—57 American Association for State and Local History, 1967 awards, 350 American party, formed, 9 5 ; controlled administration of Salt Lake City", 9 8 ; T h o m a s Kearns joined, 9 8 ; collapsed, 107; lost control of Salt Lake City government, 107 Anderson, J. Sterling, retired as U t a h State Historical Society board member, 346 Anderson, James H., m e m b e r of Smoot machine, 99 Archives, U t a h State, see U t a h State Archives Area of the Richer Beaver Harvest of North America, m a p and key by Sandoz, reviewed, 86 Armstrong, F., president Salt Lake County Cattle and Horse Association, 195—96 Arrington, Leonard J., Beet Sugar in the West: A History of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, 1891—1966, reviewed, 174—75 Ashliman, D . L., " T h e Image of U t a h a n d the Mormons in Nineteenth-Century Germany," 209-27 Atkinson, Jessie L., established sawmill at Evanston, 203 B B a i l e y , L . R., Indian Slave Trade in the Southwest, reviewed, 181—82 Bamberger, Simon, 108; won 1916 election, 110 Bancroft Library, Friends of the, An Informal Record of George P. Hammond and His Era in the Bancroft Library, reviewed, 269— 70 Bankers and Cattlemen, by Gressley, reviewed, 81-82 Bannock Indians, see Indians

Baptist Church, began missionary work in U t a h , 296; accomplishments by 1896, 2 9 6 9 7 ; crusade against seating B. H . Roberts in Congress, 304—5 Barber, George W., left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19 Bernard, Ezra, Salmon River missionary, 124 Battle of Bear River, 3-4, 2 5 - 2 7 ; pictures of area of, 26, 2 7 ; casualties, 2 7 ; reaction to, 2 8 ; picture of painting " R e t u r n i n g From the Battle of Bear River," cover No. 1 Beaman, Louisa, first polygamous wife of Joseph Smith, 310 Bean, George W., description of Mountain Meadows, 139 Bear Hunter, Indian chief visited Salt Lake City, 14 Bear River, "Early D a y T i m b e r C u t t i n g Along the U p p e r Bear River," 202—8; periods of timber cutting, 2 0 2 ; flume for transportation of timber, 2 0 4 - 6 Becker, Gus, 105; U t a h brewer, 104 Beesley, Ebenezer, directed Tabernacle Choir, 287 Beet Sugar in the West: A History of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, 1891—1966, by Arrington, reviewed, 174—75 Bennett, Alma H., bishop at St. Joseph, Nevada, 164 Benson, Ezra T., reported on Indians in Cache Valley in 1863, 29 Bigelow, Lucy, polygamous wife of Brigham Young, 316 Bigelow, Mary, polygamous wife of Brigham Young, 316 Bingham, Thomas, member advance party to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 1 3 1 ; left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19 Bigler, David L., " T h e Crisis at Fort Limhi, 1858," 121-36 Blaine, James G., visited Tabernacle, 284 Blanchard, Jr., J o h n , left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19 Bleak, James G., visited M u d d y River settlements, 157 Bloxham, Thomas, member advance party to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 131 fn. 12; left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19 Board of the Division of State History of the D e p a r t m e n t of Development Services, see U t a h State Historical Society Book of Commandments, publication began, 60 Brodie, Fawn M., picture, 3 4 7 ; U t a h State Historical Society 1967 Fellow Award recipient, 3 4 7 ; The Devil Drives: A Life of Sir Richard Burton, reviewed, 353—54 Brooks, Juanita, " T h e M o u n t a i n Meadows: historic stopping place on the Spanish Trail," 135-43 Brophy, William A., comp., The Indian: America's Unfinished Business. Report of the Commission on the Rights, Liberties, and Responsibilities of the American Indian, reviewed, 179—80


Index Brown, Arthur, non-Mormon elected to state office, 94 Bryan, William Jennings, ran for President, 102

California Volunteers, participated in Battle of Bear River, 3—4, 2 6 - 2 7 ; commander, 2 0 ; recruited, 2 0 ; appeal to chief of staff to fight in Civil War, 2 1 ; arrived in Salt Lake, 2 2 ; m a r c h e d against Indians, 2 4 - 2 5 ; casualties from Battle of Bear River, 27 Call, Anson, called to establish settlement on Colorado River, 1 5 1 ; selected site for settlem e n t on Colorado River, 152 Call's Landing, picture, 147; site selected, 152; description, 153; abandoned, 154; p e r h a p s a fort at one time, 154—55 fn. 2 4 ; see also M u d d y River Callister, E. H., editor of Inter-Mountain Republican, 9 9 ; member of Smoot machine, 9 9 ; biographical sketch, 100; investor in Inter-Mountain Republican, 100 Callville, see Call's L a n d i n g C a m p , Charles L., George C. Yount and his Chronicles of the West. Comprising Extracts from his "Memoirs" and from the Osage Clark "Narrative," reviewed, 77—78 C a m p Douglas, see Fort Douglas C a m p Floyd, established, 141, 143-44 C a n n o n , Angus M., called to explore Color a d o River a n d commerce possibilities, 151 C a n n o n , David H., called to explore for road from St. George to Colorado River, Color a d o River, and commerce possibilities of river, 151 C a n n o n , Frank J., member of American party, 9 8 ; biographical sketch, 107; editor of Rocky Mountain News ( D e n v e r ) , 107; picture, 107 C a n n o n , George Q., 3 3 1 , 334, 3 3 6 ; picture, 322 C a n n o n , Joseph J., introduced prohibition bill in U t a h Legislature, 104; prohibition bill defeated, 105 Captain Charles M. Weber, Pioneer of the San Joaquin and founder of Stockton, California, with a description of his papers, maps, books, pictures and memorabilia now in the Bancroft Library, by H a m m o n d and M o r g a n , reviewed, 85—86 Careless, George, directed Tabernacle Choir, 287 C a r t e r Road, " T h r o u g h the U i n t a s : History of the C a r t e r R o a d , " 256—57; pictures, 256, 2 6 1 ; location, 2 5 7 ; reason for establishing, 2 5 7 ; route, 257, 2 6 6 - 6 7 ; m a p , 2 5 9 ; description of early road, 259—60; description of first supply train over, 260, 262; route to Dyer Mine, 2 6 3 ; used by Daggett County residents, 2 6 5 ; see also Dyer Mine Carter, William A., urged reestablishment of soldiers at Fort Bridger, 2 5 8 ; urged C a r t e r R o a d be route to supply goods to Fort Bridger, 258 Cassidy, "Butch," 114 C a r d o n , A. F., ed., " M o u n t a i n Meadows Burial Detachment, 1859: T o m m y Gordon's Diary," 143-46

361 C a t h e d r a l of the Madeleine, erected, 300 Catholic Church, established in U t a h , 2 9 4 ; size in U t a h in 1895, 2 9 4 ; constructed a n orphanage, 300; erected C a t h e d r a l of the Madeleine, 300; opened J u d g e Memorial H o m e , 300; parish chapels established, 300 Cattlemen, " F r o m Self-Reliance to Cooperation: T h e Early Development of the Cattlemen's Associations in U t a h , " 187—201; protection of m u t u a l interests, 1 8 8 ; U t a h delegation to organize nationally, 189—90; conflict with sheepmen, 189; need for national organization, 189; reports on attempts to organize nationally, 190—92; national organization established, 192; controversy over leasing arid lands, 1 9 3 ; Faust organized county associations, 193; move toward territorial asociation, 194; counties organized into associations, 195; local convention announced, 195; conventions convened, 196; subjects to be discussed a t convention, 196; two conventions scheduled, 196; description of conventions, 196—201; controversy between conventions, 197; att e m p t to unite into one territorial organization, 198; attitude toward sheep, 200—1 Christian Church, 1896 membership in U t a h , 2 9 8 ; organized in U t a h , 2 9 8 ; see also Evangelical Christian Churches C h u r c h of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, attitude toward Negro membership in, 66, 6 7 ; disposed of properties, 95—96; backer of Inter-Mountain Republican, 100; underwrote Inter-Mountain Republican losses, 100; attitude toward unions, 2 5 2 ; description of in early U t a h , 2 9 3 ; economic condition, 2 9 9 ; 1890-1910 membership in U t a h , 2 9 9 ; out of debt, 2 9 9 ; length of time polygamy practiced in, 3 1 0 ; Reformation, 3 1 2 ; see also Mormons Clark, Ella E., Indian Legends from the Northern Rockies, reviewed, 84—85 Clark, T h o m a s D., ed., Gold Rush Diary: Being the Journal of Elisha Douglas Perkins on the Overland Trail in the Spring and Summer of 1849, reviewed, 355—56 Clayton, James L., Area of the Richer Beaver Harvest of North America, m a p a n d key by Sandoz, review by, 86 Clough, Wilson L., trans., The Rocky Mountain West in 1867, reviewed, 178—79 Clove, James, member of Smoot machine, 99 Colorado Cattle Growers' Association, m e m bership ( 1 8 7 7 ) , 189; organized, 189; see also Cattlemen a n d Stock Growers Association Colorado River, plans for navigation on, 150— 5 1 ; mission to explore, 1 5 1 ; description of Boulder Canyon, 152 fn. 1 3 ; money needed to improve river between Call's L a n d i n g and Harding's Landing, 152 ; cost of freight brought by, 1 5 3 ; steamships on, 153 Colton, L. J., "Early Day T i m b e r C u t t i n g Along the U p p e r Bear River," 202—8 C o n d i e , R i c h a r d P., d i r e c t e d T a b e r n a c l e Choir, 287 Conger, Leonard, called to explore for road from St. George to Colorado River, 151 Congregational C h u r c h , b e g a n m i s s i o n a r y work in U t a h , 2 9 6 ; 1893 membership in


