Page 1

[JZX WINTER, 1965

VOLUME S3

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

NUMBER 1


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY r\

R*

BOARD OF TRUSTEES j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1967 President DELLO G. DAYTON, O g d e n , 1965

Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake City Secretary j . STERLING ANDERSON, Grantsville, 1967

LELAND H . CREER, Salt Lake City, 1965

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1965 MRS. A. C. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1967 CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio HOWARD c. PRICE, J R . , Price, 1967 J O E L E. R I C K S , Logan, 1965

L. GLEN SNARR, Salt Lake City, 1967 S. LYMAN TYLER, PrOVO, 1 9 6 5

ADMINISTRATION EVERETT L. COOLEY, Director

T. H . JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives F. T. J O H N S O N , Records Manager, Archives R. w . INSCORE, Registrar, Military Records T h e U t a h State Historical Society is an organization devoted to the collection, preservation, a n d publication of U t a h a n d related history. I t was organized by publicspirited Utahns in 1897 for this purpose. I n fulfillment of its objectives, the Society publishes the Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 annual membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps, and manuscripts. Many of these items have come to the library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only through such means can the U t a h State Historical Society live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

J O H N J A M E S , J R . , Librarian

MARGERY w . WARD, Associate Editor IRIS SCOTT, Business M a n a g e r

T h e primary purpose of the Quarterly is t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of m a n u s c r i p t s , p h o t o graphs, and documents which relate or give a new interpretation to Utah's unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for the consideration of the editor. However, the editor assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts unaccompanied by return postage. Manuscripts and material for publications should be sent to the editor. The U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid at Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1965, U t a h State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.


W I N T E R , 1965

V O L U M E 33

NUMBER 1

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY INAUGURAL MESSAGE BY CALVIN L . R A M P T O N

1

UTAH'S BIGGEST BUSINESS: OGDEN AIR MATERIEL AREA AT HILL AIR FORCE BASE, 1938-1965 BY L E O N A R D J . A R R I N G T O N , T H O M A S G. A L E X A N D E R A N D E U G E N E A. E R B , J R

9

THE GLEN CANYON: A MULTI-DISCIPLINE PROJECT BY J E S S E D. J E N N I N G S A N D FLOYD W . S H A R R O C K . . . .

34

RESCUE OF A FRONTIER BOY BY N E W E L L H A R T

51

UTAH AND THE CIVIL WAR BY G U S T I V E O. L A R S O N

55

REVIEWS AND PUBLICATIONS

78

Samples of vessels which were excavated in the Upper Colorado River Basin Archeological Salvage Project conducted by the Anthropology Department, University of Utah. Vessels displayed are: Front, top, Tusayan black-on-white jar, Mesa Verda black-on-white mug. Bottom, Middleton Polydrome bowl, Mancos black-on-white water jar. Back, top, Fremont Culture tooled vessel. Botton, corrugated utility vessel. DEPARTMENT O F ANTHROPOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF UTAH

EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR ART EDITOR

L. COOLEY Margery W. Ward

EVERETT

Roy J. Olsen


M O R G A N , D A L E L., ED., The West of William H. Ashley: The international struggle for the fur trade of the Missouri, the Rocky Mountains, and the Columbia, with explorations beyond the Continental Divide, recorded in the diaries and letters of William H. Ashley and his contemporaries,

1822-1838,

BY J . W . SMURR ....

78

U T L E Y , R O B E R T M., The Last Days of the Sioux

Nation,

BY MERRILL D. BEAL

79

B A I L E Y , P A U L , For Time and All

Eternity,

BY HAMPTON C. GODBE

80

H I N E , R O B E R T V . AND B I N G H A M , E D W I N R., EDS., The Frontier Experience: Readings in the Trans-Mississippi West, BY WILLIAM H. GOETZMANN

B R O W N , D . A L E X A N D E R , The Yankees,

81

Galvanized

BY DELLO G. DAYTON

82

D I C K , E V E R E T T , Tales of the Frontier: From Lewis and Clark to the Last Roundup, BY CLARK C. SPENCE

BOOKS REVIEWED

83

D E Q U I L L E , DAN (WILLIAM W R I G H T ) , Washoe Rambles, BY DON D. W A L K E R

M O O D Y , R A L P H , The Old Trails

84

West,

BY DAVID E . M I L L E R

85

B O N N E Y , E D W A R D , The Banditti of the Prairies or, The Murderer's Doom!! A Tale of the Mississippi Valley, BY OLIVE W. BURT

86

G L A N Z , R U D O L F , Jew and Mormon: Historic Group Relations and Religious Outlook, BYT. EDGAR LYON

87

C A R T E R , H O D D I N G , Doomed Road of Empire: The Spanish Trail of Conquest, BY DONALD R. MOORMAN

88

S K A R S T E N , M . O., George Drouillard, Hunter and Interpreter for Lewis and Clark and Fur Trader,

1807-1810,

BY J A M E S L. CLAYTON

89

T Y L E R , H A M I L T O N A., Pueblo Gods and Myths,

BY EDWARD B. DANSON

90

G R E E L E Y , H O R A C E , An Overland Journey From New York to San Francisco in the Summer

of 1859, BY EVERETT L. COOLEY

91

D O R S O N , R I C H A R D M., Buying the Wind: Regional Folklore in the United States, BY AUSTIN E . F I F E

93

H O R N , T O M , Life of Tom Horn, Government Scout and Interpreter. Written by Himself Together with His Letters and Statements by His Friends,

BY CHARLES KELLY

Printed by ALPHABET Printing Co., Salt Lake City

93


U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

INAUGURAL MESSAGE by Governor Calvin L. Rampton GOVERNOR CLYDE, M R . C H I E F J U S T I C E , F R I E N D S A N D N E I G H B O R S O F T H E S T A T E O F U T A H '.

This is a particularly memorable day for our state. Not because a new administration assumes office, for that is only incidental in the passage of history. But memorably because today marks the Sixty-Ninth Anniversary of the date on which Utah achieved statehood. For no other state was the quest for acceptance into the Union as long or as difficult as that of Utah. Numerous petitions for statehood Governor Calvin L. Rampton's Inaugural Message, January 4, 1965. For the past two years, the U t a h State Historical Society has sponsored a Statehood Day observance. T h e addresses given on this occasion have been published in previous Quarterlies. This year the inauguration of state officials fell on Statehood Day, so the governor's inauguraL address commemorates that day.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

were forwarded to Washington, and were rejected. Brigham Young, the leader of the pioneer group and the leader in petitioning for admittance to the Union, was almost 20 years dead before success in that venture was achieved. A child born when the pioneers arrived in this valley in 1847, was already well into middle age when the precious goal of statehood was reached. By the same token, Utah's existence as a state has been relatively short. There are some in the rotunda of this Capitol today, including my own mother, who can remember that January 4th in 1896, when the Territory of Utah became the State of Utah. Those who lived in the territorial days did not seek statehood for light or transient reasons. They were a fiercely independent group who believed in the maximum freedom of the individual, consistent with the general good. And they believed that it was the obligation of each man, to the best of his ability, to provide for the needs of himself and his family. But they also knew that one family could not have the facilities properly to educate the children; that such facilities could only be provided by the people acting together — through government. The individual could not build roads or other necessary means of transportation, trade, and communication; but such could be provided by the people acting concertedly — through government. They knew that the alleviation of suffering of those unable to care for themselves should not be dependent upon the uncertainty of private alms. The need to do something for this problem lay on the collective conscience of the community and was acted upon — through government. This is why the people of territorial Utah sought, again and again, to bring statehood to this land. They knew that a sovereign state government could fill vital needs of the people which could be met neither by the individual, the local community councils, nor by the distant government in Washington, D.C. The problems of schools, highways, and welfare received immediate attention from the first state government of Utah and its political subdivisions. Today -— 69 years later — although the state government performs many other functions, those same three problems are still the primary concerns of our state government and require the expenditure of most of the state's revenue. A democratic form of government, whether it be of the city, the county, the state, or the nation, is not something separate and apart from its people. For now, as then, government is merely men acting together to do something one man cannot do alone.


Inaugural Message

5

It is not always an easy matter to determine what functions should be performed by government. Or to decide which level of government can best fill each need. We can agree as a general principle that government should perform no services for the individual which the individual can perform as well or better for himself. We can also agree that, when a service is to be performed by government, it should be performed by the unit of government nearest and most receptive to the people it will serve which has sufficient scope to fill the need. But even in determining these two questions, we cannot lay down hard and fast guide lines. As society develops, the need for men to act together increases. As travel, trade, and communication develop, the functions of government once performed on a local basis must be performed by governments having broader territorial jurisdiction. As examples, while city streets and county roads a century ago provided adequate transportation, today not even state governments can meet the demands of the traveler, and our federal system of highways is approved by all. The village schoolhouse no longer can meet the educational needs of our children, and the state equalization program receives general approval from our people. The County Poor Farm can no longer care adequately for the needy, and state and federal funds are available to help with this problem. No one likes to see a larger unit of government take over a function formerly exercised by a smaller unit. But such is necessary when the smaller unit is unable to meet the need or fails to recognize and fulfill its obligations. During the coming four years, the government of the State of Utah will attempt accurately to appraise its role and to meet the obligations with which the people have entrusted it. It will seek neither to usurp the functions of city and county governments, nor will it abdicate its position in favor of the federal government. On the other hand, the state government will not be suspicious of the smaller units of government nor of the national government. Neither a servant nor master — your Utah State government will be a partner with all levels of government in serving the needs of our people. We will recognize that, in America, each level of government is merely the people, acting collectively to perform services. And the level of government performing each function is determined by how many men must cooperate in order to meet a given problem. A basic belief of the American people is that the means of production which sustains our economy should be privately owned. During the


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Utah Historical

Quarterly

last half of the nineteenth century and the early days of the twentieth century, government tended to veer away from any connection with the economy of the state and nation. For then we had industrial as well as geographical frontiers to conquer. Out of necessity, however, those days of laissez faire are long behind us. Regulation of public utilities, of security sales, and enforcement of fair trade practices are today accepted by the people and by business as being necessary functions of government. One of the more recent moves of government toward partnership in the economy is in the field of economic promotion and development. This has been a movement out of necessity. For the economy of the modern United States is no longer a series of ponds and lakes, economically unconnected and isolated with markets for products of local labor and industry limited to the immediate community. Today's economy is a mighty river of commerce, flowing throughout the entire nation. And those states and regions that do not make an effort to join the mainstream of this river find themselves left behind in the backwaters — moving fitfully in the currents and eddies of our nation's economy. T h e main street of today's business section extends, not from city limit to city limit, but from border to border across this great nation. And each tradesman, business, or industry is in competition with others throughout the nation and the world. Utah, like it or not, has been thrust into the midst of this sink-orswim, survive-or-perish competitive world. While our population has been expanding, Utah's private economy has been relatively static. T h e new jobs necessary to sustain our growing numbers have been furnished by expanding government employment and employment in defense oriented industries. This type of employment while welcome is too volatile to be the base for a sound economy for our state. Thus, the challenge for U t a h today is to join that mainstream of commerce — to spur herself into industrialized expansion — to compete as an equal in the market places of the nation and the world. And, by so doing, to provide employment for our men and women, security for their families and futures for their children. This is not an impossible challenge to meet. T h e southern states of this nation have, in recent years, dramatically remolded themselves. Beginning with poor agrarian economies and long the most backward in the nation economically as well as socially, the South is forging a new, stable,


Inaugural Message

7

and expanding industrial economy. Acting in cooperation with commerce and industry, state governments in the South have helped lift the area by its bootstraps. It is time for Utah to undertake such a program. For although the state owes no man a living, it owes to every man the opportunity to make a living for himself and his family. If that opportunity is not afforded, Utah must inevitably export its most precious commodity; not the products of its mines, factories or fields, but its young people. But the task of economic promotion and development can no longer be left to voluntary cooperation of industry and commerce through chambers of commerce or other service clubs. The great contribution which these organizations have and are making to our state's economy must be supplemented and coordinated by the state government. During the coming four years, your state government will cooperate with labor, industry, and agriculture to find markets for the products of this state — to bring into this state new industries — and to encourage our people to invest their own capital into our expanding economy. We do not seek an opulent economy, but rather a balance in which labor, capital, and management share in a partnership for the common good. In order to achieve this, we must afford to our young people the highest type of educational system — one which will give our people training in the skills demanded by industry and enlightenment of the type that enriches the life of our community. We must welcome every citizen into our society and welcome the contribution he can make to it. We cannot afford to distinguish between individuals on the basis of religion or race — our cause is too great and too demanding. There is no need for distinction between direct descendants of the pioneer and those who joined with us last week — for we are all pioneers in this new challenge. Only through these actions can Utah fulfill the promise envisioned for her by those who battled for her statehood. Utah is admirably equipped to meet the challenge of the future, and to participate fully in the economic and social life of America. We have a wealth of raw materials exceeded by no other state in the Union. We are located at a strategic cross-road of the nation's communication and transportation lifeline. Most important, we have a highly literate and potentially productive people. We have men to match our mountains. To fulfill our potential, both economically and socially, we must dare to move forward. We must not let fear paralyze us into inactivity. We


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Utah Historical

Quarterly

will risk error — and will no doubt make errors. But those who crossed a thousand miles of wilderness to found this state pursued no sure course. They knew that total security was stagnation, and that stagnation errodes security. Their leaders erred, but in erring, learned. O u r greatest heritage from those who pioneered this area and who fought for statehood was not the specific remedies for problems they faced and solved three-quarters of a century ago, but rather the courage and vision to adopt new remedies for new problems. If we now can move with this kind of courage, the errors we make will be but minor compared to our progress. I n 1936, in his second acceptance speech, Franklin D. Roosevelt said: "Governments can err, but the immortal Dante tells us that divine justice weighs the sins of the cold-blooded and the sins of the warm-hearted in a different manner. Better the occasion faults of a government living in the spirit of charity than the constant omissions of a government frozen in the ice of its own indifference." I welcome the challenge that faces our state. I accept the responsibility of the governorship with no ambition save the ambition to render a service to the state and the people which I love. In the quest for this goal, I solicit your s u p p o r t . . . and your prayers.

GOVERNORS OF THE STATE OF UTAH M. W E L L S , 1896-1904 J O H N C. C U T L E R , 1905-1908 W I L L I A M SPRY, 1909-1916 SIMON BAMBERGER, 1917-1920 C H A R L E S R. M A B E Y , 1921-1924 GEORGE H. D E R N , 1925-1932 H E N R Y H. BLOOD, 1933-1940 H E R B E R T B. M A W , 1941-1948 J. BRACKEN L E E , 1949-1956 GEORGE D. CLYDE, 1957-1964 HEBER


UTAH'S Biggest Business

OGDEN AIR MATERIEL AREA At Hill Air Force Base, 1938-1965 BY L E O N A R D J . A R R I N G T O N , T H O M A S G. A L E X A N D E R , A N D E U G E N E A. E R B , J R .

Former President Calvin Coolidge is reported on one occasion to have commented in his usual laconic manner that: " T h e business of America is business." In a very real sense, however, the business of U t a h is defense. In addition to those employed in the defense-related missiles industry, in 1963 there were approximately 26,000 employees at Utah's Department of Defense installations, and they generated an estimated eight percent of Utah's income. A recent study by Professor James L. Clayton, of the University of Utah, concluded that the federal government has spent roughly $3,000 per person in U t a h for defense since World W a r II. H a d the government not done this, Dr. Clayton concluded, U t a h would "unquestionably" have reverted to her prewar pattern of a net out-migration of population. 1 By far the largest business in U t a h is the Ogden Air Materiel Area ( O O A M A ) , located on Hill Air Force Base, in Davis County, just south of Ogden and east of Sunset and Clearfield. 2 In December 1963 O O A M A , Leonard Arrington is professor of economics at U t a h State University, and is directing a study of Utah's defense industry for the Committee to Study Utah's Economy of the U t a h Legislative Council, of which Senator Reed Bullen is chairman. Thomas Alexander, assistant professor of history at Brigham Young University, has participated in the study. T h e writers are particularly grateful to Captain Eugene A. Erb, Jr., United States Air Force, recently assigned in Korea, who, as a student at U . S. U., wrote a preliminary paper on Hill Air Force Base which was useful in preparing this article. This article has been supported in part by a grant from the U t a h State University Research Council. All photographs are courtesy Ogden Air Materiel Area. 1 James L. Clayton, "A Comparative Study of Defense Spending in California and U t a h Since World War I I , " paper presented to the Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association, Los Angeles, August 26, 1964. 2 For coding purposes each air materiel area is designated by five letters. Thus, O O A M A for the Ogden Area. The basic sources for the history of Hill Air Force Base and the Ogden Air Materiel Area ( O O A M A ) are three volumes written by Miss Helen Rice, O O A M A Historian. They a r e : History of Ogden Air Materiel Area: Hill Air Force Base, Utah, 1934-1960 ([Ogden], 1963) ; Chronology, Ogden Air Materiel Area: Hill Air Force Base, Utah, 1934-1961 ([Ogden], 1962) ; and Chronol°gy> Ogden Air Materiel Area: Hill Air Force Base, Utah, 1962-1963 ([Hill Air Force Base], 1964). In addition, Miss Rice maintains a manuscript chronology which will eventually be made into a volume similar to the latter in the Historical Archives of Hill Air Force Base. T h e thesis of Colonel John D. McConahay, " T h e Economic Impact of Hill Air Force Base on the Ogden Area" (Master's thesis, U t a h State University, 1955), was also very useful. Unless otherwise indicated, this article is based upon these sources and personal interviews and correspondence. The authors wish to thank Miss Rice for her time, cooperation, and enthusiasm, which greatly simplified the job of gathering and interpreting the material.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

a subcommand of the Air Force Logistics Command (formerly the Air Materiel Command), employed 15,567 persons. Its nearest competitors were the Utah divisions of U.S. Steel Corporation and Kennecott Copper Corporation with less than 7,000 employees each. In 1964 OOAMA stocked 401,000 items in a $638 million inventory. By comparison, Sears, Roebuck and Company in Salt Lake City stocks only 63,280 items.3 Total assets of the installation amounted to more than $1 billion, which was about equal to the combined assets of all of Utah's banks and savings and loan institutions.4 OOAMA's current payroll is in excess of $100 million, which is more than those of the Utah divisions of U.S. Steel, Kennecott Copper Corporation, and the Union Pacific Railroad Company combined. In addition to the responsibilities for the 7,355 acres on or adjacent to Hill Air Force Base, the command includes Wendover Air Force Auxiliary Field, a million acres of land south of Wendover, Utah; the 351,327acre Hill Air Force Range located about 50 miles west of the base near Lakeside, Utah; the Vernal, Utah, Seismological Site; and the air space 3

Daily Herald (Provo), August 24, 1964. Hill Air Force Base, Office of Information, Facts About Ogden Air Materiel Area ([Ogden], 1960), 5 ; Harry S. Ashmore, ed., Britannica Book of the Year, 1961 (Chicago, 1961), 729. 4

East area of Hill Air Force Base in 1957, the year missile work took on extreme tance not only for Ogden Air Materiel Area, but for the entire State of Utah. mSiiK:M

lililiiii

impor-


Ogden Air Materiel Area

11

over Dugway Proving Grounds. O O A M A provides technical and logistical support for Air Force units in the area of its geographical responsibility, which includes Utah, Colorado, Montana, Idaho, Washington, Wyoming, North and South Dakota, Alaska, and, on an emergency basis, for Air Force units in the western two-thirds of the Dominion of Canada. Thus, O O A M A has a responsibility for more than 80 bases and other installations. It is the largest in geographical size of nine air materiel areas in the United States. F O U N D I N G AND C O N S T R U C T I O N

Between March and June 1934, the Air Corps, which at that time handled the United States air mail service, established a temporary depot at Salt Lake City to provide facilities for its aircraft. This venture left a lasting impression on Lieutenant Colonel (later General) Henry H . ( H a p ) Arnold, who believed that inland depots would be less vulnerable to air attack than coastal facilities. After officers of the Air Corps Materiel Division recommended an investigation into the possibility of locating a depot near Salt Lake City, Congress passed the Wilcox-Wilson Act on August 12, 1935, which authorized the secretary of war to determine the location of permanent Air Corps stations, one of which was to be in the Rocky Mountain area. Soon after the passage of the bill, Colonel Arnold, Army Air Corps officials, and congressmen visited the Mountain States to inspect possible depot sites. During the visit, the Military Affairs Committee of the Ogden Chamber of Commerce showed the party a site south of Ogden. T h e location impressed the visiting dignitaries. It afforded excellent flight approaches from all directions, had adequate water and good drainage, was close to Ogden, and near a spur of the main line of the Union Pacific Railroad. 5 The courtesies shown General Arnold's party by the Ogden C h a m b e r of Commerce were part of an aggressive local program aimed at expanding the industrial base of the area. U t a h was in every sense of the word a depressed area. Between 1930 and 1940 population h a d increased from 507,847 to 550,310, while total employment dropped from 170,000 to 148,886. Employment in every branch of industry — including agriculture, mining, manufacturing, and the services — had dropped. T h e Ogden Chamber of Commerce optioned the land from owners of the proposed site to prevent speculation, being convinced that it was the most logical 5 Wesley Frank Craven and James Lea Cate, eds., Men and Planes, Vol. V I , The Army Air Forces in World War II (7 vols., Chicago, 1955), 128-29.


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Utah Historical

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one. T h e original 3,002 acres, of which the Chamber of Commerce donated 386 acres, was valued at $ 128,080. After the site had been selected, the War Department had to secure funds for construction. T h e Air Corps obtained assistance from the depression-inspired Works Progress Administration, which completed on November 10, 1939, a $158,585 temporary facility project. This temporary construction went ahead concurrently with a preliminary survey which was completed in February 1940. By January 1939 J a p a n h a d begun its conquest of Asia and Germany h a d annexed Austria, and considering the generally grim situation in the world, President Franklin D. Roosevelt asked for $8 million for the Ogden Air Depot at Hill. In July 1939 Congress voted not only that amount, but an additional $3.5 million for another W P A project. T h e Ogden Chamber of Commerce helped at the construction site by securing grading equipment and other machinery from local governmental units. T h e original construction of the base, which took place between 1938 and 1942, cost more than $30 million. Formal ground-breaking ceremonies occurred January 12, 1940. Among other facilities, the government constructed the runway complex; a sewage treatment plant; a radio transmitter building; quartermaster facilities; fire- and guardhouses; a communication building; quarters and barracks; a chemical storage building; a paint, oil, and packing warehouse; a storm sewer system; operations hangar and annexes; an engine repair shop; an engine test building; an aircraft reclamation building; an airplane repair shop; an equipment repair building; and hospital facilities. After the initial construction, building continued on into World War I I . T h e site of the Ogden Air Depot received its first designation on December 1, 1939, when the W a r Department named it Hill Field. This was in honor of Major Ployer P. Hill, who was killed in October 1935 while testing the first model of the B-17.6 T h e Ogden Air Depot was designated to serve a dual purpose. It served as a major supply and maintenance depot for five stations in Washington, one each in Oregon and fi Major Ployer P. Hill was born on October 24, 1894, in Newburyport, Massachusetts. He graduated from Brown University in 1916 with a B.S. Degree in Civil Engineering, and on December 4, 1917, he enlisted in the Aviation Section of the Signal Corps. During the first World War he served at various posts in the United States, and in 1920 and 1921 served with the American army of occupation in Germany. After serving at various posts in the United States, he was transferred to the Philippines where he was stationed between 1929 and 1932. Upon his return to the United States, he served at Wright Field, Dayton, Ohio, where he was killed October 30, 1935, while testing a Boeing XB-17 Flying Fortress. His son, Major Ployer P. (Pete) Hill, Jr., is (September, 1964) stationed at Hill Air Force Base where he serves in the Management Services Division. Major Hill is currently the same age and rank as his father when he was killed. Information supplied by the Historical Office, O O A M A .


Ogden Air Materiel Area

13

Idaho, two in Utah, and three reserve stations. At the same time it was named as auxiliary depot for the area controlled by the Sacramento Air Depot. O n February 1, 1943, the Air Corps divorced the Ogden Air Depot from Sacramento, elevated it to command status on a level equal to Sacramento, and redesignated it the Ogden Air Depot Control Area Command. With the new command also came added responsibility and stature. O n November 7, 1940, Colonel Morris Berman took over as the first commander of the depot (and thus of Hill Field). In January 1941, despite the uncompleted buildings, Colonel Berman accepted ammunition, arms, and other equipment from Fort Douglas, on the eastern bench of Salt Lake City. Shipments began to pour in from Sacramento, and workers had to lease a building in Bountiful to house the supplies. Nevertheless, office equipment was late in arriving, and officials moved into a temporary building containing only six pints of red ink, two dozen erasers, and some packing crates which served as typewriter tables. T h e only source of heat was a potbellied stove, and wind blew sand through cracks in the walls. In the spring, employees wallowed through the mud. From the very start Colonel Berman had difficulty securing the necessary number of employees. No Civil Service examinations had been conducted in the area, and therefore no registers were available from which to select qualified administrative, technical, and clerical personnel. For the time being persons were accepted from other depots. Colonel Berman scheduled examinations to fill the Civil Service register and began the training of local people from the vast available supply of labor. T h e first civilian employee reported for work in January 1941, and by December 7, 1941, 1,639 employees and about 250 military personnel served at Hill Field. WORLD W A R I I

O n December 7, 1941, with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor which plunged the United States into World War II, employment at the Ogden Air Depot rose at a phenomenal rate. T h e need for employees in vital areas prompted the War Department in January 1942 to approve the lowering of job requirements and the hiring of men with physical disabilities. Women were recruited for such tasks as sheet metal work, welding, and aircraft engine repair. Recruiters from the vital facility moved beyond the local area in July 1942, and in March and May 1943 the Ogden Air Depot had reached its all-time peak military and civilian employment of 6,000 and 15,780 respectively, for a total employment of 21,780.


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Utah Historical Quarterly

A 48-hour work week was established on January 26, 1942, to utilize available personnel to the utmost. One of the major problems of the war was the training of unskilled civilians to fill new jobs requiring special skills. Already, in February 1941, the base had established a Mechanic Learner Program, which operated in conjunction with representatives of Utah educational institutions. This program was expanded and salaries of trainees upgraded. The influx of personnel at Hill Field, coupled with a similar expansion in industry throughout the entire Wasatch Front area, created an acute housing and transportation shortage. Federal agencies aided in the construction of temporary rental units at Grand View Acres in South Ogden, Bonneville Park in northeast Ogden, Washington Terrace in southwest Ogden, Verdeland Park in east Layton, Anchorage Acres near the Clearfield Naval Supply Depot, and Sahara Village just south of Hill Field. Dormitories were opened on base for single workers, and trailer courts were established as stopgap measures. Local, non-governmental groups also aided in securing housing facilities. The Ogden Chamber of Commerce, in May 1941, established a house registration bureau, and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints assisted in locating rooms in the homes of established families. Nevertheless, some Hill Field employees had to sleep on park benches and in automobiles, and the only real solution to the housing shortage came when the end of the war allowed the greater dispersal of workers. Transportational problems were not fully resolved until September 1943, when commercially-owned buses began operation between Ogden and Salt Lake City and the base. Before that, car pools were arranged and the local railroads set up schedules to coincide with the work program of the installation. One generally thinks of an air base as a place where airplanes land, take off, and remain in readiness. Though this was partly true of Hill Field, its duties consisted primarily of supply and maintenance. Its primary function was not unlike that of Tooele Ordnance Depot (now Tooele Army Depot), except that it serviced the Air Corps rather than the Ordnance Corps. Prior to December 7, 1941, major emphasis had been on the construction of facilities and the storage of supplies. Beginning then, however, the Depot Maintenance Department (later the Directorate of Maintenance) began to function. Though Congress had appropriated money on March 17, 1941, for an engine overhaul mission at Ogden Air Depot, it was not


East area of Hill Air Force Base prior to the end of World War II. Since that time the runways have been extended to accommodate large jet planes which use the base.

until the fall of the year that Maintenance began to operate. It undertook only minor projects until December 8, 1941, when full-scale three-shift operation began. The depot undertook, among other things, aircraft engine repair; repair of an average of 3,000 parachutes per month; the repair and manufacture of scarce aircraft parts; radio repair; winterization of B-26 Marauders, P-39 Airacobras, and P-40 Warhawks for Alaskan Theatre operation; and the repair of bombsights. The really heavy workload of the depot was the repair and maintenance of aircraft. O n April 6, 1942, the first engine was tested, and by September 1942 the shop had reached a monthly average of 75 engines. A few months later, in January 1943, the shop attained an average of 150 engines and 140 superchargers per month. In November 1942 Maintenance began operating a production line for P-39's and P-40's, and in February 1943 it began rehabilitating B-24 Liberator bombers. By July 1943 Maintenance turned out one Liberator per day. In June of 1944 Maintenance overhauled P-47 Thunderbolts and in May 1945 it began to repair A-20 Havoc aircraft.


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After mid-1944, part of the depot's projects were aimed at preparation for the war's end. Employment began decreasing, and though aircraft repair remained as the major workload throughout 1944 and 1945, in June 1944 airplanes began arriving for storage. Near the end of the war, the depot began the preparation of B-24's and P-47's for delivery to the Reconstruction Finance Corporation for sale. With the end of World War I I in August, Ogden was ordered to complete only those engines currently being overhauled and to store the remainder. T h e other primary function of the base was supply. With the outbreak of the war, the Depot Supply Department (now the Directorate of Supply and Transportation) received tons of supplies originally designated for the Philippines. Materials were stacked in every available space, including parking lots, and employees worked seven days a week in an attempt to identify the goods. Eventually, Supply handled parts and equipment for every type of aircraft used in World W a r II. 7 As Maintenance personnel completed the aircraft for storage in the summer of 1944, it became the function of Supply to store the planes. In 1945, as the war scene shifted to the Pacific Theatre, Supply began to handle more materiel. In the first four months of 1945 Supply handled 3,240 carloads, which was more than twice the amount handled in the first four months of 1944. MILESTONES IN T H E HISTORY OF OOAMA AND HILL AIR FORCE BASE First official reference to Ogden Air Depot in Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt's message on the need for construction of new air depots

January 12, 1939

Site of Ogden Air Depot named Hill Field

December 1, 1939

Ogden Air Depot became depot under jurisdiction of the IV Air Service Area Command, Sacramento, Calif.

December 12, 1941

Renamed Ogden Air Depot Control Area Command

February 1, 1943

Renamed Ogden Air Service Command

May 22, 1943

Renamed Ogden Air Technical Service Command

November 14, 1944

Renamed Ogden Air Materiel Area (OOAMA)

July 22, 1946

Hill Field renamed Hill Air Force Base

February 5, 1948

7

Craven and Cate, Men and Planes, V I , 378.


Ogden Air Materiel Area

17

T H E INTERWAR YEARS

At the close of the second World War, enormous amounts of materiel which poured back into the depot were declared surplus, and preparations were made to dispose of it. Supply disposal operation began in November 1945, and by mid-1946 more than $9 million worth of materiel had been placed on a disposal status. In November 1946 engines were released as scrap; some which had cost $23,651 were sold for as little as $22.50. Average return on the program was between 22 and 27 percent. In addition to the disposal operations, some of the returned materiel was stored. T h e Army Air Forces planned to store principally B-29 Superfortresses, and Ogden facilities were immediately adaptable for the work. T h e airplanes were "pickled," and covered to prevent corrosion from dust and moisture. All electronic equipment was removed and sealed for storage. \Yindows were painted white to reflect the light and thus avoid heat buildup in the aircraft. Engines and aircraft were inspected daily, and some parts were "repickled" every 90 days. After the B-29 project began, the base stored a host of other planes, including A-26 (later B-26) Invaders, P-61 Black Widows, P-51 Mustangs, and P-47N Thunderbolts. In addition engines and ground servicing equipment were placed in storage. O n top of the storage activities, the responsibility of the depot continued to expand. O n July 22, 1946, the command was renamed Ogden Air Materiel Area, and the following spring its responsibilities were broadened to include Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, Idaho, North and South Dakota, and western Oregon and Washington. Later, Oregon and Nevada were deleted and all of Washington added. In February 1948 Hill Field was renamed Hill Air Force Base. In the same year the Air Materiel Command reorganized its operations in the United States in an attempt to promote greater efficiency. T h e United States was divided into two zones; and Ogden, together with San Antonio, San Bernardino, and Oklahoma City, constituted the major supply points in the western zone. In each of the zones, one air materiel area kept stocks and repaired and supplied certain materials for its zone. In 1949 A M C assigned Ogden to supply and maintain commercial electrical equipment, parts for Northrop aircraft, parts for Fairchild aircraft, Pratt and Whitney R-2800 engines, aircraft landing gear, parts for Pratt and Whitney jet and reciprocating engines, the Boeing B-17, photographic ground equipment, and motion-picture equipment, among other items. T h e reductions which inevitably followed World War I I also hit the Ogden depot. In July 1945 civilian employment stood at 8,543; in Jan-


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uary 1946 it stood at 3,095; and by January 1947 it stood at 2,372. Employment then began to rise until the fall of 1949, when the government began to cut back defense spending sharply. This last reduction caused a great amount of consternation, and a delegation of the local chapter of the National Federation of Federal Employees, together with the Utah congressional delegation, met with representatives of the Defense Department. Hill Field's future did not look good. In the spring of 1950, A M C transferred the 25th Air Depot Wing to Ogden on a test basis with the understanding that if the test failed, it would close O O A M A as a materiel area. Although the Depot Wing test failed, O O A M A did not close because of the obvious support the command could give during the Korean War. Despite the reductions, Maintenance continued to operate during the postwar period, performing such services as modifying B-29's and B-27's for photographic missions. It carried on manufacturing and repairing of parachutes and flying clothing, aircraft and navigational instruments, oxygen breathing equipment, flight instruments, superchargers, propellor governors, and base automotive vehicles. It also continued the reclamation of irreparable aircraft and the renovation of aircraft engines. During the postwar period, tenants at Hill performed other valuable services for the Defense Department, other government agencies, and local communities. In 1948, as part of the attempt to stop Communist aggression in the Middle East, Hill Air Force Base equipped 30 AT-11 Beech Kansas trainers with bombsights and stabilizers for shipment to Turkey. Hill Air Force Base became a receiving point for U t a h patients sent to Bushnell General Hospital in Brigham. It also shipped materiel to Bikini Atoll for the atomic tests. After the Soviets stopped all rail, barge, and highway traffic into West Berlin in June 1948, Ogden supported the Berlin Airlift by shipping materiel and training replacement crews. During January 1949, when severe weather threatened the extinction of wildlife and livestock in parts of a five-state area, Hill AFB employees donated money to buy some of the hay, and in cooperation with the U t a h State Fish and Game Commission, pilots operating out of the base air-dropped more than 250 tons of food, medical supplies, coal, oil, heaters, and bales of hay in U t a h alone. T H E KOREAN C O N F L I C T

O n June 25, 1950, a force of Soviet-equipped North Korean Communists invaded the Republic of Korea and plunged the United States into the first of a series of post-World War I I Asian conflicts. O n July 10, 1950,


Ogden Air Materiel Area

*9

the Defense Department ordered a freeze on disposal operations then going on at Hill Air Force Base, and talk of phasing-out the Ogden Air Materiel Area came to an abrupt halt despite the failure of the Depot Wing test. As a result of the Korean War, construction at the base which had been retarded during the interwar years again took on a new importance. By the outbreak of the Korean War, Ogden's runway system had become obsolete. Recommendations had been made as early as 1945 for a longer runway. Ogden could only repair aircraft which could land at the installation, and that meant either an expansion of facilities or limiting Ogden only to slower propeller-driven aircraft. The base received $3.2 million for fiscal 1951 to construct a modern 10,000-foot runway and taxistrips. After problems concerning the feasibility and priority of the project developed, it was not until April 28, 1955, that Peter Kiewit and Sons began construction on a $3.5 million project. The 13,500-foot runway was completed in March 1957. As the war broke out, employment levels at the base shot up. Civilian employment rose from 3,656 in June 1950 to 12,210 in August 1952, then leveled out at about 11,000 as the war closed. Military employment jumped even more rapidly from 538 in April 1950 to 3,986 in October 1951. The astronomical rise in employment brought additional housing and transportation problems. Publicity through radio, newspapers, and other mass media brought some listings, but did not solve the problem. The base made plans for the construction of 350 housing units under the Wherry Act of August 22, 1941. AMC hired the architectural and engineering firm of Holmes and Narver of Los Angeles to prepare a master plan for HAFB, but the plan which they outlined did not take into account the advances to come in the jet age, and the housing project came into conflict with engine test facilities and the proposed runway. Public opinion in the Ogden area then rose up against the proposed construction on the grounds of the probable noise and the potential conflict between private enterprise and the proposed government housing. After these problems were resolved, construction began in July 1952. Unfortunately, the housing units were not occupied to the fullest extent, and the operating company defaulted on its mortgage. The Air Force, which took up the mortgage in November 1957, after some renovation, enjoyed a satisfactory occupancy rate. As the Korean War ground on into 1952, it became obvious to the Air Materiel Command that central direction of all control functions at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio, had caused a huge volume of un-


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necessary, costly, and time-consuming paperwork. In June 1952 it began decentralizing its records and equipment, and made Ogden and the other AMA's prime managers for various weapons and weapon systems. This decentralization gave Ogden responsibility for the F-101 Voodoo, and prime maintenance and parts supply responsibility for the SM-62 Snark missile and the B-17, B-26, and F-89 aircraft. In 1953 procurement was further decentralized to give A M A prime responsibility for closer connections with manufacturers of the weapon systems. This change gave O O A M A responsibility for Air Force contracts with the Northrop Aircraft, Incorporated. Ogden also lost some functions such as the control of Quartermaster clothing; but, in general, O O A M A gained in stature and importance from the increased responsibility inherent in the decentralization. T h e expanded mission and the need for a greater number of workers left O O A M A with a m a m m o t h labor problem. T h e cuts in personnel which h a d taken place in 1949 and early 1950 had left Ogden on near standby status. For the first time since World W a r I I , the command had to seek highly skilled manpower in competition with private industry and other defense installations. In October 1950 a federal Wage Board survey helped to raise pay, workers were not allowed to transfer to other defense installations without securing permission to leave, and higher grade positions were filled from employees who had been demoted under prior reduction arrangements. Once more, women came to make up an important part (28 percent) of the civilian work force. Most of those who came had never worked there before and the already existing training programs had to be expanded. T h e Mechanic Learner Program was enlarged with the help of Utah's educational institutions. Maintenance personnel also had their skills upgraded through off-base training in such fields as liquid rocket engines, aircraft cabin pressurization, air conditioning, relay telephone exchanges, statistical quality control, in-flight refueling equipment, and aircraft maintenance. Since World W a r I I most of the maintenance work had been instorage-maintenance. Toward the end of 1950, great numbers of aircraft were removed from storage. One of the first major tasks at Hill was the overhaul and conversion of B-26 Invaders (the last propeller-driven light bomber to remain in the Air Force inventory) into night intruder bombers. During the Korean War, maintenance personnel reclaimed and reconditioned more than 1,000 B-26's with an average delivery of 18 to 20 per month. Though the duels between the Sabrejets and MIG-15's got the


Ogden Air Materiel Area

21

headlines, much of the workload in cutting supply and communication lines was carried by these World War I I workhorses. 8 During 1951 the activity at the Engine Test Facility, which had repaired up to 150 engines per month during World W a r I I and remained inactive from 1945 to 1948, was stepped up by 700 percent. Ogden A M A absorbed much of the jet engine repair work previously assigned to the Oklahoma City AMA. At first inadequate facilities and the need for shop modification, coupled with the hiring of inexperienced personnel, caused seemingly insuperable problems. Nevertheless, during 1952 Maintenance turned out an average of 212 engines per month. At the conclusion of the Korean conflict, production schedules were cut back to an average of 112 per month. After the experience of the Berlin Airlift, the Air Force wanted to make sure that industry was prepared for possible expansion, and with the outbreak of the Korean War, it began to contract maintenance work to private business. By the end of 1951, O O A M A had let maintenance contracts with local contractors for more than $1.1 million. These included contracts for night-lighting equipment, ground-camera equipment, motion-picture equipment, fuel- and oil-handling equipment, special tools, hangar and flying-field equipment, generator sets, furniture and fixtures, and packaging materials. By the end of 1952, local industry carried more than $4.9 million in such maintenance contracts, and by 1958 this program had grown to 55 percent of the base workload. T h e arrangement had the added advantage of leaving base personnel to concentrate on highly technical and critical defense work which private industry was not equipped to perform. The Maintenance workload was not the only one which increased; Supply was also faced with increased work. In 1949 Supply shipped and received 147,000 tons of materiel by rail and truck and 2,600 tons by air. In 1951, 2.14 million tons were shipped and received, and in 1953, 2.18 million tons. In July 1950 the base received authorization to purchase on the local market, and a procedure was established whereby purchases could be shipped directly from contractors to ports of embarkation. In addition Supply began in June 1952 to test a mechanized system of property accounting. T h e Air Force instituted a system in which it relaxed property control procedures for lower value items and strengthened them for higher cost materiel. Prior to this time, the same account8 Colonel Robert D. Johnston, " T h e Invader Returns," Air University Review, X V (November-December, 1963), 11.