362 U t a h , 296; academies operated in U t a h , 3 0 2 ; see also E v a n g e l i c a l C h r i s t i a n Churches Connor, Patrick E., commander of troops at Battle of Bear River, 3 - 4 ; commander of California Volunteers, 20; described Indian battle, 2 5 - 2 6 ; promoted, 28 Cooley, Everett L., History of Highway Development in Utah, review by, 274; pictures, 350 Cornwall, J. Spencer, directed Tabernacle Choir, 287 Corrill, John, described Missouri citizens attitude toward Mormons, 6 1 ; approached by mob with demand Mormons leave Missouri, 70 Cowdery, Oliver, assistant editor Evening and Morning Star, 58 Cox, Elvira Euphrasia, polygamist wife of E. A. Day, 3 2 3 ; children, 324; picture, 325 Cowley, Matthias F., resigned from Q u o r u m of Twelve, 95 Creer, Leland H., Father Kino in Arizona, review by, 358-59 Culmsee, Carlton, " T h e Frontier: H a r d y Perennial," 228-35 Cummings, Benjamin Franklin, led advance company to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 1 3 1 ; diary accounts of progress of Fort Limhi advance rescue party, 131, 132, 134, 135; reached Fort Limhi, 135; left Fort Limhi, 136 Cunningham, Andrew, called to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 127 Cutler, Benjamin, member advance party to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 131 fn. 12; left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19 Cutler, Clarissa, polygamist wife of Heber C. Kimball, 316 Cutler, Emily, polygamist wife of Heber C. Kimball, 316 Cutler, John C , U t a h governor, 98 Cutter, Donald C , Captain Charles M. Weber, Pioneer of the San Joaquin and founder of Stockton, California, with a description of his papers, maps, books, pictures and memorabilia now in the Bancroft Library, review by, 85—86

Davidson, James, family perished in M u d d y River Valley, 167-68 fn. 49 Davis, Jr., W. N., George C. Yount and his Chronicles of the West. Comprising Extracts from his "Memoirs" and from the Osage Clark "Narrative," review by, 77—78 Davison, Stanley R., The Rocky Mountain West in 1867, review by, 178-79 Day, Eli Azariah, "Eli Azariah D a y : Pioneer Schoolteacher and 'Prisoner for Conscience S a k e , ' " 3 2 2 - 4 1 ; pictures, 322, 3 2 5 ; biographical sketch, 323—24; entered prison, 3 2 3 ; children, 324; letters while "on the U n d e r g r o u n d " and in prison, 325—41 Day, Robert B., ed., "Eli Azariah D a y : Pioneer Schoolteacher and 'Prisoner for Conscience Sake,' " 322—41

Utah Historical Quarterly Decker, Clara, polygamous wife of Brigham Young, 316 Decker, Lucy, polygamous wife of Brigham Young, 316 Democratic party, influential Gentiles join, 96; membership in U t a h , 97; advocated prohibition, 107 Dern, George, funeral services held in Tabernacle, 284 Deseret Evening News, first issued, 55 Deseret News, 100 Deseret Telegraph, sold, 95 Deseret Sunday School Union Jubilee (July 24, 1875), description of celebration, 285— 8 6 ; picture of Tabernacle decorated for, 286 Desert, picture of cemetery in frontier community on, 234 The Devil Drives: A Life of Sir Richard Burton, by Brodie, reviewed, 353-54 Dewey, Thomas E., visited Tabernacle, 284 Drury, Clifford Merrill, First White Women Over the Rockies: Diaries, Letters, and Biographical Sketches of the Six Women of the Oregon Mission who made the Overland Journey in 1836 and 1838, reviewed, 86-87 Duffin, Isaac, called to explore for road from St. George to Colorado River, 151 Durrant, Stephen D., The Grizzly Bear: Portraits from Life, review by, 80—81 Dyer Mine, location, 263 ; smelter constructed for, 264; ore extracted, 263—64; abandoned, 264; pictures, 264, 2 6 5 ; see also Carter Road Edmunds Act, passed, 312 Egloffstein, F. W., visited U t a h with Fremont Expedition, 213 Eisenhower, Dwight D., spoke in Tabernacle, 284 Elliott, Russell R., Nevada's Twentieth-Century Mining Boom: Tonopah, Goldfield, Ely, reviewed, 175—76 Emery House, established, 301 Episcopal Church, established in U t a h , 294; policy toward Mormons, 294; 1895 membership in U t a h , 294; assumed responsibility for spiritual well-being of U i n t a h Indian Reservation, 3 0 1 ; Emery House established at University of U t a h , 3 0 1 ; 1947 membership in U t a h , 301 Evangelical Christian Churches, attitude toward Mormons, 295, 298, 3 0 5 ; established schools in U t a h , 295; number of Mormon children taught by schools established by, 296; blocked U t a h statehood, 2 9 8 ; circulated anti-Mormon propaganda throughout the country, 2 9 8 ; expanded school program, 3 0 1 ; retrenchment of school program, 3 0 1 ; crusade against L.D.S. Church theology, 303—4; ministers send petitions protesting seating of B. H. Roberts in Congress, 304; beginning of community church, 3 0 5 ; formed Home Missions Council, 305; see also Baptist Church, Church of Christ, Congregational Church, Lutheran Church, Methodist Church, and Presbyterian Church


Index Evans, David, bishop of Lehi, 126 Evanston, Wyoming, sawmill established, 203 Evening and Morning Star, "Factors in the Destruction of the Mormon Press in Missouri, 1833," 5 6 - 7 6 ; press destroyed, 5 7 ; assistant editor, 5 8 ; editor, 5 8 ; established, 5 8 ; first number issued, 5 8 ; contents, 59— 6 0 ; resolution by Missourians to cease publication of, 70; printing office razed, 7 1 ; offices moved, 72 Exploration and Empire: The Explorer and the Scientist in the Winning of the American West, by Goetzmann, reviewed, 272—73

Farms, pictures, 228,232-33 Father Kino in Arizona, by Smith, Kessell, and Fox, reviewed, 358—59 Faust, Henry J., reported on U t a h delegation of cattlemen to form national cattlemen's association, 190—92; view on land leasing, 191—92; picture, 192; started to establish territorial cattlemen's organization in U t a h , 192; vice-president National Cattle and Horse Association, 192, 195; organized county cattlemen's associations, 193—94; argued for territorial cattlemen's organization, 1 9 4 - 9 5 ; announced cattlemen's convention, 195; controversy at cattlemen's conventions, 197, 200; president of Territorial Stock Growers' Association of U t a h , 201 Fernhagel, D. T., description of Mormons, 223-25 Ferry, W. Mont, prominent non-Mormon, 94-95 First White Women Over the Rockies: Diaries, Letters, and Biographical Sketches of the Six Women of the Oregon Mission who made the Overland Journey in 1836 and 1838, by Drury, reviewed, 86-87 Fisher, Frank, U t a h brewer, 104 Fleming, L. A., " T h e Settlements on the M u d d y , 1865 to 1871, 'A God Forsaken place,' " 147-72 Folsom, William H., Mormon Church architect, 280 Foote, Warren, presided over St. Joseph, Nevada, 157 Fort Bridger, military telegraph established between Fort Thornburgh and, 263 Fort Douglas, established, 22 Fort Duchesne, established, 263 Fort Limhi, " T h e Crisis at Fort Limhi, 1858," 1 2 1 - 3 6 ; picture of site of, 1 2 1 ; attack by Indians, 124, 125; picture of area, 126; advance rescue party leaves for, 1 3 1 ; diary accounts of progress of advance rescue party of settlers of, 131, 132, 134, 135; members of advance rescue party, 131, 131 fn. 12; picture of ruins of, 133; advance rescue party reached settlers of, 135; abandoned, 136 Fort Thornburgh, to be supplied over Carter Road, 2 5 8 ; soldiers established sawmill in Summit Park, 262; abandoned, 2 6 3 ; mili-