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ing control had been given to any item whether it was worth $10 or $1,000. Ogden's adoption of these new property accounting procedures gained for it special commendation. T H E MISSILE AGE

After W o r l d W a r I I workloads a n d the work force of O O A M A dropped to extremely low figures. T h a t pattern was not repeated after the Korean War. T h e closing year of the war brought relatively sharp, but short drops in employment. After that, civilian employment rose, then leveled off at between 11,000 and 12,000. At the end of fiscal year 1964, it stood at 11,635. Military personnel remained at approximately 1,700 until January 1960, when the number rose to 2,046. At the end of 1964 some 2,828 military personnel were assigned to Hill. This employment came because of the increased importance of the mission which O O A M A began to perform. In 1954 and 1955, Ogden's responsibilities broadened geographically to their present world-wide scope. I n 1956, as an extension of the idea of decentralization, the Air Force Logistics Command assigned prime responsibilities for aircraft, drones, missiles, and engines by manufacturer. Already, Ogden had had responsibility for Northrop Aircraft Incorporated, and to it were added McDonnell Aircraft Corporation, Radioplane Company, Aerojet-General Corporation, M a r q u a r d t Aircraft Company, and Reaction Motors, Incorporated. Some aircraft were excluded from the provision, but in general Ogden became responsible for the weapons and engines manufactured by these companies. In 1958 each A M A was assigned as Logistic Support Manager for entire weapon systems, and as new weapons were created, Ogden was given new responsibilities. By 1960 O O A M A was world-wide manager for airmunitions and explosives: the Genie air-to-air rocket, the Bomarc missile, wheels and brakes, landing gears, tires and tubes, training aids and devices, the Minuteman missile, the now defunct Skybolt, the Snark, the F-89, and the F-101. In addition it shared in repair of the F-102 Delta Dagger. When the F-4C entered the Air Force system, that 1,600 mile-per-hour plane was also assigned to Hill. Finally, the base continued to manage the old B-26, since used in Viet N a m as a counter-insurgency weapon. 9 Ogden continued to improve its maintenance production procedures. Before 1953 Maintenance stripped all mechanisms down to their main sub-assemblies for repair. This was costly and time-consuming. In that 6 Hill Top Times (Hill A F B ) , August 14, 1964, cites a speech of O O A M A Commander, Major General T. Alan Bennett.


year a new technique called IRAN (Inspect, Repair As Necessary) was adopted and components were not taken apart unless repair was needed. Some customers complained, however, that even with IRAN airplanes were not delivered on schedule. These charges were withdrawn because in 1954, of 593 F-84's and F-89's in production, only six were not returned on time. Nevertheless, in an attempt to improve its service, Ogden sent questionnaires to all commands asking for constructive criticism. A study showed that the basic bottleneck was in the pre-work inspection, a n d in 1959 O g d e n adopted a new production system which it had pioneered on F-101 Voodoos in 1958. The system was called T C T O (Time Compliance Technical Order). This consisted of a specific work package which was negotiated with the using command (customer). Under the system the using command performed its own minor maintenance, leaving the depot free to perform major repair jobs in specified work packages. O O A M A has had numerous aircraft in production. Its first jet aircraft assignment was Northrop's F-89 Scorpion, for which it had both prime maintenance and supply beginning in January 1953. From then The Air Force Minuteman intercontinental ballistic missile stands on its launching pad. The first and third stages of the missile are produced in Utah; the complete missile is assembled at Hill Air Force Base.


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through 1960, Hill Maintenance repaired or modified a total of 1,318 F-89's. O O A M A also had a specialized maintenance and supply effort for Republic's F-84 and Convair's F-102 for which other depots were prime managers. These, incidentally, were big depot workloads: O O A M A employees repaired 860 of the F-84 and 772 different F-102's. Ogden began as prime manager for the F-101 Voodoo in 1952, but its first plane did not come onto O O A M A assembly lines until December 1957. From that time through 1960 Ogden repaired or modified 484 of these aircraft — a major task indeed! An important development which has helped O O A M A to maintain its importance in the Utah economy has been the addition of missiles to the U.S. weapons' arsenal. Though some research had been done in this area immediately after World War I I , it was not until after the Korean War, and especially after September 1955, about two years before Sputnik I, that military missiles received highest national priority. With the development of missiles came also the development of more costly and specialized logistics in which mobility and fast dispersion became prime requisites for success. A F L C assigned missiles in much the same way as other weapons. During development, the contractor supported the weapon, then as they entered the Air Force operational inventory, an A M A was assigned support for the weapon on a world-wide basis. Until 1957 missile work was a relatively minor part of the O O A M A mission; but between then and 1964, it has taken on extreme importance not only for O O A M A but for the Utah economy. In 1957, for instance, Thiokol Chemical Corporation employed about 75 persons in U t a h with a payroll of about $300,000 per year. By the end of 1960, it employed more than 4,000 with a payroll of $22 million. Hercules Powder Company showed a similar development with a 1960 employment of 1,700 and a payroll of $6.2 million. Some of the missiles have had a very short life. The first successful launch of the SM-62 Snark, an air-breathing, pilotless aircraft, was made in November 1953. O O A M A h a d responsibility for the support of this missile in 1952, and acted as prime maintenance for its components in succeeding years. Not until November 1957, however, did O O A M A receive its first weapon for depot maintenance, and the government terminated the Snark missile program in June 1961. More sophisticated weapons could do all that the Snark could do, only faster and better. Other even shorter-lived missiles which O O A M A managed included the SM-73 Goose (from June 1957 to December 1958), and the GAM-67 Crossbow


Ogden Air Materiel Area

25

(from May 1954 to April 1957). In 1959 AFLC assigned the air-launched ballistic missile, GAM-87 Skybolt, to Ogden. This weapon did not score its first full success until December 22, 1962, the day after President John F. Kennedy announced termination of the program and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan agreed to use the Navy's submarine-launched Polaris missile. A mainstay of the missile sytem has been the CIM-10-A and B Bomarc weapon systems. In April 1956 Ogden was named as prime maintenance and supply depot for the Marquardt and Aerojet-General Corporations, which produced the motors: RJ-43 ramjet and LR (liquid rocket)-59, respectively. In 1955 and 1956, the Department of Defense developed a policy of dispersal of defense industries away from the coast, and Marquardt received approval to expand to Ogden. The company constructed a $4.5 million plant in 1957 and 1958, and the Air Force constructed a $14 million test facility for Marquardt at Little Mountain (AF-Marquardt Jet Laboratory), 15 miles west of Ogden. In connection with the Bomarc program, more than 116 Hill AFB personnel had trained by mid1960 to do specialized missile work. On January 6, 1959, OOAMA was selected to manage the LGM-30 Minuteman, which, as General T. Alan Bennett, OOAMA Commander, said, is "really the backbone of our missile force for the free world." 10 The AFLC analyzed the capabilities of the various AMA's and came to the conclusion that Ogden combined the best basic equipment and the best '"ibid.

The Bomarc ground-to-air interceptor missile standing in front of the main aircraft repair hangars at Hill Air Force Base. The Bomarc is one of the missiles serviced at Hill Air Force Base.


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talent to produce the decisions needed in connection with this important system. It was also close to the launch sites and the Thiokol and Hercules plants where the first- and third-stage motors were produced, and it stood in the center of the fast-growing Wasatch Front industrial complex. T h e Minuteman, with a range of about 6,000 miles, was the first of the second-generation missiles. It is powered by a solid propellant which is much easier to handle and can be launched much faster than liquidpowered rockets. Like the Minuteman of Lexington and Concord, this easily operated weapon stands ready to defend its homeland. T h e development of Minuteman has had substantial impact upon Utah. I n November 1959, when the Air Force announced a contract with the Thiokol Chemical Corporation to produce the first stage of the weapon, it also announced the approval of the construction of the $26 million Air Force Plant No. 78 adjacent to existing Thiokol facilities, which Thiokol would operate for the Air Force. T h e Air Force also approved the construction of the $11 million Plant No. 77 located in HAFB's west area. This new construction, together with about $4 million worth of existing buildings and facilities, comprise the plant from which The Boeing Company rolled out its first Minuteman in April 1962. T h e Boeing Company was awarded the contract to assemble all three stages — in other words build the Minuteman. In July 1961 construction began on the $15 million Air Force Plant No. 81, located on 500 acres of Hercules Powder Company land, where Hercules would build the third-stage motor. T h e plant was dedicated July 25, 1962. Aerojet-General Corporation of Sacramento, California, which maintains an office at HAFB, received the contract for the second stage. Despite the relative superiority of solid fuel propellants, even the Minuteman needs maintenance. Part of the work can be done in the field, but the failure of any component calls for depot level support. Even before the first missile was sent in for recycling in January 1963, O O A M A began conducting tests on the missile. T h e propellant must be constantly tested and analyzed for both motive and physical characteristics. 11 O O A M A ' s 2705th Airmunitions Wing operates an Aging Laboratory in which simulated launch-site conditions give missile manufacturers an opportunity to test their products. Though missiles form the glamour items in O O A M A ' s responsibilities, more prosaic missions help to make the command an important link 11 Colonel E. R. Jacoby, "Air Force Review: Recycle Requirements of the L G M - 3 0 , " Air University Review, X V (January—February, 1964), 101—8.


Ogden Air Materiel Area

27

in the Air Force logistics system. O O A M A is responsible for world-wide management of aircraft tires and tubes; wheels, brakes, and landing gears; training aids and devices; aircraft engines and components; rocket engines and components; ammunition and explosives (except nuclear) ; biological-chemical warfare weapons used by the Air Force — to name some of the major ones. It is responsible also for the OQ-19 Target Drone and its components; the MER-6A-Program 279 (Mobile Electronics Rocket) ; Blue Scout (Standard Launch Vehicle-1) Space Booster; Titan I I I - C Space Booster; 494L Emergency Rocket Communications System. In the commodity management field, O O A M A has made some notable successes. In January 1962 two technicians, Verl Graser and Jack L. Woods, worked out a system to extend the life of an airplane landing gear three times the original expectancy. 12 O O A M A procures, stores, and distributes 248 different types of tires to about 400 bases. These tires must stand punishment for which no automobile tire is designed. T h e tire for the F-104, though almost the same size as those used on some compact cars, must be rated at 13,000 pounds, whereas the compact tire must be rated at only 835 pounds. 13 U p to 1955 the USAF had no ammunition facilities. Air Force military units performing ammunitions work were assigned to Army posts, such as Tooele Army Depot and Pueblo Ordnance Depot. O n April 1, 1955, the Ogden Arsenal facility was transferred to the Air Force jurisdiction. T h e facility was worth in excess of $ 17 million. Its highway and railroad facilities, its warehouses and ammunition igloos, made it possible for O O A M A to be assigned management of all Air Force airmunitions (except nuclear). Ogden was given control over airmunitions programs in the United States and, upon request, to any Military Assistance Program country or Department of Defense agency. With the adoption of uniform supply classes (Federal Catalog Conversion Program) for all services commencing in 1955, Ogden, owing to its airmunitions capabilities, received an expanded mission. In 1960 O O A M A ' s complete airmunitionsexplosive ordnance disposal mission was reorganized into the 2705th Airmunitions Wing, and Ogden was given world-wide management responsibilities for airmunitions (except nuclear). Detachments responsible to the Ogden headquarters were established from Maryland to Japan. By July 1, 1960, the Wing employed 175 civilians and 501 military personnel. 12 Deseret News (Salt Lake City), January 2, 1962. " C o l o n e l Elmer G. Prohaska, "Aircraft Tire Management," Air University (November-December, 1963), 81, 84.

Review

XV


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O O A M A AND T E N A N T - A S S I G N E D P E R S O N N E L S T R E N G T H , PAYROLL, AND O P E R A T I N G E X P E N S E S , 1941-1964

(Source: Helen Rice, History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, Hill Air Force Base, Utah, 1934-1960 [ ( O g d e n ) , 1963], 65, 104-5, 227, 2 3 2 ; Helen Rice, Chronology: Ogden Air Materiel Area, Hill Air Force Base, Utah, 1962-1963 [(Hill Air Force Base), 1964], 29, 5 8 ; Helen Rice, "Chronology, 1964" [MS, Office of the O O A M A Historian, Hill Air Force Base], July 5, 1964; a n d d a t a supplied by Helen Rice, O O A M A Historian.) Year and Month

EMPLOYMENT Civilian Military

January, 1941 1 July, 1941 750 January, 1942 2,700 July, 1942 - 7,800 January, 1943 9,600 July, 1943 13,600 January, 1944 10,600 July, 1944 10,000 January, 1945 8,863 January, 1946 3,093 January, 1947 2,372 January, 1948 3,665 July, 1948 4,395 J a n u a r y , 1949 4,461 J a n u a r y , 1950 3,625 July, 1950 3,675 J a n u a r y , 1951 5,554 July, 1951 9,304 J a n u a r y , 1952 10,057 July, 1952 11,942 J a n u a r y , 1953 12,133 July, 1953 11,227 J a n u a r y , 1954 10,585 July, 1954 10,485 January, 1955 10,554 J a n u a r y , 1956 11,556 July, 1956 11,723 J a n u a r y , 1957 11,456 January, 1958 11,052 July, 1958 11,385 January, 1959 11,678 J a n u a r y , 1960 11,915 January, 1961 11,284 December, 1962 ...... 11,902 December, 1963 ...... 12,525 Summer, 1964 ..11,635

2 49 400 2,000 5,200 5,000 2,200 3,000 2,850 1,035 506 340 201 237 365 2,108 2,478 3,223 3,049 3,152 2,531 2,039 2,027 3,001 3,432 2,744 1,621 1,551 1,615 1,751 1,687 2,046 2,274 3,061 3,042 2,828

Total

3 799 3,100 9,800 14,800 18,600 12,800 13,000 11,713 4,130 2,878 4,005 4,596 4,698 3,990 5,783 8,032 12,527 13,105 15,094 14.664 13,266 12,612 13,486 13,986 14,300 13,344 13,007 12,667 13,136 13,365 13,961 13,558 14,963 15,567 14,463

* Estimated; figures not available before 1950. f Fiscal Year. $ Estimated.

Annual Payroll

Operating Expenses

. $20,600,000* 33,466,545

$59,450,578

48,514,017

79,714,089

49,584,013

82,748,577

46,674,739

135,893,949

52,196,164 55,974,786f

181,355,186 88,830,270f

58,414,178f 64,923,523f

88,804,445f 100,745,010f

68,358,575f 74,101,223f 75,259,266f 89,000,000$ 96,115,928$ 101,514,968$

117,987,484f 124,386,922f 122,943,378f 130,241,485 132,651,905 144,226,437$


Ogden Air Materiel Area

29

In May 1954 the AFLC began an intensive program of adapting electronic data-processing to its logistic system. The Korean War had demonstrated that logistics had not kept pace with new supersonic and nuclear developments. With the application of data-processing, supplies could be requisitioned from thousands of miles away merely by pushing buttons. As early as November 1955, OOAMA began service testing, as AMC's pilot depot, a program for mechanization of civilian payroll with the IBM 650 computer. Since that time OOAMA's computer facilities have increased greatly. The IBM 705 computer, which automatically ordered items and set up stock replacement action, was adopted in 1958. On April 24, 1962, OOAMA received an IBM 7080 computer which replaced two IBM 705II's and was capable of doing the work of three of them. Since that time the 7080 has been one of the major computers in use at the installation. In 1963 the command installed an RCA 9200 magnetic tape terminal (Autodin — Automatic Digital Network) which was capable of transmitting and receiving 10,000 requisitions daily. When a decision of the Federal Trade Commission made it possible for OOAMA to purchase rather than rent much of its computer equipment, the command purchased, in January 1964, two RCA 301 computers, four IBM 1401 computers, and one IBM 7080 computer, at a total cost of $4.3 million. In addition, OOAMA rents 144 pieces of Punch Card Accounting equipment, an IBM 650 Tape Computer, an RCA 301 Computer, and an NCR Computer. The increased activity since the Korean War has necessitated increased construction. In 1958 two construction projects totaling $6 million — a Paint and Cleaning Hangar and a warehouse — were authorized.14 In May 1961 a Radar Approach Control Center was completed to direct military aircraft and aid private and commercial planes. In 1961 and 1962 a new space age Air Freight Terminal was constructed at a cost of $973,555. Some of these construction projects might have taken place in the normal growth of the base, but the really expensive construction has been in connection with the missile missions. Special facilities were necessary for the Minuteman recycle and maintenance facility at the installation. Some buildings and structures had to contain earth barricades, blowout panels, explosion-proof equipment and fixtures, and other specialized equipment. The contract for the initial facility went for $2.3 million. Clean Rooms, which are kept 99.95 percent dust-free of particles larger 14

Salt Lake Tribune, January 15, 1958.


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than 12 millionth of an inch, cost $300,000 each to build and between $2 and $3 million to equip. (Four of these are in operation.) 1 5 A contract in March 1963 for four buildings plus igloos and other facilities cost $1.2 million. T w o Radiographic Laboratories with 24-million Electron Volt Linear Accelerator X-Ray machines were installed to detect flaws in solid propellant fuel. These 24-million Electron Volt Linear Accelerators are the world's most powerful industrial production-line x-ray machines. Outside of the plants constructed by the Air Force for operation by the private missiles companies, the most unique and with the greatest potential is the Hill Air Force Range, dedicated July 31, 1964. It is located about 50 miles west of Hill Air Force Base near Lakeside, Utah. At the installation is O O A M A ' s third Radiographic Laboratory with its 24million Electron Volt Linear Accelerator. In addition, there are vertical and horizontal missile and airmunitions, explosive and other missile test facilities and equipment. At a touch of a switch, a missile at this $7.5 million facility (near $10 million when fully instrumented) can be subjected to conditions simulating extreme heat or extreme cold, extreme wetness or extreme dryness, below sea level conditions or conditions encountered at an altitude of 20 miles, and pressure ranging from zero to 120 times the force of gravity. 16 With the development of space-age technology came the need for highly skilled management. To drop the cost of property accounting, management developed techniques so mechanics could take carts down aisles to select items they need just as their wives shop at the n e i g h b o r h o o d supermarket. In 1954 O O A M A began an integrated program of work measurement. Within a year after August 1954, labor standards had been calculated and attempts were made to upgrade work standards and 13 Jacoby, "Air Force Review," A.U.R., X V , 101-3. 16 Hill Top Times, August 14, 1964.

An Hill Air Force Base mechanic out the wiring on an F-101 Voodoo craft. Overhaul and modifications supersonic interceptor is one of many age missions assigned to the base.

checks jet airof the space-


Ogden Air Materiel Area

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efficiency. In 1958 the base set u p an electronic system to develop and analyze labor skills. Everything known about the capabilities of each employee is kept on file so that when new positions open, it is possible, in theory at least, to find the best employee for the job. T h e system was so successful that in September 1960 it was adopted throughout the Air Force. In addition to these functions, O O A M A and its tenants have performed numerous special services since the Korean War. C-124 Globemasters from Hill Air Force Base participated in Operation Big Lift, the largest troop movement of its kind, in which 16,000 men were carried from Texas to Germany in 72 hours. 17 After the Alaskan earthquake in March 1964, similar aircraft from Hill AFB shipped water purification units and other material to Alaska to aid in earthquake relief. O n November 26, 1962, the Air Force activated, as a detached installation, the Vernal A F Seismological Site for research into the detection of distant underground nuclear weapons tests. This $500,000 unit, located about 12 miles southwest of Vernal, was placed under Hill AFB jurisdictional accountability. In mid-June 1963, the Air Force opened the Green River, Utah, Athena Missile Launch Site for which O O A M A ' s 2705th Airmunitions Wing provides support by storing motors (42 by June 1964) at Hill AFB until the missiles are ready to launch to the White Sands Missile Range, New Mexico. T w o such launches in February and May 1964 (of about 70 planned) were not fully successful. T h e influx of personnel, particularly military personnel, necessitated the construction of additional military family housing. Unlike the earlier Wherry Housing units, these were split-level, ranch-style duplex and single-unit houses, located on the southwest perimeter of the base. T h e Ogden Chamber of Commerce, through the First Security and Commercial Security banks, purchased the proposed site in Clearfield to preclude the possibility of land speculation. Construction began on the first 300 units in March 1962, and on an additional 200 units in April 1963. T h e total cost was $7.7 million. Occupancy of the 300-unit project began August 1, 1963; for the 200-unit, by May 1964. THE

FUTURE

In 1965 the Ogden Air Materiel Area remains a well-established command. Unless the presently clouded world situation should change appreciably in the next few years, the people of Utah can look for more, " Deseret News, October 23, 1963.


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rather than less, emphasis on missiles and supersonic aircraft — areas in which the installation has excelled. This is the assessment of Major General T. Alan Bennett. As he said to the employees: "Regardless of how well we do our work, how much more productive we become individually and collectively, we will not run out of work. There is too much to be done and too little time to do it." 18 Secretary of Defense Robert S. M c N a m a r a underscored this assessment on November 19, 1964, when he announced that an expansion was planned at O O A M A which would add an estimated 5,500 jobs over the three fiscal years 1966 through 1969. O O A M A will benefit by the phasing-out of certain operations at San Bernardino, California A M A ; Mobile, Alabama A M A ; and Middletown, Pennsylvania A M A . T o Ogden's workload will be added management and repair of the Atlas and Titan I C B M ' s ; management of space boosters, the Bull P u p air-to-surface missile, and photographic equipment; and repair of navigational and flight instruments and accompanying equipment for the 18

Speech cited in Hill Top Times, August 14, 1964.

The Minuteman missile being loaded aboard a C-133 B Cargomaster Base for shipment to a missile launching site.

at Hill Air Force


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RF-101 aircraft. The addition of these employees should send OOAMA employment to approximately 20,000.19 In 1963 OOAMA spent more than $126 million in Utah, including $96 million in payroll, $3.5 million in local purchases, $3 million for transportation, $3.5 million in local contracts, $15 million for construction, and $5 million for utilities, rental, communications, and printing.20 On August 14, 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed a civilian pay raise bill, and one for military personnel the following month, which added more than $2 million to the yearly payroll, raising it to more than $101 million for 1964. Despite the recent emphasis on economy in the Department of Defense, the payroll of OOAMA has actually increased rather than declined. As a defense industry, OOAMA is exempt from seasonal influences, fluctuations in the general level of business activity, and strikes and lockouts. Barring unforeseen events, it will be able to plan much of its own future through its management of entire weapon systems and its worldwide responsibility for such items as airmunitions and landing gear. There has been a great amount of pressure on the government to contract missile and other critical maintenance to private businesses, but the fact that government commands, such as OOAMA at Hill AFB, are not subject to strikes and lockouts makes them attractive. In addition the wages of industrial employees at the installation, through the Wage Board system, are based on the average of similar occupations in the base area. They remain, therefore, at approximately the same level as plants which may occasionally experience strikes, though some union representatives look upon this as a "free ride" on the part of government workers. There are several reasons for Utah's important position in the missile industry today. It is far enough inland to satisfy the need for dispersal of defense industry, yet close enough to missile complexes for easy transportation and communications. Land is relatively cheap, abundant, and far enough from population centers to permit production and testing of explosive rocket fuels, yet near enough to provide easy access. Local labor is highly educated and adaptable; the climate and cultural environment are attractive enough to lure outside labor; and transportation facilities are readily available. With such advantages, OOAMA's mission is destined to continue its amazing growth. Utah will almost certainly continue to enjoy the fruits of this billion-dollar business. 19 Salt Lake Tribune, November 20, 1964; and television interview with Major General T . Alan Bennett of November 19, 1964. 20 Deseret News, May 15, 1964.


Fence Ruin, a small Pueblo III habitation on a ledge in the wall of Moqui Canyon. The structures are situated in the center of the photograph, above the man who is descending into the canyon by a rope.


THE GLEN CANYON: A MULTI-DISCIPLINE PROJECT BY J E S S E D. J E N N I N G S A N D F L O Y D W . S H A R R O C K

Since 1957 the University of Utah has been engaged in a massive operation to salvage scientific data from areas to be inundated by several large reservoirs. The endeavor began with rather specific objectives to be carried out more or less separately by several disciplines. Through the years, objectives were expanded on the basis of recovered data and the several disciplines became drawn together toward a common objective. This report is an attempt to relate the growth of the Project, from beginning to end. Enabling legislation (Federal Public Law 485), passed by the 2nd Session of the 85th Congress, initiated construction of several storage basins in the Upper Colorado River drainage. The proposed reservoirs were to lie in Arizona and Utah (Glen Canyon Reservoir), Utah and Wyoming (Flaming Gorge Reservoir), New Mexico (Navajo Reservoir), and Colorado (Curecanti Reservoir). By far the most ambitious of these undertakings was the Glen Canyon. The Glen Canyon Dam lies in Arizona, but behind it, Lake Powell, with a projected shore line of 1,800 miles, lies primarily in Utah. By the terms of the Historic Sites Act of 1935 (providing for the preservation of historic sites, buildings, objects, and antiquities of national This report was prepared for and delivered to the University of U t a h Faculty Seminar, March 31, 1964, by Jesse D . Jennings, professor of anthropology and director of archeological research in the department. It was revised for publication by Floyd W. Sharrock, assistant director of archeological research, Department of Anthropology, University of Utah. All photographs are courtesy the Department of Anthropology, University of U t a h .


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significance), funds were provided to the National Park Service 1 to be let on contract to qualified scientific organizations. T h e University of Utah Department of Anthropology began contracts with the National Park Service in 1957. Subsequently, several University departments were conducting research under these monies. Thus began the largest, most intensive and comprehensive scientific salvage operation in the United States. Magnitude and intensity of the Project may well be dwarfed one day — we would be disappointed otherwise. But the comprehensive, multi-discipline approach, which is the subject of this discourse, will surely remain a hallmark in the history of scientific salvage endeavor. It could hardly be otherwise simply because nowhere else in the United States is so little known about so many things in so large an area. T o relate the development of the multi-disciplinary approach in its correct sequence imparts an impression that it, like Topsy, just grew. This is not the case. T h e following discursive account results from the diverse materials presented and an intentional emphasis upon this same diversity. T h e object here is to describe the job, not summarize it. An attempt to isolate the central theme which supplies a context and establishes some sort of order is relegated to the closing paragraphs. T h e full and proper name of the "Project" is Upper Colorado River Basin Archeological Salvage Project. T h e Project includes all reservoirs of the U p p e r Colorado River drainage but, in fact, has been concerned chiefly with the Glen Canyon. T h e aim of the entire Project was to salvage no less than a representative sample of all scientific data thrown into jeopardy by the eventual formation of lakes behind the dams. T h e enterprise was begun in high romantic hope in an ecstatic state of expectation of adventure — a state of mind soon transmuted to a less emotional, but no less satisfying, recognition of the scholar's task of collecting, ordering, and describing an enormous body of new data even though no earth-shattering "firsts" were in prospect. There was considerable favorable and helpful publicity about the Project in its early years. Anyone literate could hardly help being at least 1 Financial support of the U p p e r Colorado River Basin Archeological Survey Project was provided through annual contracts with the National Park Service. We are particularly indebted to Charlie R. Steen, the Park Service representative during the life of the Project, whose cooperation and vision made the entire agreement pleasant, easy, and friendly. Less frequently, but no less pleasantly, we have dealt with J o h n M. Corbett and Erik K. Reed, also of the National Park Service. Financial support for studies ancillary to the Project was provided by the National Science Foundation, the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, T h e University of Utah Research Fund, and the American Philosophical Society. T o the above and to the Project staff, other scientists and students — too numerous to mention by name — who have been involved in the Project, we extend our thanks.


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vaguely aware that work was in progress. Soon, more and more of the University of Utah faculty became intimately aware of the Project as they were invited to participate, but the more general publicity waned. Published recognition of the work has, of late, been restricted to professional journals and series. So, even though the work of the Project has not been kept continuously in the public eye, except through lectures and programs, it has stayed on schedule and is now, save for several special reports, regarded as complete. As the Project unfolded and the romance dwindled, the findings increased and in turn created problems, or more properly, questions. And it is pleasing to report that many more findings have resulted or have accrued from the original Project aims than were anticipated in the early stages. These secondary increments to knowledge do not show serendipity so much as they show a need for specialized data after routine study and interpretation of findings seemed to be incomplete or were hampered because the significance of some observations were not understood. Anthropologists, biologists, geologists, and historians who had each gone their separate ways in the beginning began to find themselves lumped as strange bedfellows: to understand their own material well it was essential to understand that of the others. A word about the basic aims of the Project is necessary before touching on the results. With the complete agreement of the National Park Service representatives, it has been possible to include virtually all relevant aspects of science in the salvage operation. T h e very first contract called for attention to archeology, biology or ecology, geology and paleontology, and recent — i.e., non-Indian or white — history. Also, at all times the geographical area of concern was defined as the general region rather than being restricted to just those lands lying lower than the projected fullpool limits of the lake. (Contracts of comparable nature have been held by the Museum of Northern Arizona for a segment of the Glen Canyon region.) Such broad subject and geographic coverage has never been included in a contract of this kind prior to the Glen Canyon operation, nor is it anticipated that similar contract coverage will become standard with the National Park Service. Within a couple of years, the contract language extended coverage to sociohistorical studies of dispossessed communities and to the problem of the ethnohistory of the Southern Paiute who once roamed the land of southern Utah. Although the annual contracts have been generous, it has been necessary to solicit other funds for special jobs — jobs beyond the legal limits of


Utah Historical Quarterly

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what might properly be called "salvage," such as studies of related museum collections, etc. As happens in any intensive study of any large unknown area, the Project permitted us to learn new things. But in a sense we knew more when we started than we do now — meaning that our predictions were more grandiose than our discoveries. In the case of prehistory (archeology) the "learning" amounted to a restriction of our ideas. Bear in mind that by 1959, there had been approximately 52 scientific or pseudo-scientific excursions (beginning with that of John Wesley Powell in 1869) into the Glen Canyon region.2 Most 2

Northern

William Y. Adams, Ninety Years of Glen Canyon Archaeology, 1869-1959: Arizona Bulletin 33, Glen Canyon Series Number 2 (Flagstaff, 1960).

Museum

of

Doll Ruin, in Moqui Canyon. The excavation crew is shown digging an exploratory trench toward the alcove in which several storage and dwelling structures are located.


The Glen Canyon

39

had simply floated from Hite, Utah, to Lee's Ferry, Arizona. Few journeyed into the hinterlands, and even fewer recorded their observations. The Glen Canyon is surrounded by extensive, large ruins, such as those centering around Kayenta, Arizona; Mesa Verde, Colorado; and Hovenweep, Utah-Colorado. Hence, there was no reason to assume that similar—or even larger-—sites might not also occur in the hidden recesses of the tributaries to the Glen Canyon. This was the "high romantic hope" that failed to materialize. This was soon followed by astonishment that anyone could and had lived in this hostile country. Once the grandiose notions were dispelled, the era of prehistoric use revealed no surprises except that it is now seen to have been of shallower time depth (A.D. 3 0 0 1250) than expected, and fits our general knowledge of later Southwest prehistory quite conformably. This is to say that the major occupancy of the region was by the Anasazi or northern Pueblo culture. As would be expected from the location of Glen Canyon, the Kayenta, Mesa Verde, and Fremont subcultures of Anasazi are all represented there. All these Anasazi variants are characterized by horticulture — corn, beans, and squash being the staples, and by great ingenuity in utilizing wild species. Masonry architecture and pit houses, extensive development of ceramic and textile crafts, and a highly developed religious ritual are also common attributes of these subcultures. All the evidence points to a simple social organization, with no system of permanent political control and no interest in warfare or other aggression. 3 Anthropologists have divided the Anasazi into several time periods — Formative, Early Development, Full Developmental, and Classic — on the basis of the cultural increment sequences at centers such as Mesa Verde. In the Glen Canyon the Formative Stage (Basketmaker I I I , ending ca. A.D. 500-600) was poorly represented and was followed by an even more poorly represented Early Developmental Stage (Pueblo I, A.D. 7 0 0 900). But during the Full Developmental Stage (Pueblo I I - e a r l y Pueblo I I I , ca. A.D. 900-1200) there was an extensive migration into and occupance of the Glen Canyon area by Anasazi coming in from the east, south, and north: the Mesa Verde, Kayenta, and Fremont subcultures, respectively. There was little or no evidence of full Classic Anasazi. Thus, use of the canyonlands coincides with the period of greatest Pueblo expansion, and its abandonment seems to parallel the abandonment of other peripheral areas. We have come to think that the Pueblo expansion was 3 Jesse D. Jennings, "Early M a n in U t a h , " Utah Historical Quarterly, X X V I I I (January, 1960), 3 - 2 7 ; Jesse D. Jennings, " T h e Aboriginal Peoples," U.H.Q., X X V I I I (Tulv I960) 211-21.


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a function of improved climate, possibly in combination with new droughtresistant strains of corn (and beans) and the basic scrounging skills of the people. Their genius may have lain simply in high exploitive talents. After abandonment of Glen Canyon by the Anasazi, the Navajo and Paiute drifted into the area but for several reasons were never as numerous as the Anasazi horticulturalists h a d been. T h e prehistoric h u m a n use of the Glen Canyon area can be summarized thus: Paiute 1400 to 1 9 1 0 ± (minimal representation) Hopi 1500 to 1 7 0 0 ± (minimal representation) Developmental Anasazi ? to 6 5 0 ± t o 1250 (maximal Glen Canyon occupancy) Formative Anasazi ? A.D. to 6 5 0 ± (minimal representation)

I n history the expected data were recovered but in greater than expected quantity. T h e Glen Canyon particularly is revealed as having been the scene of exploration and exploitation activities, not greatly different from the story of any other major western stream. T h e cycle is the familiar one of exploration — in this case begun in 1869 by the famous John Wesley Powell — followed by extensive, though abortive, gold and coal mining ventures. 4 One company (Robert Stanton) even surveyed the gorge as a potential railway passage to the west but this idea was soon abandoned. After the excitement of the gold search abated shortly after the turn of the twentieth century, the entire region was "rediscovered" by a swarm of explorers and adventurers: romantics who learned and reported the natural wonders of the area. T h e legendary Dean Cummings, of the University of Utah, stands out in this group. By 1900 the Mormon settlements in southern U t a h were well-established; concurrent with the ill-fated mining operations and romantic explorations, their cattle were grazing the canyons and plateaus. Biological researchers had relatively full knowledge of the plant inventory of the canyonlands adjacent to the Glen Canyon. O n this basis they were able to anticipate the range of plants and animals of the reservoir area. Hence, no great surprises were in store for the researchers; although vastly extended collections were possible, and the distribution patterns and ecological boundaries were thoroughly and newly worked out. This summary of the simple, standardized process of accumulation of data fails to convey the more pleasing aspects of investigation and discovery. Regardless of the dimensions of the discovery, finding any "first" 4 C. Gregory Crampton and Dwight L. Smith, The Hoskaninni Papers, Mining in Glen Canyon, 1897—1902: University of Utah Anthropological Papers Number 54, Glen Canyon Series Number 15 (Salt Lake City, 1961).


«& .:.-.'•'

i ,*•: *> yl masonry-walled reservoir at Creeping Dune site. The double wall is approximately five feet thick and stands five to six feet in height above the clay floor. The perforatedslab metering device on the floor at the far end of the reservoir covers a tunnel that leads to an irrigation ditch.

carries with it sufficient reward. Archeological "firsts" were perhaps most numerous for a variety of reasons, the most important being that archeological investigation was most extensive. Several of these warrant mention. An aboriginal water storage system involving a double-wall masonry storage structure, water metering device, and irrigation ditches is unique and unparalleled in the Southwest. 5 Another phenomenon not known from the archeological literature is the "cactus bake," a practice resembling the "clam bakes" of the East, but seen in Glen Canyon at Benchmark Cave 6 where shallow hearths revealed the baking of succulent young cactus pads over a smothered, hotburning brush fire. This location was interesting, too, in suggesting heavy transient use, but little permanent settlement, of the Glen Canyon proper. In architecture the research yielded little that was new. Perhaps the double-walled dam at Creeping Dune and the metering device would 5 Floyd W. Sharrock, David S. Dibble, and Keith Anderson, " T h e Creeping Dune Irrigation Site in Glen Canyon, U t a h , " American Antiquity, X X V I I (No. 2, 1961), 188-202. 6 The co-author, Floyd Sharrock, has a manuscript in preparation titled "1962 Excavations, Glen Canyon Area."


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qualify, but these tend to be engineering or agricultural achievements. T h e discovery of stairs or steps at a site in Slickrock Canyon, rarely reported, is of interest, as was a house "insulated" by grass placed in the crevice between a double-masonry wall. Within the normal "expected" architectural range all conceivable variations of the masonry hut and the semi-subterranean pit house were encountered. T h e latter were discovered to span the Formative-Classic stages, refuting prior belief that the pit house was replaced as a dwelling type by above-ground masonry pueblos. O u t of the accumulating data, new problems, interests, and special studies evolved. One of the most interesting results of the Project was the interest taken in it by local artists. Many of the artifacts recovered were exquisite art forms, attractive by almost any set of criteria. 7 Especially noteworthy are the clean, elegant formal properties of the clay pots and wooden objects. By some artists the pictographs and figurines, both of unknown function, have been called the most exciting art forms in North America. Although they are well-decorated and beautiful examples of craftsmanship, most of these objects — even the petroglyphs and pictographs — ought, perhaps, to be thought of as being utilitarian objects with art treatment a secondary consideration. There is no strong evidence that the self-conscious concept of art for art's sake existed among these prehistoric people, unless the placing of new or little used decorated vessels in graves is evidence of this. Even then the primary function of including the specimen would have been toward religious, magical, or some other end, rather than art alone. This statement is not to deny the aborigines an esthetic awareness, far from it. It is merely to remind that in these simpler cultures the artist and the craftsman were combined in one person, and that each object created usually h a d a cultural purpose beyond the sheer expression of an individual esthetic drive. Outgrowths of the original biological study were numerous. One, of general nature, was an evapo-transpiration study done by Angus M. Woodbury and his associates. 8 This study involved the identification and mapping of the varying vegetation in each reservoir prior to inundation, in order to estimate the total annual water losses through transpiration under what might be called "normal" or original conditions. This special study was done because the annual loss of usable water from vegetative breathing is, in some cases, greater than the actual evaporation loss from 7 T h e Salt Lake Art Center devoted its "Show of the Year" in January 1964 to the material culture from Glen Canyon. 8 Angus M. Woodbury, Stephen D . Durrant, Seville Flowers, Survey of Vegetation in the Glen Canyon Reservoir Basin: University of Utah Anthropological Papers Number 36, Glen Canyon Series Number 5 (Salt Lake City, 1959).


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the surface of a lake or reservoir. T h e net gain or loss in water is of extreme importance to dam builders. This evaporation study was among the first to be applied to an entire reservoir pool. However, the techniques and formulae involved were well-known and h a d been tested. Again in the field of biology, there is the work in plant identification by Seville Flowers and Walter Cottam, by means of stem cross- and longitudinal-sections. This is an old skill — of a practical nature — practiced more by forest products men than academic types. T h e species usually thus studied, and readily recognized, tend to be of commercial tree and shrub species. Here the concern was with lowlier and "useless" species, common to the area. From these identifications of the materials used in hoes, sandals, baskets, and houses came considerable new knowledge as to the astonishing range of aboriginal exploitation of the indigenous flora. In one area of biology, contributions to knowledge were unexpectedly absent. Of the hundreds of pieces of wood — roof-beams and charcoal from burned structures—collected and studied, not one yielded to dendrochronological counting. All submitted archeological specimens were nondatable species — willow, cotton wood, juniper, etc. — the only locally available trees. However, cross-sections from several very old, living trees were donated to the Arizona Dendrochronology Laboratory. Ironically, these proved helpful in interpreting some prehistoric tree rings to the south of the area studied but were useless to us, except as the southern results can be extrapolated to our own area. A less routine biological special study 9 was an analysis of pollen found in human feces which revealed unsuspected details of diet. For example, squash, beeweed, and cactus pollen, as well as that from maize, are dominant in human excreta recovered from Lake and Moqui canyon sites, as well as from Benchmark Cave. Use of squash blossoms and beeweed as greens or salad and other unusual foods is well-attested by ethnology. All these foods are known to have been eaten by historic Pueblo peoples — the Hopi, Zuni, Sia — but now it is known that they were well-known articles of diet as early as A.D. 1200. Heavy pollen counts of squash and corn were not unexpected because squash flowers were a great delicacy, whereas corn pollen was considered to have medicinal properties. Moreover pollen is abundant on tender corn leaves which were often chewed. T h e unexpected high counts, in all specimens, of Cleome (Rocky Mountain beeweed) leads to an inference that beeweed was actually a crop and should perhaps be added to corn, beans, and squash as one of the normal 9 Paul S. Martin and Floyd W. Sharrock, "Pollen Analysis of Prehistoric Feces — A New Approach to Ethnobotany," A.A., X X X (No. 2, 1964), 168-80.