363 tary telegraph established between Fort Bridger and, 2 6 3 ; routes used to supply, 2 6 3 ; picture of plaque concerning, 266 Fox, Francis J., Father Kino in Arizona, reviewed, 3 5 8 - 5 9 Fremont, J o h n Charles, description of M o u n tain Meadows, 138; expeditions to U t a h , 210, 2 1 1 , 213 Frontier, Frederick Jackson T u r n e r definition, 38; Frederic Paxson definition, 3 8 ; U . S. Census definition, 3 9 ; " T h e Frontier: H a r dy Perennial," 228-35

Gentiles, controversy with Mormons, 93—94; elected to U t a h offices, 94 George C. Yount and his Chronicles of the West, Comprising Extracts from his "Memoirs" and from the Osage Clark "Narrative," by Camp, reviewed, 77—78 Germans, " T h e Image of U t a h and the Mormons in Nineteenth-Century Germany," 2 0 9 - 2 7 ; first to visit U t a h , 210; reasons for interest in American West, 210 Gheen, Amanda, polygamist wife of Heber C. Kimball, 316 Gheen, Anna, polygamist wife of Heber C. Kimball, 316 Gibbons, Andrew, Indian interpreter, 160 Gilbert, Algernon S., "storehouse" proprietor in Independence, Missouri, 6 0 ; approached by mob with demand Mormons leave Missouri, 70; "storehouse" looted, 72 Gilbert, Benjamin F., Readings in California Catholic History, review by, 357—58 Goddard, Stephen, directed Tabernacle Choir, 287 Goetzmann, William H., Exploration and Empire: The Explorer and the Scientist in the Winning of the American West, reviewed, 272-73 Gold Hill, Wyoming, 204 Gold Rush Diary: Being the Journal of Elisha Douglas Perkins on the Overland Trail in the Spring and Summer of 1849, by Clark, reviewed, 355—56 Goldwater, Barry, visited Tabernacle, 284 Goodman, David Michael, A Western Panorama 1849—1875: the travels, writings and influence of J. Ross Browne on the Pacific Coast, and in Texas, Nevada, Arizona and Baja California, as the first Mining Commissioner, and Minister to China, reviewed, 79-80 Goodman, Jack, reappointed U t a h State Historical Society board member, 347; retired as vice-president of U t a h State Historical Society board, 347 Goodwin, C. C , prominent non-Mormon, 94 Gordon, Tommy, "Mountain Meadows Burial Detachment, 1859: Tommy Gordon's Diary," 1 4 3 - 4 6 ; brief description of, 144 Grant, Heber J., prohibition crusade, 103, 106; views regarding Word of Wisdom 103; used letters against Reed Smoot, 104 became president of Mormon Church, 111 political affiliation, 111; picture of funeral 286


Utah Historical Quarterly

364 Gressley, Gene M., Bankers and Cattlemen, reviewed, 81—82 The Grizzly Bear: Portraits from Life, by Haynes and Haynes, reviewed, 80—81 Grover, Joel, argued in defense of proposal to lease arid lands to cattle interests, 1 9 3 ; argued for territorial cattlemen's organization, 1 9 4 - 9 5 ; vice-president U t a h Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, 194; controversy at Cattlemen's conventions, 198 Grover, Joseph, called to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 128 Grow, Henry, helped design and build Tabernacle, 280

H Hafen, Ann W., First White Women Over the Rockies: Diaries, Letters, and Biographical Sketches of the Six Women of the Oregon Mission who made the Overland Journey in 1836 and 1838, review by, 86—87 Hafen, LeRoy R., ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, reviewed, 270-71 Hague, Alma, member U t a h Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, 194; controversy at cattlemen's conventions, 198 Hague, John, member U t a h Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, 194 Hamblin, Jacob, called to explore for road from St. George to Colorado River, Colorado River, and commercial possibilities of river, 1 5 1 ; description of Boulder Canyon on the Colorado by, 152 fn. 13 H a m m e r , J., member advance party to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 131 fn. 12 H a m m o n d , George P., Captain Charles M. Weber, Pioneer of the San Joaquin and founder of Stockton, California, with a description of his papers, maps, books, pictures and memorabilia now in the Bancroft Library, reviewed, 85—86 Hansen, Jens, polygamist, 313 Hansen, Klaus J., Orrin Porter Rockwell: Man of God, Son of Thunder, review by, 173—74; Quest for Empire: The Political Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty in Mormon History, reviewed, 352—53 Harding, W a r r e n Gamaliel, spoke in Tabernacle, 284 Hardy's Landing, location, 150—51 H a r r i m a n , E. H., Union Pacific magnate, 95 Haseltine, James L., Thomas Moran: Artist of the Mountains, review by, 82—83 H a t c h , Abram, 197; called to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 128; reached Fort Limhi, 135; controversy at cattlemen's conventions, 198 Havemeyer, Henry O., acquired control of U t a h Sugar Company, 95 Hawgood, J o h n A., America's Western Frontiers: The Exploration and Settlement of the Trans-Mississippi West, reviewed, 356— 57 Haynes, Bessie Doak and Edgar, The Grizzly Bear: Portraits from Life, reviewed, 80—81

H e a p , Gwinn Harris, description of Mountain Meadows, 139 Hill, George Washington, member advance party to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 1 3 1 ; left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19 Hilliard, Wyoming, 204, 2 0 5 ; charcoal kilns at, 206; charcoal industry flourished at, 208 Historical Society, U t a h State, see U t a h State Historical Society History of Highway Development in Utah, by Knowlton, reviewed, 274 Holy Cross Hospital, picture of first, 303 Home Missions Council, formed, 305 Hoover, Herbert Clark, spoke in Tabernacle, 284 Horan, James D., Timothy O'Sullivan: America's Forgotten Photographer. The Life and Work of the Brilliant Photographer Whose Camera Recorded the American Scene from the Battlefields of the Civil War to the Frontiers of the West, reviewed, 354—55 The Horse in America, by H o w a r d , reviewed, 273-74 Howard, Robert West, The Horse in America, reviewed, 273—74 Howes, Edward H., An Informal Record of George P. Hammond and His Era in the Bancroft Library, review by, 269—70

1 Iliff, Thomas C , Methodist mission superintendent who urged denial of seat in Congress to B. H . Roberts, 304 Independence Day, description of 1868 celebration, 285 The Indian: America's Unfinished Business. Report of the Commission on the Rights, Liberties, and Responsibilities of the American Indian, comp., Brophy and Aberle, reviewed, 179-80 Indian Legends from the Northern Rockies, by Clark, reviewed, 84—85 Indian Slave Trade in the Southwest, by Bailey, reviewed, 181-82 Indians, "Shoshoni-Bannock M a r a u d e r s on the Oregon Trail, 1 8 5 9 - 1 8 6 3 , " 3 - 3 0 ; pictures, 3, 8, 9, 1 8 ; M o r m o n attitude toward, 4—5; white cruelty toward, 4, 5, 6, 7; depredations against whites, 6—7, 7—9, 11—12, 14—15; suspicion of white men leading Indians in attacks against white settlers, 6; army attacks, 7, 22, 2 4 - 2 5 ; massacre by, 7; army attempts to control, 9; government attitude toward, 10, 1 3 ; attitude of Shoshoni-Bannock toward not purchasing their land, 1 1 ; title to land in U t a h not extinguished, 1 1 ; clash with settlers in Smithfield, 12; destitute conditions of, 12—13, 1 4 - 1 5 ; clash with settlers in Grantsville area, 14; Mormons accused of intriguing with, 14; attacked whites, 1 4 - 1 9 , 2 3 ; warning to emigrants against, 1 7 - 1 8 ; agents ask for annuity and treaty goods, 18—19; attacked Cache Valley settlements, 19; gather at Bear Lake, 19; California Volunteers punish, 2 0 - 2 1 ; release white captive, 22; parley with Mormons, 2 3 - 2 4 ; belligerent