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cultigens. Actually, there perhaps is no need to plant beeweed. This hardy plant appears as a volunteer wherever the soil is disturbed. It could scarcely be prevented from growing in fields, and the Indians probably let the plants come among the corn and squash and then tended them. Apparently, too, cottonwood catkins were regularly eaten in season — again presumably as greens. Before leaving the subject of cultivated plants, mention should be made of the hundreds of specimens which provided data bearing on the distribution and age of prehistoric races of corn and cucurbits. These have been studied by Hugh Cutler, director of the Missouri Botanical Gardens, but not yet reported. Evidently Fremont Dent corn is the most common corn variety in the area. It is an eight-rowed, flour corn most closely related to corn from northern Mexico but not found between Mexico and Utah. Its origin is obscure and its route to U t a h unknown. The story of maize seems to be very complex — being concerned with hybridization, genetics, archeological stratigraphy, etc., but Cutler thinks he has at least refined the problem. 10 H e also thinks that it may well prove impossible ever to r e a d the evidence well enough to tell the full genetic history of corn and the many varieties that exist. This is because corn appears to have derived from countless and repeated hybrid crossings of three grasses — Tripsacum, Teosinte, and Maize — over a period of 7,000 years. I n a d d i t i o n to t h e p o l l e n studies, archeological research led to a n interesting collaboration with soil scientists and botanists. This study resulted from an interesting introspective incident. 10 Director Hugh Cutler supplied this information in a personal communication with the authors.

Adult skeletal remains (approximately A.D. 1150) typical of those uncovered in Glen Canyon excavations.


The Glen Canyon

45

While excavating a large site in Slickrock Canyon, we noticed an odd and apparently exclusive distribution of two species of sage, but noted it merely as odd. Months later, mulling the matter, we wondered if the two distributions were related to soil resources; could the aboriginal field outlines still be preserved in these modern vegetation patterns? O n a second visit careful vegetation maps were made, and extensive tests of the soil were run. T h e results to date are inconclusive, but we still think the hunch was good. Soils supporting Artemesia filafolia (old man sage) and prickly pear cactus are slightly different in chemical content, but differences are not such as to constitute proof. In ethnology major contributions have been made by the Project. One of these was a one-year full-time study of the Southern Paiute by Robert C. Euler. T h e anticipated published account will include material from several years' previous research on the Paiute by Euler. An equally important contribution is the "discovery" or recovery of the manuscript of a famous Southern Paiute ethnography done by Isabel Kelly over 30 years ago with many informants now dead. This work is a recent Project-sponsored publication. 11 Thus, through the Project effort to learn the full human history of the Glen Canyon area, two highly valuable additions have been made to the long neglected study of Great Basin ethnology. Some interesting observations have come from microgeology. In two canyons, Lake and Moqui, the archeological record seemed to be combined, or confused, with the record of geological process. For example, the Red Ant Kiva site in Moqui 12 was buried under 20 feet of sediment, and it seemed to have been built and rebuilt while the sediment continued to accumulate. Two others, Dead Tree and Lyman flats,13 appeared to have been established beside a swamp or bog, and finally to have been abandoned because of a rise in the valley floor with an accompanying extension of the bog limits. T h e depth of these deposits and the short time span implied by the archeology allow us to guess that this late sedimentation occurred very rapidly. Then, using interpretations based on pollen samples taken nearby, we can suggest that the increased deposition of soil may result from local environmental change as simple as an emphasis shift from gentle winter rain to the torrential showers of summer. Summer storms 11 Isabel T. Kelly, Southern Paiute Ethnography: University of Utah Anthropological Papers Number 69, Glen Canyon Series Number 21 (Salt Lake City, 1964). 12 Floyd W. Sharrock, Kent C. Day, and David S. Dibble, 1961 Excavations, Glen Canyon Area: University of Utah Anthropological Papers Number 63, Glen Canyon Series Number 18 (Salt Lake City, 1963), 79-108. 13 Floyd W. Sharrock, Keith M. Anderson, Don D. Fowler, David S. Dibble, 1960 Excavations, Glen Canyon Area: University of Utah Anthropological Papers Number 52, Glen Canyon Series Number 14 (Salt Lake City, 1961), 79-107.


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bring flood sediment and gullying; this would quickly lead to abandonment of these settlements by the aborigines because the fields would be ruined. This explanation, of course, runs contrary to stereotyped explanations of the causes of Anasazi abandonment of the Four Corners area, an event which is most often blamed on local drought. It is, nonetheless, true that tree-rings are small for a few years after A.D. 1275, but tree-ring growth measures winter moisture. Hence, neither the too-wet nor the toodry theory can be proved or disproved. Another advance in microgeology also concerns sediment. John T. Hack, a well-known geologist working in northeastern Arizona, has recognized two recent periods of sedimentation in the canyons of the Southwest.14 One sediment layer, called the Tsegi, was laid down between approximately 1000 B.C. to A.D. 1100-1300. Then, after an erosional period, another formation or layer, the Naha, was laid down sometime after 1300. Maurice E. Cooley, in a 1958 study of the entire Glen Canyon area, thought he recognized these two sediment bodies in Lake Canyon.15 In 1962, however, John F. Lance, of the University of Arizona Geology Department, made a more detailed study of the entire Lake and Moqui canyon drainage systems, after the archeology had been done and was more or less understood.16 Lance did not find either the erosional break or the presence of the Naha; moreover, he had chronological control over the Tsegi available because of the archeological materials buried in the upper sediment. The fact is that Cooley either misread Hack's original findings or interpreted them too rigidly because in some areas, such as Jeddito Wash, Pueblo ruins occur in the Tsegi, as is true in Lake Canyon. What Project research showed, then, is that Cooley may have been mistaken as to the presence of the Naha sediments. It would seem that the local environment of Lake Canyon did not result in extensive local erosion after 1300 A.D. — hence, no Naha sediment. We can now postulate a more or less stable prehistoric climatic rainfall pattern boundary lying somewhere between Lake Canyon and Jeddito Wash, a distance of 100 miles, because the sediment pattern is markedly different. The importance of Lance's work would seem to be that it provides more evidence to add to that already at hand, " J o h n T . Hack, The Changing Physical Environment of the Hopi Indians of Arizona: Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology (Cambridge, 1964). 15 Maurice E. Cooley, Late Pleistocene and Recent Erosion and Alluviation in Parts of the Colorado River System, Arizona and Utah: Geological Survey Professional Paper 450-B (Washington, D . C , 1 9 6 2 ) , 4 8 - 5 0 . 16 John F. Lance, "Alluvial Stratigraphy is Lake and Moqui Canyons," in Sharrock, et al., 1961 Excavations, Glen Canyon Area: Anthropological Papers Number 63, 347-76.


A kiva (ceremonial chamber) at the Steer Palace site in Castle Wash. The excavation cut at the right reveals the maximum depth dug by the Indians, which was then floored with prepared clay. The piles of stones forming pillars around the bench supported a ground-level roof.

that the Arizona-Utah line is about where the effect of the Mexican monsoons usually stop. If this is true, attempts to explain U t a h geological phenomena with central or even northern Arizona findings will continue to be misleading. In the sociohistorical field perhaps one of the most interesting undertakings was an extensive study of portions of Daggett County affected by the Flaming Gorge Reservoir. T h e results of the study were an informative and fascinating combined sociological and historical study, but publication of the findings would be inappropriate since many of the people are still alive. T h e community was seen to have derived almost entirely from discontended men, essentially cut-off from U t a h until very recently by the lack of roads in the Uinta Range. Isolation, and a certain vestigial Old West self-sufficiency rooted in direct action, kept the community


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pretty well out of the mainstream of Utah progress. Into this self-sufficient, sometimes brutal, stability, the new community of Dutch John and the creation of Flaming Gorge Dam, both imposed by federal agency, burst with shattering impact. At the polls, at school, in civic affairs, and in buying power, the newcomers who were building the dam dominated the community. The long lake created by Flaming Gorge Dam has actually divided the original Daggett County country physically; the same lake drowned the richest lands and drove many families from old ancestral homes. The frustration, tension, and friction that developed over this situation can scarcely be imagined. These can perhaps one day be ameliorated, but the remembered hardships will keep bitterness long alive. Most of the Daggett County folk did not leave the area, but found new homes on less desirable lands and will continue to resent the social and political tension changes caused by the construction. A report on social behavior under extreme stresses of deprivation has emerged from this study. A host of lesser, but no less important, ancillary studies and analyses has also resulted from the Project. We can only mention the cooperation received from chemists in helping through spectroscopy to determine the ingredients of prehistoric paints; the searching for correlations in our data done by the computer center; the yeoman assistance of the Biology Department of the University of Utah in identification of mammal bones; the work of Lyndon Hargrave, of the National Park Service, and William Behle, of the University of Utah, in bird bone and feather identification; and mineral identifications by Norm Williams, of the University of Utah. Although biological, geological, historical, ecological, and anthropological researches have been considered separately and as separate contributions to knowledge, the core of the study is seen as anthropology. We have called on mammalogists, botanists, ornithologists, and pollen experts in the effort to understand subsistence and diet. The findings of ethnobotanists and ethnohistorians are merely extensions deep into time, but we have thus welded more firmly together two sets of anthropological data — data from the living and dead cultures. Geologists have studied microgeological situations to help us interpret time lapse and localized climate and weather conditions. Soil scientists have investigated a hunch about prehistoric agriculture. Chemists have aided in detection of paint pigment sources and in establishing the genuineness of some pictographs. Computers have helped us arrive at a host of correlations we could never have taken time to learn without electronic help. One thing to remember is that most of these specialist researchers have worked on problems set for them by other problems. The extent to


Implements of the prehistoric Puebloans. At the top are sickles, which were used in seed gathering. Below are digging sticks, the tips of which were bound to wooden handles. The tools were manufactured from mountain sheep horns. Sandles from the Glen Canyon. Such footgear was made from yucca leaves with the rough ends turned under to create padded soles.

,:

~*W&*ÂŤ9r


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which their findings have sharpened our perceptions is obvious. We assume that the invoking of so wide a spectrum of skills has been equally fruitful for each of the collaborators. In all areas the publication record is particularly pleasing. Exclusive of several special articles, 4,978 pages have already been published. These are divided as follows: archeology 2,627, history 741, biology/ecology 1,610. Manuscript on hand in sociohistory and pollen studies, totals 150 pages. There are about eight overdue reports in progress, or in prospect, in history, archeology, ethnobotany, and ethnohistory. These will add approximately 1,500 or more pages to the printed total. Several doctoral dissertations are being derived as well. It is now apparent that the subtitle of this paper "A Multi-Discipline Project" has two separate meanings in connection with the Project. In the beginning phases of the study, "multi-discipline" meant broad salvage coverage of the several fields first mentioned — biology, geology, anthropology, history. T h e n as research continued and the aid of specialists was solicited, the "multi-discipline" aspect shifted and became the focusing on special segments from a wide spectrum of knowledge into a single beam to illume better the behavior of men. Either of these uses of "multi-discipline" is legitimate but it seems proper to make their distinctive natures explicit. Little emphasis has been placed on archeology as such here because the intent was to emphasize the full range of Project research and achievement without dwelling unduly on any one aspect of it. Prehistory has been taken for granted in order to highlight the ancillary developments because these latter have so greatly increased our understanding. Although Project operation has provided raw data for biologists and ecologists, ethnobotanists, cthnohistorians, historians, geologists, climatologists, chemists, and computer specialists, the focus has never wavered from human behavior — the anthropologist's first and only goal. In view of the number of nonanthropologists who have contributed to the study of the Glen Canyon, many may ask the legitimate question, "so what did the anthropologists contribute?" They provided the problem: the study of man.


Rescue of a Frontier Boy BY N E W E L L H A R T

Reuban Van Orman, a survivor of an 1860 massacre along the Snake River, was forcibly retrieved from the Shoshones and Bannocks in Cache Valley, Utah, in 1862. But the boy, aged about 10, apparently did not appreciate the combined strategy of settlers, a traveler, a detachment of cavalry troops, and a determined uncle who spent thousands of dollars to track him down. T o young Reuban the rescue merely disrupted two years of wandering with Chief Bear Hunter's tribe. T h e dramatic Cache Valley rescue took place shortly after the founding of C a m p Douglas, in Salt Lake Valley, Utah, just before the creation of Idaho Territory. T o the residents of Cache Valley, the event meant the threat of a bloody Indian war following the departure of the troops. T o Colonel Patrick E. Connor's California Volunteers, from the month-old C a m p Douglas, the rescue was a necessary preliminary to their calculated military attack on Bear Hunter's band. This was the historic fight at Bear River, which followed a few weeks later. T o Reuban's uncle, Zachias Van Orman, it was a personal matter. T h a t cold November day of 1862 would have been a happy but frustrating climax to his long and costly search. Uncle Zachias, a dark-eyed, blackhaired six-footer from the mining camps of Oregon, gives this grisly background of how the boy was lost. My brother was emigrating to Oregon in 1860 and was massacreed by the Indians, he lost in money and property about 6000 dollars and 4 of his children taken captive 3 girls one boy the girls died of starvation in Mr. Hart, a resident of Berkeley, California, is a free-lance writer. T h e story of the rescue of the white boy held captive by the Indians is a by-product of his studies on the Battle of Bear River.


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the goos crek Mountains near Snake River the Boy was Rescued by Major M c G a r y in Chast Valley 100 miles north of Salt Lake and I was trying my best to rescue t h e m all the time and government helped on all and evry occasion I spent too years and over $5000 dollars and I think the government would grant m e an Indemnity . . . . 1

Other sources supply the tragic facts of the Salmon Falls massacre. O n October 20, 1860, Army scouts and volunteers found the remains of Alexis V a n Orman, his wife, son Marcus, and four others of the immigrant party; all the bodies had been mutilated. They were stragglers from the previous Otter massacre which had occurred along the Snake River. All had been en route to Oregon, but very few arrived. 2 T h e V a n Ormans had five children. T h e four smaller ones, three girls and the boy Reuban, were not found. Tracks led to the Snake River, but the searchers had no means by which to cross. Repeated efforts were made to locate the missing children, but to no avail. They were presumed dead or captured; but Uncle Zachias, though learning the girls had died, never gave up hope of finding young Reuban. Zachias Van Orman's first productive clue came from a relative who arrived in Oregon. Whether the new arrival came from Wisconsin, original home of the V a n Ormans, or from some other eastern point is not known. T h e relative informed Mr. Van O r m a n that he had seen a white boy living with the Indians, apparently in the area of Cache Valley, and that he had actually tried to retrieve him by purchase. T h e Indians' price, however, was outlandish and beyond his means. Uncle Zachias immediately made the long trek to Salt Lake City and contacted Colonel Connor. Plans were drawn and Zachias went north to Cache Valley. O n November 22, 1862, he was met by Major Edward McGarry, of the new Camp Douglas, a veteran of Indian campaigns in Nevada. O r m a n informed the major that Chief Bear Hunter was encamped about two miles distant, with 30 or 40 of his tribe. Major McGarry reported that, . . . I left the horses in the settlement called Providence . . . and started about 1 o'clock for the Indian c a m p ; the night was dark and cold, and we did not find the c a m p until the morning of the 23rd. I then divided my c o m m a n d into three parties . . . with instructions to surround the camp and close in upon them at daybreak. 3 1 Zachias Van Orman's Pension Application, Number 1269 (Oregon State Historical Society). The name on the application is spelled Zacheus Van Ornum, but all other records contain the spelling Zachias Van Orman. 2 The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D . C , 1897), Series I, Vol. L, Part I, p . 166. "Ibid., 182.


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Here the California Volunteers found the camp deserted, except for two frightened squaws. They searched every hut, finding only unextinguished fires; the warriors had left during the night. The troops' arrival had been detected, and the Indians would be waiting for them. The sun was already shining on the snowy peaks in the south range of Cache Valley when the cavalrymen sighted their foes. As they rode the one mile to the canyon bench they saw the Indians making "a warlike display, such as shouting, riding in a circle, and all sorts of antics known only to their race." 4 During the skirmish, which lasted for about two hours, three Indians were killed and one wounded. Chief Bear Hunter then made his appearance on a hilltop, waving a flag of truce — as McGarry was later informed. "I at the time took it to be a warlike demonstration; a citizen who heard his halloing came up to me and told me that the chief said they did not want to fight any more." 5 Bear Hunter, with 20 or more of his warriors, was taken into the soldiers' camp near the settlement. Through an interpreter McGarry interviewed the noted chief, asking the whereabouts of the boy. He was informed that the boy had been sent away some days before (possibly to the Indian fortress camp on Idaho's Bear River, near the Hot Springs). The major then instructed the chief to send some of his tribesmen and return the boy safely to camp. In the meantime McGarry held Bear 4 5

Ibid. Ibid. 183.

Looking from the mouth of Logan Canyon west into Cache Valley, with on the bluff to the left in the photograph. U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Providence


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Hunter and four others, whom he believed to be prominent Indians, as hostages. The next day, about noon, the anxieties of Uncle Zachias, Major McGarry, and members of the community came to an end as they saw the returning party. The boy was in good condition but difficult to identify and even more difficult to reconvert to white civilization. Major McGarry and Mr. Van Orman must have exchanged an amazed glance. H e was dressed a n d bedaubed with paint like an I n d i a n and acted like a regular little savage when given into our possession, fighting, kicking and scratching when the paint was washed from him to determine his white decent. 6

J. H. Martineau, local militia officer and pioneer surveyor, wrote: Some of the whites in Cache Valley had seen the child with the Indians, and although the latter h a d painted its face to resemble themselves, its light hair and blue eyes betrayed its race. T h e whites tried to get the child, but the Indians refused to let it be ransomed, and finally kept it secreted. 7

The next day, after the troops departed, the Indians collected in a strong force near Providence. They made warlike demonstrations to the village whose strength was less than a hundred. The Indians charged the settlers with sheltering and feeding the troops, and this they labeled a hostile gesture. About 70 men rode quickly from Logan to assist the Providence residents. The Indians, seeing the size of the militia, immediately sued for peace talks. They demanded two beeves and a large quantity of flour as a peace offering. Colonel Ezra T. Benson of the Utah Militia and Bishop Peter Maughan, considering it the best and cheapest policy, agreed. "The citizens of Logan furnished the supplies required." Uncle Zachias remained in Utah temporarily, serving as a "scout" for Colonel Connor. "I was in too engagements," he recalled, "The capturing of my nephew at Cash Valley by Major McGerry," and, "I was at the slaughter on Bear River." 9 Reference here is to the Battle of Bear River, January 29, 1863, near present-day Preston, Idaho. What happened to the boy is not known. He may have accompanied his uncle to Douglas County, Oregon, and later lived with him at Chico, California. Or one may speculate that he returned to Wisconsin to reside with relatives there. Or did life among the Indians appeal to him so much that he once again took up the ways of the redman. 6

Henry C. Haskin, writing in the Napa County Reporter (California), December 20, 1862. J. H. Martineau, "Military History of Cache Valley" (typescript, Military Records Section, U t a h State Historical Society), 5. 8 Ibid. 9 Letter to T. A. Wood from Zachias Van Orman, Cleaveland, Douglas County, Oregon, February 29, 1896 (Oregon State Historical Society). 7


LIBRARY O F C O N G R E S S

UTAH and the CIVIL WAR by Gustive

O. Larson


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As the United States raced toward disunion in 1860-61, Brigham Young kept close contact with William H . Hooper, Utah's delegate to Congress. T h e Mormon leader, although no longer governor of the territory, counseled Hooper on every action taken in behalf of the people of U t a h and their efforts to obtain statehood. Tardy arrival of Washington news in Salt Lake City made up-to-date correspondence impossible; but such as it was, it reflected Utah's keen interest in political developments. It also mirrored Mormon views of the national Constitution and the government of its creation. " T h e outside Democrats within our borders," wrote Brigham Young on November 19, 1860, "are very much chopfalien at Lincoln's election and several begin to think that they and their property are safer here than in the states." 2 December 20th the day that, unknown to him, South Carolina seceded from the Union, Brigham Young commented, By your letters and papers, I perceive that the secession question was being violently agitated, but without m u c h definite action. Latest accounts seem to indicate that the South will so far back down as to give "Old Abe" a trial as to what course he will pursue. . . . But while the waves of commotion are whelming nearly the whole country, U t a h in her rocky fortresses is biding her time to step in and rescue the constitution and aid all lovers of freedom in sustaining such laws as will secure justice and rights to all irrespective of creed or party.

Again on January 17, 1861, he penned, I perceive, from news brought by Pony on the 14th that you have presented our petition for admission, constitution etc., but there is no word as to w h a t action if any has been t a k e n , . . . Tell them that they can do as they please about the matter, but our opinion is that they had better admit Utah now while they have the opportunity.

A month later, after the Confederacy had been organized, he observed, that "it seems that many are looking with some hope . . . apparently not yet realizing that the corruptions of the nation have sealed its doom, which will be consumated sooner or later." T h e transcontinental telegraph was completed on October 18, 1861, six months after the beginning of the Civil War. Brigham Young who sent the first message to J. H. Wade, president of the Pacific Telegraph Company in Cleveland, Ohio, offered congratulations and concluded, "Utah has not seceded but is firm for the constitution and laws of our once happy country." T h e same day Acting Governor Frank Fuller wired President Mr. Larson is professor of church history, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. 1 Brigham Young's letters to Delegate Hooper are in the Coe Collection, Yale University Library, New Haven, Connecticut.


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Lincoln, "Utah whose citizens strenuously resist all imputations of disloyalty, congratulates the President upon completion of an enterprise which spans a continent." Georgia joined the seceding states on January 19, 1861, and her native son, Governor Alfred E. Cumming, left Utah four months later much to the regret of the Mormons. They followed meagre reports of the war's progress with mixed feelings and without commitment. John Taylor speaking at the 1861 Fourth of July Celebration said: I t may now be proper to inquire w h a t p a r t shall we take in the present difficulties . . . we have been banished from the pale of w h a t is termed civilization, and forced to make a home in the desert wastes. . . . Shall we join the north to fight against the south? N o ! Shall we join the south against the north? As emphatically N o ! Why? T h e y have both as before shown, brought it upon themselves and we have h a d no h a n d in the matter. Whigs, Democrats, Americans and Republicans have all in turn endeavored to stain their hands in innocent blood, and whatever others may do we cannot conscientiously help to tear down the fabric we are sworn to uphold. We know no north, no south, no east, no west; we abide strictly and positively by the Constitution, and cannot by the intrigues or sophism of either party be cajoled into any other attitude. 2

Acting Governor Francis M. Wooten saw fit on September 5 to pen the following to Secretary of State William H. Seward. I have the honor to inform you that on the 18th of last M a y his Excellency Governor Alfred Cumming, availing himself of a leave of absence, left for the States. Since the date of the above, I have been quietly discharging the duties of the Territorial Executive department and a m happy to report that "all is well," that the citizens of the Territory have in no instance evinced a disposition to avoid any of their legal or Constitutional obligations, or to interfere in any manner with the administrations of the several federal officials in U t a h , but on the contrary, so far as I a m informed, have rendered them a willing and hearty obedience. I a m induced to make this statement at this time because of rumors which I observe to be in general circulation through the various presses of the country to the effect that Brigham Young has declared U t a h independent and that the property of the government at Fort Crittenden, (Late-Camp Floyd) and other military stations of the D e p a r t m e n t of U t a h have been violently seized and appropriated by the Mormons. Such reports based on the idle and mendacious representations of irresponsible parties, if unnoticed, may produce a false impression at Washington and lead to unnecessary troubles; therefore, 1 have deemed it my duty to give them an official contradiction. . . . 3

Utah was surrounded by states and territories of divided loyalties between the North and South. While southern California was actively 2

Deseret News (Salt Lake City), July 10, 1861. U.S., Department of State, Territorial Papers, U t a h Territory, 1860-1873 Archives, Washington, D . C ) , I I , 533-36. 3

(National


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pro-Confederate, the state as a whole remained loyal to the Union and raised approximately 17,000 volunteers who were distributed among strategic locations in the West. Secessionist activities in western Nevada brought infantry east of the Sierras to suppress a Confederate uprising and establish Fort Churchill. Prompt military action was required in New Mexico and Arizona to put down rebellion and save them from General Henry Hunter Sibley's plans to swing the Southwest into the Confederacy. Governor William Gilpin took effective measures to secure Colorado against southern uprisings. I n these surroundings Utah's position was somewhat unique. Most of the Mormon leaders were of New England ancestry and had a strong reverence for the United States Constitution. O n the other hand the Union might well suspect Utah of southern leanings due to common views on, and a passion for, state's rights and a desire to protect her institution of polygamy. Her loyalty was of vital importance to the Union war effort for she lay across the communication lifeline between the East and California. If U t a h should defect to the Confederacy and apply the strength of which she was capable to block the Overland Mail route the Union would be put to heavy expense to establish and maintain a more northerly one. In January 1861 General Albert Sidney Johnston, who had been stationed at C a m p Floyd in Utah, was ranking officer in charge of the Military Department of the Pacific with headquarters in San Francisco. The department included California, Oregon, Washington, Nevada, and Utah. U T A H STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY


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General Winfield Scott, doubting Johnston's loyalty to the Union, replaced him on March 22 with General E. V. Sumner who arrived in San Francisco on April 25. One of the first assignments of the Department of the Pacific was to police the Overland Mail route. " T h e W a r Department," read a communication to California's Governor John G. Downey dated July 24, 1861, "accepts for three years one regiment of infantry and five companies of cavalry to guard the Overland Mail Route from Carson Valley to Salt Lake and Fort Lawrence [Laramie]. . . ." 4 T h e troops were made available but were transferred elsewhere. Similarly, troops called six months later were diverted from their original assignment when Colonel James H. Carlton led his command to meet emergency needs in New Mexico. This delay in providing protection for the overland route resulted in the only military service rendered by the Mormons during the Civil War. T h e Overland Mail route was being subjected to Indian depredations resulting, not only in interference with mail and telegraph service, but in serious threats to human life and heavy losses to merchandise in transit. Acting Governor Frank Fuller, together with men most vitally concerned with the losses, appealed to Secretary of W a r Edwin M. Stanton for the services of Indian Superintendent James Duane Doty in raising "a regiment of mounted rangers" to patrol the vital east-west lifeline. Since the federal government's failure to recognize the U t a h Territorial Militia or Nauvoo Legion reflected doubt as to its loyalty and availability, Brigham Y o u n g wired D e l e g a t e H o o p e r t h a t UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY "the Militia of U t a h are ready and able and willing to protect the mail line if called upon to do so." T h e acting governor quickly adjusted to the situation by requisitioning Lieutenant General *The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D . C , 1897), Series I, Vol. L, Pt. l , p . 543.

Utah Territorial Note the variety

Militia or Nauvoo Legion. of dress among the troops.

Daniel H. Wells (1814-1891), commanding officer of Utah Territorial Militia.


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Daniel H. Wells, commander of the Utah Territorial Militia, on April 25, 1862, for 20 mounted men for 30 days to protect life and property on the overland trail. Volunteers were on their way the next day under command of Captain Robert T. Burton. United States troops due from the East to relieve the Nauvoo Legion were recalled for emergency service elsewhere, and President Lincoln wired Brigham Young through the War Department on April 28, . . . authorizing him to raise, a r m and equip a company of cavalry for ninety days' service, to protect the property of the telegraph and overland mail companies between Forts Bridger and Laramie, a n d to continue in service until the United States troops shall reach the point where their services are needed. 5

I n response to this call, Major Lot Smith, with a company of 120 men, was on his way in two days to relieve Burton's command. Worthy of note was the President's request to Brigham Young instead of to Acting Governor Fuller. Also significant was the role of Daniel H . Wells, Robert T. Burton, and Lot Smith who were now serving the United States government when five years earlier they had led Mormon forces against federal troops. T h e leader of these federal troops, General Albert Sidney Johnston, was now a war casualty, having recently been killed while leading a Confederate charge against Union forces in the Battle of Shiloh. December 7, 1861, ushered Governor John W. Dawson into Salt Lake City. His first official expression held promise of an understanding relationship with the Mormons. H e said in addressing the legislature, T h e Compromise of 1850 . . . seemed to bring back and settle the administration of the government, upon the principle of compromise by which the Constitution itself was formed. I t distinctly recognized as the true solution of the question of slavery, and of all other questions of domestic or local policy in the States and Territories — the principle that each State and Territory should decide for itself, independent of the will or action of Congress, w h a t local or domestic institutions consistent with the nation's organic law, the people should have. 6

But the promise faded when he continued with insinuations of disloyalty while urging the legislative body to speed up collection of the territory's war tax which amounted to $26-982.7 His suggestion that the tax 5

Deseret News, April 30, 1862. "Governors' Messages," December 10, 1861, p. 82.31—82.32. The governors' messages from 1851—1876 are bound in a single volume in the U t a h State Archives. 7 The tax was levied on real property and improvements, two-thirds of which was to be collected in gold and silver coin. This created a real problem in U t a h due to scarcity of coinage. The tax law also created an anomalous situation by exempting all federally owned property. Since Indian title had not been extinguished in U t a h , this exemption included all land in the territory and there was technically nothing to tax. Nevertheless, the legislature assumed the territory's quota 6


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be paid speedily as evidence of Utah's loyalty to the Union drew the following comment from Brigham Young. I object to any action being taken in this or any other matter except on the ground of right and justice, and in no wise as an evidence of our loyalty. . . . W e are not here as aliens from our government, but we are tried and firm supporters of the Constitution and every constitutional right. 8

Further conflict of interest appeared when the governor vetoed legislative measures providing for a constitutional convention as a step towards Utah's third formal application for statehood. Technical reasons advanced by the governor for his action seemed inconsequential to the Mormons who felt that the best test of loyalty of a people was through seeking membership in the Union. This view had been well-expressed a year earlier in a letter written by Delegate Hooper from Washington. . . . I tell them that we show our loyalty by trying to get in while others are trying to get out, notwithstanding our grievances, which are far greater t h a n those of any of the Seceding States; but that I consider we can redress our grievances better in the Union than out of it: at least we'll give our worthy uncle an opportunity for engrafting us into his family; and if he don't w a n t us, we must then carve out our own f u t u r e . . . . 9

Governor Dawson's term of office was cut short through moral indiscretion which first forced him into seclusion and then to flight from the territory. His veto, however, in no wise stayed the constitutional convention which was held on January 23, 1862. A constitution was adopted for a proposed State of Deseret which was subsequently approved by popular vote. Also, in full expectation of being admitted to the Union, an entire slate of officers was elected. This included Brigham Young as governor and subsequently William H. Hooper and George Q. Cannon as United States senators. T h e constitution with a memorial seeking statehood was presented to Congress on June 9 where it laid in Committee on Territories until December. O n the 22nd an enabling act was reported for admission without success. It should be noted here, however, that this failure of admission did not dissolve the State of Deseret as far as the Mormons were concerned. It continued to function as a ghost government behind the territorial administration — not only during the war period but several years beyond. When asked why the unofficial legislative sessions were held, Brigham and proceeded to levy a one percent tax on all occupied territory. T h e same legislature, however, memorialized Congress to remit Utah's quota due to her peculiar circumstances. T h e request was not granted and the tax was paid. 8 Deseret News, April 16, 1862. 9 William H. Hooper to George Q. Cannon, December 16, 1860, as quoted in The Latterday Saints' Millennial Star, X X I I I (Liverpool, 1861), 30.


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Young explained that it was "in order that the machinery of government would be ready to function when Congress should recognize the State organization." 10 Privately the men who met thus thought of themselves as the Council of the Kingdom of God ready to assume greater political responsibility when their Heavenly King might see fit to use them. As previously noted, Colonel James H. Carlton's command was diverted from guarding the Overland Mail route to meet emergency needs in New Mexico. This circumstance led to the appointment of Colonel Patrick E. Connor, commanding the Third California Volunteers, to guard the mail route. The substitution of Connor for Carlton led to developments which sharply affected the course of events in Utah. The object of the military expedition was specifically to protect the Overland Mail route. Neither of the two previous bodies of troops assigned to guard the Overland Mail route contemplated locating in Salt Lake City, and orders specifically referred to locating the California Volunteers at Camp Floyd, or, as it was then called, Fort Crittenden,11 which had recently been vacated by federal troops. But Colonel Conner had other ideas based on unfortunate prejudices. Some of these crystalized during a preliminary visit to Salt Lake City on September 9, while his troops waited at Fort Ruby, Nevada. Here he met and conversed with federal officials, who while residing in the Mormon community were not a part of it, and often failed to understand it. The Mormons had not forgotten their persecutions and forced exodus from Missouri and Illinois. Fresh in their memories were repeated but unavailing appeals to both state and federal government for protection against mob forces. They saw the hand of God in their deliverance into the Great Basin and in their victory over wilderness obstacles to make it "blossom as the rose." More recently they had been subjected to misrepresentation through what they considered were false reports at the nation's capital which resulted in an invasion by U.S. troops to install new federal officers by force of arms. And when these forces were withdrawn after three years of humiliating occupation, the federal officers showed continuing mistrust by destroying all surplus ammunition rather than selling it to the Mormons who stood in dire need of it. The Mormons had defied these troops in their approach to Utah in 1857, and with the help of severe winter weather had held them at bay until President James Buchanan 10

Deseret News, January 2 1 , 1863. Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847 to 1869, ed., Leland Hargrave Creer (Salt Lake City, 1940), 629. Acting Governor Francis M. Wooten in his letter of September 5, 1861, to Secretary of State William H. Seward had specifically warned against locating the California Volunteers in Salt Lake City. Territorial Papers, U t a h Territory, 1860-1873, Vol. I I , 533-36. 11


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found it expedient to negotiate and offer pardon on a list of charges the accuracy of which he had never investigated. The Utah religionists still smarted from the effects of President Buchanan's multi-million dollar blunder. The Utah War, as it came to be known, had a significant relationship to the now larger national conflict. The doctrine of states rights and the principles of self-government linked the Mormons and Southerners in a common cause. Here they understood each other to the extent that the Southern States made overtures for Utah's support of the rebellion, as already noted. But Brigham Young and the Mormons, in 1857-58, had based their case on the Constitution and sought settlement of conflicting issues within the limits of the Union whereas the Southern States were now seeking solution of their problem through secession. The Mormons were not much disturbed over the slavery question, for few slaves had been brought into their society. Nearly two years before the war's beginning, Brigham Young explained the Mormon philosophy toward slavery in an interview in Salt Lake City. Horace Greeley asked the questions and Brigham Young replied. H.G. — What is the position of your church with respect to slavery? B.Y. — We consider it of divine institution, and not to be abolished until the curse pronounced on Ham shall have been removed from his descendents. H.G. — Are any slaves now held in the territory? B.Y. — There are. H.G. — Do your territorial laws uphold slavery? B.Y. — Those laws are printed — you can read for yourself. If slaves are brought here by those who owned them in the states, we do not favor their escape from the service of their owners. H.G. — Am I to infer that Utah, if admitted as a member of the Federal Union, will be a slave state? H.G. [B.Y.] — No; she will be a free state. Slavery here would prove useless and unprofitable. I regard it generally as a curse to the masters. . . . Utah is not adapted to slave labor.12

Beyond these temporal considerations involved in the Mormon attitude toward the Civil War was a spiritual interpretation based upon Mormon religious philosophy. Theirs was the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints through which God would establish His Kingdom upon the earth. Their missionaries had labored zealously to spread this message across the land, but relatively few had listened. The majority rejected the 12 Horace Greeley, An Overland Journey from New York to San Francisco in the Summer of 1859, ed., Charles T. Duncan (New York, 1964), 179-80; New York Daily Tribune, August 20, 1859.


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message of God's imminent Kingdom to their own condemnation. And as they persecuted and heaped insults upon the Saints and drove them from their midst they sowed the seeds of their own suffering and destruction. 13 Joseph Smith, the Mormon founder and prophet, had foreseen the approach of civil strife and uttered a prophecy on war on December 25, 1832.14 T h e Saints in U t a h were quick to see the fulfillment of their prophet's prediction in the fratricidal strife which broke out just where he said it would. Before the war had progressed far, faith in their martyred leader's words was further strengthened when they saw the Southern Confederacy call upon Great Britain for help. Highly provocative of Mormon-Gentile misunderstanding were the teachings of the former relative to the establishment of the Kingdom of God upon the earth. Going beyond the generally accepted Christian ideal of God's ultimate rule on earth, Mormon doctrine not only held that its advent was imminent but that it was to be a political organization to supplant all earthly governments. Further, it was to be instituted through the ministration and authority of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. 15 Already the nucleus of its organization was established in the form of the General Council or the Council of Fifty as it was frequently called. Although the United States government was included in the ultimate dissolving of man-made governments into that of a universal Kingdom of God, its Constitution was held in highest reverence. It was divinely inspired in origin and served as a preliminary imperfect pattern of the perfect constitution of the impending Kingdom of God which would supersede it. 13 Journal of Discourses (26 vols., Liverpool, 1854-1886), IX, 18. George A. Smith said in a general conference of the church on April 6, 1861, ". . . When the Latter-day Saints were driven from Jackson county, in 1833, Joseph Smith prophesied that if the people of the United States would not bring to justice that mob and protect the Saints, they should have mob upon mob, mob upon mob, until mob and power and mob rule should be all over the whole land, until no man's life or property should be safe. This Prophecy is being literally fulfilled. . . ." 14 T h e Doctrine & Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1954), Sec. 87, pts. 1 and 3, p. 144. " 1 . Verily thus saith the Lord, concerning the wars that will shortly come to pass, beginning at the rebellion of South Carolina, which will eventually terminate in the death and misery of many souls; . . . 3. For behold, the Southern States shall be divided against the Northern States, and the Southern States . . . will call on other nations, even the nation of Great Britain, . . ." 15 John Taylor said on April 6, 1861, "But is there not a kingdom that God should set up? Yes. Is not this the stone hewn out of the mountains without hands, that is to grow into a great kingdom and fill the whole earth? It is. Then how are you going to accomplish this great work? We answer. Precisely as the Lord tells us. We have existed for thirty years, and we have used a great deal of our time and labour for the promotion of this kingdom. . . . It is a very critical thing to be engaged in the upbuilding of the kingdom of God — a nucleus of which we have here. . . . You should understand that when you have been voting here to sustain the President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the Twelve Apostles, the High Council, the Bishops, and other Quorums, you have been voting to sustain the legitimate and authorized offices of the Church and kingdom of God, whose right it is to rule and govern whenever and wherever the Almighty has a people upon the earth." Journal of Discourses, I X , 11—12.


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Clearly there were implications in Mormon teaching that the American nation faced political destruction and that upon the Mormons would rest the awesome responsibility of building the Kingdom of God upon its ruins. Were these views shared openly with the Gentiles? Could such teachings escape being branded as seditious and their proponents being charged with treason? Federal officers in Utah, such as the governor, judges, etc., read Mormon sermons in the Deseret News and often attended religious services of the Saints as they met in the old tabernacle. Here they could listen first hand, with some 2,000 worshipers, to the preachments of their leaders. Their reaction to Mormon political philosophy would depend in part on the way it was expressed and in part on their respective personal biases. Some of the officials, such as Governors Alfred E. Cumming and James D. Doty and Judge John F. Kinney, saw fit to accept it as religious philosophy which in the absence of overt, treasonable action was politically harmless. Others heard criticisms of government maladministration together with predictions of resulting national self-destruction, as preliminary to establishment of "The Kingdom," as treason and reported them as such. Samples from many of these disturbing pronouncements follow: Brigham Young said on April 6,1861, T h e whole government is gone; it is weak as water. I heard Joseph Smith say, nearly thirty years ago, " T h e y shall have mobbing to their heart's content, if they do not redress the wrongs of the Latter-day Saints." Mobs will not decrease, but will increase until the whole Government becomes a mob, and eventually it will be State against State, city against city, neighbourhood against neighbourhood, Methodist against Methodist, and so on . . . and those who will not take u p the sword against their neighbours must flee to Zion. 16

Heber C. Kimball followed the president in this wise: . . . we shall never secede frome the Constitution of the United States. W e shall not stop on the way of progress, but we shall make preparations for future events. T h e South will secede from the N o r t h , and the N o r t h will secede from us, and God will make this people free as fast as we are able to bear it. They send their poor miserable creatures here to rule us. . . . T h e day is not far distant when . . . we will be ruled by those men w h o m God Almighty appoints. 1 7

Daniel H. Wells said on September 10,1861: . . . But do we realize that God's kingdom in the latter days is to all intents and purposes a temporal kingdom? . . . W h e n he [Jesus] comes, he is going 10 17

Ibid., IX, 5. Ibid., IX, 7.


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to reign over a temporal kingdom, composed of men a n d women w h o do his will on the earth. Everything that pertains to us in our life is temporal, and over us a n d all we possess our Heavenly F a t h e r and his Son Jesus Christ will reign, as well as over all the kingdoms of the world when they become the kingdoms of our G o d a n d his Christ. 18

All this was disturbing to the federal officials locally and much of it was reported to Washington. But it was the Mormon doctrine and practice of plural marriage which first thrust them into the national spotlight. T h e Republican party, emerging as a national organization in 1856 in opposition to the extension of slavery, linked polygamy and slavery as the "twin relics of barbarism." Abraham Lincoln, who h a d once referred to the Mormons in Illinois as "Democratic Pets," 19 challenged Stephen A. Douglas' doctrine of popular sovereignty by asking him if he favored letting the Mormons in U t a h achieve statehood with polygamy. Douglas replied that the Mormons were a "loathsome ulcer on the body politic" which should be cut out. T h e "Black Republicans" as the Southerners called them, elected Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency in 1860 on an anti-slavery-polygamy platform and it was anticipated that he would strike against the one as well as the other. Before the inauguration, however, the southern rebellion monopolized Lincoln's entire attention. Within a month of his election in November 1860, South Carolina seceded from the Union. In April 1861 Fort Sumter was fired upon. By February, six states had seceded and the Confederacy was organized. In March A b r a h a m Lincoln was inaugurated as President of a dis-United States, and in April the Civil W a r broke in all its fury. No wonder that when Lincoln's first governor appointee in Utah, John W. Dawson, was badly beaten and robbed while leaving the territory, the incident went almost unheeded in Washington! By September 1862, following the Battle of Antietam, Lincoln had issued a preliminary proclamation against slavery which became official as the Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863. But what, he was asked, would he do about the other twin relic, polygamy? O n e thing h a d already been done on which he put his stamp of approval when he signed the Anti-Bigamy Bill (Morrill Bill) July 8, 1862. But having signed Lincoln was apparently willing to let the matter rest as attested by an interview he granted T. B. H . Stenhouse, then a Mormon in good standing. When Stenhouse asked Lincoln what course he intended to pursue with the Mormons, the President replied, 18 19

Ibid., I X , 60. Letter to Sagamo Journal September 9, 1842, as reported in Neff, History

of Utah, 647.


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D u r i n g his Presidency Lincoln appointed three governors for Utah Territory. T h e first of these, as we h a v e seen, was J o h n W . Dawson w h o , a l t h o u g h initially friendly in his approach to his constituents, soon fled the territory. Secretary Frank M. Wooten served in his place until Governor S t e p h e n S. H a r d i n g a r r i v e d on July 7, 1862, the day before the President signed the Anti-Bigamy Law. Harding gave promise of representing President Lincoln's policy of pouring oil on troubled waters in U t a h in a brilliant 24th of July speech. H e commended the Mormons for their achievements and promised cooperation and non-interference with the sa20 R i c h a r d D . Poll, " T h e M o r m o n Question, 1850-1865; a Study in Politics and Public Opinion" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1948). For a comprehensive study of the Mormon attitude toward Abraham Lincoln see George U . Hubbard, "Abraham Lincoln as Seen by the Mormons " U.H.Q., X X X I (Spring, 1963), 91-108.

Photograph of Brigham about 1864.

Young

taken UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY ( c . R. SAVAGE)


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cred right of conscience in religious worship. Apparently he had not yet been influenced by the anti-Mormon propaganda of the Gentile circle. His friendliness cooled as he listened to Mormon sermons and became aware of his limited nominal power as against Brigham Young's real leadership in the territory. His transformation is readily recognized in letters written to his superior in Washington on August 30 and September 3, 1862. The first letter began with a prefatory note, This is to be h a n d e d immediately to Secretary Seward and to no one else, [and ended with] do not put this communication in the C o m m o n Mail Bag •— owing to causes before referred to I a m compelled to send the same by private express. Let m e add one thing, that I desire t h a t this communication shall not be placed on the files in your office and t h a t the same shall only be read by yourself and the president. I have private reasons for this request.

The letter stated, After a residence in this city for near two months as the Federal Gov'r of this Territory, I deem it my duty to make a statement to my Government, which I now have the honor to do. I have not formed my opinions hastily, and you may rest assured that " I have set [?] down nought in malice." . . . T h e first and most important inquiry is, are these people or [?] in the vernaculer of the place, "This people," loyal to the Government of the United States? I a m compelled to answer in the negative and [?] will state some of my reasons which determine my judgment. I n the first place, Brigham Young and other teachers are [?] constantly inculcating in the minds of the crowded audiences who sit beneath their teachings every Sabbath, that the government of the U n i t e d States is of no consequence; that it lies in ruins; and [?] the prophecy of Joseph Smith is being fulfilled to the letter—According to that prophecy, the United States as a nation, is to [?] be [?] destroyed — that the Gentiles — as they call all persons out side [?] of their church will continue to fight with each other, until they perish [?] and then the saints are to step in a n d quietly enjoy the possession of the [?] land and also what is left of the ruined cities and desolated places [?] and that "Zion is to be built u p " , not only in " T h e Valleys of the M o u n t a i n s " but the Great Center of their power and glory, is to be in Missouri where [?] the Saints under the lead of their prophet, were expelled many years ago [?]. I n further conformation of the truth of these prophecies, they dwell with seeming delight on the fact that the Indians [Lamanites,] are to come in for their share of the benefits, after the cutting off of the Gentiles; and cite the fact in further confirmation of their theory, that at this time, the M o r m o n trains of emigrants are not molested by the Indians, whilst the Gentiles are attacked, plundered and murdered on the same rout. . . . I have sat in the Bowery Sabbath after Sabbath, and heard many [?] declarations put forth, by those who claim to speak under the immediate inspiration of God-and have heard the hearty "Amens" come [?] from the crowded benches around me, when I was satisfied that the ideas as [?] advanced by the speakers met [?] the most hearty response, in the throats of


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those who "wink and chuckle" at each other, when some intelligence of disaster reached them concerning the Great Army of the Union now fighting for the rights of humanity-and the main tenance [?] of our Government. In all the meetings that I have attended not one word, not one prayer, has been uttered or offered up for the saving [?] of our cause of for the restoration of peace, but on the contrary, the God of the Saints has been implored, to bring swift destruction on all nations, people and institutions that stand in the way of triumph of "this people." ... T w o weeks ago tomorrow, I heard Heber C. Kimble, "the Second Pres. proclaim vauntingly and defiantly, that he was a prophet of the living God, and w h a t he declared to be true, was t r u e ; and then went on to say, that "the Government of the United States is dead, thank God, is dead." " I t is not worth the head of a p i n : " that "the worst had not yet happened, that the r e m n a n t of the Gentiles that would be left after the war h a d ended from sheer exhaustion, would be destroyed by pestilence, famine and earthquakes," to which infernal sentiment, the crowded benches around me sent up the hearty "Amen." I thought that this was strange language to use in the presence of a Federal Governor of that same Government, but I had to swallow my indignation and be quiet. . . . Brigham Young also teaches his followers to believe and hold as true, " T h a t the Governments of the earth now in existence, are false, and ought to be over thrown [?] " T h a t no government ought to exist, without immediate authority from God — God has delegated the right to Set u p a Government, only to the Priesthood and that one m a n appointed by God, should r u l e — that all persons [?] in the way, or also pretend to have the authority to govern, are usurpers (He of course is to be the Ruler) " T h a t the Constitution of the United States is a [?] revelation from H e a v e n : but that it has fulfilled its purpose — " I t was merely [?] to form a Government, so that the " C h u r c h of Latter-day Saints" could be [?] organized. T h a t Joseph Smith offered to become the President [illegible] of the United States but the people rejected h i m ; and as the Jewish Nation was cut off and scattered to all parts of the earth, because they rejected the Saviour and crucified H i m — So the American people for reasons above stated and for the consenting of the death of the prophet at Carthage, Illinois is to be destroyed. They hold, that slavery has nothing whatever to do with the present disturbances ; but they are in consequence of the persecutions that the Saints have suffered, at the hands of the American People. These things may seem "incredible" yet I assure you, that I have not made too strong a statement. I will add further, that in my opinion there is not, and in the very nature of things cannot be any proper administration of justice in this Territory at the present time — Murders, and other Crimes of the deepest dye have been committed here within the last few years and [?] even [?] months [?] the perpetrators of which, go unpunished, and it is said in some instances, occupy high places in the Church. I submit, whether under the present condition of things, a sufficient military force ought not to be stationed at some proper point in this Territory — this much good at least it would make "Treason dumb." . . . I have the honor to remain Your Obedient Servant, S. S. Harding[,] Gov'r of U t a h Territory. 2 1 21

Territorial Papers, Utah Territory, 1860-1873, Vol. II, 553-54.


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Utah Historical Quarterly Executive D e p a r t m e n t Territory of U t a h Great Salt Lake City, September 3rd, 1862. H o n William H . Seward Sec. of State, U . S . O n last Sabbath I attended the services of the "Saints at the BoweryPresident Brigham Young was the principal Speaker in the morning, and in the course of his remarks said: "Nothing can save the Government of the U n i t e d States. I t could have been saved if the people h a d accepted Joseph Smith Junior for their President when he offered himself. But the people rejected him, as the Jews rejected the Saviour when he was upon the earth; and as they were destroyed for their wickedness, so will the people of the American Government be." Again after indulging in this vein of remarks for some time, he said: "Perhaps some may say, t h a t this is treason — well I admit that if this is treason, I a m treasoness. M y people are all treasoners if this is treason. M a y be, that is the reason why the Army is coming here to protect the Overland mail against the Indians. I [?] know [?] w h a t is going on — they can't deceive m e . . . there are men here present who occupy high places, who would swear against me as long as my arms if they dared, and have m e arrested as a treasoner, Maybe h a d better try it — but wo, wo, be careful how handle, be careful how you handle, for ( H e r e the speaker raised himself u p to his full height and pausing with his uplifted a r m said) I will not say what I was going to say — but will quote the New Testament, " T h e y will be ground to powder" — I was the only Federal officer present, and sat unmoved on my seat in front of the Speaker, looking h i m steady in the eye, there was that in his m a n n e r and tone of voice, that sounded very m u c h like one, who thought himself watched, and who would most probably be foiled in his efforts in the accomplishment of some purpose that he desired to be kept c o n c e a l e d . . . . I have the honor to enclose to you also a slip taken from a number of the Deseret News, which appeared shortly after the Convention that formed the late Constitution of the "State of Deseret." It needs no comment from me. I thought perhaps that you h a d not noticed the same. . . . I have again to require the favor that this communication may not be placed on the files of your department — for the reasons heretofore expressed. I have the honor to remain, Your Obt. Srvt. S. S. H a r d i n g , Gov. of U t a h 2 2

Colonel Patrick Connor revealed definite mistrust of the Mormons while yet stationed with his troops at Fort Churchill, Nevada.23 On his preliminary visit to Fort Crittenden and Salt Lake City, September 9, 22

Ibid., 555. T h e mistrust is evidenced in his first official order as reported in Edward Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City, 1886), 274-75. 23


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his prejudices were confirmed and fed by the governor and other Gentile officials. On the 14th he reported to the adjutant general in San Francisco. I t would be impossible for m e to describe w h a t I saw and heard in Salt Lake, so as to make you realize the enormity of M o r m o n i s m ; suffice it, that I found t h e m a community of traitors, murderers, fanatics, and whores. T h e people publicly rejoice at the reverse to our arms, and thank God that the American Government is gone, as they term it, while their prophet and bishops preach treason from the pulpit. T h e Federal officers are entirely powerless, and talk in whispers for fear of being overheard by Brigham's spies. Brigham Young rules with despotic sway, and death by assassination is the penalty of disobedience to his commands.

Connor reported adversely on locating his command at Fort Crittenden and continued, I found another location which I like better for various reasons. . . . It is also a point which commands the city, and where 1,000 troops would be more efficient than 3,000 on the other side of the Jordan. If the general decides that I shall locate there, I intend to quietly intrench my position, and then say to the Saints of U t a h , enough of your treason; 2 4 but if it is intended that I shall merely protect the over-land mail and permit the Mormons to act and utter treason, then I h a d as well locate at Crittenden. T h e Federal officers desire and beg that I will locate near the city. T h e Governor especially is very urgent in the matter. 2 5

Referring to the selection of Fort Douglas, Brigadier General George Wright wrote. W h e n General Connor approached Salt Lake City he submitted to me the question as to the location of his camp. Brigham Young was exceedingly anxious that the troops should occupy C a m p Crittenden, or some point remote from the city, but after mature consideration I came to the conclusion that the site of the present c a m p was the most eligible for the accomplishment of the objects in view. I t is a commanding position, looking down on the city, and hence has been dreaded by the M o r m o n chief. 26

Rumors having reached Colonel Connor that the Mormons might resist the entrance of military forces into Salt Lake Valley, he entered with war-like demonstrations. Stopping only to pay military respects to Gover24 It is evident that Colonel Connor used the word "treason" quite loosely. While the Mormon religious-political philosophy found expression through severe criticism of the federal administration which might be interpreted as disloyal, neither Connor nor any other federal officials pointed to any overt acts which could properly be charged as treason. 25 War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I I , p. 119. 28 Neff, History of Utah, 6 3 1 ; see also Ray C. Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories (Norman, 1959), 163. Tullidge pointed out in his History of Salt Lake City (p. 273) that the location of C a m p Floyd had the approval of the highest military authority. He states, "Although the U t a h Militia [Nauvoo Legion] had been offered for the protection of the Overland Mail and Telegraph line, Secretary Stanton deemed it prudent to entrust the permanent service to the California Volunteers rather than to the U t a h militia. U t a h was placed under a military surveillance during the war, and California was made her sister's keeper. At least such was the interpretation placed upon the military mission of General Connor and his command. . . ."


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nor Harding at his office, he proceeded to locate his troops on the hillside overlooking the Mormon capital. T h e effect on the Saints was expressed by Brigham Young sometime later. H e said the Mormons had proved their loyalty to the Constitution by serving in the Mexican W a r and by having responded more recently to the President's call for troops to guard the Overland Mail route. We have done everything that has been required of us. C a n there anything reasonable and constitutional be asked that we would not perform? No. But if the Government of the United States should n o w ask for a battalion of men to fight in the present battle-fields of the nation, while there is a c a m p of soldiers from abroad located within the corporate limits of this city, I would not ask one m a n to go; I would see t h e m in hell first.27

Governor Harding, emboldened by the presence of military forces, dropped all pretense of friendship for the Mormons. His message, delivered in an offensive manner, to the territorial legislature on December 8, found fault with local government procedures, condemned evasion of the Anti-Bigamy Law, and reprimanded the Mormons on lack of loyalty to the Union. T h e Mormon controlled legislature viewing his address as an open insult refused the usual courtesy of publication. O n February 3, 1863, Harding sent a long communication to Secretary Seward in denunciation of the Mormons and joined with Judges Charles B. Waite and Thomas J. Drake in a covert attempt to have Congress make certain changes in Utah's Organic Act which would deprive its citizens of local judiciary and military powers. T h e Mormons upon learning of their political schemes from Utah's delegate in Congress held a mass meeting on March 3rd in which the action was condemned and resolutions adopted asking for the resignation of the offending federal officials. Upon their refusal to resign the Mormons sent a petition to President Lincoln asking him to remove Governor Stephen S. Harding, and Associate Justices Charles B. Waite and Thomas J. Drake from their positions and appoint other officials to take their place. 28 A counter petition circulated among the officers and men at Fort Douglas asking for retention in office of Governor Harding and Judges Waite and Drake also reached the President. However in harmony with his policy of keeping peace with the Mormons, Lincoln removed the governor, and, to placate the Gentiles, he also removed Judge Kinney and Secretary Fuller who were reported as too friendly to the Saints. 27 28

Journal of Discourses, X, 107. Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City, 311.


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Tension mounted when rumor spread that Colonel Connor's forces planned to arrest President Brigham Young on the charge of polygamy and take him to the states for trial. T h e local militia was alerted against such a move. Armed guards were stationed around the president's home and signals adopted by which armed men could quickly be assembled. I n response to one such signal a thousand men appeared within half an hour and another thousand soon thereafter. Colonel Connor reported to San Francisco headquarters that the Mormons were making cartridges and conducting daily drills to which General George Wright responded with a warning that the colonel be "prudent and cautious" in his actions. 29 General H. W. Halleck, in Washington, advised him to use discretion but if necessary to act with firmness and decision. Halleck ordered Wright to prepare to reinforce Connor's forces if necessary. Viewing the situation more objectively the Alta California pointed out on M a r c h 11, 1863, that Connor's assignment was to guard the mail route and fight the Indians and not to "kick up trouble with the Mormons or any other class of people." T h e Sacramento Daily Union the next day urged that a "leave them alone" military policy be adopted. Governor Harding left the territory on June 11, and in his successor, James Duane Doty, President Lincoln found a m a n to truly represent his policy in relation to the Mormons. Governor Doty had been serving as Indian superintendent in the territory and had won the respect of Gentiles and Mormons alike. Impatient with narrow partisanship he sought to bring the opposing forces in U t a h together. His experience and temperament qualified him well for that difficult task. But Patrick Connor, who had been promoted to the rank of general following a successful Indian battle on Bear River, was not ready to relax his self-appointed campaign against the Mormons. O n October 26, he wrote the assistant adjutant general in San Francisco, Entertaining the opinion that Mormonism as preached and practiced in this Territory is not only subversive to morals, in conflict with the civilization of the present age, and oppressive on the people, but also deeply and boldly in contravention of the laws and best interests of the nation, I have sought by every proper means in my power to arrest its progress and prevent its spread. . . . With these remarks I desire to inform the d e p a r t m e n t comm a n d e r that I have considered the discovery of gold, silver, a n d other valuable minerals in the Territory of the highest importance, and as presenting the only prospect of bringing hither such a population as is desirable or possible. T h e discovery of such mines would unquestionably induce an immigration to the Territory of a hardy, industrious, and enterprising population as could not but result in the happiest effects, and in my opinion 20

Colton, Civil War in the Western Territories,

188.


74

Utah Historical Quarterly presents the only sure means of settling peaceably the M o r m o n question. . . . H a v i n g reason to believe t h a t the Territory is full of mineral wealth, I have instructed commanders of posts and detachments to permit the men of their commands to prospect the country in the vicinity of their respective posts, whenever such course would not interfere with their military duties, and to furnish every proper facility for the discovery a n d opening of mines of gold, silver and other minerals. 3 0

On November 30th Connor sponsored the Vedette (later the Union Vedette) to represent Gentile views and wage journalistic war against the Mormons. Also, in support of his plan, its purpose was to foster mining development in Utah. In this objective he was partially successful but failed to start a mining boom due to lack of transportation facilities. General Connor undoubtedly had administrative approval in expanding his original assignment to include keeping watch over the Mormons. However, when his zeal for disciplining his self-appropriated wards strained relations to a point of imminent war, he also felt the restraining hand of his superiors. On the pretext that the Mormons were depreciating the national currency in favor of the gold standard, Connor appointed Captain Charles Hempstead on July 9, 1864, as provost marshal of Salt Lake City. He detailed a company of Second California Cavalry as provost guard and, acting as if waging war, ordered them quartered on South Temple Street across from the entrance to the Mormon tabernacle. This action was deeply resented by the Mormons who referred to it as an "outrage upon the feelings of the citizens," and petitioned the governor for removal of the offending unit. The bellicose Connor, on his part, reported to the Department of the Pacific that he was prepared to resist any attack and that the Mormons, knowing that the city was at the mercy of his guns, were quieting down although continuing military drill. Brigham Young was in Provo when the provost guard was established in Salt Lake. Rumor spread rapidly that it was another attempt to arrest him by military force. He left for Salt Lake City the next day escorted by a mounted guard of 200 men. This guard swelled to 500 upon reaching Salt Lake City and later 5,000 men assembled for any required defensive action. Major General Irvin McDowell, new department commander in San Francisco, reminding Connor that his assignment was to guard the mail route and not to solve territorial problems, ordered the provost guard removed from the city. He warned Connor against risking war with the Mormons since such a development would weaken troop strength in the department to a point of making it vulnerable to secessionist attack.31 30 31

War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I I , pp. 656-57. Colton, Civil War in the Western Territories, 190.


Utah and the Civil War

75

The provost guard incident marked the climax of Mormon-Gentile hostility during the Civil War. The Battle of Gettysburg and the fall of Vicksburg, splitting the Confederacy in two, was now history, and successive northern victories were pointing to defeat of the secessionist cause. In Utah the Deseret News which had reported the war news objectively and with little editorial comment was by the summer of 1864 publishing proUnion reports. Governor Doty penned a letter on January 28, 1865, to Secretary of State Seward, which reflected a remarkable degree of patience and tolerance toward a confused political situation. Definitely he was representing President Lincoln's "leave them alone" policy. T h e Legislative Assembly of the Territory closed its session on the 20th inst. with apparent satisfaction to its members and to the public. T h e r e are three distinct governments in this Territory: the Church, the military, and the civil. I n the exercise of their several powers collisions cannot always be avoided; but I a m glad that I a m able to state, that during the past year none have occurred. If each would confine itself strictly to its duties, the proper authority of each would be undisputed, and no difficulty would occur. But the leaders of " T h e C h u r c h " under the Territorial Laws, have the appointment and control in fact through its members, of all of the civil and militia officers not appointed by the President of the United States. I n addition, the same party in 1861 formed an independent government the "State of Deseret" whose boundaries include U t a h and portions of I d a h o and Arizona. This form of government is preserved by annual elections of all of the State officers: T h e legislature being composed of the same men who are elected to the Territorial Legislature, and who, in a Resolution, re-enact the same laws for the " S t a t e " which have been enacted for the Territory of U t a h . For the information of the D e p a r t m e n t I herewith transmit a copy of a paper containing the proceedings of the Governor and Legislature of the embryo State at a session held in this city on the 23 of this month, by which it will be perceived this fourth government is now fully inaugurated. [Enclosure, January 24, 1865, issue of Salt Lake Daily Telegraph.]32

Abraham Lincoln had been re-elected in November and his inauguration on March 4, 1865, was celebrated in Salt Lake City with healing effects upon the strife-torn community. Governor Doty's tactful promotion of a joint celebration resulted in a resolution by the Salt Lake City Council that Whereas, Saturday, the 4th instant, being the day of inauguration of the President of the United States, and Whereas, also, by reason of the many recent victories of the armies of our country; therefore be it 32

Territorial Papers, Utah Territory, 1860-1873, Vol. II, 617.

't


U T A H S T A T E H I S T O R I C A L S O C I E T Y ( c . R. SAVAGE)

Abraham

Lincoln's Inaugural

Parade held in Salt Lake City, March 4, 1865.

Resolved, . . . that we cheerfully join in the public celebration and rejoicings of t h a t day throughout the United States, and we cordially invite the citizens, and organizations, military and civil, of the Territory, county and city, to unite on that occasion. . . .r'3

T h e celebration drew Mormons and Gentiles together into a milelong parade including civil and military cfficers in horse-drawn carriages, companies of California Volunteers and Nauvoo Legion infantry, and citizens both riding and afoot. Federal officials, military officers, and Mormon officials mingled together on the reviewing stand. Chief Justice John Titus was orator of the day with U t a h Delegate William H. Hooper sharing the honors. Good fellowship predominated again over latent hostility at a banquet given by the city council to the officers from C a m p Douglas. Mayor Abraham O. Smoot toasted the health of President Lincoln and the success of the Union armies to which Captain Charles Hempstead responded to the health of the mayor and city officials. At the conclusion of festivities the citizens of Salt Lake witnessed a most promising spectacle as the Nauvoo Legion escorted the California Volunteers back to Camp Douglas. T h e day portended a better future and even General Connor was led to propose during the public parade that the Union Vedette had served its purpose and ought now to be discontinued. 34 T h e Civil W a r practically ended with General Robert E. Lee's surrender at Appomattax on April 19, 1865, and six days later President Lin33

Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City, 332. Colton, Civil War in the Western Territories, 191. Resolution does not always generate action and the Union Vedette continued publication another two years. 34


Utah and the Civil War

77

coin died from an assassin's bullet. Congress designated April 19th as a day of national mourning for the martyred President and again Mormon and Gentile were drawn together in Utah by the national leader who had chosen to leave the Mormons alone. This time mutual sorrow wiped out distinctions between federal officials, military personnel, and church leaders as 3,000 people met in the Mormon tabernacle to hear speakers, both Gentile and Mormon, extol the virtue and accomplishments of the man who had preserved the Union through four years of civil strife. T h e Union Vedette with self-redeeming grace reflected the high moment in Mormon-Gentile relations by reporting O n Wednesday, pursuant to notice, all business was suspended in Great Salt Lake City, the stores, public and private buildings were draped in mourning, and long before the hour named — 12 M. — throngs of citizens were wending their way to the Tabernacle to render the last sad, solemn, and heartfelt tribute to the great departed and deeply mourned dead. T h e Tabernacle was more than crowded, . . . T h e vast assemblage was called to order . . . immediately after the entrance of the oratory, civil and military functions, and a large body of prominent citizens, who occupied the platform. T h e scene was impressive and solemn, and all seemed to partake of the deep sorrow so eloquently expressed by the speakers on the occasion. 35

T h e curtain fell on the Civil W a r period in U t a h when Governor James Duane Doty, beloved and respected by all, passed away on June 13, 1865. Schuyler Colfax, speaker of the House of Representatives, who happened to be in U t a h at the time of his demise, appropriately referred to him as "A most judicious executive and the best this Territory ever had, who performed his delicate and responsible duties with firmness and yet with discretion." Twentieth century historians looking back upon the subsequent unhappy 1870's and 1880's in U t a h could well suggest that had men of Governor Doty's calibre continued to serve the territory its pages of history would have been brighter and freer from the ugliness that comes from the actions of little men motivated by prejudice and intolerance. Governor Doty rising above these succeeded measurably in breaking down barriers of misunderstanding and distrust. Moreover, he was not a carpetbagger and today his body, at his own request, lies buried in the cemetery at Fort Douglas in Salt Lake City.

35

Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City, 336.


R EVIJEWS a n d PUBLICATIONS The West of William H. Ashley: The international struggle for the fur trade of the Missouri, the Rocky Mountains, and the Columbia, with explorations beyond the Continental Divide, recorded in the diaries and letters of William H. Ashley and his contemporaries, 1822-1838. Edited by D A L E L. M O R G A N . (Denver: Fred A. Rosenstock, T h e O l d West Publishing Company, 1964. liv + 341 p p . $35.00) M r . Morgan's latest work o n the Far West is divided into two parts. I n t h e first, preceded by a short narration of the Trans-Mississippi fur trade before Ashley entered it, t h e Missouri River scene is given prime attention. T h e r e is little here to excite informed readers, although the scholarship t h a t went into it will c o m m a n d t h e respect of all historians. This p a r t is followed by one involving the author's prime effort a n d interest, the activities (at home and in the field) of the said Ashley. Unpublished federal records, m a n u scripts in leading depositories of Western Americana, contemporary newspaper accounts, court records, and anything else likely to contain information on Ashley as a fur trader, were carefully searched for materials suitable for reproduction and editorial comment. Very little new from Ashley's own h a n d has turned up, and most of t h e collateral documents printed in sequence with his are not particularly revolutionary in their purport. Of the latter class, a goodly n u m b e r are being held back for a future annotation to be centered upon the career of Robert Campbell, a n d t h e author believes that

separate documentary works would be desirable on the Missouri F u r Company, the Chouteaus, the Columbia F u r Company, a n d t h e Missouri River army expeditions of those years; to which might be added (if one accepts the logic of the a p p r o a c h , as t h e r e v i e w e r does n o t ) fresh documentaries on the Western Dep a r t m e n t of the American F u r Company a n d such Southwestern enterprises as have so far escaped critical attention, since all a r e related, in o n e w a y or another. Drawing upon his almost unrivalled knowledge of the historical cartography of the Rocky M o u n t a i n West, Mr. Morgan has edited the Ashley papers in such a way as to give an incomparable picture of the terrain, t h e actors in the drama, and the adventurous business climate of the times. F o r I n d i a n lore alone, the book is a treasury of delights. Everywhere h e corrects previous errors (including some of mine) and enlarges upon w h a t is known. I n n o other place, n o t even in the Hudson's Bay Company Record Society publications, can one get so intimate a feeling for t h e collision of British and American interests in the Far West. T h e technical competence of the book is noteworthy. So much learning! O n e hesitates to criticize a dedicated scholar for immersing himself a n d his readers in a sea of documents when he is known to be nursing a grand design of some sort, but one can grow weary waiting for the Big Show to begin. W h e n is all this preparatory work to result in a general history of the Western American fur trade? T h e author feels t h a t a book like his new one would have helped him


79

Reviews and Publications immeasurably w h e n h e was composing his seminal work on the same general subject more than a decade ago {Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West, 1953), yet he did very well without it then, a n d the new book does n o t a p pear to have altered his basic views in any material way. A good many of the documents included here were published previously, some of the best ones by the author himself. Whatever the author's intent, the p u b lisher was out to make a splash. T h e book is a lushly-decorated folio weighing six pounds a n d retailing for $35.00. (A special edition sold out at $65.00.) A more inconvenient instrument of study would be hard to find. T o get at the footnotes one must incessantly flip to the rear, a handicap sufficiently annoying in any book with a serious aim, b u t quite insupportable in the case of this tome. Of the illustrative materials, only a very interesting folding m a p showing the Ashley itineraries is in any way indispensable. If the author was convinced that his book was a n a d v a n c e m e n t of l e a r n i n g h e should have insisted on a cheaper edition for the use of poor scholars a n d graduate students. Is such an edition being contemplated?

j

Moorhead

w

State

S M U R R

College

The Last Days of the Sioux Nation. ROBERT

M.

UTLEY.

(New

By

Haven:

Yale University Press, 1963. xiv + 313 pp. $7.50) I n his prefatory the author notes t h a t the Battle of W o u n d e d Knee, December 29, 1890, conforms with the date used to designate the end of the frontier. I n expressing appreciation for James Money's Ghost Dance Religion (1896), a n d other ethnological treatises, t h e a u t h o r describes his own book as wholly historical in character. This account of the disintegration of the once powerful Sioux N a tion is supported by an impressive Bibliography. M r . Utley has read all of the

basic works a n d examined many sources available in the National Archives a n d the Nebraska State Historical Society. T h e book is amply annotated. T h e r e are 24 illustrations, 5 maps, a n d 15 chapters. E a c h of the chapters is prefaced by an I n d i a n drawing. T h e author used a unique device in describing the shambles of the Battle of W o u n d e d K n e e i n C h a p t e r 1. T h i s crushing battle is the keystone of the Sioux Nation's destruction. This statem e n t follows t h e list of battle casualties: " M a n y innocent women a n d children died there. W h a t is more, the Sioux N a tion died there." T h a t is to say, the Sioux Nation was n o t destroyed by the rigorous campaigns that brought about their confinement to reservations. I n stead, disintegration resulted from t h e frustrations, proscriptions, a n d conflicts t h a t occurred during a tragic decade of reservation life. This was a case of "warfare by other means." T h e change from bison hunting, tribal solidarity, chieftainship, a n d seasonal religious ceremonials to regimentation, however indulgent, was too m u c h for many Sioux. M r . Utley describes vacillating reservation policies, changing agents according to election results, a n d the use of rations, d u e by treaties as incentives or penalties. Variable I n d i a n responses to agency procedures a n d disciplines p r o d u c e d classification into "progressive" a n d "nonprogressive" groups. Some of the progressives were given positions of trust, such as policemen a n d scouts. N o n p r o gressives were inhibited, their heathen ceremonials proscribed. This procedure alienated medicine m e n , w h o exercised their powers a n d influence to liberate the p e o p l e f r o m t h e coils of r e s e r v a t i o n routines. I n these circumstances many Sioux became susceptible to appeals of insurgency. I n 1889 a delegation of Sioux leaders visited a Paiute medicine m a n n a m e d Wovoka. H e taught t h e m a doc-


Utah Historical Quarterly

80 trine t h a t integrated I n d i a n tradition and Christian teachings. H e also taught them the Ghost Dance, which, if properly executed, would endow the dancer with great power, even making him imm u n e to death. U p o n returning to Sioux reservations these delegates became apostles of the new cult. Sioux l e a d e r s generally adopted or protected the Ghost Dance, and a craze swept Siouxland. Having proscribed the native Sioux Sun Dance, the agents were determined to suppress the Ghost Dance. I n so doing they added fuel to an inflamatory situation. At this juncture the author's description of the strengths and weaknesses of the agents is very satisfactory. Several of the serious errors of judgment and procedure are described, but M r . Utley refrained from censure. Actually, the killing of Sitting Bull and the events that sparked the Battle of W o u n d e d Knee have been severely criticized by many authors. M r . Utley allows the events to speak for themselves. His objectivity is very impressive. Concerning Wounded K n e e , h e w r o t e : " I t is t i m e t h a t W o u n d e d K n e e be viewed for what it was — a regrettable, tragic accident of w a r , t h a t n e i t h e r side i n t e n d e d , a n d called forth behavior for which some individuals on both sides . . . may be judged culpable, b u t for which neither side as a whole may be properly condemned." T h e tug-of-war between the departments of army and interior, for the control of Sioux reservations, is handled with a deft touch. T h e dominating manner of General Nelson A. Miles is implied in this statement: "Any other general sent to D a k o t a to suppress the Sioux outbreak would have accomplished this superficially military mission and then withdrawn. N o t General Miles. . . . With an attitude of smug superiority that infuriated officials of the I n d i a n Bureau, he invaded their preserve and sought to

push through his own program for the salvation of the Sioux." Mr. Utley and the Yale University Press should be thanked for publishing this penetrating account of the generally deleterious impact of reservation life upon the Sioux during the decade of the 1880

's-

AT M E R R I L L D.

Idaho State

BEAL

University

For Time and All Eternity. By PAUL BAILEY. ( G a r d e n City: Doubleday & Company, Incorporated, 1964. 400 pp. $5.95) Paul Bailey's currently acclaimed novel on early-day Mormonism, For Time and All Eternity, is a tragic example of a work which misses literary distinction by only two letters of the alphabet: "If." For if M r . Bailey had not tumbled head-over-heels into the same old pitfall which has ensnared so many others, his book could have been excellent on the fascinating, but deceptively tricky topic of the plural marriage practice in territorial U t a h . His main theme is the anti-polygamy crusade of the 1880's, and on this he has written compellingly, against an historical background ringing remarkably true. T h e plight of the Saints u n d e r lash of the E d m u n d s - T u c k e r L a w is vividly depicted. Yet, Mr. Bailey spoiled an otherwise splendid effort by inaccurately implying, throughout the story, that licentiousness was the sole motive for plural marriages when — as we now know — it was not so, with but rare exception. Of course, for decade upon decade the real truths of polygamy were shrouded in mystery, chiefly because the Saints and their wives w h o lived plurality kept their true thoughts to themselves. All that the world could know was w h a t it saw in a magic mirror, u n a w a r e that it merely reflected whichever image that he who gazed, might wish to see.


81

Reviews and Publications For everything seemed to be there. As if to fulfill the promise "Seek, and ye shall find," floods of reckless oratory on both sides of bitter controversy pictured polygamy as a bacchanalian debauch, a sanctification of primitive urges, a holy blessing from the Lord, or just another hellish machination by Satan. And always, in t h a t magic mirror, it was sex, sex, sex. I n recent years, however, impartial scholars have dug out amazing facts. Again, a n d although the Saints of yore were silent, battered old trunks have been hauled from dusty attic alcoves, to yield a treasure-trove of diaries never meant for other eyes, and of letters perhaps intended to be destroyed, but never were. So it is that from their own words we are seeing the men and women of yesteryear as they were—mentally clean, deeply sincere, but sorely troubled folk who mutely bore a cross of martyrdom, in trying times. H a d A u t h o r Bailey e x p l o r e d t h i s priceless l o r e h e n e v e r , in g o o d c o n science, could have fictionally created his l o a t h e s o m e " A p o s t l e J o n a t h a n Cragg." N o r could he have caused his hero, "Joel Scott," to take a plural wife because of illicitly having got her "in trouble" — the one thing which was not characteristic of the marrying Mormons of the past. T h e t r u t h is that the harried Saints actually shied from plurality in nearpanic. M o r e than four-fifths of them rebelliously clung to monogamy, while most of the remainder surrendered only because they saw no choice, if they were to maintain standing in the church and the community — and even then to limit themselves to only one plural wife. Author Bailey's errors of fact, and of interpretation, were few—but so monumental in total effect that an otherwise excellent fictional work becomes forever ruined. ~ _. TT H A M P T O N C. G O D B E

Salt Lake

City

The Frontier Experience: Readings in the Trans-Mississippi West. Edited by R O B E R T V. H I N E and E D W I N R. B I N G -

HAM. (Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1963. xiv 4-418 p p . $6.95) T h e publishing of The Frontier Experience by Professors Robert H i n e and Edwin R. Bingham is an i m p o r t a n t event in the development of both western history a n d western pedagogy. It represents that rare phenomenon, a textbook which is useful for the teacher a n d yet at the same time an original synthesis in its own right. In compiling this book of readings for college students, the authors have attempted to place the whole western experience within a new thematic frame, which, as even a casual reference to the secondary materials selected indicates, represents a consensus of the newer historiographical thinking about the West that has sharply modified the old T u r nerian approach. As such, The Frontier Experience is representative of the tendency on the part of what might be called the "new school" of western historians to reject the T u r n e r thesis that the frontier c r e a t e d i n d i v i d u a l i s m w h i c h in t u r n s h a p e d t h e n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r of t h e United States, in favor of a more complex approach which is essentially a construction of paradoxes. As Professors H i n e and Bingham see it, the western experience has been characterized by a set of opposing forces: innovation and tradition, individualism and traditionalism. With varying degrees of ascendancy at a particular time and place, these forces are seen by the authors to be part of almost every important western event. They emerge clearly in the section on the fur trade where the individualistically inclined trapper seems constantly pitted against the corporate and cooperative structure of the fur trading company whether it be in C a n a d a or the United States. T h e Oregon experience combines both tradition in terms of the utilization of previous American con-


Utah Historical Quarterly

82 cepts of law with innovations d e m a n d e d by the exigencies of t h e m o m e n t . T h e same theme is also applicable t o the mining frontier, though the authors say less than they might have about t h e impact of t h e large mining corporations, such as those represented by the Guggenheim interests, upon sourdough individualism. Most interesting, however, is their modified picture of the cowboy — long a solitary figure w h o "related" only t o his horse. I n t h e selections presented here, the cowboy is seen as p a r t of a group — a group which was n o t even adverse to "sharing the wealth" during t h e course of a n evening's entertainment in a local trail town. Moreover, the town itself can be seen as something more t h a n a collection of frontier individualists. Balanced against this, a n d implicit in the selections are t h e forces making for extreme individualism if not anarchy. T h e b e s t e v i d e n c e s of t h e i r e x i s t e n c e a r e Joseph G. McCoy's plea for organization in the cattle business a n d t h e desperate efforts of townspeople, miners, a n d territorial politicians to establish law a n d order where presumably it did n o t exist before. R u n n i n g through all of the selections therefore is the theme of tension — tension between t h e basic opposing forces that motivated t h e m e n w h o won the West. O n its broadest level this tension appears to have carried through to relations between the territorial a n d state governments a n d the federal government, though as the authors' selections make clear t h e positions of region a n d nation with respect to innovation a n d tradition, individualism and cooperation were by n o means as predictable as the T u r n e r thesis suggests they ought to have b e e n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , o n e is i n v a r i a b l y struck by the persistence of a climate of over-all tension in the West o n many levels a n d in peculiar places — a tension which m a y have produced the "restless energy" that T u r n e r saw as being characteristic of the West, a n d which as the

twentieth century unfolds appears to be looming larger on the national scene. Suffice to say this is a n extremely interesting book. I t should stimulate college students, a n d it is well worth t h e time of the general reader a n d the speWlLLIAM H . GOETZMANN

Texas The

Galvanized

Yankees.

ANDER B R O W N .