365

Index toward white men, 2 3 ; Battle of Bear River, 2 6 - 2 7 ; reaction to Battle of Bear River of, 2 8 - 2 9 ; conditions in Cache Valley, 2 9 ; treaties, 3 0 ; Shoshoni and Bannock attack Fort Limhi, 125; Fort Limhi rescue party fight, 136; uprising along M u d d y a n d Virgin rivers, 159; letter from Brigham Young advising M u d d y River settlers on course to pursue with hostile, 1 5 9 - 6 0 ; parley with Erastus Snow, 160; force a b a n d o n m e n t of Sevier County settlements, 172; attacked M a j o r T . T . T h o r n b u r g h , 2 5 7 ; Meeker Massacre, 2 5 7 ; removed to U i n t a h Reservation, 2 5 7 - 5 8 ; Episcopal C h u r c h accepted responsibility for spiritual well-being of U i n t a h Reservation, 301 Industrial Workers of the World, 2 4 3 ; attempted to organize in U t a h , 248 An Informal Record of George P. Hammond and His Era in the Boncroft Library, by Friends of the Bancroft Library, reviewed, 269-70 Inter-Mountain Republican, inaugurated, 9 9 ; financial conditions, 100; investors, 100 Irrigation, picture of new methods of, 231 Iverson, J. Grant, " T h e President's R e p o r t for the Fiscal Year 1966-67," 3 4 2 - 5 1 ; picture, 3 4 2 ; reappointed U t a h State Historical Society board member, 347 Ivins, Anthony W., prohibition crusade, 103, 106 Ivins, Stanley S., " T r i b u t e to Stanley S. Ivins," 3 0 7 - 9 ; writings, 3 0 8 ; died, 309; "Notes on M o r m o n Polygamy," 3 0 9 - 2 1 ; library willed to U t a h State Historical Society, 349

J Jackling, D . C , friendly toward Mormons, 98 Jackson, Sheldon, Presbyterian mission president, 3 0 2 ; requested money to carry on missionary work in U t a h , 303 Jackson, W. Turrentine, A Western Panorama 1849—1875: the travels, writings and influence of J. Ross Browne on the Pacific Coast, and in Texas, Nevada, Arizona and Baja California, as the first Mining Commissioner, and Minister to China, review by, 79-80 Jennings, W a r r e n A., "Factors in the Destruction of the Mormon Press in Missouri, 1833," 5 6 - 7 6 Jennings, William, picture, 192; president U t a h Cattle a n d Horse Growers' Association, 194; controversy at cattlemen's conventions, 198, 199, 200; nominated chairm a n of territorial cattlemen's association, 200 Jensen, Mrs. A. O , reappointed U t a h State Historical Society board member, 347 Jews, organized in U t a h , 2 9 3 ; 1895 membership in Utah, 2 9 3 ; picture of B'Nai Israel Temple, 2 9 7 ; established congregation in Ogden, 300; Orthodox and Reformed churches established in Salt Lake City, 300 Johnson, L y n d o n B., spoke in Tabernacle, 284 Johnston, Albert Sidney, commander U t a h Expedition, 122 J u d g e Memorial Home, opened, 300

Junction City, Nevada, settled, 165; visited by church officials, 166; see also M u d d y River

K K a n e , Thomas L., mediator between M o r mons and U t a h Expedition, 123 Karnee: A Paiute Narrative, by Scott, reviewed, 177—78 Kearns, Thomas, Mormon support refused in 1904 Senate election, 9 4 ; b i o g r a p h i c a l sketch, 9 8 ; joined American party, 9 8 ; picture, 9 8 ; backer of Salt Lake Tribune, 100; rejoined Republican party, 107; backed construction of an orphanage, 300 Keith, David, backer of Salt Lake Tribune, 100 Kennedy, J o h n F., spoke in Tabernacle, 284 Kessell, J o h n L., Father Kino in Arizona, reviewed, 3 5 8 - 5 9 Kimball, Heber C , n u m b e r of wives, 3 1 3 ; picture, 3 1 4 ; married sisters, 3 1 6 ; views on polygamy, 3 1 7 ; size of family, 318 Kimberly, U t a h , "Kimberly as I remember her," 1 1 2 - 2 0 ; pictures, 112, 114, 117, 118; residents, 114-15, 116, 118, 119 King, William H., opposed Reed Smoot, 1 0 1 ; won 1916 election, 110 Knowlton, Ezra C , History of Highway Development in Utah, reviewed, 274

Labor, factors determining movement of, 2 3 8 ; persons engaged in building trades in 1880, 2 4 1 ; pictures of laborers, 2 4 1 , 247, 250, 2 5 3 ; legislation in U t a h , 2 5 4 - 5 5 ; see also Unions Lake, William Bailey, member advance party to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 1 3 1 ; left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19; killed, 136 fn. 20 L a n d e r , F . W., superintendent of Indians, 5, 6, 9 L a n d o n , Alfred, visited Tabernacle, 284 Larson, Gustive O., Gold Rush Diary: Being the Journal of Elisha Douglas Perkins on the Overland Trail in the Spring and Summer of 1849, review by, 355—56 The Latter-day Saints: The Mormons Yesterday and Today, by Mullen, reviewed, 268— 69 Layton, Christopher, called to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 128; reached Fort Limhi, 135 Leatherwood, E. O., lost 1912 election, 109 Leavitt, J. Q., controversy at cattlemen's conventions, 198 Lee, J o h n D., n u m b e r of wives, 3 1 3 ; picture, 3 1 5 ; married sisters and their mother, 3 1 6 ; size of family, 318 Leifson, Jack W., pictures, 345, 3 4 7 ; received U t a h State Historical Society Teacher Award, 345 Leilich, J o h n L., Methodist mission president who crusaded against Reed Smoot, 304 Leithead, James, bishop of St. T h o m a s , 162; vice-president M u d d y River Valley Coopera t i v e , 1 6 8 ; l e t t e r s a s k i n g for relief for M u d d y River settlers, 168-69, 169-70


366

Utah Historical

Leonard, Abiel, bishop in Episcopal Church, 301 Liberal party, dissolved, 96 Lienhard, Heinrich, visited Salt Lake Valley, 2 1 1 ; described Salt Lake Valley in 1846, 2 1 2 ; picture, 212 Limhi, Fort, see Fort Limhi Loose, C. E., member of Smoot machine, 9 9 ; investor in Inter-Mountain Republican, 100 Luke, Theron, appointed U t a h State Historical Society board member, 344; biographical sketch, 345-46 Lumber, see Timber L u n d , Anthon H., sketch of property, 3 2 ; died, 34; picture, 35 Lund, Anthony C , directed Tabernacle Choir, 287 L u n d , Jr., Herbert Z., " T h e Skeleton in Grandpa's Barn," 31—36 L u n d , Sr., Herbert Z., picture, 3 1 ; prison doctor, 32-33 L u n d , Sarah Ann Peterson, description, 3 4 ; picture, 35 L u t h e r a n Church, first church in U t a h , 297; size in 1 8 9 6 , 2 9 8 ; see also E v a n g e l i c a l Christian Churches Lyman, Francis M., 337; prohibition crusade, 103, 106; view regarding Word of Wisdom, 1 0 3 ; picture, 322 Lynde, Isaac, major U.S. Army attempted to quell Indians, 7 Lyon, T. Edgar, "Religious Activities and Development in U t a h , 1847-1910," 292-306

Mc McCornick, W. S., friendly toward Mormons, 98 McGarry, Edward, major with California Volunteers, 2 0 - 2 1 ; sent to recover captive white boy from Indians, 22 M c l n t y r e , Samuel, member U t a h Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, 194 M c l n t y r e , William, member U t a h Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, 194