University

By D . A L E X -

(Urbana:

University

of Illinois Press, 1963. 243 p p . $5.50) I n The Galvanized Yankees D . Alexander Brown, agriculture librarian a t the University of Illinois, h a s written an interesting account of a little-known group of soldiers of t h e Civil W a r era. T h e usual Civil W a r history normally touches activities in t h e F a r West lightly a n d leaves almost entirely unmentioned the activities of the Galvanized Yankees — the soldiers of the Confederate States of America w h o were recruited from the U n i o n prison camps in t h e North a n d who were used in a variety of missions in the West. T h o u g h as early as 1862 the matter of utilizing Confederate prisoners was considered, it was not until 1864 that formal official a c t i o n w a s t a k e n t o o r g a n i z e t h e m into military units. Within the next two years six volunteer regiments (1 st through 6 t h ) , some 6,000 men, had been formed and their elements dispatched to posts a n d stations in Minnesota, along the Missouri River from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Benton, along the Oregon Trail from Fort Kearney to Fort Bridger, at stations along the Overland Stage line from Fort Kearney to Fort Douglas, along the route of t h e Butterfield Stage line from Fort Leavenworth to Denver, at stations along t h e route from Fort L a r a m i e to the M o n t a n a mines, a n d south along the Santa F e Trail to as far west as Fort Lyon in w h a t is now Colorado. These soldiers built a n d manned lonely frontier posts; they protected a n d rebuilt telegraph lines; they escorted


83

Reviews and Publications overland caravans a n d stages; they guarded surveying parties for the U n i o n Pacific railroad; a n d they fought hostile Indians. T h e i r use in these capacities freed n o r t h e r n m e n for action against the Confederates in the East a n d also permitted an earlier release from active d u t y of other military units after the w a r was concluded. Inasmuch as the companies of each of t h e v o l u n t e e r r e g i m e n t s w e r e often widely scattered, it was difficult to present a cohesive, well-integrated account of a regiment's activities. I n spite of the difficulties, M r . Brown does a good job in enabling the reader to follow the diverse activities of the companies. A good m a p in both the front a n d the back of t h e book m a d e meaningful a narrative that otherwise would have been obscure a n d almost impossible to follow. A sect i o n of w e l l - c h o s e n p h o t o g r a p h s also m a d e more real a n d vivid matters discussed in t h e narrative. Sources of a primary n a t u r e provided the author with material t h a t was unused or h a d been little used, a n d thus gave freshness and newness to his account. Several biographical sketches introduced into the narrative lent color a n d interest. I n this category were the accounts of J o h n T . Shanks — a Confederate soldier, prisoner of war, spy for the Union, a n d captain of the U n i t e d States V o l u n t e e r s — a n d J o h n Rowlands, better known as Henry Morton Stanley — a Britisher by birth who joined the Confederacy, was taken prisoner by the U n i o n ; then joined the U n i o n forces b u t was shortly released because of health reasons; and later to become well-known as a newspaper correspondent, African explorer, a n d t h e m a n who found David Livingstone in Africa. T h e reviewer detected one significant error of fact. O n page 4, in the I n t r o duction, is found this statement: " I n Mexico, E u r o p e a n adventurers were gathering around the French emperor, Maximilian, with dreams of severing the

rich Western states a n d territories from a weakened U n i t e d States." This error, though not directly related to the n a r r a tive, m a d e t h e reviewer wonder about the accuracy of details taken from documents. T h e last chapter of the book is entitled "A Note on t h e Galvalized Confederates." I n it the author relates the endeavors of t h e Confederacy to use U n i o n p r i s o n e r s in t h e C o n f e d e r a t e service. This action of the Confederacy came late in 1864, was undertaken with little enthusiasm, with limited trust of the former Union soldiers, a n d with minimal success. I t was hardly undertaken when the war ended. T h e captive U n i o n soldiers w h o chose to serve the Confederacy, like the Confederates w h o chose to serve the Union, were strongly motivated by the u n b e a r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s in t h e p r i s o n camps — conditions common to both the N o r t h a n d the South during the Civil War. The Galvanized Yankees should be of special interest to students of military history, of the Civil W a r era, a n d the frontier. I t would be of less interest to the general reader of history a n d the historian primarily concerned with broader movements a n d more significant currents in American history. D E L L O G. D A Y T O N

Weber State

College

Tales of the Frontier: From Lewis and Clark to the Last Roundup. Selected a n d Retold by EVERETT D I C K .

(Lin-

coln: University of Nebraska Press, 1963. x + 3 9 0 p p . $6.00) This collection of some 80 frontier stories is both delightful a n d meaningful. T a k e n individually, each one is worth reading simply as a good story; when tied together by Professor Dick's incisive running commentary, the whole provides an excellent mirror of life a n d conditions in the pioneering West. Gleaned by the author from many sources over the past 30


Utah Historical Quarterly

84 years or so, these are brief h u m a n interest stories of "ordinary people" originally told a n d passed along as true, though probably a few are apocryphal. N o one would claim t h a t these were typical frontier experiences, b u t they could and did h a p p e n , a n d in their telling m u c h that was typical of frontier life comes through. Some of the tales, like those of J. Ross Browne o n Washoe or Jesse Applegate on t h e Oregon Trail, a r e well-known classics, a n d appear virtually verbatim; others, like the story of Lewelling's apple seedlings or Eliza Brook's journey to California are m u c h less familiar a n d come from more obscure accounts. M a n y have been condensed from longer versions, with care taken to preserve the spirit of the original. All are interesting. T h i s veritable smorgasbord of western social history covers the period of the nineteenth century, Dick's "Last Roundu p " b e i n g t h e o n e of 1902 i n S o u t h Dakota. Most stories are d r a w n from the Trans-Missouri West, b u t some are from as far east as Illinois and Indiana. T h e i r central figures are mountain men, bull whackers, riverboatmen, prospectors, sodbusters, road agents, and all the other dramatis personae of the great unfolding western p a n o r a m a . T h e y provide h u m o r (of a kind) in t h e story of Thompson's lost scalp or of sham Indian attacks for the "benefit" of greenhorn land speculators; hardship a n d suffering in the D o n n e r and Manley episodes; love stories, some poignant a n d some tragic, in tales of white-Indian relationships; thrills a n d adventure galore ( a n d any n u m b e r of good bear stories). Sources have been included, as well as a dozen detailed maps, which unfortunately lose some of their effectiveness by having been placed together in the midd l e of t h e b o o k , r a t h e r t h a n s p a c e d throughout. But no matter, Tales of the Frontier is a highly satisfactory and completely disarming approach to the history of the West. ~ -. „ 1

C L A R K C. S P E N C E

University

of Illinois

Washoe

Rambles.

By D A N D E Q U I L L E

( W I L L I A M W R I G H T ) . I n t r o d u c t i o n by R I C H A R D E. L I N G E N F E L T E R .

Great

West and Indian Series, X X I I I . (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1963. 169 p p . $7.50) I n the summer of 1861, a young man n a m e d William Wright, d r a w n by hope of finding t h e "big thing," left Silver City on a trip eastward over the deserts of Nevada. T h e "big thing" in this venture was to be coal and quicksilver, both in d e m a n d in t h e b o o m i n g c a m p s of Washoe. F o r some 20 days Wright a n d his s m a l l p a r t y w a n d e r e d — t o F o r t Churchill, a r o u n d the U p p e r Sink of the Carson River, northeastward along and into t h e Silver Hill Range, a n d back home along t h e Lower Sink a n d the desert sloughs of t h e Carson. T h e trek yielded no mining discoveries. After s e v e r a l h u n d r e d m i l e s of h e a t , alkali water, and Paiute companionship, for Wright the "big thing" remained a desert mirage. H e got back home on the Fourth of July, money a n d supplies exhausted. T h e last of his bacon paid for well water the party was forced to purchase. Although he could not then be certain of it, the "big t h i n g " for Wright was of course not coal a n d quicksilver, not even gold a n d silver, b u t t h e experience of seeing the Washoe country firsthand, its deserts, Paiutes, a n d thirsty prospectors. This ore h e could mine for a series of 12 articles to a p p e a r in the Golden Era and the California Magazine and Mountaineer. H e had already made a literary beginning in t h e Era a n d other journals, but this series of rambles in Washoe m a d e his reputation firm. T h e next year he went u p to Virginia City to write for the Territorial Enterprise, a n d later h e wrote two classic histories of Nevada mining, The History of the Big Bonanza a n d A History of the Comstock Silver Lode Mines. Washoe Rambles, now published for the first time as a book, adds to our


85

Reviews and Publications knowledge of the history a n d literature of the West in a n u m b e r of ways. William Wright — or as he is better known, D a n DeQuille — possessed the good eye a n d the disciplined mind of a careful observer. Without being self-conscious of his own importance, he could p u t down the facts he found in his travels. H e could be scientific about deserts, mountains, a n d minerals. H e could be anthropological about Indians. But whether with mountains or with Indians, he h a d t h a t closeness, t h a t immediacy that lets us see the mountains as mountains or the Indians as people before we see them as geological or social generalizations. T h e r e was, in short, a w a r m h u m a n curiosity in this honest reporter. Not long after he began writing for the Enterprise, Wright was joined by another ex - prospector, Sam Clemens, soon to become M a r k T w a i n . I n his Introduction to the new printing of the Rambles, Richard E. Lingenfelter reminds us of C. G r a n t Loomis' suggestion that M a r k T w a i n may have used the Rambles as t h e m o d e l for his o w n Roughing It. Certainly M a r k T w a i n knew a n d admired Wright's work. Certainly there are important similarities. But without discredit to Washoe Rambles, one can argue that in important ways Roughing It is different. I t is a more complexly organized, more imaginative book. And at the point of some similarities, one is reminded not that M a r k took from D a n b u t that in common they shared a rich literary tradition of w h a t often we call frontier humor. T h e evidence is frequent in Washoe Rambles that Wright knew the tricks of the literary comedians. Note the comic precision of his account of hunting hare. " I fired once, badly wounding several — in the leg — the left." T o w a r d the close of the book note the comic incongruities in the following sentence: " W e broke our fast on one of the toughest old rabbits, of the lord-of-creation gender, that ever caused a hungry, baffled wood-

tick to burst his bosom with grief, or tear asunder his tender heart with tears, . . . " Particularly close to M a r k T w a i n is Wright's awareness of the gap between the unreality of the "official" idealized way of seeing the world a n d the reality of the vernacular view, a n d h e is sometimes skillful in manipulating this contrast for comic purposes. T h e contrast is of c o u r s e seen in t h e s e n t e n c e j u s t quoted, in the incongruity between the rhetorical grandeur of "burst his bosom with grief" a n d the wood-tick whose bosom is bursting. But like M a r k T w a i n , Wright could work the contrast in longer literary movements, as for example in the inflated description of the Silver Hill Mountains. Some things M a r k T w a i n could certainly do better, b u t at his best, in certain kinds of reporting, D a n DeQuille could hold his own with any writer, including his friend Clemens. His account of the two "thirsty b u m m e r s " w h o "test" a bottle of gin (consuming the whole bottle in a n episode of dashing fraudulence) is first-rate DeQuille. A n d in this j u d g m e n t one need n o t mean secondrate M a r k T w a i n . For this bit a n d many others, any student of western letters must welcome Washoe Rambles to his DON

D. WALKER

University

of Utah

The Old Trails West. By R A L P H M O O D Y .

(New York: T h o m a s Y. Crowell Company, 1963, x i v + 3 1 8 p p . $5.95) I n The Old Trails West R a l p h Moody attempts to trace the history of each of the major routes, which eventually saw a great deal of traffic during the great westward migration, as well as many minor trails, which for various reasons proved impractical a n d thus were used very little by the hordes of people moving westward during the past century. T h e author makes extensive use of diaries and other documents to describe the ac-


86 tivities of various people w h o first traversed the trails as well as expeditions which followed later. T h e descriptive material is bolstered with 19 maps purporting to show the routes in relation to present cities a n d major highways. I n addition, the volume contains 29 illustrations depicting various scenes a n d historic activities dealing with the trails a n d some portraits of important trail-blazers. T h e work is very broad in scope, beginning with the original pathfinders—animals a n d aborigines — long before the penetration of Spanish conquistadores and missionaries into the Southwest a n d California. A logical end for the study is found with the completion of the transcontinental railroad, 1869. T h e general reader will find this a fascinating book—especially the maps. T h e end papers, two-tone maps ( t h e best in the volume — d r a w n by Charles Berger) show the major routes: Lewis a n d Clark, Oregon Trail, Santa F e Trail, O l d Spanish Trail, Hastings' Cutoff, California Trail, a n d the Butterfield Stage route. Eighteen detail maps — d r a w n by Herbert Anthony—scattered throughout the volume are done in grey with routes shown in broad white lines — a rather unique a n d attractive m e t h o d of m a p making. Although t h e book's colorful dust jacket asserts t h a t " M r . Moody knows the trails like the back of his h a n d " the careful scholar ( a n d especially the field historian) will find that this certainly is not true for all the trails. I n examining this volume your reviewer quite naturally turned to trails with which he has more t h a n a passing acquaintance a n d found some gaping inaccuracies. T h e author should have avoided discussions of expeditions a n d trails about which he was admittedly n o t informed. O n page 271 he writes of the Bidwell party of 1841 asserting that " n o one knows the exact route taken as they groped their way westward. . . ." Yet a m a p on page 26869 purports to show the route. Just be-

Utah Historical Quarterly cause M r . Moody does not know the Bidwell r o u t e is n o p r o o f t h a t " n o o n e knows." (See David E. Miller, " T h e First Wagon T r a i n to Cross U t a h , 1841," Utah Historical Quarterly, X X X [Winter, 1962], 41-51.) I n treating the 1846 D o n n e r party on Hastings' Cutoff the a u t h o r (p. 283) describes the bickering, quarreling party as hacking its "way through the Wasatch M o u n t a i n s for m o r e t h a n a m o n t h " reaching Salt Lake Valley in mid-September. T h e m a p on pages 276-77 shows the Donner-Hastings Cutoff striking the H u m b o l d t at the present site of Wells. Readers of this review a n d of the Utah Historical Quarterly will recognize the inaccuracy of the date, descriptions, and m a p . Concerning the M o r m o n migration, Moody asserts t h a t before the trek began Brigham Y o u n g " h a d already h a d the land spied out a n d chosen a narrow strip between Great Salt Lake a n d the Wasatch Mountains. . . ." ( p p . 2 8 4 - 8 5 ) . O t h e r misrepresentations could be cited. I n short, this reviewer finds so many inaccuracies dealing with routes he has h a d occasion to examine carefully that he is led to wonder about the author's detailed treatment of other routes. DAVID E. M I L L E R

University

of Utah

The Banditti of the Prairies or, The Murderer's Doom!! A Tale of the Mississippi Valley.

By EDWARD B O N N E Y .

W i t h an introduction by P H I L I P D . J O R D A N . ( N o r m a n : U n i v e r s i t y of O k l a h o m a Press, 1963. xxv + 262 p p . $2.00) T h i s "cops a n d robbers" tale gives a far different slant on life around Nauvoo, Illinois, in the 1840's from what is generally pictured. H e r e we see, through a participant's eyes, the roving bands of robbers, cutthroats, counterfeiters, and other b a d m e n t h a t infested the entire Mississippi Valley. M a n y of these raided


87

Reviews and Publications Nauvoo, itself, a n d some, according to the author, were recruited from that city. Not that Bonney was, himself, a crimi n a l . H e w a s a l a w m a n , e n g a g e d in rounding u p the most vicious murderers of the region. But to do so, he assumed the trappings of a m a n "of the right stripe." Pretending to be a counterfeiter, h e hobnobbed with various members of the gang until he wormed from them the secret hiding places of the criminals he was after. O n e of the fascinating aspects of the narrative is the authentic slang — "raise a sight" for w h a t now would be "case a j o i n t " ; "rag money" for counterfeit, etc. This volume is a Western Frontier Library reprint of the original Bonney story, which was published in 1850 and soon became a best seller. T h e Introduction by Philip D . J o r d a n , professor of history at the University of Minnesota, gives the background of the activities recorded. M r . J o r d a n apparently ties in the "Banditti" with the "Danite Band." His Introduction brings in William Hickm a n and others, but Bonney, himself, makes no such allusion, though he does, once, mention Porter Rockwell. Bonney's narrative, standing alone, is a fascinating tale of an early sleuth, from whom the famed Pinkerton detective, J. P. McParland, could have learned a few tricks. O L I V E W.

Salt Lake

BURT

City

Jew and Mormon: Historic Group Relations and Religious Outlook. By D R . RUDOLF GLANZ.

(New

York:

Pub-

lished with the help of the Lucius N . Littauer Foundation, 1963. vii + 379 pp. N.P.) This book is unlike anything previously published. I t is an attempt to analyze Jewish-Mormon relationships and t h e i r i n t e r a c t i n g i n f l u e n c e s since t h e f o u n d i n g of t h e L a t t e r - d a y S a i n t s Church, although it is primarily concerned with these situations in the nine-

teenth century. Dr. Glanz approached this task with experience gained from writing similar treatises on the J e w and Yankee, the J e w a n d the G e r m a n s in America, the Jews and the Chinese in America, and the "Bayer" and "Pollack" a n d their American relationship to the Jews. T h e author has done an amazing a m o u n t of research in preparation for this study. N o t only has he quoted many articles from English and American p u b lications, which this reviewer has never seen used by other writers, but he has presented many from u n c o m m o n Germ a n sources, primarily of Jewish origin. T h e book is essentially a sociological study. I t was the economic incentive which produced most of the contacts between the Jews and the Mormons in America, but in this treatise the economic area is subordinated to the social impacts and philosophical ideas which characterize the groups under discussion. Sociological terminology such as "image," "area of identification," "community of suffering," a n d "extended existence" are indicative of this approach. T h e author assumes that Mormonism arose from early n i n e t e e n t h century American Indian-Israelism which J o seph Smith made a cornerstone of his new faith. As E u r o p e a n biblicism dem a n d e d a Bible, the American biblicism of Joseph Smith d e m a n d e d an American Bible, dealing with the I n d i a n - I s r a e l concept. This new Bible —- the Book of M o r m o n — was produced by Smith, so the author indicates, from the Solomon Spaulding manuscript which he h a d acquired. Armed with its new Bible and with Indian-Israelism concepts, Mormonism embarked on a world mission. T h e Jews were viewed by the Mormons as a very special and yet-to-be-favored people. Dr. Glanz presents many of the expressions of this idea which created the harmonious feelings t h a t h a v e c h a r a c t e r i z e d Mormon-Jewish relationships. Both groups h a d a background of i n h u m a n e


88 persecution, a n d this furthered the bond of sympathy between them. T h e book has a n u m b e r of serious defects. First, the author never defines w h a t he means by the term Jew. Sometimes it refers to a religious community, at other times a cultural pattern, or it may be a matter of blood descent. Again it may be a combination of two or all three of these interpretations. Dr. Glanz quotes, without any successful integration of the material, from the literature of t h e v a r i o u s M o r m o n s c h i s m a t i c groups as well as its two major divisions, b u t fails to indicate the divergent meanings which each attribute to the various p h e n o m e n a in their faith. Misstatements of fact are quite common. T h e author asserts the M o u n t a i n Meadows massacre was the cause of the U t a h W a r , instead of indicating it occurred after the w a r h a d commenced. H e feels the Bible h a d little influence on M o r m o n settlement in the West, as measured by the use of names. "Only 4 place names in U t a h originate in the Bible," he asserts. A hurried scanning of a m a p indicates a dozen or more, which is not insignificant, when it is remembered that most of the landm a r k s , r i v e r s , a n d valleys h a d b e e n n a m e d by Indians a n d trappers, or surveyors, before the M o r m o n settlements. Again he states ". . . the Biblical names Goschen [Goshen], Sharon a n d Lebanon, often found in other states, are missing in U t a h . " I n reality, all three are found in U t a h . H e appears to be unaware of the early period of settlement in the Great Basin when O l d Testament concepts were powerful in Mormonism. This is indicated by the practice of circumcision a n d t h e stress p l a c e d o n t h e L a w of Moses as a governing force in the Mormon community. I m p o r t a n t as it is to understand M o r m o n thinking, D r . Glanz fails to truly sense the M o r m o n concept of the Jews as b u t one of the tribes of Israel, while Mormons view themselves as b e l o n g i n g to t h e o t h e r n o n - J e w i s h tribes of Israel.

Utah Historical

Quarterly

Mechanically the book leaves m u c h to be desired. T h e footnotes are grouped by chapters at the end of the book. This makes reading difficult for the reader w h o desires to check the source of a quotation. I t is irksome because the book contains 997 footnotes. Reading is not smooth because of the numerous quotations. For example, C h a p t e r 9 has a total of 222 lines of which 158 are quotations. This reviewer feels that fewer pertinent notes would suffice if t h e author h a d summarized his source material. T h e book lacks both a bibliography a n d an index, so that attempting to find a citation is extremely time-consuming. Jew and Mormon is not an easy book to read. For the sociological scholar it would have significance. T o the layman it is confusing a n d tedious reading. T . EDGAR L Y O N

Nauvoo Restoration Doomed

Road of Empire:

Incorporated The

Spanish

Trail of Conquest. By HODDING CARTER with B E T T Y CARTER. (New York:

McGraw-Hill Book Company, Incorporated, 1963. 408 p p . $8.95) M a n y broad historical accounts of the Spanish colonization and settlement of T e x a s a n d the so-called "borderlands" have been offered in the past three decades. I n a broad sense the Doomed Road of Empire: The Spanish Trail of Conquest must be added to this list. T h i s well-written text is part of a projected series entitled The American Trails, which is to be edited by A. B. Guthrie, Jr. The Doomed Road of Empire is a history of the titanic struggle of five Christian nations, Spain, France, Mexico, the R e p u b l i c of T e x a s , a n d t h e U n i t e d States, to dominate a n d control the territory over which the Spanish Trail of Texas would be built. "Along the camino real they came, for a thousand miles, for 150 years, from Saltillo to Natchitoches,


89

Reviews and Publications and from Natchitoches back to a bloody appointment of Mexican and AngloAmerican in 1847 at a ranch near Saltillo named Buena Vista, and the final wresting away." Carter briefly summarizes the saga of the early Spanish whose exploits are familiar to most readers, then traces the classic epic of the French D e LaSalle and the Renegade Spaniard Penalosa to enlarge France's claim to the territory adjacent to Louisiana. W i t h the penetration of the LaSalle expedition, Spain could n o longer postpone the occupation of T e x a s ; thus the camino real h a d to turn east toward Louisiana. After a lengthy narration which rec o u n t s t h e m i l i t a r y a n d r e l i g i o u s attempts to colonize Texas, Carter deliberately weaves into the story the subtle but alarming penetration of Texas by the "Norteamericanos." By 1790 the Englishspeaking revolutionaries were streaming t h r o u g h eastern m o u n t a i n a n d river trails and were already d e m a n d i n g an outlet for their produce at the Spanish port of New Orleans. Alarmed by the movement, the governor of Louisiana warned of the danger of these alien people on the Spanish frontier. "If such men succeeded in occupying the shores of the Mississippi or the Missouri, or to obtain their navigation, there is, beyond doubt, nothing that can prevent t h e m from crossing those rivers and penetrating into our provinces on the other side." T h e book reaches its climax with the settlement of Texas by Moses and Steven Austin. Perhaps the most interesting commentary concerns Steven Austin's a t t e m p t to fulfill his obligations to the M e x i c a n g o v e r n m e n t d e s p i t e t h e increased pressure of illegal impresarios. Hodding Carter's narration is interesting; however, it is somewhat unfortunate that he neglects to document adequately the source of many of his quotations. Furthermore, original material was totally lacking in the body of the book. Where information was impossible to ob-

tain, he injects imaginary conversations. While the dialogue is quite effective in re-creating the feelings of the Alamo defenders, its usefulness for any other purpose can be seriously questioned. Although this text is of questionable value to the professional student of history, the author presents an entertaining history which has lost most of its color through lack of popularization. Doomed Road of Empire captures the various undertows faced by the Spanish crown in h e r u n s u c c e s s f u l a t t e m p t t o s e t t l e Texas with a group of people who would accept the Latin way of life. Woven very skillfully into this narration are accounts of the pains and sorrows which the Spanish population experienced in their fruitless a t t e m p t to keep the northern borders of their empire intact. M r . Carter's exciting journalistic style, combined with a genuine a t t e m p t to relive the adventure of the Doomed Road of Empire, will make it a welcome addition to Western Americana.

_

„

D O N A L D R.

, , MOORMAN

Weber State

College

George Drouillard, Hunter and Interpreter for Lewis and Clark and Fur Trader, 1807-1810. By M . O . S K A R S TEN. Western Frontiersmen Series, X I (Glendale: T h e Arthur H. Clark Company, 1964. 356 pp. $11.00) George Drouillard was one of the interpreters and hunters for the Lewis and Clark Expedition and a minor fur trapper on the Missouri. Ordinarily, a person of no greater distinction would not deserve a full-length biography, but the author believes such a work is justified because without Drouillard, " a n d particularly for the role he played in assisting Lewis in negotiating with the Shoshones for horses, the explorers would not have been able to cross the mountains between the headwaters of the Missouri and the Columbia and so would not have reached the Pacific." Moreover, Skarsten feels Drouillard played "a


90 leading role" in the four other major crises of this expedition. These he lists as (1) the attempts of the T e t o n Sioux to prevent the expedition from ascending the Missouri (2) the heroic efforts of Lewis to win the confidence of the Shoshones (3) the floundering in the deepening snows of the Lolo Trail, and (4) Lewis' foray with the Blackfeet. D e s p i t e S k a r s t e n ' s a t t e m p t to c a s t Drouillard in the role of savior of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, there is little compelling evidence in his book of Drouillard's importance beyond the simple fact t h a t he was an able sign-language interpreter, an intrepid hunter, and a fur trader of no consequence. A careful reading of the journals of the expedition shows clearly t h a t Drouillard played only a minor role in the negotiations for horses with the Shoshones. T h e Lewis b a n d of the expedition contacted the Shoshones on August 13, 1805, on the L e m h i River, and with Drouillard's help gained their confidence but not their horses. O n August 17th, Clark, Sacajawea, and the rest of the expedition joined Lewis and negotiations began in earnest with Sacajawea, a long-lost member of that tribe and a sister to one of the chiefs, as interpreter. Skarsten admits t h a t Drouillard was probably out h u n t i n g during this very important conference. Most of the horses for the journey over the Bitterroots were secured during the three days from August 27th to 29th, but the journals are silent on Drouillard's activities during this time. Surely, this is rather flimsy evidence upon which to base the statement that the whole exp e d i t i o n w o u l d h a v e failed w i t h o u t Drouillard's efforts. Moreover, any fair evaluation of the facts compels one to conclude t h a t both Lewis and Sacajawea were more important in the negotiations for horses with the Shoshones; hence, Skarsten is guilty in this instance of the cardinal sin of all biographers -— special pleading.

Utah Historical Quarterly T o say, in addition, t h a t the expedition could not have reached the Pacific without horses is idle speculation. N o one can say with certainty w h a t men of such ability and tenacity might have done u n d e r different circumstances. After all, the Overland Astorians and s e v e r a l o t h e r s crossed a n d recrossed much of the most rugged country of the Rockies without horses. T h e role of Drouillard in the four other crises of the expedition is equally unconvincing. T h e journals are silent on Drouillard's activities during the Sioux attempts to halt the expedition. H e was berated by Lewis for his actions during the Blackfoot foray, although Drouillard showed considerable courage during this skirmish, a n d his only contribution to the expedition on the Lolo T r a i l was as a hunter of indifferent success. If Skarsten's book is unconvincing, it is generally interesting, a n d reasonably well-written. I t has a good Index and adequate maps, but the Bibliography is disappointing and the footnotes are scanty. T h e book would be more palatable if some of the trivia were deleted and fewer exclamation points inserted. Finally, the editors should have caught such errors as calling Pierre Chouteau "Peter" a n d such phrases as, "By this time the captain was ready to tell the Indians they could go and take a j u m p in the river." _ „ T J A M E S L. CLAYTON

University

of Utah

Pueblo Gods and Myths. By HAMILTON A. T Y L E R . Civilization of the American Indian Science, L X X I . ( N o r m a n : University of O k l a h o m a Press, 1964. xxii + 3 1 3 p p . $5.95) Pueblo Gods and Myths by Mr. H a m ilton A. Tyler is a compilation of the great mass of information gathered by anthropologists on western Pueblo religion and an attempt to m a k e cosmos out of the chaos of the multitudinous ideas concerning Pueblo religion.


91

Reviews and Publications T h e 12 chapters of this book deal with t h e m o r e i m p o r t a n t G o d s — s u c h as M a s a u ' u , t h e Skeleton G o d , t h e W a r Gods, a n d others — and describes a n d compares t h e myths a n d legends recorded by anthropologists working with the Hopi, Zuni, and Keres Puebloans. H e also discusses some of t h e ceremonies concerned with t h e Gods a n d the ceremonial cycles. T h e final chapter is d e voted to a discussion of animism, a n d the a u t h o r uses Freud a n d Buber t o show t h a t : "No one w h o has read t h e earlier chapter will doubt the complexity of the P u e b l o p a n t h e o n , n o r t h e v i t a l i t y of Pueblo responses to t h e particular land from which they emerged and t h e challenge it has set." A great a m o u n t of M r . Tyler's information comes from t h e early works of students of the Pueblo groups h e discusses. I n fact, a large portion of all but the last chapter of this book is m a d e u p of questions and remarks about the quotations a n d t h e author's interpretations of the ideas, facts, and myths quoted. M r . Tyler says that h e is n o t a n ant h r o p o l o g i s t ; p e r h a p s if h e w e r e h e would not have attempted this book. H e probably would n o t have m a d e such statements as " T h e Pueblos seem never to have practiced cremation," for archeologists are aware t h a t the prehistoric Zuni, one of t h e groups h e is writing about, did practice cremation toward the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth century. This is a difficult book to review; difficult because it is so full of the I n d i a n names of various Gods a n d t h e many variations o n t h e myths of t h e H o p i , Zuni, and Keres, as well as comparisons with the Greek Gods and myths, t h a t it is h a r d to keep all of the pertinent facts in mind as one reads each chapter. T h e fault in the book lies in the fact that n o Pueblo informant, a t least n o H o p i informant, will tell all t h a t he knows of his religion. N o r d o t h e informants know all of the variations of any one myth or

God, so that neither M r . Tyler, n o r his sources can really tell t h e story of t h e Pueblo Gods a n d myths to t h e satisfaction of any one student on this subject. T h e H o p i , as Dr. Colton once said, are not a tribe. T h e y are simply the descendants of different groups w h o came t o gether a n d lived together o n t h e mesas, each one bringing with t h e m their own myths about their own Gods. T h e same is true of t h e Zuni a n d probably t h e Keres. I t is n o wonder then t h a t there are so many variations in the story. T h e wonder is t h a t M r . Tyler was able to find that there were so many Gods a n d myths in common.

_,

T> T^

EDWARD B. D A N S O N

Museum

of Northern

Arizona

An Overland Journey From New York to San Francisco in the Summer of 1859.

By H O R A C E G R E E L E Y .

Edited

by C H A R L E S T . D U N C A N . ( N e w Y o r k :

Alfred A. Knopf, 1964. xxii + 313 p p . $5.95) This is t h e second reprint of Alfred Knopf's " N e w Editions of Classic Commentaries on America's Past" which treats in some detail U t a h ' s early history. Richard F . Burton's, The City of the Saints was published last year, and now H o r a c e G r e e l e y ' s Overland Journey. Both books are excellent commentaries on t h e Mormons a n d t h e U t a h scene. Both m e n are critical a n d capable observers and commentators. Horace Greeley, in 1859, was certainly America's most famous newspaperman, being editor of t h e New York Tribune. H e h a d traveled widely throughout t h e eastern p a r t of t h e U n i t e d States a n d had traveled in Europe as well. But h e h a d never been into the "territories" and region beyond t h e Mississippi before h e began his "Overland J o u r n e y " on M a y 9, 1859. Greeley was a n a r d e n t Republican, and h e was violently opposed to slavery as a n institution a n d to the extension of the practice into the territories. H e was


92 an early advocate of a transcontinental railroad, and, like many other travelers, was curious about the Mormons isolated in the Great Basin. H e wanted to learn for himself if some or any of the rumors filtering back to the East were true — especially since these rumors h a d percipitated the dispatch of 5,000 troops to U t a h in 1857. Overland Journey is composed of 32 letters or dispatches (written en route as G r e e l e y t r a v e l e d f r o m e a s t t o west) which he sent back to New York for p u b lication in the Tribune. O n e impression gained by the reviewer is t h a t here was a m a n , although editor of an u r b a n paper, who was "close to n a t u r e . " For Greeley was a keen observer of the natural resources of the country he crossed. And for his period, he h a d a remarkable insight into the problems which still h a u n t the West. H e was well aware of the value of the timber a n d mineral resources, and lamented the destruction he saw already taking place. H e saw the necessity of water to the growth and development of the arid regions. H e commented upon the erosion already taking place, but h a d no suggestions for correcting it. H e was alarmed to see patches of buffalo grass being broken u p while all around were abandoned plots where farmers h a d failed. Of the western Indian, Greeley m a d e this observation: "But the Indians are children. . . . Any band of schoolboys, from ten to fifteen years of age, are quite as capable of ruling their appetites, devising and upholding a public policy, constituting and conducting a state or community, as an average Indian tribe. And, unless they shall be treated as a truly Christian community would treat a b a n d of orphan children providentially thrown on its hands, the aborigines of this country will be practically extinct within the next fifty years." (p. 119) O n s u b j e c t s specifically r e l a t i n g to U t a h , G r e e l e y h a s some i n t e r e s t i n g "asides." While at Leavenworth, he

Utah Historical Quarterly briefly comments upon the base of operations of Russell, Majors, and Waddell. They were in 1859, freighters for the U . S . t r o o p s at C a m p Floyd, U t a h . Greeley saw "acres of Wagons, pyramids of extra axletrees, herds of oxen, [and] regiments of drivers and other employees." H e stated that in 1858, the firm employed 6,000 teamsters and worked 45,000 oxen. As the Tribune editor rode atop 17 bags of mail on his run from Fort Laramie to Salt Lake, he was exceedingly nettled by the fact that 16 of the 17 bags were "large bound books, mainly Patent reports" being sent to U t a h by Delegate J o h n M . Bernhisel u n d e r the franking privilege. Naturally, Greeley protested the use of public funds for such a purpose. Near the Sweetwater, Greeley "... M e t several wagonloads of come-outers from Mormonism on their way to the states . . . ; likewise, the children of the Arkansas people killed two years since, in what is k n o w n as t h e M o u n t a i n M e a d o w s M a s s a c r e . " Greeley m a d e no f u r t h e r c o m m e n t u p o n t h e m a s s a c r e or t h e "come-outers." Greeley gave interesting descriptions of the route to Great Salt Lake as well as the city itself. In all he spent more than a week in U t a h , during which time he h a d a two-hour interview with Brigh a m Young and other M o r m o n leaders. H i s c o m m e n t s a n d o b s e r v a t i o n s were g e n e r a l l y f a v o r a b l e — e x c e p t for t h e practice of polygamy. Of this institution, Greeley, like the political party he affiliated with, h a d strong sentiments of condemnation. For Greeley, polygamy was degrading to womanhood. T o all those w h o h a v e suffered through long church services while "the preacher spoke as the spirit moved him," Greeley h a d some words of advise, for he too was trapped in such services in the Salt Lake Tabernacle. "Let him (a speaker) only be sure to talk good sense, and I will excuse some


93

Reviews and Publications bad g r a m m a r . But when a preacher is to address a congregation of one to three thousand persons, . . . I insist that a due regard for the economy of time requires that h e should prepare himself, by study and reflection, if not by writing, to speak directly to the point." (p. 186) F r o m G r e a t Salt Lake City, Greeley traveled to C a m p Floyd where he observed 3,000 U . S . troops killing time — at expense to the taxpayer — waiting for they k n e w n o t w h a t . B u t o n e t h i n g Greeley was sure of was that "somebody" made money from sending the Army to Utah. From C a m p Floyd, Greeley traveled westward along the route later followed by the Pony Express. His descriptions of the desolate regions of U t a h a n d N e v a d a and the unfavorable traveling conditions should have been enough to discourage all b u t the most adventurous spirits from taking a similar excursion. Finally after an overland journey lasting five months, Greeley boarded ship at San Francisco to be carried home via the Isthmus. While H o r a c e Greeley was fairly optimistic in the future of the F a r W'est, he certainly gave no false impressions concerning hardships which would be encountered. Perhaps for those w h o chose to read into his dispatches, there was a message "to go West," b u t no one should have been disillusioned with what he found. Greeley did not glamorize nor romanticize. H e reported honestly — in the best traditions of an editor-reporter. Overland Journey is a must for the western bookshelf.

tion of seven ethnic groups which have developed distinctive regional a n d / o r cultural features within the United States: M a i n e Down-Easters, Pennsylvania D u t c h m e n , Southern M o u n t a i n eers, Louisiana Cajuns, Illinois Egyptians, Southwest Mexicans, a n d U t a h Mormons. F o r each group Dorson gives a rather broad folkloric coverage including such things as traditions of the sea, local hero legends, tales of the supernatural, ballads, songs a n d carols, proverbs a n d riddles, jocular tales a n d anecdotes, nicknames a n d place names, folk medicine, sayings, beliefs, a n d superstitions. T h e seventh group, U t a h Mormons, is represented by a sampling of faithpromoting stories dealing with the T h r e e Nephites or other traditional narratives concerning the intercession of G o d in the lives of Latter-day Saints. Comic stories are told such as those concerning polygamy, J. Golden Kimball, Danish dialect stories, etc. Texts to seven M o r m o n folk songs are included. Dorson's sources include s t a n d a r d works on t h e regional folklore of the U n i t e d States a n d the folklore journals. H e also draws heavily on his own collecting experience a n d on the unpublished manuscripts of the principal folklore collectors in each region. T h e principal contributors to the section on U t a h M o r mons were H e c t o r Lee, T h o m a s E. Cheney, a n d Austin E. a n d Alta S. Fife. A U S T I N E. F I F E

Utah State

University

E V E R E T T L. C O O L E Y

Utah State Historical

Society

Buying the Wind: Regional Folklore in the United States. By RICHARD M . D O R S O N . (Chicago: T h e University of Chicago Press, 1964). xvii 4- 574 p p . $7.95) O n e of t h e United States' most prolific folklore scholars gives authentic texts and critical insights into the oral tradi-

Life of Tom Horn, Government Scout and Interpreter. Written by Himself Together with His Letters and Statements by his Friends. A Vindication. I n t r o d u c t i o n by D E A N K R A K E L . (Nor-

m a n : University of O k l a h o m a Press, 1964. xviii + 277 p p . $2.00) This is a reprint of the original book which was written by T o m H o r n while waiting to be h u n g for the alleged m u r -


94

Utah Historical Quarterly

der of a 14-year-old boy, Willie Nickell. I t was published after H o r n ' s death by his friend, J o h n C. Coble, in 1904. Most of the book deals with Horn's activities as a scout with Al Seiber in the Apache campaigns of the 1880's, which saw the capture of Geronimo. I t ends rather abruptly with his short-time emp l o y m e n t by t h e P i n k e r t o n D e t e c t i v e Agency, and omits entirely any reference to his work for the Wyoming Cattlemen's Association in the elimination of cattle rustlers. H o r n ' s c o n v i c t i o n for m u r d e r d e pended principally on a so-called "confession" obtained through trickery by his supposed friend, Joe LaFors. I n 1938 I w r o t e Outlaw Trail, c o n t a i n i n g o n e chapter on T o m H o r n entitled "A O n e M a n Army." T h e chapter credited T o m H o r n with eliminating cattle rustling in t h e I n t e r m o u n t a i n c o u n t r y by a few well-placed bullets fired from ambush. This greatly irritated LaFors, who told me it was himself and not T o m H o r n w h o cleared out the rustlers. T h e fact is, according to his own story published a few years ago, that LaFors was always about three days behind any m a n he was s u p p o s e d to t r a i l , a n d h e a p p a r e n t l y never killed a rustler nor m a d e any arrests. So, I seriously question the supposed confession he claimed to have obtained from H o r n , and I a m not convinced that H o r n killed Willie Nickell. I peronally know that H o r n was paid $500.00 for every rustler he killed. And I know that he killed M a t t R a s h and Isom D a r t in Brown's Hole, another in Hole-in-the-Wall, and others not recorded. But in doing so he performed a great service to the West at a time when all other methods of stamping out cattle rustling h a d failed. T o m H o r n was indeed a one-man army. CHARLES KELLY

Salt Lake

City

NEW BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS A Guide to the Military Posts of the United States, 1789-1895. By FRANCIS PAUL PRUCHA. ( M a d i s o n : State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1964) T h e State Historical Society of Wisconsin has published a handsome and helpful guide, a reference book which makes a contribution to the military history of the U n i t e d States. Almost 500 historic military posts are briefly noted, a n d s u p p l e m e n t a r y i n f o r m a t i o n is included on the expansion and contraction of the military frontier together with a series of maps, lists of army territorial commands, an extensive Bibliography, a n d a n u m b e r of w e l l - c h o s e n p h o t o graphs and illustrations. Unfortunately, there are a few errors concerning U t a h ' s forts: Fort Crittenden ( C a m p Floyd) was located in Cedar Valley, not "midway between Salt Lake City and P r o v o " ; Fort Duchesne was abandoned September 13, 1912; Fort T h o r n b u r g h was abandoned July 22, 1884. M a n y persons interested in forts other t h a n military posts will undoubtedly cont i n u e to refer to t h e l a t e E d g a r M . Ledyard's "American Posts," which was published serially in the Utah Historical Quarterly, V o l u m e I through V I . This series listed almost 2,400 posts including pioneer forts and trading posts as well. The

Mormons.

By T H O M A S F.

O'DEA.

(Chicago: T h e University of Chicago Press, Phoenix Edition, 1964) First published in 1957, The Mormons enjoyed a wide sale as a hard-bound book. N o w in paperback, designed to sell at a lower price, Dr. O'Dea's book is within the reach of almost any budget and should be included in every library on Mormonism. The Mormons is a v e r y o b j e c t i v e study, by a n o n - M o r m o n , concerning the beginnings of this religious organization. O n e of t h e m a j o r c o n t r i b u t i o n s of


95

Reviews and Publications O'Dea's study is a n analysis of the message of t h e Book of M o r m o n . H e does not concern himself with the divinity or origin of t h e book, b u t rather its theme or significance. Of special interest to those who classify themselves as intellectuals is the final chapter entitled, "Sources of Strain a n d Conflict." H e r e O ' D e a points o u t some rather significant dilemmas which the independent-minded M o r m o n faces. H e is, curiously, quite optimistic about t h e future status of such individuals within the church.

U t a h history. T h e Atlas is available a t all the U t a h university bookstores a n d local book dealers in Salt Lake City. Index Guide to Periodicals of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. By R O Y W . D O X E Y . (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1964) Jedediah West.

Smith

and the Opening

By D A L E L. M O R G A N .

of the Reprint.

( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y of N e b r a s k a Press, 1964) Thales Hastings Haskell, Pioneer, Scout, Explorer, Indian Missionary, 1847—

Utah History Atlas. Compiled by DAVID E. M I L L E R . (Salt Lake City: Author, 1964) Every student of history knows the importance of a good m a p for a n understanding of t h e history of a region or for most events of t h e past. A n d when the maps are produced for the specific purpose of clarifying or illustrating routes, boundaries, a n d other h u m a n phenomena, they a r e doubly helpful a n d appreciated. Dr. Miller has m a d e a significant contribution t o t h e teaching, studying, a n d learning of history through his assembling of some 41 maps a n d charts relating to U t a h history. Several of the maps are the result of careful field work a n d investigation conducted by D r . Miller over a period of years. His work (actual on-the-site investigations) on t h e route of the Escalante party, Bartleson-Bidwell party, Peter Skene O g d e n , and the Donners has resulted in corrections to early misconceptions of exactly where the trails were. Some of these maps were used as illustrations for articles written by D r . Miller and have appeared previously in various periodicals. B u t he has n o w assembled them into one atlas for easy access. F o r this work, Miller is to be congratulated and thanked. H e has accomplished a great service for all of us involved in

1909. By ALBERT E. S M I T H . (Salt L a k e

City: Author, 1964) ARTICLES O F INTEREST Arizona and the West — V I , S u m m e r 1964: " T h e R o u t e of James O . Pattie on t h e C o l o r a d o i n 1 8 2 6 , A R e a p praisal by A. L . KROEBER, with comm e n t s by R . C . E U L E R a n d A . H . SCHROEDER,"

edited

by C L I F T O N

B.

FROEBER, 119-36

Arizona Highways — X L , S e p t e m b e r 1964: " M o d e r n Navajo Weaving," by CLARA L E E T A N N E R , 6 - 1 9 ; " T h e L a n d

Wisdom of the Indians," by STEWART L. UDALL, 21-33

Arizoniana: The Journal of Arizona History — V , Fall 1964: " T h e G u n — A n Instrument of Destiny in Arizona," by J A M E S E. S E R V E N , 1 4 - 2 8

The Colorado Magazine — X L I , Summer 1964: "Fort Vasquez," by L E R O Y R. H A F E N , 198-212; "Down the Color a d o in 1889," by H E L E N J. S T I L E S ,

225-46 Fortune — L X I X , April 1964: "Businessman in a Political Jungle [George Romney],"

by H A R O L D

B.

MEYERS,

132ff.; " M o r m o n i s m : Rich,Vital, a n d Unique,"

136ff.

by S E M O U R

FREEDGOOD,


Utah Historical Quarterly

96 Indiana Magazine of History—LX, September 1964: " T h e American Territorial System Since t h e Civil W a r : A S u m m a r y Analysis," by W I L L I A M M . N E I L , 219-40

The Journal of Arizona History — V , S u m m e r 1964: " T h e Lost County of P a h - U t e , " by D O N A L D B U F K I N ,

1-11

Museum Graphic — X V I , Spring 1964: " W h a t t o collect a n d H o w to collect Historical Objects," by R O Y E. C O Y , 7-9 Natural History — L X X I I I , A u g u s t September 1964: "Arches a n d Bridges of Stone [Arches National M o n u m e n t , N a t u r a l Bridge National M o n u m e n t , a n d R a i n b o w Bridge National M o n u m e n t ] , " by WILLARD L U C E , 4 2 - 4 7

Nevada Highways and Parks [Special Centennial Issue 1964] — n o volume n u m b e r : "Avenue to the West: D o w n the H u m b o l d t — U p t h e Carson — T h e Famed, T h e Dreaded Humboldt R i v e r . . . I t Brought T h o u s a n d s Across the N e v a d a Deserts T o O p e n T h e West," 4ff.; "Early M a p s : N e v a d a was C h a r t e d by t h e Great M a p m a k e r s of t h e W e s t , " by D A L E L. M O R G A N ,

13-

17; "First White M a n t o Explore N e v a d a . . . P e t e r S k e n e O g d e n , " by GLORIA G R I F F E N C L I N E , 1 8 - 2 0 ; " C a p -

tain Simpson of t h e U n i t e d States A r m y : T h e First Color Views of N e v a d a . . . As Seen By Simpson in 1859," by J A M E S H U L S E , 2 1 - 2 5

Nevada Historical Society Quarterly—• V I I , N u m b e r s 3 - 4 : "Early N e v a d a Forts (Fort Baker [ M o r m o n fort a t Los V e g a s ] ) , " by C O L O N E L

RUHLEN. 9 - 1 0

GEORGE

The New Yorker—November 2 1 , 1964: "Notes for a Gazetteer: L — S a l t Lake City, U t . , " 222ff. The Restoration Witness—August 1964: " T h e Inspired Version of t h e Bible [revision by Joseph Smith a n d Sidney R i g d o n ] , " by A L E A H G. K O U R Y ,

6ff.

Vogue — C X L I V , September 1, 1964: "Salt Lake City," by D . M E S S I N E S I , 108 Western Gateways — I V , A u t u m n 1964: "Canyonlands Highway Issue [entire issue]"; "Canyonlands National Park," by S T E W A R T L . U D A L L , 6ff.; " M a p of

Canyonlands National Park," 1 1 ; "Canyonlands Highway Travelog," by K. C. D E N D O O V E N , 12ff.; " W h a t You C a n See — N o w , " 17; " A T r i p into the Abajo M o u n t a i n s , " by L E G R A N D OLSON,

1 8 ; "Six Page M a p of the

Canyonlands Highway," 22—27; " C a n yonlands Highway Association," by J I M BLACK, 28ff.; " H o w t h e Arches C a m e to B e , " by S T A N L E Y G. C A N T E R ,

30ff. Western Political Quarterly — XVII, S e p t e m b e r 1 9 6 4 : " S e p a r a t i o n of C h u r c h a n d State in M o r m o n Theory a n d Practice," by J. D . W I L L I A M S ,

103-4 Westways — L V I , N o v e m b e r 1 9 6 4 : " M a n l y of D e a t h Valley [William L. Manley]," by L. BURR B E L D E N , 2 7 - 2 8


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Membership in the Utah State Historical Society is open to all individuals and institutions who are interested in Utah history. We invite everyone to join this one official agency of state government charged by law with the collection, preservation, and publication of materials on Utah and related history. Through the pages of the Utah Historical Quarterly, the Society is able to fulfill part of its legal responsibility. Your membership dues provide the means for publication of the Quarterly. So, we earnestly encourage present members to interest their friends in joining them in furthering the cause of Utah history. Membership brings with it the Utah Historical Quarterly, the bimonthly Newsletter, and special prices on publications of the Society. The different classes of membership are: Student

$

3.00

Annual

$

5.00

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For those individuals and business firms who wish to support special projects of the Society, they may do so through making tax-exempt donations on the following membership basis: Sustaining

$ 250.00

Patron

$ 500.00

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$1,000.00

Your interest and support are most welcome.


TORICAL UARTERLY SPRING, 1965

•


j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1967 President

MRS. J U A N I T A B R O O K S , St. George, 1969

MRS. A. c. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1967

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake City Secretary

CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, Salt Lake City, 1969

MILTON c. ABRAMS, Smithfield, 1969 j . STERLING ANDERSON, Grantsville, 1967 DEAN R. BRIM H A L L , F r u i t a , 1969

HOWARD c. PRICE, J R . , Price, 1967

L. GLEN SNARR, Salt Lake City, 1967

EVERETT L. COOLEY, Director

T. H . JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives F. T. J O H N S O N , Records Manager, Archives MILLARD E. WILDE, Registrar, Military Records T h e U t a h State Historical Society is an organization devoted to the collection, preservation, a n d publication of U t a h a n d related history. I t was organized by publicspirited Utahns in 1897 for this purpose. I n fulfillment of its objectives, the Society publishes t h e Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 annual membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps, and manuscripts. Many of these items have come to the library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only through such means can the U t a h State Historical Society live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

J O H N J A M E S . JR., Librarian MARGERY w . WARD, Associate Editor IRIS SCOTT, Business M a n a g e r T h e primary purpose of the Quarterly is t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of m a n u s c r i p t s , p h o t o graphs, and documents which relate or give a new interpretation to Utah's unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for the consideration of the editor. However, t h e editor assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts unaccompanied by return postage. Manuscripts and material for publications should be sent to the editor. T h e U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid at Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1965, U t a h State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.


SPRING, 1965

V O L U M E 33

NUMBER 2

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

e@mrib©[r^ SAMUEL PIERCE HOYT AND HIS H O M E ON THE WEBER

99

BY L Y M A N C. P E D E R S E N , J R .

FEDERAL PARK POLICY IN U T A H : T H E ESCALANTE NATIONAL M O N U M E N T CONTROVERSY OF 1935-1940

109

BY E L M O R. R I C H A R D S O N

WILL DEWEY IN UTAH EDITED BY C H A R L E S A. P O V L O V I C H , J R

134

UTAH'S FIRST LINE OF DEFENSE: T H E UTAH NATIONAL GUARD AND CAMP W. G. WILLIAMS, 1926-1965 BY T H O M A S G. A L E X A N D E R A N D LEONARD J. ARRINGTON

141

THE TURNER THESIS AND M O R M O N BEGINNINGS IN NEW YORK AND UTAH BY A L E X A N D E R E V A N O F F

157

REVIEWS AND PUBLICATIONS

<bb

174

©©wssir

1

Dead Horse Point, now a Utah State Park, overlooking the Colorado River. This area would have been included within the boundaries of the proposed Escalante National Monument. UTAH TOURIST & PUBLICITY COUNCIL ( NORMAN VAN PELT)

EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR ART EDITOR

L. COOLEY Margery W. Ward

EVERETT

_... Roy J. Olsen


C R A M P T O N , C. G R E G O R Y , Standing Up Country: The Canyon Lands of Utah and Arizona,

BY W . L. R U S H O

SACKS, B., Be It Enacted: Territory

of Arizona,

174

The Creation of the

BY G. H O M E R DURHAM

174

W A T S O N , M A R G A R E T G., Silver Theatre: Amusements of the Mining Frontier in Early Nevada,

1850-1864,

BY FLOYD MORGAN

176

T E R R E L L , J O H N U P T O N , Black Robe: The Life of Pierre-Jean De Smet, Missionary, Explorer

& Pioneer, BY ROBERT J . DWYER

177

K N E C H T , W I L L I A M L., a n d C R A W L E Y , P E T E R L., History of Brigham Young, 1847-

BOOKS REVIEWED

1867,

BY STANLEY S. IVINS

178

L E I G H , R U F U S W O O D , Nevada Place Names, Their Origin and Significance, BY EFFIE MONA MACK

179

K E N N E D Y , M I C H A E L S., ED., Cowboys and Cattlemen: A Roundup from Montana, The Magazine of Western History, BY HOWARD C PRICE, J R

179

C H I T T E N D E N , H I R A M M A R T I N , The Yellowstone National Park, BY MERRILL D. BEAL 180 BEEBEE, L U C I U S , The Central Pacific & The Southern Pacific Railroads, BY WALLACE D. FARNHAM

181

M U R B A R G E R , N E L L , Ghosts of the Adobe Walls: Human Interest and Historical Highlights from 400 Ghost Haunts of Old Arizona, BY BERT M. FIREMAN

P O S N E R , E R N S T , American

182

State

Archives,

BY PHILIP P. MASON

183

C R A M P T O N , C. G R E G O R Y , The San Juan Canyon Historical Sites, BY O. DOCK MARSTON.... 184

Printed by ALPHABET PRINTING CO., Salt Lake City


SAMUEL PIERCE HOYT and his HOME on the WEBER BY L Y M A N C. P E D E R S E N , J R .

Midway between Wanship and Coalville, in north central Utah, is the farming community of Hoytsville. A quarter of a mile south of the Hoytsville L.D.S. Chapel, between U.S. Highway 189 and the Weber River, stands the old Hoyt "mansion," which in its day was one of the most elegant homes in Utah. Its builder, Samuel Pierce Hoyt, was born November 21, 1807, in Chester, New Hampshire, the eldest of 11 children. In 1834 he married Emily Smith, sister of Judge Elias Smith and cousin to Joseph Smith. Through his wife, Hoyt was converted to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Having passed through the Missouri persecutions, he moved to Nauvoo, Illinois, and then to Nashville, Iowa, where he earned a livelihood supplying wood for steamboats plying their trade on the Mississippi. Mr. Pedersen, recent winner of the Freedoms Foundation George Washington Honor Medal, is presently a teaching assistant and completing studies toward a doctorate in American history at Brigham Young University. T h e author wishes to thank Mrs. E m m a Hoyt Stevens for the use of the photographs of Samuel Hoyt and his two wives which appear in this article.

Samuel Hoyt's three-story home on the Weber was begun in 1863 and was by a rock wall which enclosed about one and a half acres.

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UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

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Utah Historical Quarterly

According to Orson F. Whitney, when the Prophet Joseph Smith crossed the Mississippi River on June 22, 1844, hoping to flee to the West, Samuel Hoyt was among the number to greet him on the Iowa shore. At that time Hoyt supplied the prophet with money to complete his plans.1 This must be reconciled with the fact that the Times and Seasons for April 15, 1844, lists Samuel P. Hoyt, with Daniel Spencer, Joseph J. Woodbury, and others, as being called to serve a mission in Massachusetts.2 Little is known of Hoyt's activities until the year 1851. On March 1 of that year he joined a company under the leadership of Captain John Brown and departed for the Valley of the Great Salt Lake. The company arrived in Utah on September 29, 1851. Within a very short time, Hoyt, among others, was called to join Anson Call's party then being formed to settle Fillmore. He joined the company and reached Fillmore in November 1851. For nine months the Hoyt family home had been a covered wagon. Call's company settled on Chalk Creek, and within a short time not only cabins had been erected, but a gristmill and a sawmill as well. Hoyt became engaged in running a tannery and a dry goods store. His interest in civil affairs appears in the following letter to George A. Smith, dated November 25, 1851: W e have h a d o u r election in this city for county officers and who would have thought of my being elected Justice of the Peace for Millard County. I have circulated the petition for a post route through this place, a n d have got nearly one h u n d r e d signers to it. 3

A further duty requiring some time and patience was the job of feeding and then returning nine yoke of oxen Hoyt had borrowed in Great Salt Lake City to enable the Hoyt family to migrate to Fillmore. On October 28, 1851, the legislature had named Fillmore as the site of the territorial capital, and in 1852 the erection of a rock and cement capitol was begun.4 Hoyt was placed in charge of the construction and dedicated his time and energy to the work. Crews were in charge of burning lime at night and quarrying rock during the day. Hoyt advanced money to bring glass, putty, and finishing nails from California. His letters and the reports of occasional visitors to Fillmore indicate Hoyt's activities in the building of the territorial capitol and also in other community mat1

Orson F . Whitney, History of Utah (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1892-1904), IV, 303. Times and Seasons (Nauvoo, Illinois), April 15, 1844. 3 "Journal History" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), November 25, 1851. 4 Andrew Jenson, Encyclopedic History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1941), 250. 2


ters. George Woodward, in 1854, visited the settlement on Chalk Creek to assist in finishing the south wing of the capitol and wrote, "Brother S. P. Hoyt used his utmost exertion to have the necessary materials furnished." 5 T h e following year George A. Smith reported that Hoyt was prospering in "dry goods, groceries, and hardware." 6 During the famine of 1856, Hoyt drew from his supply of several thousand bushels of wheat and sustained a great many of the poor in Fillmore. During the same year he married a second wife, Emma Burbidge, who mothered his 11 children. H e was also appointed Indian agent and Indian farmer for the Pahvant Tribe during this time. As agent, on one occasion, he saved the lives of two Indian children by purchasing them from their captors. Hoyt's only living daughter, now in her late eighties, informed the writer that she recalled her father telling of the cuts on the neck of the Indian boy, Lucas, inflicted by his captors to force Hoyt into the sale. 7 A final note in the year 1856 reveals Hoyt's varied activities causing concern to at least one person. A certain "Brother Hoyet" wrote to President Brigham Young complaining of his partnership in the tannery business with Samuel P. Hoyt. T h e letter states:

Samuel Pierce Hoyt

Emily Smith Hoyt

I made the usual agreement between a capitalist on the one side and a mechanic on the other. He was to furnish the means to start the business and do a fair share of the work which in such cases is usually one half. I was afterward to pay him back from that half of the leather which belonged to me one half the capital he advanced. During two years he has not done to my knowledge one fortnight's work.8 B

"Journal History," December 25, 1854.

6

Ibid., December 24, 1855.

7 Interview with Mrs. Emma Hoyt Stevens, Samuel P. Hoyt's only surviving daughter, in Salt Lake City, February 17, 1963. 8 T h e writer of this letter cannot be identified. T h e letter is addressed to Brigham Young, and is dated January 1856 (L.D.S. Historian's Library).

Emma Burbidge Hoyt


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T h e activities and influence of Hoyt come again into focus from the journal of Anson Call concerning the tragic Gunnison massacre of 1853. Call recorded: In July, 1853, I received a letter from T h o m a s King, one of my counselors, that he wished m e to return to Fillmore in consequence of the Indian W a r that h a d broken out in J u n e with Walker's b a n d in which some of the brethren h a d already been killed and much plundering done by the Indians in the Southern settlements. 9

Arriving in Fillmore, Call found the Pahvant Indians still friendly and assisting the settlers harvesting their grain. California immigrants, and particularly a company under a man named Hilliard, had done much to provoke Walker's band. In Fillmore, Hilliard told the settlers that he would kill any Indians coming into his camp, Pahvant or any other tribe. T h e next morning Call was informed that three of the friendly Pahvants had been killed. Call, with Peter Robertson, Bishop Bartholomew, and Samuel P. Hoyt, trailed and overtook Hilliard's company, forcing them to return four rifles they h a d taken from the Pahvants. Pahvant warriors trailed and annoyed Hilliard's party for two or three weeks.10 O n October 16, John W. Gunnison, with his party of 60 men, including 30 soldiers, arrived in Fillmore. Gunnison needed $500 to continue his expedition. This was raised by Call through Samuel P. Hoyt. Gunnison then set out to survey Pahvant Lake, after which he planned to return to Great Salt Lake City for winter quarters. O n October 26 Lieutenant E. G. Beckwith returned to Fillmore with the news that Gunnison and seven others had been killed while camped on the Sevier. Call's party, including Hoyt, immediately rode to the scene of the massacre and buried six of the ill-fated travelers on the banks of the Sevier. According to Call's journal, the only remains to be found of Gunnison was his thigh bone. I n 1860 several events took place that caused Sam Hoyt to make the decision to move to the Weber River. During the summer of that year, he expended a large sum of money and devoted much of his tireless energy in laying the foundation for a large flouring mill in Fillmore. In the course of time, he apparently became convinced that both the city council and certain members of the community were taking unfair advantage of him by placing obstacles in his path. O n December 1 of that year he wrote the following letter to President Brigham Young: D e a r Sir: I wish to lay before you the obstacles that have been thrown in the way since Bro. Kesler located my flouring mill site in Fillmore City. 0

"Journal History," October 26, 1853. Anson Call, " T h e Life and Record of Anson Call" (typescript, U t a h State Historical Society), 4 7 - 4 9 . 10


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Bro. Bartholomew has commenced erecting a flouring mill some six or eight rods below his old mill, laying the foundation across the creek leaving but a small arch for the water to pass through, with the calculation to t u r n the creek out of its chanel [sic] some considerable distance above my millsite or dam. H e also says that the d a m that I take the water out with to run any mill will have to be covered on account of the backwater that will prevent his mill from running, which will greatly damage me and will destroy all that I have done, leaving my mill race dry or nearly so. T h e City Council through their supervisor has instructed me to bridge an unreasonable amount of my mill race as I look at it, therefore I feel to ask your council in the matter, what to do and how to proceed. 1 1

Brigham Young's advice was forthcoming, "Go to Weber," he said, "they want and need a mill there." 12 Hoyt was convinced, and left Fillmore May 18, 1861, arriving on the Weber June 1. Hoyt's wagon load of heavy machinery broke down one of the first two bridges spanning the Weber River in Summit County. The Deseret News of May 29 commented on Hoyt's journey: Letter from Samuel P. Hoyt to Brigham Young, December 1, 1860 (L.D.S. Historian's Library). Whitney, History of Utah, IV, 304.

L. C. PEDERSEN, JR.

The gristmill completed in 1862 in 1965 stands in ruins, but the grand home in the background is currently being "restored."


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Within the past week, several gentlemen from Summit have called at our office and m a d e favorable reports of the progress of the settlements being m a d e on the Weber river, a n d its tributaries, in that newly organized county. T h e season there is not so far advanced as in this and adjoining valleys, but the settlers are confident of success in their efforts to turn those narrow vales into fruitful fields. T h e range for stock there is represented to be excellent, and the animals that were wintered in that region are said to be in fine condition. A good bridge has recently been built over the Weber some five or six miles below the m o u t h of Silver Creek, which although not so expensive and elegant as some which have been constructed in U t a h , Great Salt Lake and Weber counties, is pronounced a substantial structure by those who have crossed it. Another bridge is being built over the same stream a few miles above Silver Creek, which is shortly to be finished. Several saw mills are either in progress of erection, or are to be commenced at an early day. Mr. S. P. Hoyt, of Fillmore, is now on his way thither with the machinery and necessary material for the building of a grist mill, which he designs to have in operation this season. Such improvements cannot fail to operate advantageously to the development of the resources of that part of the Territory, and the rapid growth and prosperity of the settlements that have been and will be formed in that county. 1 3

Although not the first settler in what came to be known as Hoytsville, 14 Samuel P. Hoyt without question did more than any other man to establish on a sound economic foundation the settlement which bears his name. Hoyt's gristmill was comU T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY pleted in 1862. In the spring of t h e following year, t h e ambitious pioneer made a trip to the Missouri with wool for the eastern markets, exchanging it for m a c h i n e r y , i n c l u d i n g an iron lathe which was reported to be the first one brought to Utah. 15 13

"Journal History," May 29, 1861. See Jenson, Encyclopedic History, 345. The first settler in Hoytsville was Thomas Bradbury. He arrived there in 1859, the same year that Coalville was settled. 15 Deseret News (Salt Lake City), May 2, 1914. 14

"A spiral staircase began a few feet from the east door and ascended through all three floors. Original painting along this staircase may still


Rough-hewn timbers exposed during restoration reveal the careful craftsmanship with studding being morticed into top plate and knee brace being carefully notched into the studding.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

U p o n his r e t u r n , or shortly thereafter, work was commenced on the grand mansion which now stands northwest of the remains of the gristmill. T h e Deseret News of October 2, 1868, gives us more information on this r e m a r k a b l e structure and upon Hoyt's other activities:

O u r friend Samuel P. Hoyt, Esq., whose hospitalities we enjoyed a t Fillmore "on the move" in 1868, has m a d e his mark on the Weber at a point some three miles above Coalville. W h e n we saw him there in the Fall of 1860, [1861] himself and family were all t h a t constituted Hoytsville; tents and covered wagons were their comilies; [homilies?] their neighbors were the red m e n ; and primitive rudeness of the most crude description stalked abroad. A few years of well applied toil — the capital of the Mormon Pioneer — by a single individual have worked wonders in the appearance of things. T h e r e is a substantial stone flouring mill and alongside of it a machine house, also of stone; beside many smaller dwellings, on lines of fences inclosing. "Meadows broad and pastures green, with gentle slopes and groves of willows between." But the most attractive feature of the results of eight years labor in these forbidding wilds is the dwelling house, now u p above the first story. This is being built of an elegantly white sand-stone, with a light bluish tinge; front 50 ft by 35, rear wing 30 by 28 — the front and ends of finely chiseled work. It will be two stories high, with an attic and observatory. T h e first floor of main building has 12 feet ceilings. W h e n completed, this will unquestionably be one of the handsomest and most durable private dwellings in U t a h — at a cost of some $35,000. I n Rhoades Valley 16 he has also established a ranch, with corral 700 feet long by 140 wide, 20 foot shedding the entire circuit; cuts 200 tons hay; keeps 200 head of stock; has a hewed log dwelling house, 51 by 20 feet; two stories high; has paid u p all his workmen and has money to lend. I t may be 16 The present Kamas Valley was earlier known as Rhoades Valley, named for Thomas Rhoades who first settled there.


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seen by the above that some things can be done in U t a h as elsewhere, but with an almost incalculable degree of excessive labor. Bro. Hoyt's flouring mill has been stopped for some time, to the great inconvenience of the people, on account of some opposition by land owners against the cutting of a new mill-race. Penny wise and pound foolish is very much shortsighted in this fast age. 17

During the latter part of September 1869, a number of church leaders including Brigham Young, Wilford Woodruff, George A. Smith, Daniel H. Wells, George Q. Cannon, and Franklin D. Richards, made a tour of Heber, Kamas, Peoa, Wanship, and Coalville, speaking to the Saints in each of these points. The tour ended at Coalville, and after the evening meal, the president's party began the trip homeward. The company reporter wrote: At Bishop Hardy's, Parley's Canyon, while waiting for the moon to rise, the party partook of supper, and driving on, reached the city at 11 p.m. . . . T h e region visited has not been seen for years by them. T h e most of the settlements, therefore, were entirely new, and those of them which were not new h a d changed so much since last seen as to be scarcely recognizable. . . . Wanship and Coalville both wear an air of thrift and prosperity and must eventually, we think, become important points. . . . It will be but a few years, if the people carry out their principles, and the instructions they receive, until log houses will almost be unknown, and in their stead, will be seen elegant residences of stone. T h e residence of S. P. Hoyt, Esq., of Hoytsville, between Coalville and Wanship, is already probably the finest and most expensive house between the Wasatch Mountains and the Missouri River. I t is built of cut white sandstone, and when completed, will be a credit to the country. 1 8 17

"Journal History," October 2, 1868. Ibid., September 21, 1869.

ls

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Built of white sandstone blocks, the home contains fourteen rooms, nine fireplaces, and a full basement with its own fresh water spring.


Samuel Pierce Hoyt

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Hoyt's home was never c o m p l e t e d , but his w o r k w a s e n d e d in t h e early 1870's. T h e imposing structure still stands near t h e banks of t h e W e b e r River, just below a small hill on the east. Of the 14 rooms, not including bathrooms, nine had fireplaces. Three living rooms, two of the hallways, and a number of the floors were beautifully painted. Handsome murals painted by a Norwegian artist singularly UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY n a m e d Olsen, d e c o r a t e d Decorative art work adorns ceiling and walls on the the walls and ceilings of the main floor of the home. main floor. Some of these may still be viewed. A spiral staircase began a few feet from the east door and ascended through all three floors. Original painting along this staircase may still be seen. A second, smaller, staircase ascended through the rear of the house. A full basement extends under the entire area of the mansion. A well, still to be seen, was sunk in the west part of the basement giving a ready source of fresh water. A huge rock wall four-feet thick separates the kitchen in the basement from the other half. T h e well was sunk by the north wall of the kitchen. A dumb-waiter system enabled those in the basement kitchen to readily deliver hot food to the upper floors. T h e thickness of the stone walls, three feet at the foundation, made working in the kitchen bearable, even on hot summer days. A kitchen fireplace provided warmth for the winter. Long rows of nails on the side beams in the east room of the basement bear evidence that it was used as a meat cutting and storing room. Hoyt's herd of cattle provided a constant store of fresh meat which hung in the basement for immediate use. A huge central beam cut from a single tree measures some 45 feet in length and 3 feet in thickness. It extends overhead the full length of the basement.


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A rock wall surrounds the mansion, enclosing about one and a half acres. It was built of rock left over from the construction of the home, except the top layer which was of hand-dressed stone. T h e wall was originally from five- to seven-feet high. T h e wall contained three small iron gates and a double gate at the entrance. These hand-tooled gates still remain. A school was held in the old machine house south of the gristmill for the children of the community until the mansion was built, when the school was moved to two rooms on the third floor. Hoyt's first wife, Emily, was the teacher. Some rods north of the mansion and the gristmill, stood the old creamery. T h e machine house has disappeared, but the ruins of the mill and the creamery still bear mute evidence of former activity. During the 1870's Hoyt spent his time farming, stockraising, and mining. As early as 1869, he was winning prizes in stock shows and fairs. In that year, in the "Ninth Annual Exhibition of the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society," he won a prize for "the second best Durham Bull." In the same contest, other winners were Wilford Woodruff, for "the best Ayrshire Cow, the best brood mare, draft, the best three year old colt, draft, and the best two year old stallion, draft"; and Orrin P. Rockwell for the "best four year old filly, and year old mule colt." 19 Hoyt spent his closing years at his ranch near Kamas which had been built in the late 1860's. His second wife, Emma, maintained this home while his first wife Emily remained at the mansion where she was known to the community as " M a Hoyt." Death came for the old pioneer on August 12, 1889. H e was buried in the little Hoytsville cemetery by the chapel on the hill. His memory is preserved in the town that bears his name, the fine old mansion by the river, and by Hoyt's Peak east of present-day Kamas. T h e crumbling rock wall, the iron gates tearing from their hinges, and the wind in the giant pines in front of the silent old mansion hold secrets of early days on the Weber.*

19

"Journal History," October 5, 1869. * E D . NOTE: T h e home is presently owned by Mr. and Mrs. G. C. Crittenden, who acquired the home in 1957. U p o n Mr. Crittenden's retirement in Ogden 1963, the family moved to the Hoyt mansion in May 1963, where extensive repair, restoration, and alteration have been carried on. T h e Crittendens are to be congratulated for their efforts to preserve this lovely old structure of pioneer days.


Federal Park

BY E L M O R. R I C H A R D S O N

Campers hiking along the streambed of the Escalante River area included in the proposed Escalante National Monument. UTAH TOURIST & PUBLICITY COUNCIL (NELSON WADSWORTH)


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U t a h was faced with a particularly difficult task during the depression years of the 1930's. Small in population though vast in area, the state h a d neither sufficient manpower nor a self-sustaining economy upon which to base a recovery program. Almost entirely dependent upon direct use of lands and resources, its economic development was, to a great extent, determined by federally administered forests, grazing and reclaimed lands, and Indian reservations. As the crisis deepened, it became obvious to the leaders and citizens of U t a h that government at every level must encourage and maintain more intensive land and resource use. T h e conditions arising out of sparse population and an economy based upon access to the public domain would be primary considerations for both state and federal planners. Some of the specific programs that came out of the plethora of plans during these years were mutually satisfactory and beneficial to both state and federal interests. Other ideas, poorly conceived and illtimed, produced only personal antagonisms and mutual distrust. Among the latter was the proposed Escalante National Monument, a plan for the development of a scenic and recreational area in southeastern Utah. During the decades preceding the Depression, the National Park Service of the Department of the Interior had secured from Congress the creation of Zion and Bryce Canyon National Parks and, by Presidential proclamation, the establishment of six national monuments. With the exception of Zion, these withdrawals involved small amounts of land and preserved sites of striking geologic or archeologic value. During the Hoover administration, Secretary of the Interior Ray Lyman Wilbur sought approval of further tracts in the southern part of the state. Although his policy was particularly solicitous of state jurisdiction over the public domain, he decided that the slightly used land in that arid region could best be developed as part of the national park system. In March 1931 Park Service Director Horace Albright designated almost 30,000 acres west of Zion for reclassification and then asked Governor George H. Dern of U t a h for his view of the suggestion making a nearby Kolob Canyon National Park. Because Dern could not examine the area in person, he consulted with citizens in the region and with the state's delegation in Congress. Learning that Senator William H. King opposed such a reservation and that the stockraisers who used part of the canyon for grazing especially needed the land, he declined to support Albright's plan. As a Democrat he might also have been unmoved because of his party's victory in NovemDr. Richardson is assistant professor of history at Washington State University, and for the current year is visiting professor of history at the University of Washington. H e is the author of The Politics of Conservation: Crusades and Controversies, 1897â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1913, and several articles on resource policies in the West.


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ber 1932, and the matter was left hanging when he entered the cabinet of Franklin D. Roosevelt as secretary of war. 1 Dern's successor was Henry H . Blood, also a Democrat, a spokesman for the most influential elements in the state and for the agrarian conservatives in his party. Significantly, he enjoyed the confidence of the new President and obtained for Utah substantial federal assistance in the fields of employment relief, drought control, and water development. When the Park Service reopened the question of Kolob Canyon in July 1935, however, they found him as reticent as Dern had been. In rejecting the national park idea, Blood followed the advice of J. M. McFarlane of the Utah State Board of Agriculture and Representative W. K. Granger, who felt that the land should continue under the jurisdiction of the Grazing Division of the Interior Department which administered the newly passed Taylor Grazing Act. 2 This matter was a foretaste of the conflict of aims between state and federal administrations. At the same time emergency legislation tied these two more closely together than they had ever been before. New schemes like the Civilian Conservation Corps were especially effective in assisting the economy and citizens of the state, and earned the praise of Utahns ranging from the governor on down to the residents of the small towns in "Dixie," Moab, and Escalante. 3 In 1935 the Utah State Senate responded to federal suggestions for co-ordinating recovery plans by creating a State Planning Board. This bureau was partly supported by Congressional appropriation and was designed to work with many federal offices, including the Natural Resources Committee headed by Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes. In 1936 when Congress directed Ickes to make a study of park, parkway, and recreation areas throughout the nation, he was able to draw upon the results of studies made by the planning boards of the states. By that time 1 R. L. Wilbur to W. King, June 28, 1932; H. Albright to G. Dern, December 10, 28, 1932; Dern to G. O. Larson (copy), March 30, 1932; P. P. Patraw to H. Blood, February 2, 1933, State of Utah, Governors' Papers (George H . Dern [1925-1933] and Henry H. Blood [1933-1940]), Park Commission File and P. P. Patraw File. T h e manuscript material cited as Governors' Papers and the files of the Independent Commissions are located in the U t a h State Archives, Salt Lake City. 2 E. Watson to F. D. Roosevelt (memo.), January 16, 1941; H. Blood to Roosevelt (teleg r a m ) , November 17, 1933; Roosevelt to Blood, October 23, 1936, Franklin D. Roosevelt Papers, Henry Blood Folder 3806, Personal Political File (Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York). Blood to W. K. Granger, May 22, 1935; L. M . Jones to J. M . McFarlane, July 30, 1935, Governors' Papers (Blood), Park Commission File. Kolob Canyon was designated Zion National Monument in 1937 and in 1956 was added to the Park itself. Tohn Ise, Our National Park Policy (Baltimore, 1961), 409. 3 H. Blood to W. King, et al. (telegram), March 5, 1934; "Statement of . . . Blood . . . on Benefits of C C C . . . ." [1934]; L. C Christiansen to Blood, October 9, 1936; Blood to W. Persons, August 17, 1937, Governors' Papers (Blood), Civilian Conservation Corps File; Moab TimesIndependent, February 6, 1936. During the 1930's there were between 10 and 30 annual camps in Utah, most of them working on projects under the supervision of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation and the Grazing Division of the U.S. Department of the Interior.


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Utah's Planning Board h a d completed a survey of the natural and commercial resources of the state, including a suggestion for immediate development of the tourist attractions along the Colorado and Green rivers which flowed through brilliant canyon lands in the southeastern corner of the state. T h e possibilities of a national park of 570 square miles in the "Wayne Wonderland" seemed especially appealing. When Governor Blood asked for the views of the Congressional delegation, most of them endorsed it heartily. " I believe it would be a fine thing," Senator Elbert D. Thomas replied, "if we could have another national park in Utah based upon this inspiring region." Consequently, a report issued by the Utah Planning Board in April 1936, declared that "an extension of authority, especially of the National Park Service, would be beneficial to the people of U t a h . " Aware of the fact that the state's share of tourist business was far less than those of the surrounding states, the Planning Board shared the current interest in cultivating that new source of income. But significantly the report added that initiative for the designation of park areas should be left in the hands of the local people. 4 Under the bold and determined leadership of Secretary Ickes, the Interior Department contemplated an enlargement and intensification of the entire national park system. This plan called for the creation of such new parks as Grand Teton in Wyoming, Kings Canyon in California, and Olympic in Washington, and the enlargement of other reserves like Dinosaur National Monument on the Colorado-Utah border. In 1935 acting director of the Park Service, Arno Cammerer, first announced the details of a portion of the overall plan which included possible new national monuments in southeastern Utah. But Ickes' scheme soon ran up against the political and economic realities in the Western States, as well as the conflicting intentions of the Army Corps of Engineers for example, and the Natural Resources Committee which were anxious to secure such areas for water and power development sites. When the Interior Department presented its recreation plan to Congress, other departments joined western representatives in blocking what seemed to be an alarming extension of Interior's jurisdiction. Partly because of the protests of Representative 4 "Radio Talk to be Delivered by I. W. Trimbel . . ."; "A State Plan for U t a h : Progress Report, April 15, 1935" (mimeograph copy), 159-74 and Fig. 32, Independent Commissions, U t a h State Planning Board ( 1 9 3 1 - 1 9 4 0 ) , Administration File. A. Cammerer to E. Gammeter, December 7, 1933 (memo., description of proposed Wayne County National Park) ; E. Thomas to H. Blood, February 3, 1934; A. Demaray to W. King, February 9, 1934, Governors' Papers (Blood), Park Commission File. Suggestions for a Four Corners and a Navajo National Monument were never acted upon. At this time (1935) there were already seven national monuments in southeastern U t a h . S. R. DeBoer, "A Preliminary State Plan for the Development of Scenic and Recreational Resources in U t a h " (mimeograph copy), April 15, 1936, State Planning Board, Administration File.