M Madsen, Brigham D., "Shoshoni-Bannock Marauders on the Oregon Trail, 1859— 1863," 3—30; America's Western Frontiers: The Exploration and Settlement of the Trans-Mississippi West, review by, 356—57 Maeser, Karl G., founded Brigham Young Academy, 323 Mason, Alice S., Navaho Neighbors, review by, 82 Maxwell, Neal, presented address at 1967 Statehood Day program, 348 May, Karl, descriptions of Mormons and U t a h in his works of fiction, 2 2 2 - 2 3 Mays, James H., won 1912 election in U t a h , 109; won 1916 election in U t a h , 110 Meeker Massacre, 257 Messenger and Advocate, publication began, 72 Methodist Church, accomplishments by 1895, 296; began missionary work in U t a h , 296; membership in 1895, 296; picture of First

Quarterly

Methodist Church, 2 9 7 ; academies operated in U t a h , 3 0 2 ; ministers instructed to stay out of politics, 304; see also Evangelical Christian Churches Meyers, F. H., member U t a h Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, 194 Mill Point, Nevada, 1866 census, 162 Missourians, attitude toward Evening and Morning Star, 6 0 ; attitude toward free Negro, 67, 6 8 ; act to expel Mormons, 63, 65, 68—69; wrote and circulated "Secret Constitution," 68—69; charges levied against Mormons by, 6 9 ; m o b against Mormons, 69—72 ; demanded Mormons leave Missouri, 70; resolutions against Mormons passed by, 70; local law enforcement against, 72—73; causes of conflict with Mormons, 7 3 ; expelled Mormons from Missouri, 73 Mitchell, Robert C , "Desert Tortoise: T h e Mormon Tabernacle on T e m p l e Square," 279-91 M o a p a Valley, see M u d d y Valley Moler, M u r r a y M., Retreat to Nevada: A Socialist Colony of World War I, review by, 272 Mollhausen, Heinrich Balduin, picture, 209; visited the West, 2 1 7 ; descriptions of Mormons in his works of fiction, 218—21; painting by, 219 Moon, Dorothy, polygamous wife of Heber C. Kimball, 316 Moon, H a n n a h , polygamous wife of Heber C. Kimball, 316 Moorman, Donald R., The Wagonmasters: High Plains Freighting from the Earliest Days of the Santa Fe Trail to 1880, review by, 176-77 Morgan, Dale L., Captain Charles M. Weber, Pioneer of the San Joaquin and founder of Stockton, California, with a description of his papers, maps, books, pictures and memorabilia now in the Bancroft Library, reviewed, 85—86; The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, review by, 2 7 0 - 7 1 ; pictures, 342, 3 4 6 ; Quest for Empire: The Political Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty in Mormon History, review by, 352—53 Moritz, Jacob, U t a h brewer, 104 Morley, Isaac, approached by m o b with dem a n d Mormons leave Missouri, 70 The Mormon Establishment, by T u r n e r , reviewed, 2 6 8 - 6 9 Mormons, attitude toward Indians, 4 - 5 ; Indian hostility toward, 5 ; attitude toward army efforts to suppress Indians, 10; accused of inciting Indians, 14; parley with Indians, 2 3 - 2 4 ; "Factors in the Destruction of the M o r m o n Press in Missouri, 1833," 5 6 - 7 6 ; friction with Missourians, 61, 6 2 ; number in Jackson County, Missouri, in 1831, 6 1 ; reasons for friction with Missourians, 6 2 - 6 3 , 7 3 ; Missourians actions to expel, 63, 65, 6 8 - 6 9 ; accused of inciting Negro slaves, 6 4 ; attitude toward Negro membership in church, 65, 66—67; Negro members, 6 5 ; Missourians "Secret Constitution," 6 8 - 6 9 ; Missourians charges against, 6 9 ; Missourians mob action


Index against, 69—72; Missourians demand removal of, 70; resolutions against, 70; attitude toward slavery, 73, 75; expelled from Jackson County, Missouri, 7 3 ; involvement in slavery in Missouri, 73—74; polygamy in 1900's, 9 2 - 9 3 , 94; controversy with Gentiles, 9 3 - 9 4 ; elect Gentiles to office, 9 4 ; " T h e Image of U t a h and the Mormons in Nineteenth-Century Germany," 209—27; description by Jacob H . Schiel, 214—15; description by Professor Streng, 216—17; description of fictitious Mormons by Heinrich Balduin Mollhausen, 218—21; description of fictitious Mormons by Karl May, 2 2 2 - 2 3 ; description by D . T . Fernhagel, 2 2 3 - 2 5 ; description by E m m a Poesche, 2 2 6 ; progress on Checklist of M o r m o n Literature, 3 4 8 ; see also C h u r c h of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Morris, Nephi L., lost 1916 election, 110 M o u n t a i n Meadows, " T h e Mountain Meadows : historic stopping place on the Spanish Trail," 137—43; Spanish traders use, 137; descriptions, 138, 139, 139-40, 1 4 1 ; see also Mountain Meadows Massacre M o u n t a i n Meadows Massacre, brief description of events, 1 4 0 - 4 1 ; victims buried, 1 4 1 ; monument, 1 4 2 - 4 3 ; picture of monument and plaque, 142; "Mountain Meadows Burial Detachment, 1859: T o m m y Gordon's Diary," 143-46; description of area after, 145, 145 fn. 2 ; see also Mountain Meadows The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, by Hafen, reviewed, 270-71 Moyle, James H., opposed Reed Smoot, 108; lost 1912 election, 109 M u d d y River, " T h e Settlements on the M u d dy, 1865 to 1871, 'A God Forsaken place,' " 147—72; conditions settlers faced, 148; location "x>f settlements, 148; named, 1 4 8 - 4 9 ; call for Mormons to settle, 155; m a p of settlements on, 156; letter from Brigham Young on how to deal with hostile Indians, 1 5 9 - 6 0 ; Nauvoo Legion organized against Indians, 160; letter from Daniel H . Wells advising settlers to construct forts, 1 6 1 ; letter from Erastus Snow concerning defense of settlements against Indians, 1 6 1 ; settlers conditions critical, 168-70; state boundary dispute, 170; letter from Brigham Young advising settlers to leave, 171—72; state boundary settled, 171; settlements abandoned, 172; see also Call's Landing, Junction City, M u d d y River Valley, Overton, St. Joseph, St. Thomas, and West Point M u d d y River Valley, description, 149; location, 149; reasons for settling, 1 4 9 - 5 0 ; settlers purchase stock in Washington cotton factory, 167; telegraph to be built to settlements in, 167; cooperative established, 168; officers of valley cooperative, 168; see also M u d d y River Mullen, Robert, The Latter-day Saints: The Mormons Yesterday and Today, reviewed, 268-69 Munson, John, member advance party to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 131 fn. 12 Musser, Amos Milton, 323

367 Musser, Ellis Shipp, collection presented to U t a h State Historical Society library, 349 M u t u a l Improvement Association, began, 323

N Nauvoo Legion, called to go to Fort Limhi, 1 2 4 ; d e s c r i p t i o n of s o l d i e r s , 128—29; reached Fort Limhi, 135; organized in M u d d y River settlements, 160 Navaho Neighbors, by Newcomb, reviewed, 82 Negroes, membership in Mormon Church, 65 ; Missouri statute concerning, 65, 6 6 ; Mormon missionaries among, 6 5 ; attitude of Mormon Church toward, 66, 6 7 ; attitude of Missourians toward free, 67, 6 8 ; 1830 census in Missouri, 6 8 ; Mormons accused of inciting, 69 Nevada's Twentieth-Century Mining Boom: Tonopah, Goldfield, Ely, by Elliott, reviewed, 175—76 Newcomb, F r a n c Johnson, Navaho Neighbors, reviewed, 82 Nixon, Richard M., visited Tabernacle, 284

O'Dea, Thomas F., The Latter-day Saints: The Mormons Yesterday and Today, review by, 2 6 8 - 6 9 ; The Mormon Establishment, review by, 268—69 Orrin Porter Rockwell: Man of God, Son of Thunder, by Schindler, reviewed, 173—74 Osborne, Dr., see Kane, Thomas L. Overton, Nevada, named, 168 fn. 5 0 ; settled, 168; see also M u d d y River Oviatt, Alton B., Indian Legends from the Northern Rockies, review by, 8 4 - 8 5 Owen, J o h n , attempted to carry out instructions concerning Indians, 10; major U . S . Army placed in charge of Shoshoni-Bannock Indians, 10; plea for the " S n a k e " Indians, 12—13