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J. W. Robinson of Utah, the final bill merely called for a survey of recreational resources. 5 T h e April report of the U t a h State Planning Board reflected an interest in supporting the federal plan, but the specific conception of its chairman, Ray B. West, did not receive the support of the Park Service. Immediate development of southeastern U t a h might be begun, he suggested, by construction of a network of highways connecting Mesa Verde National Park in nearby Colorado with Zion and Bryce, Natural Bridges National Monument, and "Wayne Wonderland" in Utah. T h e time seemed to be especially good because Congress was then considering an appropriation for park roads. Cammerer, however, advised West that the network would have to wait upon the completion of a full investigation in the field.6 A short time later the Park Service informed the U t a h officials that it hoped to fulfill the long-standing state and federal desire for recreational development of the Colorado River Canyon by establishing a new national monument along its course. Drawing upon the findings of field investigations begun in 1935 on the request of Utahns interested in the proposed Wayne County national park, the Park Service designated an area of 6,968 square miles as the object of preliminary investigation. Extending 200 miles from the Colorado border to the Arizona border, the tract encompassed about eight per cent of the total area of Utah. It contained what Cammerer later 5 Edgar B. Nixon, comp. and ed., Franklin D. Roosevelt and Conservation (Hyde Park, 1 9 5 7 ) , I , 386-87 and fn. 6 A. Cammerer to R. West, April 14, 1936; West to J. W. Robinson, April 9, 1936; West to H . Blood, May 1, 1936; West to A. Demaray, April 8, 1936, State Planning Board ( 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 4 1 ) , Parks and Recreation, Reports, Escalante National Monument File.

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

At this site on November 7, 1776, the Escalante party descended to the Colorado River cutting steps in the rocks. The party crossed the river and from this point returned in a southeasterly direction to Santa Fe, their point of origin.

'••:"'::•,;::•.

i-::v;:-.:„;.


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described as "an amazing wilderness labyrinth" of stark, multicolored canyon walls, some of them rising almost directly from the bank of the river, others stretching back to the horizon for several miles. Included in the area were over 30,000 acres of patented land, 24,000 acres of state school lands, 151 unsurveyed townships, and parts of three federal grazing districts. T h e arid conditions of the soil cover supported only 463 families, but these raised an estimated 144,000 sheep, 26,000 cattle, and 2,600 horses. 7 Because it lay across the route of the Spanish priest who first explored the Four Corners region, it was to be called Escalante National Monument. In response to Cammerer's request for a statement of sentiment in U t a h toward the proposal, Governor Blood and the state's delegation in Congress asked the Park Service to permit the residents of the affected area to express their views in a public meeting. In May 1936 a public notice was sent out by both federal and state officials, and early the next month some 87 persons gathered at Price, the largest town adjacent to the area under study. More than half of them were from vast San Juan County which formed the southeast corner of the state. Most of the individuals present at the meeting were connected with cattle, sheep, a n d / o r horse raising interests; a few were representatives of southern U t a h civic clubs; and some were agents of the grazing districts administered under the Taylor Act. T h e Park Service sent Superintendents P. P. Patraw and Jesse Nusbaum from nearby Zion and Mesa Verde as well as David Madsen of the Wildlife Division. Chairman West of the Planning Board, who personally felt that local interests could be protected within the monument, planned to attend but fell critically ill just before the meeting convened. Another member of the Planning Board, George Staples, went in his place. 8 T h e session was opened by a statement from J. Q. Peterson, regional grazier of the Grazing Division, who argued for retention of Taylor Act status for the area, and who had the support of most of the audience. Twenty-one thousand residents in the vicinity, he pointed out, would in some way be affected by closing of the range to grazing. Madsen of the 7 A. Cammerer to H. Blood, March 21, 1938, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. "Proposed Escalante National Monument, April 1936" (typescript), State Planning Board ( 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 4 1 ) , Parks and Recreation, Reports, Proposed Escalante National Monument File. 8 H . Blood to W. King, July 18, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. Call for a meeting in Price, Utah, by J. Q. Peterson, May 21, 1936; W. Wallace to Peterson, July 20, 1936; Peterson to State Planning Board, June 22, 1936; resolutions adopted at Price, June 9, 1936 (copy), C. P. Seeley to S. Margetts, December 15, 1937, and minutes of Price meeting, enclosure, State Planning Board (1935â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1941), Parks and Recreation, Reports, Escalante National Monument File.


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Wildlife Division then tried to assure his fellow Utahns that the Interior Department had no wish to injure the economy of the region, but suggested that perhaps it had already reached a peak of development as grazing land. A recreational site would diversify that economy and still permit use according to capacity and need until ultimate non-use status could be brought about. A prominent San J u a n cattleman rose to reply to Madsen. "Secretary Ickes and the Park Service knew what they were doing when they sent Dave Madsen down here," he observed somewhat bitterly. "They realize that it's a pretty up-hill battle to convince the citizens of U t a h and even the people of the United States of the scenic value of their properties." H e acknowledged the possibility of tourist trade, and claimed to have supported the creation of Arches National Monument north of Moab, but he felt that tourism was overvalued and cited the fact that visitor spending at Zion had not substantially reduced the debt of Washington County. Moreover, he insisted that eastern tourists would find livestock as good an attraction as scenery. "I was sorry that Mr. Ickes made the inference that this area could be closed," he concluded. "This is still a democratic country and we proposed to discuss this matter and petition in the manner of democratic government and we don't believe the full story has been presented to Mr. I c k e s . . . . " Similar statements from others expressed local annoyance and disappointment with the administration. One of them stated that federal regulation of the public domain was desirable, but the tourists did not want to see a bunch of bobcats and wildcats. Most of the residents were worried that the vast withdrawal of grazing lands would damage the market for cattle and sheep. "This is just a little harder rap than we can take without putting up a battle," a stockm a n concluded. "You can make it legal but you can never make it moral." 9 After the assembly voted unanimously to oppose the withdrawal of the entire 6,968 square-mile tract under study, Staples of the Planning Board asked them to consider some modifications of the matter. Further discussion noted that there was room enough in the tract for all uses of the land, and that an adjustment of boundaries which would recognize local interests might be satisfactory to both state and federal planners. A special committee, appointed to undertake that task, met in November of the same year. After the Utahns listened to further arguments by Patraw and Nusbaum of the Park Service, F. G. Martines, one of the original sponsors of a Wayne County national park, endorsed the idea of the monument. 9 Minutes of the Price meeting, enclosure in C P. Seeley to S. Margetts, December 15, 1937, State Planning Board ( 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 4 1 ) , Parks and Recreation, Reports, Escalante National Monument File.


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However, he pointed out that its size should be restricted to the few points that were accessible by road. Sumner Margetts, whom the new chairman of the State Planning Board, William Wallace, had sent to represent the state administration, not only supported this idea but demanded that state jurisdiction over its own lands, as well as grazing rights, should be continued within the reserve. Greatly disappointed, Nusbaum replied that mineral exploration or other economic activities would defeat the whole purpose of a national monument. Trying to submit some kind of solution, the majority of the committee then suggested that boundary lines be drawn three miles from the center of the river on both sides, and that state, private, and interstate water-use agreements be retained within the monument â&#x20AC;&#x201D; thus preserving both scenic and economic values. This resolution was adopted without the support of Margetts. Although the Park Service and Grazing Division officials did not vote, Nusbaum told the group that the Park Service would not accept such limitations. 10 From this point in time two different views of the Escalante Monument issue emerged to become the source of a conflict of interests between state and federal officials. J. Q. Peterson, regional director of the Grazing Division, assured Governor Blood that the resolutions of the Price meeting were "safe and desirable." Chairman Wallace of the Planning Board apparently shared the doubts of his colleague, Margetts, but certainly saw that the sense of the later meeting in November emphasized the primacy of state interests in any boundary solution. Yet the Park Service chose to interpret these two meetings with undue optimism. Many months later in a report to Senator William King of Utah, Cammerer maintained that those assembled at Price had recognized the merits of a national monument even if they wanted to secure access rights and limit its boundaries to the margin of the canyon walls. Because of their protests at the time, the Park Service agreed to reduce the proposed tract to 2,450 square miles, forming a strip between three and 50 miles wide from the Arizona border to two points north of the junction of the Colorado and Green rivers. Moreover, Cammerer informed the senator that Nusbaum and Patraw had called on Governor Blood and found him to be far from hostile to the proposal. Indeed, he had "stated frankly that scenery and recreation were the most important economic assets of the State." " 10 C P. Seeley to F. Carpenter, December 10, 1937, State Planning Board ( 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 4 1 ) , Parks and Recreation, Reports, Escalante National Monument File. 11 J. Q. Peterson to H . Blood, ca. July 1936; A Cammerer to W. King (copy), February 11, 1938, State Planning Board ( 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 4 1 ) , Parks and Recreation, Reports, Escalante National Monument File. I n 1937 Capitol Reef National Monument was created in the northwest corner of the larger proposed tract, doubtlessly pleasing Utahns who had long-supported a Wayne County national park.


U T A H TOURIST & PUBLICITY COUNCIL ( WARD ROYLANCE)

Angel Arch, in the Needles

area, is in the recently created Canyonlands

National

Park.

When the U t a h officials learned of the Park Service's interpretation of local sentiment, they were sufficiently alarmed to undertake measures in their own defense. Obtaining a verbatim transcript of the Price session, Margetts sent copies to every state and federal administrator concerned with the monument proposal. From King, Blood obtained a m a p of the new tract boundaries and gave it to Margetts with instructions to prepare a detailed version for use by the Planning Board. T h e governor also made it clear that he had never made a statement about scenery and recreation such as Cammerer claimed. As he assured citizens of Moab, his administration was seeking "the greatest good to the greatest number, for the longest time." 12 In April 1938 Margetts and E. H . Burdick, geologist for the Planning Board, presented the results of their study of the Escalante proposal to Wallace. There was no question, the report asserted, about state and private jurisdiction over the lands and waters included in the tract. Moreover, the Boulder D a m Act and the Natural Resources Committee assured 12 H . Blood to A. Cammerer (copy), January 13, 1938; W. King to Blood, February 17, 1938; S. Margetts to Blood, April 29, 1938; Blood to Margetts, February 17, April 29, 1938; Blood to M. Melich, February 28, 1938, State Planning Board ( 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 4 1 ) , Parks and Recreation, Reports, Escalante National Monument File.


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future development of several power sites along the Colorado and Green, sites whose potential output would total over a million horsepower. Far from being at the peak of economic development as the Park Service officials claimed, the area warranted further exploration for oil and other minerals. T h e reduction in size of the proposed tract did not alter the initial objection by the Utahns: even at 2,450 square miles the Escalante Monument would be second only to Yellowstone National Park in area. Such an enormous tract was not needed to preserve the canyon of the Colorado. Far from agreeing to this expanse, the report claimed the November committee had anticipated a reduction to one-half or one-third of that size. The withdrawal of this large portion of the state was "not a proper subject to be placed before any limited group for recommendations." Because U t a h had not requested the creation of Escalante Monument and because the Park Service had not adequately assessed the problems involved in their proposal, the report called for public opposition to the scheme. 13 Acting Director Arthur Demaray of the Park Service assured Congressman Robinson that no action would be taken on the proposal until the difficulties enumerated by Margetts could be ironed out to the satisfaction of all parties. T h a t assurance, however, did not stifle a statewide discussion of the issue during the summer of 1938. Utahns were naturally anxious to defend their economic interests, but there was a surprising amount of sentiment for compromise. When 200 members of the Southern U t a h Association of Civic Clubs met in Monticello in August, they went on record as favoring full development of the region, including the creation of a national monument. A federation of women's clubs in the same part of the state urged Governor Blood to support Escalante if the federal government granted access to properties therein. Claiming to speak for others, a professor at Brigham Young University insisted that the power interests were responsible for making a political issue of the matter; the federal government, he believed, must hold those potential sites inviolable. Such sentiments seemed to T. H. Humpherys, state engineer and member of the Planning Board, to be part of a calculated effort to furnish the federal officials with an excuse to get the President to proclaim Escalante National Monument at once.14 13 "Proposal to Create the Escalante National Monument, April 29, 1938" (typescript with m a p ) , State Planning Board (1935-1941), Parks and Recreation, Reports, Escalante National Monument File. 14 J. W. Robinson to H. Blood, February 11, 1938; T. H . Humpherys to Blood (memo, and enclosure), August 22, 1938; E. Halls to Blood, September 15, 1938; M. Taylor to Blood, November 3, 1938; D. E. Beck to W. King (copy), December 12, 1938, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File.


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In October the Utah officials received support for their views when the Colorado River Basin States met in convention at Salt Lake City. The delegates there declared that the creation of any monument without the safeguard of local interests would adversely affect the material development of the West. Encouraged by this, Blood inquired of the Interior Department whether Humpherys' fear of a sudden proclamation was warranted. In reply, Ickes' first assistant secretary, E. K. Burlew, repeated the earlier promise of no action until further investigation. His assurance that the same access rights would be granted in Escalante National Monument as had just been granted in an addition to Dinosaur National Monument did not mention the fact that these rights were subject to pending legal interpretations of the Colorado River Compact and the Boulder Dam Act. While in Reno, Nevada, where the National Reclamation Association was meeting, Governor Blood tried to call Marvin Mclntyre, Roosevelt's private secretary, but could not get him; he then called Burlew and found him to be "very cordial" and apparently anxious to secure the cooperation of the Utah officials. Later, in a letter accompanying a copy of the Escalante Monument proclamation, Burlew again assured him that neither present nor future economic interests would be retarded. The document provided for movement of livestock and protection of valid rights and claims. Moreover, if the Colorado Basin study showed the need for more reservoirs and power sites in the area, "such would not be prohibited."15 A reading of the proposed proclamation itself did not support Burlew's assurances. What it did state was merely that all existing laws as amended pertaining to ownership and use would have full force in Escalante National Monument. Yet a number of the more recent laws, especially those relating to power development, were obviously still subject to judicial interpretation. Moreover, the assistant secretary's certainty that the Colorado Basin study recommendations "would not be prohibited" did not appear in the document. Without waiting for Blood to reply, he sent it on to the President a few days later. In a covering letter Burlew vividly described the area and claimed that it was lacking in economic resources. This was the very thing which the Utahns insisted must be determined by further investigation â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a study which could not be made once the monument was established. Finally, when the federal official sent a copy of the proclamation to Senator King, he badly mistook intention for reality when he claimed that the governor supported it. Thus, 15 E. Burlew to H . Blood (telegram) and Blood to T. H . Humpherys, October 14, 1938; Burlew to Blood, October 17, 1938, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. Ise, National Park Policy, 4 7 6 - 7 7 .


Escalante National

121

Monument

the error of misrepresenting Blood's views as in February 1936 was repeated. 16 Henry Blood did not intend to have Utah's position on the issue distorted by the Interior Department. Asking Burlew for further time to study the proclamation, he had State Engineer Humpherys and the state attorney general prepare a full critique. A month later his letter to Secretary Ickes was directly based upon their arguments. Reiterating the facts of existing economic activities and the potential water and mineral development which other federal agencies acknowledged, he nevertheless recognized the Interior Department's overwhelming desire to have the national monument. T h e only alternative to further study, then, was the placing of specific safeguards into the proclamation itself. These, Blood insisted, should grant ingress and egress to range and water users and to 16 E. Burlew to H. Blood, received October 17, 1938, to F. D. Roosevelt, received October 19, 1938; W. King to Blood, October 22, 1938, Franklin D. Roosevelt Papers, 6-P File.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Monument Valley one of the few significant scenic attractions which was not included in the Escalante National Monument.

of southeastern

Utah


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landowners whose property would be surrounded by the reserve. Future construction of roads, reservoirs, and erosion control projects by other federal agencies should also be permitted. To reinforce these demands Senator King went to the Interior Department and added the argument that the growth of civil unrest in Mexico made the rights of the Colorado River Basin States even more important. 17 Utah's opposition to the proclamation came to a head during a time that was particularly adverse for Ickes. T h e secretary's favorite scheme of reorganizing the jurisdiction of many bureaus under a Department of Conservation was for a second time frustrated in Congress, in part because many westerners did not want him to administer the Forest Service. In addition the grand plan for an enlarged national park system had aroused the loud protests of economic interests and political leaders in the West. Perhaps because of the necessity of fighting these larger battles, the Interior Department did not want to alienate still another state. Consequently, Burlew and Cammerer informed Blood that they would not ask for the proclamation of Escalante National Monument until the Utah authorities could suggest a specific program for utilization of the resources in the area. In the meantime, however, they intended to continue field studies and public relations for the monument. As the influential Salt Lake Tribune noted, this decision was a victory for the governor and a testimonial to the effectiveness of the Utahns' protests. 18 As far as the public could observe, there were signs that the controversy was cooling down. T h e state and the Bureau of Reclamation contributed equally to finance a study of Colorado River water and power potential, an investigation which was to be finished by December of 1941. Newly elected Democratic Congressman Abe Murdock gave his personal attention to this project and brought it to the notice of President Roosevelt.19 Behind the scenes, however, men of the Blood administration found further reason to disagree with the Park Service. In October 1939, T. H. Humpherys complained to Governor Blood that Superintendent Patraw 17 G. A. Giles to H . Blood, November 5, 1938; Blood to H. Ickes, November 15, 1938; Blood to Thomas, November 16, 1938; W. King to Blood, December 10, 23, 1938, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. Salt Lake Tribune, November 23, 1938. 18 A. Demaray to H . Ickes (memo.), July 10, 1938, United States National Park Service, Social-Economic Branch, Escalante File (National Archives, Washington, D . C ) . A. Cammerer to W. King (copy), December 20, 1938; O . C h a p m a n to H. Blood, December 10, 1938, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. Salt Lake Tribune, November 18, 30, 1938. 19 C. Eliot to R. Forester, July 12, 1939; A. Murdock to F. D. Roosevelt, June 27, 1939; Roosevelt to Murdock, July 13, 1939, Franklin D. Roosevelt Papers, 482-A File. In 1941 the Bureau of Reclamation's study was used by the Park Service in its investigation of recreational possibilities of the Colorado River Basin as part of a comprehensive plan for the full utilization of water resources in the region. This plan was delayed by World War II and was not issued until 1946.


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of Zion National Park was stifling a project to measure stream flow. After first granting permission, Patraw demanded that the findings be presented to his office so that, Humpherys believed, the data would not be used by the state to plan reservoirs within Zion National Park. It is not likely that such construction would have been allowed, but the state engineer was thinking of the way in which three potential sites in Echo Park had been ignored when that area was added to Dinosaur. Unwilling to trust the Park Service, he regarded the current visit of Department of the Interior officials to the Escalante National Monument tract as boding no good for the development of water resources there. 20 During these same months, the views of Blood and his advisors were again confirmed by support from other western spokesmen. When the National Reclamation Association met in Denver in November, many delegates made common cause against the Interior Department's plans for greater jurisdiction in their states. T h e general resolution adopted at Reno the year before was now strengthened by the specification that no further parks or monuments in any of the 17 participating states should be created or enlarged without formal approval of the people and the governor of the state. When Colorado River Basin representatives met in the same city a few days later, Nusbaum of the Park Service sought to forestall another such declaration by defending the Interior Department's plans. T h e recreational assets of the Escalante tract, he maintained, could become "a significant factor in the economic development of the Basin. It may be possible that the water control and recreational factors can be developed coincidentally . . . [but] the relative importance of each should be determined. The exploitation and impairment of great, publicly owned resources for the sole purpose of reducing the cost of a water control project is questionable public policy," he advised the western delegates. "If important recreational resources are involved . . . , the additional expenditures required for the protection and development of those resources should be considered as a legitimate expenditure." This argument did not alter the contention of Blood and his followers that the Escalante Monument would compound the difficulties involved in any use of the Colorado River. 21 The Utahns might well have been warned by Nusbaum's speech that the men of the Park Service had by no means abandoned their initial hope. 20 T. H. Humpherys to H. Blood (memo.), October 11, 1939, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. 21 Resolutions adopted by the 8th Annual Meeting and Convention of the National Reclamation Association (Denver, 1939), 9. A. Cammerer to H. Blood, February 1, 1940; Blood to Cammerer, February 8, 1930, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File.


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During that winter of 1939, they drafted a bill which would amend the Antiquities Act of 1906 whereby the President had been empowered to create national monuments by executive proclamation. This measure was a part of Secretary Ickes' program to enlarge the scope and use of federal reservations, and depended upon the West's long-standing desire to have Congress determine the establishment of such areas. The bill would exchange executive jurisdiction over national monuments for the power to create a new type of reserve, the national recreational area. While in Washington, D . C , in February 1940, Blood learned of the proposal and joined the state's Congressional delegation in a personal protest to Director Cammerer. T h e latter's explanation of the measure was apparently so tactful that the governor left the office confused on a very important point: he later reported that Burlew had promised that the recreation areas would "require legislative action by the Congress." Whether or not he h a d been misled by the assistant secretary is less important than the fact that he soon became convinced that the Interior Department was playing its own game. L. C. Montgomery, president of the Utah Cattle and Horse Growers Association, expressed what many other Utahns were concluding when he wrote that the recreation bill was nothing but "the same old ghost covered by a different sheet." 22 In view of the growing mistrust shared by Utahns at home, the Park Service's bill was ill-timed. It now appeared that Burlew had violated his promise that nothing would be done on the matter without prior approval of the state leaders. By way of confirmation, the district forest supervisor at Ogden â&#x20AC;&#x201D; reflecting in part his bureau's resentment toward the Department of the Interior's empire building â&#x20AC;&#x201D; confided to Humpherys that the administration of the recreation area at Boulder D a m had not been satisfactory to California and Nevada. As a member of the Planning Board and secretary to the Utah State Water Commission, Humpherys' impression of Park Service methods quickly reached the governor's office. Instead of the proposed bill, he suggested a substitute which would require local approval for all executive proclamations of national monuments. Both the creation of Arches National Monument and the addition to Dinosaur National Monument, he claimed, had become effective without notice to state officials or residents. "I just cannot trust the Park officials," he told Blood. "We have too many examples in this state of double dealing by them." 2 3 22 H. Blood to L. C. Montgomery, February 24, 1940; Montgomery to Blood, February 21, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. 23 L. Montgomery to H. Blood, February 21, 1940; T. H. Humpherys to W. Hinckley, August 8, 1940, and to Blood, May 24, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National M o n u m e n t File.


T h e response of U t a h ' s Congressional delegation completed the almost solid front of protest. In the Senate, King swore that "if it is the purpose of the Department of the Interior to go forward with the original plan, I shall promptly indicate my opposition and do what I can to prevent the plan from being adopted." Senator Elbert D. Thomas was no less opposed, but tried to mollify both sides by suggesting a bill which would give the Interior Department jurisdiction over specific sites in order to carry out conservation operations. This h a r d l y pleased H u m pherys. For him, such an alternative was "about as vicious as the E s c a l a n t e R e c r e a t i o n a l Area" and, by introducing it, Thomas was acting as the errand boy of the Park Service. In the House of Representatives, it was Robinson who effectively blocked consideration of the bill. By custom it was his right to introduce the bill affecting his district. Ickes, perhaps accepting Burlew's assumption that Utah officials approved the bill, asked Robinson to do so, but the congressman immediately declined. Instead, he announced that he would offer an amendment to the bill which would specifically grant access rights to lo-

UTAH TOURIST & PUBLICITY COUNCIL ( PARKER HAMILTON)

Columns of sandstone in Cedar Mesa are typical of the fantastic formations found in Canyonlands.


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cal users of the canyon lands, and confirm the applicability of water and power legislation to the river courses included in the monuments or recreation areas. After Ickes turned to Alvin DeRouen, chairman of the House Lands Committee to introduce the Park Service bill, Robinson correctly predicted that it would not come to the floor during that session.24 For a second time the federal officials arranged for a consultation with the Utahns, this time to secure their approval of the amendment to the Antiquities Act. In May 1940, the regional office of the Natural Resources Planning Board at Berkeley, California, was instructed to draw up materials for presentation to the Blood administration. T h e governor was unofficially informed that a meeting would soon be called and, so the planners claimed, he approved of the idea. In fact, he privately expressed his doubts about the purpose of the meeting and asked William R. Wallace, chairman of the U t a h State Water Commission, to call an emergency session of his group. O n May 21, these men drew up and unanimously passed a resolution repeating their belief that the Escalante area was rich in potential power development, condemning the Park Service for its duplicity, and recommending the defeat of its bill. Although Blood still hoped for an amended version of the legislation, he approved of the resolution and sent copies to Utah's senators and representatives. When the state executives met with representatives of the Natural Resources Planning Board in Salt Lake City on June 3, they did not mention the resolution nor allude to their action. Also present were Nusbaum of the Park Service; Peterson, Humpherys, and Margetts (who held the governor's proxy since he was out of the state); delegates from Idaho and Wyoming; and at least 50 Utah stockmen. Disgusted with what seemed a prearranged agenda, and perhaps feeling smug about the secret resolution, Humpherys listened to the federal officials' talks but had no comments to make in reply. Ironically, they in turn assumed that his reticence and that of the other state officials present indicated general approval of the Park Service policy and that it marked the end to the Utahns' "aggressive campaign." 2 5 Such hope was immediately shattered. Two days after the meeting, T. H. Humpherys made a radio broadcast to the people of Utah in which he denounced the session as deceptive, detrimental, and futile. Wallace 24 W. King to H. Blood, June 6, 1940; T. H. Humpherys to Blood, June 24, 1940; J. W. Robinson to Blood, May 30, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. Salt Lake Tribune, August 11, 1940. 25 T. H. Humpherys to H. Blood, May 24, 1940, and (memo.), July 11, 1940; B. Woods to J. Nusbaum (copy), July 11, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. E. Burlew to E. Watson, July 9, 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt Papers, 6-P File.


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followed up this attack with a letter to Roosevelt himself. Why, he complained, could not this "running fight" between state and federal administrations be replaced by cooperation: "Surely state officials, good Americans, are just as anxious to put the natural resources of our country to the highest possible use as our federal officials. Why should federal officials seemingly ignore the necessities of the State of U t a h in their anxieties to create a monument or recreational area named 'Escalante' which would forever prevent this region from producing the greatest benefit to U t a h and the nation." Wallace urged the President to join Governor Blood in appointing a special committee representing all interests which could analyze the controversial issue and bring about a solution to the impasse. T h e letter may also have served to delay further action by the Park Service; a few days after it was sent, Blood wrote to all of the Utahns in Congress to find out if anything was being done surreptitiously. "Some morning we may wake up and find t h a t . . . the Escalante Monument has been created by Presidential proclamation, and then it will be too late to forestall what we in Utah think would be a calamity." Robinson hastened to assure him that, even if the President issued such an order, Congress could nullify it. Senator Key Pittman of Nevada, however, had "received much discouragement from high sources" for supporting Robinson's amendment to the recreation area bill. T o find out what was going on in the Interior Department, King and Murdock called on Burlew and Demaray and were assured that no withdrawal would be made at that time. T h e two federal officials again promised that the monument would not interfere with power, mining, or irrigation development or with the jurisdiction of the state. Surprisingly, they also claimed that Blood and two of Utah's congressmen supported the recreation area bill. These assurances convinced neither visitor, however, and they quickly wrote to the governor urging him to bring the matter directly to Ickes and Roosevelt. 26 Before Blood could write to either official, the White House replied. Perhaps acting without his governor's knowledge, Senator Thomas had sent a copy of the May 21 resolution to the President in July in order to register his approval of that protest. When this letter and its enclosure was forwarded to the Interior Department, Burlew learned of the stiff opinions of the U t a h Water Commissioners for the first time. Branding the resolution as "confused and antagonistic," he drew up draft replies to both Wal28 E. Burlew to E. Thomas, July 13, 1940; Burlew to E. Watson, July 13, 1940; F. D. Roosevelt to Thomas, July 15, 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt Papers, 6-P File. W. King to W. Wallace June 24, 1940; King to Blood, July 2, 1940; J. W. Robinson to Blood, July 5, 1940; T. H. H u m pherys to Blood (memo.), July 11, 1940; "Resume of correspondence . . . ," Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File.


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UTAH TOURIST & PUBLICITY COUNCIL

Pictographs, petroglyphs, and Indian ruins are found the proposed Escalante National Monument.

in numerous

places

throughout

lace and Thomas which he sent to the President's aide, Edwin Watson. The state officials, he asserted, meant to have "their desires gratified above all else," even to the extent of denying that they had been consulted or had approved of the recreation area suggestion. Sent out over the President's signature, the letters firmly stated that the Interior Department was attempting to strike a true balance between state and federal planning for the utilization of the Colorado River Basin, while recognizing the existing rights and anticipated advantages of the people of Utah as well as the general public. Therefore, there was no need for a special committee as Wallace had suggested.27 Burlew sent copies of the entire correspondence between the Utahns and the federal executives to Thomas, who forwarded them to the gov27 E. Burlew to E. Watson, July 9, 1940; Roosevelt to W. Wallace, July 10, 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt Papers, 6-P File. Roosevelt to E. Thomas (copy), July 15, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File.


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ernor, but Blood was not awed by the copies of the letters from the White House. Calling upon Humpherys for assistance, he prepared a reply in the form of a letter to Senator King. In it, he turned the charge of falsehood back upon the Interior Department and the Park Service which had been "entirely incorrect" in their interpretation of opinion in Utah. Recapitulating the long history of misrepresentations and broken promises, he recalled that Cammerer had seemed to agree to their demands for access rights during the consultation in February. In view of the Park Service's reputation in U t a h and other states, however, the vagueness of the proposed proclamation and the new bill was hardly reassuring. Putting his finger directly on Utah's principal worry, he wrote: "Perhaps the most important concern in the present situation is connected with the power possibilities. . . . It is entirely probable that if the control of this area is turned over to the Park Service, the three year delay recently experienced by Denver in connection with the Big Thompson project [adjacent to Rocky Mountain National Park] would be repeated. . . . " Finally, Blood promised that Utahns would continue to take "active and vigorous opposition" to any proposal seeking to place the Colorado River tract under control of the Park Service unless the whole issue were thoroughly discussed by the state legislature and by Congress. 28 When Senator King sent a copy of the letter to Ickes, the secretary answered the threat with one of his own. In a reply to King, he pointed out that the Interior Department had tried several times to carry out the consultation desired by both the state and the federal government. For its trouble it had been met with reticence and discourtesy on the part of Commissioner Humpherys. In addition, Congressman Robinson had first promised to support the Antiquities Act amendment, had then made an about-face, and was now opposing its passage. " I am left," Ickes announced in his exasperation, "with the alternative of asking that a monument be set up in this area or of abandoning the area entirely. . . . " These words merely served to revive the ghost of an executive coup to create Escalante Monument. A few weeks later, in August, the Salt Lake Tribune published an account by its Washington, D . C , correspondent, Republican Harry J. Brown, that the secretary was holding a threat over the heads of the Utah delegation in order to secure their support for the House bill. T h e governor immediately telephoned Thomas, but the senator discounted the story and promised to talk to Ickes and Burlew again. Blood remarked that both Humpherys and the director of the Grazing Service 28 H. Blood to W. King, July 18, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File.


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thought the controversy could be adjusted amicably, and Thomas agreed. At the same time Robinson went over to the Interior Department and had "quite a warm session" with the secretary. Confident that Congress could block a coup proclamation and encouraged by Blood that "if we have to go to the President we will," the legislator found Ickes "not in the mood to make any definite promises." T h e latter felt that he had already yielded to the demands of the Utahns in every particular â&#x20AC;&#x201D; even agreeing to let Robinson attach his amendments to the bill. H e could only interpret the continuing hostility as evidence that the state leaders really opposed the Escalante Monument itself. Robinson reported to the governor that the secretary had again ominously warned that "it might be his duty to adopt any methods within his power to accomplish what he feels is his duty." In the meantime, however, Demaray at the Park Service told the Utahn that no proclamation was being prepared and that no action would be taken for some months. 29 Blood recognized the fact that the issue was still in his own hands, and he meant to keep it there as long as the air was filled with speculation, distrust, and threats. After consulting with his advisors and with local federal officials, he wrote to the secretary of the interior to offer a means of straightening out the tangled knot of Escalante Monument. The state fully recognized the value of the national park system, he began, but because its own resources were limited, any future withdrawals perforce must permit utilization of the affected area and not restrict access to these resources. Because such arrangements were not usually permitted by existing regulations, the pending bill was not an acceptable guarantee. If Ickes would prepare a new one, he suggested, the U t a h delegation would discuss it and submit it to both houses of Congress. Anticipating acceptance of this idea, Blood then had his Water Commission draw up a list of objections to the pending measure which could be used in shaping a new one. The latter, he decided, should make it clear that recreational use was subordinate to economic use, should recognize the state's jurisdiction over water sources included in the area, and should limit Park Service activities to proper care and management only.30 It was not very likely that the Interior Department would have accepted such demanding modifications of Park Service policy anywhere, 29 H . Ickes to W. King (copy), July 24, 1940; H. Blood to A. Murdock, July 25, 1940; J. W. Robinson to H . Blood, August 14, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. Salt Lake Tribune, August 17, 1940. 30 H . Blood to H . Ickes, August 16, 1940; E. J. Skeen to Blood (memo.), September 16, 1940; Blood to J. W. Robinson (telegram), September 11, 1940; Robinson to Blood (telegram), September 12, 1940; Blood to W. Wirtz, September 13, 1940; and corrected printed copy of bill, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File.


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not to mention Utah, even if they had acted upon Blood's suggestion. Ickes continued to say that he would welcome an open hearing on the pending bill, but Robinson was opposed to its passage at all. In the aftermath of the elections that November, disappointed Republican journalist Brown again claimed that the secretary was preparing a proclamation, reasoning that the public would eventually come to realize what he was striving to do for them. Senator-elect Murdock was momentarily frightened by Brown's articles and wired the President to make a public statement that no such action would be taken without further conferences between state and federal officials. A week later Roosevelt's secretary pointedly replied that the White House had discontinued such personal messages because of the unusually heavy volume of business during the defense program. If Ickes had forced the issue there is little likelihood that he could have effectively overLake Powell, created by the Glen Canyon Dam on the Colorado, offers recreation, but has covered many scenic, historic, and archeological sites which the Escalante National Monument was designed to protect. UTAH TOURIST & PUBLICITY COUNCIL (HAL R U M E L )

<&£*>•"

: |i *"~««f


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come the feelings that had built up during the preceding four years. Indeed, it was the secretary himself who was at the heart of the distrust many Utahns h a d for the Interior Department and the Park Service. As a businessman of M o a b wrote to Blood: "You are well acquainted with the type of individual Ickes is . . . once he makes u p his mind he will not stop at anything regardless of the effect his action will have upon others. I believe that [he] is the worst type of an individual to have in public office. . . . " T h e federal officials must have viewed the adamant opposition of the Utahns in the same spirit. 31 Governor Blood was not a candidate for re-election in 1940, but he greatly feared that the Escalante Monument controversy would aid the enemies of his party in that contest. As he told Thomas, he wanted to make somebody in the Roosevelt administration realize that a sudden proclamation might bring serious political repercussions. After a series of confidential conferences, perhaps between Thomas and Ickes, and several telephone calls from Robinson to the secretary, the Interior Department promised to do nothing until after the election. Then, if there were no further obstacles, Secretary Ickes would have a bill drafted which would include Robinson's mandatory access provisions. As it happened, the decisive obstacle to that solution was the outcome of the gubernatorial election in November. Succeeding Blood was Herbert B. Maw, Democrat, a man whose primary interest in resource policy was the development of mineral, power, and reservoir sites in the Colorado River Basin. Because the growing national defense program enhanced the need for such development, the matter of Escalante could no longer be considered. In 1942 even Secretary Ickes indicated his willingness to endorse the development of power sites at several points along the Green and Colorado rivers. 32 It was exactly 20 years after this that the Department of the Interior reopened the subject of a recreational area when it submitted a proposal for a Canyonlands National Park.* Consisting of a tract of 480 square miles â&#x20AC;&#x201D; less than a fourth the area of the proposed Escalante National Monument â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at the junction of the two rivers, it would be established on the basis of multipleuse, a concept that was still in the experimental stage in the 1930's. T h a t 31 A. Murdock to F. D . Roosevelt (telegram), November 25, 1940; S. Early to Murdock, December 3, 1940, Franklin D . Roosevelt Papers, 928 File. Salt Lake Tribune, November 26, 1940. M. Melich to H . Blood, August 21, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. 32 Memo, of telephone conversation, J. W. Robinson and H. Blood, 2 P.M., August 12, 1940; unidentified, undated manuscript notes, partially in shorthand, partially illegible, ca. September, 1940, Governors' Papers (Blood), Escalante National Monument File. H. Ickes to H. Maw, March 6, 1942, Governors' Papers (Herbert B. M a w [1941-1948]), Abe Murdock File. * ED. N O T E : Canyonlands National Park, comprising 515 square miles, was signed into law by President L. B. Johnson on September 12, 1964.


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intention and the fact that two decades of water and power development have gone forward in the region could provide the basis for greater mutual satisfaction between state and federal interests.33 In proposing such an enormous tract for the Escalante Monument, the federal officials let their enthusiasm for the general national park program overreach considerations of real need. But aside from the question of practical planning, the controversy with Utah was unnecessary as well as unfortunate. The officers and many residents of the state were initially receptive to federal development of recreation in the area, but they were equally hopeful of further economic enterprise, especially mineral exploration and water power. While other bureaus of the federal government confirmed the potential of the Colorado River Basin, the National Park Service discounted it. In their consultations with Utahns and in their preparation of a proclamation, the Interior Department officials did not exercise the necessary political skill. Each group acted upon mistaken assumptions about the motives of the other; neither of them cleared up these misunderstandings; and personal antipathies transformed every move into seeming duplicity. Perhaps both sides were equally guilty of assuming that the virtue of their desire was self-evident.

33 Report of the Committee on a Proposed Canyon Lands National Park in San Juan, and Garfield Counties, Utah, March, 1962 ([Salt Lake City, 1962]).

Wayne


Will Dewey in

UTAH EDITED B Y C H A R L E S A. P O V L O V I C H , J R .

A little over a hundred years ago a young m a n named Will Dewey came to U t a h Territory after having worked his way west from Missouri in the summer of 1858. H e h a d left home under some sort of cloud; debts are mentioned in his letters and paternal wrath is hinted, but we cannot be sure now what it was that drove him to leave "with very little ceremony," as he expressed it. Between the summer of 1858 and the summer of 1860, Will wrote five letters to his older brother, Dr. Samuel J. Dewey, who lived in Daviess County, Missouri. 1 Dr. Dewey kept the letters and since nothing further was heard from Will after the last one, they furnish the only information we have regarding his adventures in the West. 2 Family speculation is, of course, of no value, but Dr. Dewey and the rest of the family always assumed that Will was killed by Indians. It is equally likely that he was killed by a claim jumper, or that he became a drifter and was ashamed to write home. His first letter to Dr. Dewey was by far the shortest of the five. It was simply a hurried note to explain his whereabouts and to request a clearing up of his debts. T h e reader will note that in his haste Will omitted a word or phrase after "Please." June 5th 58 Cravensville D e a r . Brother T o d a y I have hired to go to U t a h at 25 Dollars per m o n t h a n d everything found m e Please the instrument as I have m a d e nothing since I was here take my pony a n d pay off W h a t I owe to H u m p h r e y $60 Dr. Povlovich is professor of history at California State College, Fullerton, California. T h e letters which have been edited are in the possession of Mrs. N. H . Westlake, the mother-in-law of the editor. 1 Dr. Dewey was born on July 24, 1831, while the younger brother was born January 16, 1841; thus they were 27 and 17 at the beginning of the correspondence. (This information has been obtained from records in the possession of descendants.) 2 When Dr. Samuel Dewey died, the letters passed to his daughter, Mary Ann (Mrs. George Richardson), who is mentioned in the fifth and last letter. At her death in 1947, they became the property of her daughter, Georgia (Mrs. N. H . Westlake), who still owns them.