Pace, Josephine, "Kimberly as I remember her," 112-20 Park, J o h n R., 323 Parker, LeRoy, see Cassidy, "Butch" Parowan, U t a h , settled, 139 Parry, John, directed Tabernacle Choir, 287 Patti, Adelina, efforts to perform in Tabernacle, 2 8 1 - 8 2 ; performed in Tabernacle, 282; picture, 282 Patridge, Edward, 5 8 ; approached by mob with demand Mormons leave Missouri, 70; tarred and feathered by mob, 72 Paul, R o d m a n W., Exploration and Empire: The Explorer and the Scientist in the Winning of the American West, review by, 272— 73 Pawar, Sheelwant B., " T h e Structure of L a b o r Unions in U t a h , An Historical Perspective, 1890-1920," 236-55 Paxson, Frederic L., definition of frontier, 38 People's party, dissolved, 96 Petersen, L a M a r , The Devil Drives: A Life of Sir Richard Burton, review by, 353—54


368 Phelps, William Wines, picture, 5 7 ; editor of Evening and Morning Star, 5 8 ; articles incense Missourians, 66—70; Missouri delegation demanded removal of Mormons, 70; biographical sketch, 76 Pioneer Artifacts, picture of tin lantern, cover No. 3 Pioneer Circuses of the West, by Reynolds, reviewed, 83—84 Pitkin, Abigail, polygamous wife of Heber C. Kimball, 316 Pitkin, Laura, polygamous wife of Heber C. Kimball, 316 Pocatello, Indian chief who swore vengeance on whites, 6—7 Poesche, Emma, witty description of Mormons, 226 Politics, " U t a h comes of age politically: a study of the state's politics in the early years of the twentieth century," 91—111 Polygamy, congressional hearing concerning, 9 2 - 9 3 , 9 4 - 9 5 ; in U t a h in 1900's, 9 2 - 9 3 , 9 5 ; raised as an issue politically, 9 2 ; abolished, 306, 310, 3 1 2 ; "Notes on Mormon Polygamy," 309—21; extent practiced in U t a h , 310, 3 1 1 ; inaugurated, 3 1 0 ; length of life in Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, 310; openly avowed by Mormons, 310; testimony in Reed Smoot case, 3 1 0 - 1 1 ; increase in marriages, 311, 3 1 2 ; Mormon acceptance of doctrine, 3 1 1 ; Edmunds Act passed, 3 1 2 ; Joseph Smith most married m a n in church, 3 1 3 ; number of wives of Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, John D . Lee, a n d Orson Pratt, 3 1 3 ; number of polygamists and wives, 313—14; age when married, 315 ; description of composite polygamist, 316; high speed marrying, 316; popularity of marrying sisters, 316; reason for marrying sisters, 316—17; Mormon justification of, 317, 3 1 9 ; size of families, 318—19; common reasons for opposition, 319—20; people with distinct racial characteristics produced from, 3 2 0 ; tenet of church, 3 2 1 ; "Eli Azariah D a y : Pioneer Schoolteacher and 'Prisoner for Conscience Sake,' " 3 2 2 - 4 1 ; picture of cohabs in prison, 322; letters of polygamist "on the U n d e r g r o u n d " and in prison, 325— 41 Pomeroy, Earl, " W h a t remains of the West?" 37-55 Powell, J o h n Wesley, arrived at m o u t h of Virgin River, 165 Powers, O r l a n d o W., prominent non-Mormon, 94; party affiliation, 96, 97 Pratt, Heleman, presided over Overton, Nevada, settlement, 168 Pratt, Orson, number of wives, 3 1 3 ; picture, 315 Pratt, Orville C , description of Mountain Meadows, 139 Presbyterian Church, picture of First Presbyterian Church, 292; accomplishments by 1895, 296; began missionary work in U t a h , 296; academies operated in U t a h , 302; attempted to resurrect anti-Mormon sentiment, 302; see also Evangelical Christian Churches

Utah Historical Quarterly Preuss, Charles, cartographer with Fremont Expeditions, 210, 211 Price, Howard C , reappointed U t a h State Historical Society board member, 347 Price, Virginia N., The Horse in America, review by, 273-74 Price, U t a h , Catholic parish chapel established, 300 Prison, see U t a h Territorial Prison Progressive party, fused with Democrats in U t a h , 108 Prohibition, advocated by members of Twelve Apostles, 103, 106; advocated state-wide, 103; Cannon Bill, 104, 105; political issue in 1914, 109; Wooten Bill passed, 109; liquor law passed, 111 Q Quest for Empire: The Political Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty in Mormon History, by Hansen, reviewed, 352—53

Rampton, Calvin L., picture, 345 Rampton, Mrs. Calvin L., picture, 347; U t a h State H i s t o r i c a l Society 1967 Service Award recipient, 347 Randlett, U t a h , Episcopal chapel constructed, 301 Rawlins, Joseph L., non-Mormon elected to state office, 9 4 ; party affiliation, 96 Readings in California Catholic History, by Weber, reviewed, 357—58 Records Center, 1966-67 accomplishments, 350—51; see also U t a h State Archives Religions, "Religious Activities a n d Development in U t a h , 1847-1910," 2 9 2 - 3 0 6 Reorganized C h u r c h of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, opposed polygamy, 310 Republican party, Gentiles joined, 96; membership in U t a h , 9 7 ; status in 1908, 102; attitude toward, 109; defeated in U t a h , 110 Retreat to Nevada: A Socialist Colony of World War I, by Shepperson, reviewed, 272 Reynolds, Chang, Pioneer Circuses of the West, reviewed, 8 3 - 8 4 Rich, J. C , controversy at cattlemen's conventions, 198, 199 Richfield, abandoned because of hostile Indians, 172 Ridges, Joseph Harris, constructed Tabernacle organ, 288 Rio Virgin County, county seat, 1 7 1 ; created, 171 Roberts, B. H., congressional rejection of, 9 7 ; petition of protest against seating in Congress by Evangelical ministers of U t a h , 304 Rockville Telegraph Office, picture, cover No. 2 ; historical sketch and description, 136 Rockwell, Orrin Porter, 123 The Rocky Mountain West in 1867, by Simonin, reviewed, 178—79 Rollins, George W., Bankers and Cattlemen, review by, 81—82 A Room for the Night: Hotels of the Old West, by V a n O r m a n , reviewed, 271—72 Roosevelt, Franklin D., spoke in Tabernacle, 284


Index Roosevelt, Theodore, backed William Howard Taft, 102; popular, 108; spoke in T a b e r nacle, 284

Salt Lake City, population in 1900's, 245 Salt Lake Collegiate Institute, 302 Salt L a k e Federation of Labor, n a m e changed to, 2 4 3 ; a t t e m p t e d to bring together craft and radical unions, 249 Salt Lake City Hall, picture, 199 Salt Lake Herald, Democratic newspaper, 100; sold, 101 Salt Lake Telegram, attacked Republican party, 99 Salt Lake Tribune, Republican newspaper, 9 9 ; attacked Republican party, 100 Sanders, Ellen, polygamous wife of H e b e r C. Kimball, 316 Sanders, Harriet, polygamous wife of H e b e r C. Kimball, 316 Sandoz, M a r i , m a p a n d key of Area of the Richer Beaver Harvest of North America, reviewed, 86 Sands, Robert, directed Tabernacle Choir, 287 Scamehorn, Lee, Beet Sugar in the West: A History of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, 1891-1966, review by, 174-75 Scanlan, L a u r e n c e , Catholic bishop's accomplishments in Utah, 300 Schiel, J a c o b H., picture of title page of book by, 2 0 9 ; visited U t a h , 2 1 3 ; description of U t a h a n d t h e Mormons, 2 1 3 - 1 5 Schindler, H a r o l d , Orrin Porter Rockwell: Man of God, Son of Thunder, reviewed, 1 7 3 - 7 4 ; picture, 3 5 0 ; received 1967 American Association for State a n d Local History Award of Merit, 350 Schools, established in U t a h by Evangelical Christian Churches, 2 9 5 ; in U t a h Territory, 295 Scott, Lalla, Karnee: A Paiute Narrative, reviewed, 177—78 Settle, R a y m o n d W. a n d M a r y L u n d , War Drums and Wagon Wheels: The Story of Russell, Majors and Waddell, reviewed, 77 Sevier County, settlements abandoned because of hostile Indians, 172 Sheepmen, conflict with cattlemen, 189 Shepperson, Wilbur S., Retreat to Nevada: A Socialist Colony of World War I, reviewed, 272 Shipp, Ellis, collection presented to U t a h State Historical Society library, 349 Shipps, J a n , " U t a h comes of age politically: a study of the state's politics in the early years of the twentieth century," 91—111 Shoshoni Indians, see Indians Showell, Florence, volunteer worker for U t a h State Historical Society, 349 Simonin, Louis L., The Rocky Mountain West in 1867, reviewed, 178-79 Simons, Orawell, presided over Simonsville, Nevada, 158

369 Simonsville, Nevada, picture of grave in, 158; settled, 158; I n d i a n problems, 159; picture of irrigation canal, 166; see also M u d d y River Slavery, M o r m o n attitude toward, 73, 7 5 ; M o r m o n involvement in Missouri, 73—74 Smith, Fay Jackson, Father Kino in Arizona, reviewed, 358—59 Smith, George Albert, advocated state-wide prohibition, 1 0 3 ; visited M u d d y River settlements, 166 Smith, H y r u m M., accused R e e d Smoot of being out of harmony with Twelve, 105; prohibition crusade, 106 Smith, Joseph, revelations, 6 2 ; revelation concerning temperance, 102; took first plural wife, 3 1 0 ; most married polygamist in church, 3 1 3 ; length of time in marrying plural wives, 3 1 6 ; married sisters, 3 1 6 ; size of family, 318 Smith, Joseph F., 9 8 ; president of M o r m o n C h u r c h , 9 4 ; testimony at congressional hearing, 9 5 ; opposed to Democratic party, 9 7 ; advocated Mormons vote Republican, 1 0 1 ; biographical sketch, 1 0 3 ; picture, 103; view regarding W o r d of Wisdom, 1 0 3 ; appealed to Mormons to vote for William H . Taft, 108; died, 1 1 1 ; increased church's financial resources, 299 Smith, T h o m a s S., president of Salmon River colony, 125; wounded, 125; presided over St. T h o m a s , Nevada, 1 5 5 ; major N a u v o o Legion, 160; released from M u d d y River mission, 162 Smithies, James, directed T a b e r n a c l e Choir, 287 Smoot, Reed, 9 8 ; polygamy controversy, 92— 93, 94—95; biographical sketch, 9 3 ; picture, 9 3 ; investor in Inter-Mountain Republican, 100; extended aid to Inter-Mountain Republican, 1 0 1 ; opposed by William H . King, 1 0 1 ; attitude toward prohibition, 103—4; warned against H e b e r J. G r a n t , 104; accused of being out of h a r m o n y with Twelve Apostles, 105; first election by popular vote, 108; won 1912 election, 1 0 9 ; elected to Senate, 3 0 4 ; testimony in investigation for him to retain U . S . Senate seat, 3 1 0 - 1 1 Snarr, L. Glen, retired as U t a h State Historical Society board member, 346 Snell, Joseph W., A Room for the Night: Hotels of the Old West, review by, 2 7 1 - 7 2 Snow, Erastus, visited M u d d y River settlements, 157, 167; parley with Indians, 160; letter concerning defense of M u d d y River settlements against hostile Indians, 1 6 1 ; informed Brigham Y o u n g of new settlem e n t on M u d d y River, 163 Snow, Lorenzo, increased financial resources of church, 299 Songs of the Cowboys, by T h o r p , reviewed, 180-81 Sonne, Conway B., War Drums and Wagon Wheels: The Story of Russell, Majors and Waddell, review by, 7 7 ; Indian Slave Trade in the Southwest, review by, 181—82 Spanish Trail, traders, 137; description, 138


370 Spry, William, U t a h governor, 9 8 ; member of Smoot machine, 9 9 ; extended aid to InterMountain Republican, 1 0 1 ; vetoed local option bill, 105; biographical sketch, 106; picture, 106; committed political suicide, 109-10; vetoed Wooten Bill, 109 St. Ann's Orphanage, constructed, 300 St. Joseph, Nevada, location, 157; settled, 157; description, 158; Indian problems, 159; abandoned, 162; new settlers leave to found additional settlement, 162—63; destroyed by fire, 163—64; appealed to southern U t a h settlements for help, 164; picture of irrigation ditch, 166; agreed to build portion of telegraph line, 167; purchased stock in Washington cotton factory, 167; county seat of Rio Virgin County, 1 7 1 ; see also M u d d y River St. Mark's Hospital, picture, 303 St. Thomas, Nevada, description, 155, 157; location, 155; reasons for settling, 155; settled, 155; 1866 census, 162; agreed to build portion of telegraph line, 167; purchased stock in Washington cotton factory, 167: abandoned, 172; see also M u d d y River Staker, Eliza Jane, wife of E. A. Day, 3 2 3 ; children, 324; picture, 325 Standing, A. R., " T h r o u g h the U i n t a s : History of the Carter Road," 256—67 Statehood Day, description of Tabernacle and day's events in 1896, 286, 2 8 7 ; 1967 program, 348 Stock Growers' Association (Colorado), organized, 189; see also Colorado Cattle Growers' Association and Cattlemen Stephens, Evan, composed state song, 287 Stevenson, Adlai, visited Tabernacle, 284 Streng, Professor, description of U t a h and the Mormons, 216—17 Summit Park, sawmill established, 262 Sutherland, George, 98, 9 9 ; non-Mormon elected to state office, 94; investor in InterMountain Republican, 100; extended aid to Inter-Mountain Republican, 101; lost 1916 election, 110 Tabernacle, Salt Lake, description, 36, 2 8 1 ; first conference held in, 3 6 ; pictures, cover No. 4, 279, 289; "Desert Tortoise: T h e Mormon Tabernacle on Temple Square," 2 7 9 - 9 1 ; balcony added, 279; history, 2 7 9 9 1 ; architect, 280; changes, 280; construction began, 280; first opened, 2 8 0 ; location, 280; dedicated, 2 8 1 ; first non-religious program, 2 8 1 ; first commercial performance, 282; artists who have performed in, 283; rules governing use of, 2 8 3 ; famous visitors to, 2 8 3 - 8 4 ; description of President Woodrow Wilson's appearance in, 284; Presidents who have spoken in, 284; funeral services held in, 284—85; description of 1868 Independence Day celebration, 2 8 5 ; d e s c r i p t i o n of D e s e r e t S u n d a y S c h o o l Union Jubilee celebration (July 24, 1875), 2 8 5 - 8 6 ; Statehood Day program of 1896, 286, 287; threatened by arson, 2 8 9 - 9 0 ; closed during World W a r I I , 290; reopened after World War I I , 2 9 0 - 9 1 ; measures

Utah Historical Quarterly taken to prevent deterioration, 290; roof changes, 290; threatened by fire, 291 Tabernacle Choir, directors, 287; weekly radio broadcasts inaugurated, 287 Tabernacle Organ, builder, 2 8 0 ; pictures, 286; constructed, 2 8 8 ; renovations, 288 Taft, William Howard, 108; ran for President, 102; spoke in Tabernacle, 284 Taylor, John, gave permission for operatic performance in Tabernacle, 282 Taylor, J o h n W., resigned from Q u o r u m of Twelve, 95 Telegraph, to be built to M u d d y River settlements, 167 Temperance, tenet of Mormon faith, 102; see also Prohibition Territorial Stock Growers' Association of U t a h , organized, 2 0 1 ; see also Cattlemen Thanksgiving, 1888 description in prison, 328 Thatcher, Moses, 97 T h o m a s , C h a r l e s J., d i r e c t e d T a b e r n a c l e Choir, 287 Thomas Moran: Artist of the Mountains, by Wilkins, reviewed, 82—83 Thornburgh, Thomas T., major U.S. Army attacked by Indians, 257; fort named for, 258; killed by Indians, 258 Thorp, N. Howard ( " J a c k " ) , Songs of the Cowboys, reviewed, 180—8i Timber, "Early Day Timber Cutting Along the U p p e r Bear River," 202—8; government control of cutting of, 202—3; periods of cutting on U p p e r Bear River, 202; picture of lumberjack, 202; flume constructed from Gold Hill to Hilliard for transportation of, 204—6; industry important to Wyoming and U t a h , 204; pictures of tie loading operation along Union Pacific, 204; pictures of tie hackers' camp and lumbering tools, 2 0 5 ; pictures of cribbing and splash dam on Mill Creek, 207 Timothy O'Sullivan: America's Forgotten Photographer. The Life and Work of the Brilliant Photographer Whose Camera Recorded the American Scene from the Battlefields of the Civil War to the Frontiers of the West, by Horan, reviewed, 354—55 Toelken, J. Barre, Songs of the Cowboys, review by, 180-81 Tooele County, cattlemen's association formed, 193 Tooele, Catholic parish chapel established, 300 T r u m a n , H a r r y S, spoke in Tabernacle, 284 Turner, Frederick Jackson, definition of frontier, 3 8 ; thesis, 299 Turner, Wallace, The Mormon Establishment, reviewed, 268-69 Tyler, S. Lyman, The Indian: America's Unfinished Business. Report of the Commission on the Rights, Liberties, and Responsibilities of the American Indian, review by, 179-80 Typographical Union Local 115, established, 240

U Unions, " T h e Structure of Labor Unions in Utah, An Historical Perspective, 1890-


371

Index 1920," 2 3 6 - 5 5 ; locals founded in Utah, 239, 240; number organized by 1890, 240; Typographical Union Local 115 established, 240; U t a h Federated Trades and Labor Council established, 240; Building Trades Council established, 242; U t a h Federated Trades and Labor Council dissolved, 242; Board of Labor (later U t a h Federation of Labor) established, 2 4 3 ; radical unions started, 2 4 3 ; U t a h Federation of Labor changed name to Salt Lake Federation of Labor, 2 4 3 ; U t a h State Federation of Labor established, 243; locals in U t a h to 1920, 244; nature of first in U t a h , 246; early strikes in U t a h , 247—48; craft-conscious, 248; revolutionary, 248; success of radical unionism in Utah, 248; controversy with Salt Lake Federation of Labor, 2 5 1 ; conservative unionism survived in U t a h , 252; Mormon Church advocated conservative unionism, 252 Unitarian Society, description in early U t a h , 2 9 3 - 9 4 ; constructed first chapel, 301 University of Deseret, issued first diplomas, 3 2 3 ; see also University of U t a h University of Utah, first religiously sponsored institution in vicinity of, 3 0 1 ; see also University of Deseret U t a h , " U t a h comes of age politically: a study of the state's politics in the early years of the twentieth century," 9 1 - 1 1 1 ; " T h e Image of U t a h and the Mormons in Nineteenth-Century Germany," 2 0 9 - 2 7 ; description by Jacob H. Schiel, 213—14; description by Professor Streng, 216—17; population 1900, 1910, 1920, 2 4 3 ; manufacturing establishments 1900 to 1920, 245; occupations from 1900 to 1920, 245; labor legislation, 254 U t a h Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, 188; met in Salt Lake City, 194; officers, 194; see also Cattlemen U t a h Federated Trades and Labor Council, established, 240; locals affiliated with, 240; dissolved, 242; see also Unions U t a h Federation of Labor, organized, 242; name changed, 243; see also Salt Lake Federation of Labor and Unions U t a h Heritage Foundation, 347 U t a h - I d a h o Sugar Company, received 1967 American Association for State and Local History Award of Commendation, 350 U t a h Light and Railway Company, sold, 95 U t a h State Archives, accomplishments in 1966-67, 3 4 9 - 5 0 ; see also Records Center U t a h State Federation of Labor, established, 243 U t a h State Historical Society, " T h e President's Report for the Fiscal Year 1966-67," 3 4 2 - 5 1 ; pictures of 1967 Annual Meeting, 342, 345, 346, 347, 350; law adding name to, 3 4 3 ; goals, 3 4 3 - 4 4 ; 1966-67 budget, 344; board members, 3 4 4 - 4 7 ; pictures of 1967 Annual Award winners, 345, 347; Checklist of Mormon Literature, 348; highway marking program, 348; 1967 Statehood Day program, 348; contributions of volunteer workers, 349; gifts to library, 349

U t a h Sugar Company, control of, 95 U t a h Territorial Prison, description of life in 1888 in, 328, 339, 340; drawing of in 1888, 329; picture, 337

Van Orman, Richard A., A Room for the Night: Hotels of the Old West, reviewed, 271-72 Varian, Charles S., prominent non-Mormon, 94 Virgin River, settlement established at mouth of, 165; see also Junction City

w The Wagonmasters: High Plains Freighting from the Earliest Days of the Santa Fe Trail to 1880, by Walker, reviewed, 176—77 Walker, Don D., "From Self-Reliance to Cooperation: The Early Development of the Cattlemen's Associations in U t a h , " 187— 201 Walker, Henry Pickering, The Wagonmasters: High Plains Freighting from the Earliest Days of the Santa Fe Trail to 1880, reviewed, 176—77 Walker Opera House, picture, 199 Wallentine, Keith, picture, 350; received 1967 American Association for State and Local History Award of Commendation for U t a h - I d a h o Sugar Company, 350 War Drums and Wagon Wheels: The Story of Russell, Majors and Waddell, by Settle and Settle, reviewed, 77 Warenski, Marilyn, volunteer worker for U t a h State Historical Society, 349 Wasatch Academy, 302 Washington Cotton Factory, stock purchased by M u d d y River settlers, 167 Water, picture of new methods in irrigating, 231 Watts, Bauldwin Harvey, Salmon River missionary, 124; member advance party to rescue Fort Limhi settlers, 1 3 1 ; left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19 Weber, Francis J., Readings in California Catholic History, reviewed, 357—58 Wells, Daniel H , letter advising M u d d y River settlers to construct forts, 161 Wells, Merle, Pioneer Circuses of the West, review by, 83—84 West, " W h a t remains of the West?" 37-55 West Point, Nevada, settled, 163; agreed to build portion of telegraph line, 167; purchased stock in Washington cotton factory, 167 ; abandoned, 170; see also M u d d y River Western Federation of Miners, 243 A Western Panorama 1849-1875: the travels, writings and influence of J. Ross Browne on the Pacific Coast, and in Texas, Nevada, Arizona and Baja California, as the first Mining Commissioner, and Minister to China, by Goodman, reviewed, 79—80 Westminster College, 303 Whiterocks, Utah, Episcopal chapel and station erected at, 301 Whitmer, John, 60; approached by mob with demand Mormons leave Missouri, 70


372 W h i t m o r e , J a m e s M., called to explore Color a d o River a n d commerce possibilities, 151 Wilkie, Wendell, visited Tabernacle, 284 Wilkins, T h u r m a n , Thomas Moran: Artist of the Mountains, reviewed, 82—83 Williams, Parley L., p r o m i n e n t n o n - M o r m o n , 9 4 ; party affiliation, 96 Wilson, Woodrow, p o p u l a r in U t a h , 108; spoke in Tabernacle, 284 Woolley, Naomi, appointed board m e m b e r of the U t a h State Historical Society, 3 4 4 ; biographical sketch, 3 4 4 - 4 5 Woolsey, A g a t h a Ann, polygamous wife of J o h n D . Lee, 316 Woolsey, Andora, polygamous wife of J o h n D . Lee, 316 Woolsey, Rachel, polygamous wife of J o h n D . Lee, 316 W o r d of Wisdom, 102; views of H e b e r J. Grant, Francis M . L y m a n , a n d Joseph F. Smith, 103 Workers', Soldiers', a n d Sailors' Council, 243 W o r k m a n , T h o m a s , m e m b e r advance p a r t y to rescue Fort L i m h i settlers, 131 fn. 12; left Fort Limhi, 136 fn. 19 Wyoming Stock Growers' Association, organized, 189; see also C a t t l e m e n

Utah Historical

Quarterly

Young, Brigham, attitude toward Indians, 4 - 5 ; willing to arbitrate with U t a h Expedition, 129; advice to M u d d y River settlers regarding hostile Indians, 159—60; angry at M u d d y River settlers, 1 6 3 ; visited M u d d y River settlements, 166, 1 6 8 ; letter to M u d dy River settlers advising t h e m to leave, 171—72; n u m b e r of wives, 3 1 3 ; picture, 3 1 4 ; m a r r i e d sisters, 3 1 6 ; speed in marrying polygamous wives, 3 1 6 ; size of family, 318 Young, Joseph W., president M u d d y River Valley Cooperative, 168 Young, L e g r a n d e , controversy at cattlemen's conventions, 199 Young, Lovina, polygamous wife of J o h n D. Lee, 316 Young, Polly, polygamous wife of J o h n D. Lee, 316

Zane, Charles, p r o m i n e n t n o n - M o r m o n , 94


Utah State Historical Society

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