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as I paid him 2 & I owe Griffin a small acct of about 400 if he calls for it before I come back pay it and Oblige T> t u v W J Dewey

A search for Cravensville has proved fruitless, but it must have been in Kansas Territory or western Missouri. Will Dewey's reference to the "instrument" is not at all clear. His imposition in asking his brother to discharge his debts seems rather light-hearted. This is particularly the case when we learn later that his departure was in the nature of running away from home. The second letter was sent from "The Black Hills west of Fort Laramie," a range today called the Laramie Mountains, located in southeastern Wyoming. This letter seems to have been received on October 12, 1858, judging from a faint, penciled notation on the cover, although it was dated six weeks earlier. The interval of six weeks suggests something about the state of the mails at that time. The letter may have been continued from time to time; the handwriting changes somewhat toward the end of the letter. Furthermore, the writer tells in the early part of the letter that he is engaged as "Night Herder," while at the end he states that he has been promoted to "Sergeant of the Night Herd." His writing breathes the young man's joy at his adventuresome life, in which he encounters "thieving Pawnees" and fights a duel with a teamster who struck him. His sudden increase in pay from $25.00 to $40.00 per month is passed over casually, but it must have convinced him that he was entering a land of great opportunity, for he is sure that he will have "a few dimes" in his pocket when he returns, probably the following summer. His derision at the "hard life on the plains" is in keeping with the spirit of the whole letter. T h e Black Hills west of Fort Laramie Aug 21st 58 Dear Brother I embrace the opportunity this evening afforded me of writing to you to let you know how I a m Progressing on my trip in the first place I a m well and in good spirits I have h a d some Adventures t h a t would please you to hear but they are mostly of not sufficient interest to write about we h a d an Indian alarm below Kearney but it turned out to be only 3 thieving Pawnees attempting to steal some of our Cattle I forgot to tell you that I engaged when I got to Leavenworth to go as Night H e r d e r I get 40 Dollars per m o n t h and every thing found me b u t my Clothes all the talk about hard life on the plains is all foo foo pish for I never h a d an easier time in my life I h a d one adventure on the R o a d of rather serious import one of the teamster struck me at Scotts Bluffs and as he h a d his revolver by his side and I was unarmed I h a d to take the blow without resenting but when


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I got to L a r a m i e I challenged h i m he chose Colts Revolvers 12 steps at the first fire I gave him a severe flesh wound in the shoulder and his ball cut the rim of my h a t about 2 inches from my head by this time friends interfered and I confess I was willing enough to stop My adversary has a pretty sore shoulder and cannot use his left a r m m u c h but is doing well his name is Estes he is from Ray, Co. M o , . I have nothing of importance to write about I do not expect to be back this winter and probably not for a year or two if there is a chance to get from U t a h to Arazona I shall go down and try my luck at digging if not I will either go through to San Francisco a n d around back by water or winter in Salt Lake and come back next summer Overland I dont think I shall come back without a few dimes in my pocket the Country I have passed through is mostly prairie and resembles the prairies of missouri b u t is generally more level and sandy we are now Climbing the Black Hills a n d I cannot say that it is too level for it is first up and then down like a see saw I have nothing more of importance to write about I should like to hear from you You can address me at fort Bridger or Salt Lake City I forgot to tell you that I have been promoted I a m now Sergeant of the Night H e r d my business is to see that the men are out at the right time &c I get the same pay and have a great deal easier task but now I must close So n o more but remain

,. ~ . Your Brother W J Dewey

P.S. tell P a p a and all the Connexion friends a n d acquaintances a n d the rest not to forget me Tell all the folks to write excus bad writing for I a m in a hurry a n d in a bad place for writing and a poor writer at best

After traveling the usual route from Fort Leavenworth to Salt Lake City, Will Dewey arrived at the latter place in late October. Due to a misunderstanding, accidental or deliberate, he was not paid for having worked his way west; thereafter he found expenses high and jobs scarce. H e went north to Bountiful, a few miles outside Salt Lake City, lured there by the promise of the town's name. Unsuccessful in finding sufficient for his needs there, he went on to nearby Centerville and at last to Farmington, where he worked in a blacksmith's shop until the end of the year. Will's rather strict Methodist upbringing led him to make profane comments about Mormonism even though he knew that his employer-landlord was "a good mormon." H e went on to say that the Mormons were a "pack of fools." His next line is eloquent: "Of Course I had to look for other lodgings." H e went north to Ogden, but failing to find work there, he returned to Salt Lake City and proceeded south to Provo, where he was taken in by a family named Coray. (The name is slightly illegible in the letter.) Apparently, he grew to know and understand the Mormons better here as the concluding lines of his letter contain high praise of the Mormons


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as a group and of several of their leaders mentioned by name. Nevertheless, he assured his older brother that he remained unconvinced of the truth of Mormon teachings. He indicates at last some qualms of conscience about having left Dr. Dewey "with the bag" and we notice his concern that he has not yet received any letters from home in reply to his first two. Provo City U t a h Territory J a n u a r y 30th 1859 D e a r Brother I embrace the present opportunity of writing to let you know I a m still alive and Kicking I arrived in this Territory on the 27 th of October at C a m p Floyd from there we went to Clyve at Salt Lake City where all of our train were paid off except m e the Wagon Master pleaded that I was not hired at all b u t just came along for the fun of the thing he also plead that I shot one of his best Teamsters at Laramie and disabled h i m so that he was worth nothing the rest of the trip . . . and although I proved that I did as m u c h as any of the hands Coming out and that Estes was shot in fair fight for which he gave thr provocation Still the Court awarded me nothing so that I have h a d to the best I can for it is a very h a r d place to get employment there are so many Idle hands in the Territory after staying 5 weeks in Salt Lake City I found myself out of employment I h a d sold my blankets and Watch & Revolver but it cost considerable to conduct my suit and board was very high from 8 to 15 dollars per week and all the employment I could get was an occasional days work or so I was about strapped so I started north I first went to Bountiful thinking from the high sounding n a m e I should be certain of employment but I could not find a m a n who would keep me the winter for my board I then went to Centerville with the same success then on to Farmington where I got work in a Blacksmith Shop where I staid till the first of J a n u a r y but my employer was a good mormon and shocked by my gentility he was trying to convince me of the truth of mormonism and the heavenly calling of Joseph Smith & I told him that Joe Smith was a D - d Impostor & that Brigham Young was a Whoremonger and his followers were all a pack of fools of Course I h a d to look for other lodgings So I went north to Kaysville Weber O g d e n City and Ogden Hole but failing of getting employment I turned South from the City I went to Lehi American fork & Battle Creek without success I then came to this town where I got a berth with a family by the n a m e of Coray where I expect to stay till spring I would like to tell you something of the country over which I passed but I could not do it the least justice on paper but I would only say that it is worth any bodys while to come over it to see it I would only mention Chimney rock Scotts Bluffs Independence rock Devils gate F r e m o n t Peak Echo Kanyon Cash Cave T a r Springs where Volcanic Oil comes out by the ladle full & Boiling Springs where the water is hot enough to boil meat & Ice Springs where you can get Ice in the middle of the summer & Provo (Kanyon) properly C a n o n in which is a waterfall said to be one of the wildest & Grandest in the World certainly the finest sight I ever saw a column of about 40 feet


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Utah Historical Quarterly broad leaps down over the Mountain as if at a little distance right on the head of any body passing but it is nearly a quarter of a mile from the road to the river into which it falls we passed there just-at-Sunset and the View you may imagine b u t I cannot describe it I suppose you would like to hear something about the Great Salt Lake City and the Mormons about the first it is a great big M u d d y Smoky looking town the houses are nearly all m a d e of Dobies a kind of brick that is not burnt at all they look like a piece of Stone taken from an old Chimney more than any thing else I can liken them to about the Mormons all I have to say is they are very much Misrepresent in the States they are generally a very quiet industrious people very zealous in their Religion with very liberal ideas and generally tolerably well informed if anything more intelligent than the Majority of the Missourians I was at Meeting today George A Smith a Cousin to the prophet Joseph and one of the Twelve Apostles preached he was a fine Speaker b u t I was convinced from the first of the absurdity of his doctrine so that all his fine arguments had no affect on me on the 2d of J a n u a r y Orson P r a t t the M o r m o n Philosopher preached in the Tabernacle. I was not there b u t saw his sermon printed it was as brilliant a piece of Oratory as I ever saw\ I have been to Salt Lake & live on the shore of U t a h Lake I went across U t a h Lake on the ice last week for a load of Wood it is 12 miles across the Lake b u t we have to go about 5 or 6 miles further into the Mountains to get wood I have a gret deal more to tell you but I have not time nor space Wages will be very high in the Spring & I think I can get 40 or 50 dollars per month next summer the first money I get I will send you as I left you with the bag to hold last spring but I will not let you lose anything by it I have Received no news from home since I left but as I dont expect to stay here long it is no use to write I dont expect to write again until I get some money to send you Your Affectionate Brother W J Dewey

A year passed before there was another letter. The young man spent a great deal of time traveling, it would seem. When he reached Sacramento, he was "forced to travel," â&#x20AC;&#x201D; for what reason he does not state. Perhaps nothing more serious than a lack of funds was intended here. He then went to Carson City (then in Utah Territory, but now in Nevada) where he began to mine quartz. His brief letter sounds fairly optimistic. Carson City U t a h Territory Jan 21st 1860 D e a r Brother Tis with pleasure I again write to you I have been roving from place to place so m u c h that I did not know when to write as I was never Stationary Long enough to get an answer I thought when in Sacramento that I would at least stay long enough for that but like the wandering Jew I was forced to travel I thought I would try my luck in the Mines instead of working for wages & I a m not sorry for the move I have two Claims here in Q u a r t z Leads for one of which I have been offered 450 dollars for 50 feet which is J4 of my Claim as I have 2,00 feet but I dont


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want to sell yet. the Quartz assays 60 dollars per ton on top and I a m running a tunnel in I have to run about sixty ft when I will be about 40 or 50 ft deep on the Ledge when I expect to get good pay my other claim I think is a good thing also I expect to make something nice I a m Camping at the Devils Gate 14 miles from Carson City hoping this may find you in the enjoyment of health and all the blessings of life I must Close give my respects to all the family & tell them to write to me excuse Brevity you will hear from me again soon Your affectionate Brother W J Dewey

Six months later Will Dewey wrote his last known letter. He had received a letter from his brother in the interval. His estimate of his prospects from the quartz mining is very hopeful. While this could be discounted as mere boasting to justify his having left home, the rather detailed account of the mining in the fourth and fifth letters sounds quite truthful. The real story in the fifth and final letter, though, is a tale of a campaign against the Paiute Indians, in which Dewey was engaged. After a circumstantial account of the action, including a reference to his receiving "an honorable wound being in front," he closes on a personal note in which he hopes the family (especially his father) will forgive his unceremonious departure from home. Silver C i t y . U . T . 3 July 10th 1860 I received your letter of 22 M a r c h yesterday & was rejoiced to hear from you I t came at so late a date that instead of Writing to Kansas I will try you at home You want me to tell you my prospects my adventures when I am coming home & everything else, that would interest you what a Variety of Questions I have well to begin as to my prospects I own in Near fifty Quartz Leads some of which are K n o w n to be good the Majority are just unprospected I hope to come home this fall or next spring & will with ordinary luck have from 5 to 10,000 dollars to bring with me I have been offered 5000 for my entire interest one half down & onehalf in 3 months but I hope for something better this is a good Country we have the best Silver Mines in the World we have also Gold Lead Copper Arsenic Iron & Cinnabar in Quantities that will pay after a time at present we have no Mills for the Gold Q u a r t z some that is very good we work in an Arastra a kind of one horse Q u a r t z Mill in this way we make expenses as to my adventures I have been in a Campaign against the Pah U t a h indians was engaged in 2 Battles one at Pyramid Lake where about one3 Silver City was one of the small mining towns which sprang up on Sun Mountain (in the Washoe district), along with Virginia City, Gold Hill, Chinatown, American Flat, Devil's Gate â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all of which were little towns strung like beads along Gold Canyon.


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Utah Historical Quarterly half of my Comrades were massacred. 4 we went into action 103 strong 42 of our men were left dead on the field they beat us by force of Numbers and advantage of position we retreated and they pursued us for 18 or 20 miles pressing us very h a r d my horse gave out during the retreat & I fell behind in going into a ravine 15 or 20 indians came up & fired at me I was u n h u r t but my horse which although he could not run I still rode was struck by an arrow the indians were in twenty feet of me at this time I gave myself u p for lost but determined not to die without a struggle drawing my revolver I picked my indian luckily one on horse back he fell I m a d e a rush caught his horse & started at a gallop it appeared to rain arrows but only one struck m e it was in the a r m & one hit the pony in the neck my a r m gave me a great Deal of pain b u t the bone was N o t injured & I a m glad to say t h a t it is now well & that it was an honorable wound being in front After going for a short time at Double Quick the indians just at my heels I passed the rear of the retreat & leaving the trail travelled all night in the M o r n i n g I found myself on the 40 Mile desert & taking a southern direction reached Carson River about 10 in the morning seeing a house I m a d e for it & found myself at Ragtown a T r a d i n g post at the sink of Carson River here I h a d the arrow cut out of my arm in 4 days I was able to travel & taking the Emigrant road C a m e to Chinatown 55 miles the first day without seeing indians the Next day I came home every body in town thout I h a d been killed & had given u p all hopes of seeing me again I immediately Volunteered to go again & started in about a week with my a r m in a sling I was engaged in a Skirmish at Williams R a n c h & was wounded in the Breast with a spent ball a mere flesh wound I am now all right & have an honorable discharge which will bring m e a Land W a r r a n t after while. Give my respects to the Majors Family T o Walls & Family & tell them to write I say nothing about you P a p a Walker & Daniel of course you are all understood to have the first place in respect Tell Papa to write as I have not h a d a letter from him since I left home if he has ceased to regard m e as his son I want to know it but this is a tender subject I a m aware t h a t I treated you all with very little ceremony in leaving you without saying good bye but that ought to be forgiven if you are Christians & go by the Golden Rule tell Abby & Mary Ann that Uncle Will will be back by & By (Poco tiempo) I have nothing more of importance to tell you So 1,11 Close Your affectionate Brother W J Dewey Excuse my Chirography I have no time to Practice writing

After this letter, nothing further was ever heard from Will Dewey. Each of us is free to guess at the conclusion. 4 For an account of this Indian trouble see George D . Lyman, The Saga of the Lode (New York, 1934), 106-16.

Comstock


Utah's First Line of Defense:

The UTAH NATIONAL GUARD and CAMP W. G. WILLIAMS 1926-1965 BY

T H O M A S G. A L E X A N D E R A N D L E O N A R D J . A R R I N G T O N

Since earliest times, America has traditionally kept a militia of citizen-soldiers ready for any emergency. John Adams considered the annual training days one of colonial New England's most important institutions; and from the founding of the Republic, the militia has been called upon to serve both at home and abroad. T h e nation's first constitution, the Articles of Confederation, stipulated that "every State shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition and camp equipage." Although we now call it the National Guard, the duty of the state militia has changed little since the early days of the Republic. Today, we maintain a large standing army â&#x20AC;&#x201D; something our forefathers abhorred â&#x20AC;&#x201D; because we have found it necessary to our national security; but the militia forms an important reserve force of private citizens who are ready to serve their country. U T A H ' S TERRITORIAL MILITIA, T H E NAUVOO LEGION

As with some of the older states, Utah has a long and honored tradition of militia service. One of Utah's first laws created a territorial militia with the name " T h e Nauvoo Legion," recalling a similar organization Thomas Alexander is assistant professor of history at Brigham Young University; Leonard Arrington is professor of economics at U t a h State University. This article was written under a grant from the U t a h State University Research Council. The writers are grateful for this assistance and for the suggestions and cooperation of Major General Maxwell E. Rich, former adjutant general of the U t a h National Guard, and Major General Maurice L. Watts, present adjutant general. All photographs are courtesy the U t a h National Guard.


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which had been established by the Mormons in Illinois. 1 All male adults between the ages of 18 and 45 were liable for this service. As early as 1854 the Legion had 1,744 in the infantry and 1,004 in the cavalry, for a total of 2,748. 2 Led by some of the foremost citizens, the Legion met in annual musters from 1849, and performed service in Indian campaigns and guarding the mail routes. In the U t a h W a r of 1857-58, a force of about 3,000 men was equipped by requisition from U t a h towns and villages and mobilized to defend Zion against the government's U t a h Expedition. Under the command of Lieutenant General Daniel H . Wells, some of these troops harassed the Army's supply train and built defensive works in Echo Canyon, while others stood ready for possible engagement. 3 From 1865 to 1868, the militia engaged in combat against 300 Indians under Chief Black Hawk in central and southern Utah. During this war, pay for the troops alone amounted to $1.5 million, and there was considerable loss of life and property. 4 Throughout much of the territorial period, units of the gaily uniformed Legion h a d annual musters and encampments, and the Lehi units often bivouacked near Jordan Narrows â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a site which was to become the training headquarters of the Legion's successor, the Utah National Guard. 1 T h e best published history is Richard W. Young, " T h e Nauvoo Legion," which appeared serially in 12 numbers of The Contributor, I X (Salt Lake City, 1888). 2 Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847 to 1869, ed., Leland Hargrave Creer (Salt Lake City, 1940), 474 fn. 3 Norman F. Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 1850-1859 (New Haven, 1960). 4 Neff, History of Utah, 398-409.


Utah National

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T h e territorial legislature h a d provided that the governor of the territory be the commander-in-chief of the Legion; but in practice the comm a n d h a d been exercised by General Wells, who was also a counselor in the First Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. When Brigham Young was replaced as governor and a series of "carpetbag" appointees assumed the office, the militia became, from the latter's point of view, an independent military force —- a kind of private army with more m e n by far than the federal troops in the territory. I n 1870 Governor J. Wilson Shaffer, a Civil W a r veteran and "northern reconstructionist," forbade the militia to muster, and the organization remained relatively inactive until 1887 when Congress abolished the Legion by a specific provision in the Edmunds-Tucker Act. 5 At the time of its suspension, the Legion consisted of 13,000 efficiently armed and well-drilled men. I n a most unusual arrangement, they elected their own officers. I n addition to General Wells, who was active commander throughout the period of the Legion's existence, officers included Robert T. Burton and Luke Johnson, major generals; H . B. Clawson, adjutant general; a n d the following brigadier generals: Franklin D. Richards; W. H . Kimball; Chauncey W. West; William B. P a c e ; Albert K. T h u r b e r ; George A. Smith; Erastus Snow; Brigham Young, J r . ; Lot Smith; Warren Snow; and W. B. Preston. There were also 25 colonels with their respective staffs. U T A H ' S FIRST "NATIONAL GUARD"

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Meanwhile, upon the organization of the National Guard Association of the United States in 1878, the term "National G u a r d " had become a general designation for the organized militias of the various states and "Everett L. Cooley, "Carpetbag R u l e : Territorial Government in U t a h , " Utah Historical Quarterly, X X V I (April, 1958), 1 1 6 - 1 7 ; Hubert H . Bancroft, The History of Utah (San Francisco, 1891), 6 5 8 - 6 1 ; B. H . Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), V, 331-40. A Mendon pioneer diarist wrote that the Cache Valley Legion regarded it essent'al to continue the driPs "to show a front to the Indians," and, in disobedience to General Shaffer's order, did not disband until 1873. A. N. Sorensen, ed., " T h e History of Isaac Sorensen: Selections from a Personal Journal," U.H.Q., X X I V (January, 1956), 68.

Camp Williams, located at the Jordan Narrows between Utah and Salt Lake counties, was selected as a training camp for the Utah National Guard in 1914. This photograph of 1938 shows the temporary facilities then in use.


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territories.6 The conflict between the Mormons and the federal government having been largely resolved, the territorial legislature, in March 1894, authorized the governor, Caleb W. West, to establish "The National Guard of Utah." By the end of the year, 14 companies of infantry, 3 troops of cavalry, and 2 batteries of light artillery â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all told, about 400 men â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were enlisted. They were equipped with uniforms, rifles, cannon, Gatling guns, and other materiel by means of $80,000 in Congressional appropriations which had accumulated to the credit of the territory during the period the Nauvoo Legion had been inactive.7 However, following the pioneer tradition, no money was available for provisions or other support at the annual encampment. The first use of the Guard was in connection with one of the industrial "armies" of the period, which passed through Utah shortly after the enactment of the new militia law. As Whitney relates: Twelve hundred men, without money, supplies, or any means of subsistence, organized by "General" Kelley in California, had been loaded into freight cars of the Southern Pacific Railroad, and brought, at the rate of fifty cents each, as far as O g d e n ; thence to make their way, as best they could, to Washington, D. C , and join with similar bodies in demanding of Congress legislation for the relief of the working classes. Finding that no provision h a d been made for transporting the men eastward, and fearing they would remain and become a public charge, Governor West called out the militia a n d put the so-called army under guard. In taking this step he acted in harmony with the authorities of O g d e n City and Weber County.. . . Orders of court . . . forbade the strangers to remain in U t a h , or to leave the Ogden depot grounds until arrangements could be made for their transportation. T h e result was that Kelley and his followers, fed and supplied with money by the warm-hearted people of the Junction City, were p u t upon Union Pacific cars at Uintah, and carried out of the Territory. During May a like "army" of three or four h u n d r e d men, organized in U t a h by "General" Carter, took possession of a Union Pacific train at Lehi, ran it upon the Rio Grande Western (D. & R. G.) track as far as Provo, where it was derailed. T h e Industrials held the train, refusing to surrender it to the officers of the road, and this caused further intervention by the Governor and the militia. Carter and some of his men were arrested and imprisoned. T h e remainder, riding upon freight trains, finally reached Colorado, where they disbanded. 8 6 See "National G u a r d " in The Encyclopedia Americana (30 vols., New York, 1964), X I X , 735-36. T h e National Guards were specifically designated as the country's reserve force in 1903. Though under state control, they were equipped by the federal government. In 1916 the National Defense Act placed the Guard subject to federal call and during World War I the National Guard furnished 17 of the 42 divisions organized. 7 Orson F. Whitney, Popular History of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1916), 518 fn. The total strength of the Guard in 1897 was 468 men. State of Utah, Adjutant General, Biennial Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Utah for the Years 1897-8 (Salt Lake City, 1899). The biennial reports of the adjutant general, which are in the U t a h State Archives, have been depended upon for much of the specific data used in the remainder of the article. 8 Whitney, Popular History of Utah, 518 fn.


Utah National Guard

145

No sooner had the skeleton of the Utah National Guard been enrolled and trained than the nation called for volunteers to participate in the Spanish-American War. Utah's first apportionment of 346 volunteers was raised quickly in May 1898, and another 102 men were added in June to make 448. Further additions brought the total of 663 for the war, many of whom were or had been members of the newly established Guard. These included two batteries of artillery, under the command of Major Richard W. Young, who battled in the Philippines at Manila and against insurgents ; a battery of artillery and a cavalry troop under Captain Frank W. Jennings and Captain Joseph E. Caine, which served in California; and one troop of cavalry garrisoned at Camp Cuba Libre near Jacksonville, Florida, as part of Colonel Jay L. Torrey's "Rocky Mountain Cavalry." Following the war, Major Young was appointed chief justice of the Philippine Supreme Court.9 On occasion, governors of the state have used the National Guard to regulate conditions during strikes in the coal mines of eastern Utah. During the winter of 1903-04, when the United Mine Workers attempted to organize the miners in order to raise wages and improve conditions, Governor Heber M. Wells called out the National Guard, then under the direction of Brigadier General John Q. Cannon. Strikebreakers were then allowed to come in, and striking miners lost their jobs. In June of 1922, after a deputy sheriff had been killed in an outburst of violence, Governor Charles R. Mabey sent the Guard to Carbon County during a strike. Public opinion was apparently against the strikers, despite the fact that both they and the operators cooperated with the troops.10 In 1916, just prior to America's entry in World War I, President Woodrow Wilson called for Utah's 642-man National Guard to serve on the Mexican border under the general command of John J. "Jack" Pershing. The entire force, consisting of a regiment of cavalry under Major (later brigadier general) W. G. Williams, a battery of light artillery under Captain William C Webb, and a band and hospital unit served about six months near Nogales, Arizona. Shortly after their return from the Mexican border, these troops were formed into the 145th Field Artillery. During World War I this unit of approximately 1,500 men was mobilized at Fort Douglas and trained at Jordan Narrows; at Camp Kearny, California ; and at Bordeaux, France, but did not see action. A National Guard 9 Ibid., 5 1 7 - 2 3 ; Louis Paul Murray, " T h e Life of Brigadier General Richard W. Young" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1959). " T h o m a s G. Alexander, "From Dearth to Deluge: Utah's Coal Industry," U.H.Q., 31 (Summer, 1963), 240-42.


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ambulance corps unit under Captain H. B. Sprague and a field hospital unit under Captain George Roberts saw service in France both during and after the war. 11 T h e largest number of Utahns saw action during the war as members of the 91st Division, known as the "Wild West Division," which was composed of men from Utah, Idaho, Montana, Washington, Oregon, Alaska, and northern California. This group distinguished themselves in Belgium. 12 T o provide "permanent maneuver grounds" for Utah's National Guard, President Woodrow Wilson, in 1914 and 1915, set aside 18,700 acres of the public domain near the Jordan Narrows â&#x20AC;&#x201D; about six miles northwest of Lehi. 13 This government reserve was rough and rugged, with no place for a cantonment area, so the state first rented and later bought land for the camp. O n June 26, 1927, the state purchased 153 acres of land for $1,461, and in 1931 obtained an additional 199 acres for $2,533. When added to the rough, government land, this m a d e an excellent site for the training camp. T h e calling of troops into the first World W a r held up the construction of facilities at Jordan Narrows. After the war it was used only one year (1922) before 1926, when the U t a h National Guard units started using it as a permanent site for their annual encampments. In 1928 the c a m p was named for Brigadier General W. G. Williams, who as adjutant general was the prime mover in the purchase of the cantonment area and in establishing the camp as a permanent training site. O n J u n e 16, 1938, a plaque honoring General Williams was placed at the camp. ACTIVITIES AT C A M P W I L L I A M S

Some of the accouterments which the U t a h National C a m p Williams in 1928 reflect the curious conglomeration and the archaic which was characteristic of the military Along with 174 horses and 28 wagons, the units brought 36

Guard took to of the modern in the 1920's. trucks, 30 ma-

11 Noble W a r r u m , ed., Utah Since Statehood: Historical and Biographical (4 vols., Chicago, 1919), I, 4 4 3 - 4 7 , 4 5 1 - 5 2 , 4 5 6 - 5 8 ; J. Cecil Alter, ed., Utah the Storied Domain: A Documentary History of Utah's Eventful Career . . . (3 vols., Chicago, 1932), I, 457. 12 Noble W a r r u m , Utah in the World War . . . (Salt Lake City, 1924), 4 7 - 5 1 . U t a h had five brigadier generals during World W a r I : General Richard W. Young, mentioned previously; General Edgar A. Wedgewood, who was not assigned to overseas duty because of physical disabilities; General Frank T . Hines, who directed the transportation of troops across the Atlantic; and Generals William E. Cole and Briant H. Wells, both West Point graduates. 13 In addition to the biennial reports of the adjutant general, information on C a m p Williams and the U t a h National Guard is to be found in the U t a h State Historical Society, which maintains a clipping file on C a m p Williams, and has typescripts of Hamilton Gardner's "Pioneer Military Leaders of U t a h " ( 1 9 5 2 ) , and "History of the 222d Field Artillery" ( 1 9 3 0 ) , both of which give excellent background material. Lieutenant Colonel Arthur H . Swan, public information officer at U t a h National G u a r d headquarters in Salt Lake City, has generously permitted the authors to examine some of his files, particularly those relating to C a m p Williams.


147

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chine guns, and 51 five-ton artillery tractors. By 1941, however, the unit was equipped with cargo trucks, prime movers, motorcycles, bulldozers, repair trucks, and machine shop trucks. The cavalry charge and the horsedrawn wagon were out! At first Camp Williams consisted of two-men puptents for the soldiers, and corrals for the horses. As time went on, new, more permanent, and more modern facilities were constructed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 16-foot pyramidal tents for the troops, and 9-by-9 wall tents for the officers, with wooden pallets for floors. In 1927 the state constructed (with federal assistance) 147 of these tent floors, together with 2 latrines and bathhouses, 10 mess halls, 10 hay-racks and mangers, and 19 watering troughs, at a cost of $56,420. In 1928 the camp received an administration building, recreation hall, and electric light system; and in 1929 another bathhouse, mess hall, telephone system, post exchange, infirmary, 11 shelters for animals, and a corral at the railroad station â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at a total cost of $21,225. By 1934 total expenditures for construction were $246,124, of which $188,155 were provided by the federal government. A large part of the state expenditure ($54,829) built the recreation hall, the caretaker cottage, and the Hostess House. The latter was designed by Architect Edward O. Anderson for receptions and an officers' club. Although the number and quality of facilities grew, Camp Williams remained a one-regiment camp capable of handling between 1,000 and 1,300 men. The new facilities, however, encouraged the growth of the Guard. Before 1926 when the Utah units traveled to Wyoming or California for summer camp, Guard strength ranged between 616 and 953 men. By 1928 when the camp received its name, 1,315 men belonged to Utah units, and by 1941 the number of Utah's citizen-soldiers totaled Mess call!!


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2,201. T h e cost of summer camp pay increased proportionately, from $90,944 in 1924 to $163,562 in 1928. This came exclusively from federal sources, which supplied all the clothing, pay, and equipment, and 75 per cent of the money for building training facilities. WORLD W A R I I

Guardsmen who trained during the 1920's and 1930's were among the first Utahns inducted into military service prior to World W a r II. On October 8, 1940, 5 officers and 17 enlisted men from the Guard set up the U t a h State Selective Service System at 32 Exchange Place in Salt Lake City. Fully nine months before Pearl Harbor, on March 3, 1941, the government called all units of the U t a h National Guard to active duty. Those units inducted included elements of the 40th Division Staff, Headquarters of the 65th Field Artillery Brigade, the 145th Field Artillery Regiment, the 222nd Field Artillery Regiment, the 115th Combat Engineers, the 115th Medical Unit, and the 115th Ordnance Company. These units distinguished themselves in action both in the Pacific and European theatres. T h e 145th Field Artillery Regiment went island-hopping in the Pacific, and the 1st Battalion of the 222nd Field Artillery Regiment served at Cherbourg during the invasion of Europe. While these and other Utah units served gallantly on the war front, the Army put C a m p Williams to other use. In return for the funds which the federal government had supplied to construct facilities and support the Guard, the state had agreed that it would make all National Guard facilities available in time of national emergency for training sites and for other purposes deemed essential to national security. C a m p Williams thus became a sub-post and training site for Fort Douglas during World War II. "Perspiring troops experienced the thrill of battle . . . [at the camp] when they crawled through blinding dust over troublesome obstacles â&#x20AC;&#x201D; while under actual gunfire... [on] the 'personal conditioning infiltration course,'" which the Army constructed at Williams. Owing to the frequent unpredictable dust storms, it was an excellent spot to simulate actual combat conditions. Through this course crawled such diverse personnel as troops in military police training and nine women nurses from Fort Douglas who formed the first female contingent in the Intermountain area to face simulated battle conditions. 14 As a one-regiment facility, C a m p Williams was too small for the 5,000 men the Army planned to station there; therefore, the cantonment area 14

Salt Lake Tribune,

September 18, October 11, November 6, December 19 1943.


Utah National

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Guard

was virtually doubled. By June 1943 Army engineers had constructed over 100 buildings, half permanent and half temporary. When the Army had completed its training program, C a m p Williams was declared surplus and returned to the State of Utah in November 1944.15 After the Army called the units of the National Guard to active duty, the state continued to recruit and organize other militia units (the U t a h State Guard) to replace them. T h e units never became as large as the prewar units (the strength of the 1st Infantry Regiment, as it was called, at no time exceeded 648 m e n ) , but they performed valuable service at home and stood ready in the event of a much-feared Japanese attack on the West Coast. These units held bivouacs at Snow Basin, east of Ogden, and at C a m p Williams when possible. They performed important services in maintaining order during public celebrations, guarding crashed airplanes, assisting in fire fighting, searching for lost persons, and acting as color guard for important state functions. T h e Cedar City units even helped Columbia and Republic picture companies in filming movies under the governor's state development program. T H E I N T E R WAR PERIOD

After the war the old field artillery and engineer units returned to National Guard status and the state deactivated the U t a h State Guard infantry units. T h e state also obtained W a r Department permission to activate three Air National Guard units: the 191st Fighter Squadron, the 224th Air Service Group, and a section of the 191st Weather Station, all of which were stationed at the Salt Lake Airport. A l t h o u g h the reorganized National Guard took pride in being able to conduct its own training, regular Army personnel were occasionally assigned to assist, and the Guard required armories with storage space to protect the Army's p r o p e r t y . Above all, t h e G u a r d needed "combat veterans familiar 15

Ibid., November 9, 1944.

Guardsmen getting practice at stringing communication lines at Summer Camp.


During maneuvers Guardsmen get practical ment under simulated battle conditions.

experience

in handling

all types of equip-

with the art of warfare." Utah National Guard officials found no difficulty in obtaining community support, and the active Army supported the Guard with 10 officers and 18 enlisted men as advisors to provide assistance with administrative and training matters. Nevertheless, veterans were reluctant to return to the Guard. Despite a full-day's pay for each of 48, two-hour drills, and full pay for the 15 days at Camp Williams, ex-soldiers were not enthusiastic about joining. Despite these and other obstacles, by 1948 the Utah National Guard had organized a corps artillery headquarters, two field artillery groups of two battalions each, a combat engineer group of three battalions, a field artillery observation battalion, an ordnance company, a headquarters detachment, and an Army band unit, in addition to an Air Force fighter squadron, a weather station, and an Air Service Group. The first postwar meeting of the Utah National Guard was held in November 1947, at Camp Williams, and the first postwar training camp was held there the following June. Almost all annual Guard encampments have been held at Camp Williams since that date.16 In 1948 permanent 16 T h e 19th Special Force Group has conducted field training encampments in Utah forests and in regular Army training camps in California and North Carolina. Engineer units have trained on road building projects throughout U t a h every year but one since 1955.


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metal frames were installed in concrete tent floors; in 1949 and 1950, four new latrines, a security fence around the ammunition area, and an air strip which was to double as an emergency landing field for CAA planes, were all constructed. In addition, the state enlarged nine mess halls and moved in two buildings from Fort Douglas. T h e National Guard Bureau authorized the State of U t a h to recruit 4,500 men for its Guard in 1946. By the outbreak of the Korean W a r in June 1950, the strength of the Guard was only 337 officers and 2,603 enlisted men. This number of Guardsmen was higher than ever before in Utah's history except during the U t a h W a r of 1857-58 and the Black Hawk W a r of 1865-68. T h e federal government continued to support the Guard with equipment and pay and allowance for duty performed. Full-time employees, paid from Defense Department funds, were added to perform the many additional administrative and maintenance requirements imposed upon the National Guard. The state continued to pay the costs of personnel to operate the state headquarters, armory operation and maintenance, custodial service, and 25 per cent of the cost of construction of armory facilities. The Army also continued to support service school training programs for the professional qualification of officers and enlisted men. In 1949 and 1950, for instance, 132 men went to schools run by the Armed Services to learn various specialties ranging from cooking to leadership. National Guard officials estimated in 1946 that the yearly federal support for drills and encampments would run over $1.5 million. T h e drill pay did not reach this amount, but the federal government paid $159,748 in 1948 and $258,048 in 1950 for the two 15-day annual encampments. During the two years the Defense Department expended a total of $922,174 and $1,870,910 on Utah's National Guard units. In return for these expenditures by the federal government and approximately five per cent as much by the state, the units were required to be on call when they were needed. In the winter of 1948-49, during "Operation Snow-disaster," the U t a h National Guard removed the snow from 21,395 miles of road and helped in rescue operations. T H E KOREAN W A R

At the outbreak of the Korean War, U t a h National Guardsmen were again prepared to serve their country, thanks to the weekly drills and the summer training they had received at C a m p Williams. Nevertheless, there was some dissatisfaction that the Army saw fit to mobilize 60 per cent of


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the U t a h units and called no units to active duty in some other states in the Sixth Army area. Just as during World W a r I I , the state activated new units to replace those which h a d been called to duty. These were authorized to recruit up to 50 per cent officer and 25 per cent enlisted strength. T h e state did maintain a band, two field artillery groups, two combat engineer units, an ordnance company, and the headquarters of the X I Corps artillery. These and the older units of the Guard continued to meet for their annual encampments at C a m p Williams, and the facilities of the camp were continually improved. Some 200 new tents were added, as well as a swimming pool and five baseball diamonds, a new road to the 20,000acre artillery range, and sidewalks in the cantonment area. By 1952 the C a m p had ample facilities for 3,000 men, including an outdoor amphitheatre with a capacity of 3,000 and a new water supply system. Total Guard expenditures in 1952 were $1,492,721, of which the state spent $115,170 and the federal government $1,377,551. T h e cost of training the U t a h National Guard troops at C a m p Williams in that year totaled $233,000, all of which was paid by the federal government. R E C E N T ACTIVITIES

After the Korean War, the Utah National Guard again faced the problem of reorganizing its units, integrating the wartime enlistees with those returning from active duty, and recruiting new Guardsmen. It had been traditional with the National Guard that members always saw service as units under their own officers. There was some deviation from this policy during the Korean campaign where, due to prevailing circumstances, the Army utilized some Utah National Guard personnel as individual fill-in replacements. T h e fact that some Guardsmen had been called to active duty twice within a period of 10 years, with the attending employment and family dislocations, discouraged many from voluntary enlistment in the National Guard. Despite these obstacles, by June 30, 1954, the U t a h National Guard was completely reorganized for another tour of peace-time duty. One new policy permitted young men between the ages of 17 and 18*4 to discharge their military obligation by joining the Guard for eight years. Thus they were deferred from any active duty unless their units were recalled. T h e Reserve Forces Act of 1955 provided an alternative to fill the military obligation by training for six months with the regular Army, then attending weekly training sessions and annual encampments


Post-World War II expenditures by state and federal governments have brought tinued improvements and permanent installations to Camp Williams.

con-

for five and one-half years. Both of these opportunities served to increase enlistment in the Guard. The number of men in Utah's National Guard rose from 2,717 in June 1954 to more than 4,700 in June 1960. In order to train these new men, the state and nation built new armories and improved the facilities at Camp Williams. The state appropriated $15,000 to winterize seven buildings at the camp, and federal funds constructed four barracks. The Guard also replaced tent frames with a semi-permanent siding extending about three feet from the ground and added aluminum roofs. Over $2 million was expended out of federal sources for construction of facilities in 1954-56 at Camp Williams and throughout the state. During fiscal 1956, the Defense Department spent an additional $360,305 for field training, and an undetermined sum for sending 50 or more Utah Guardsmen to service schools. The Camp Williams area is now an advantageous center for the training of National Guard units. The Transverse Mountains form an ideal barrier between artillery units and the impact area north of Cedar Valley. West of the cantonment area, which lies between Redwood Road and Jordan Narrows, the state has constructed a submachine gun range, rifle and carbine range, rifle grenade and rocket launcher range, bayonet course, infiltration course, two machine gun ranges, and a hand grenade course. Under the leadership of Major General Maxwell E. Rich, the recently retired adjutant general, the Guard was developed into an important unit in America's first line of defense. General Rich enlisted as a


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private in the U t a h National Guard in 1932 and received an appointment as second lieutenant in 1934. In World W a r I I , he commanded a field artillery battalion in Europe and rose to lieutenant colonel. For his service in Europe he received, among other citations, the Silver Star and the French Croix de Guerre. When General Rich was appointed brigadier general in 1953, he was only 40 years old, the youngest brigadier in the history of the U t a h National Guard. In 1960-61 he served as president of the Adjutant General's Association of the National Guard of the United States. Upon General Rich's retirement in November 1964, Major General Maurice L. Watts, assistant adjutant general, was elevated to the top position. Along with its growth and expansion, C a m p Williams has been put to many different uses. T h e Guard's officer candidate school has been held at Williams, and the U t a h State Prison located its honor camp at the base and maintained it there for several years. For many years, the American Legion held its annual Boys' State at Williams, and the Fish and Game Department often uses the facilities for training its staff and giving gunsafety instruction to boys. Since 1960 C a m p Williams has been a yearround home base for the civil defense instruction conducted by the Utah State Civil Defense Academy. A notable program inaugurated in 1961 was the annual "Freedom Foundation Academy," in which the top two or three students of the various high schools in the state participate. T h e object of the Freedom Academy is to inform students of the history of America and its political and economic institutions, and to awaken their patriotism. T h e Guard also sponsors a series of seminars on "Americanism U p Front," in which invited speakers seek to build up respect for America and its heritage. Citizen interest in the National Guard has been fostered through the appointment of a number of honorary colonels. These include prominent business, political, and religious leaders in the state. Finally, the Guard sponsors a "Bantam Basketball League," in association with local businesses, with games being played at National Guard armories. T h e U t a h National Guard and U t a h Air National Guard now own about $5.6 million in property â&#x20AC;&#x201D; including C a m p Williams, facilities at the Salt Lake Airport, and 28 National Guard armories. A $1.5 million construction program has been recently completed in Salt Lake City which will house the supply and maintenance facilities for the state. In spite of local autonomy, the federal government, by virtue of the large appropriations for the support of the Guard, has control over many


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of its activities. Guardsmen are trained according to federal specifications, with federal equipment, clothing, and manuals. Should the need arise, they can be placed into any position in the United States Army for which they have been trained. Federal authority was again exercised in October 1961, when a flare-up in the Berlin crisis prompted the mobilizing of several units of the Utah Guard, involving 1,500 men. The state and federal governments now hire some 450 full-time civilian employees. Beyond this, most of the members of the Guard are young men between 17 and 35, and a large number are under 20 and unmarried. Many consider their Guard paycheck a bonus to be spent for things they would not ordinarily be able to buy; and while the Guard cannot be compared with an installation like the Defense Depot Ogden, which hires more than 3,000 workers full-time, these citizen-soldiers receive a full-day's pay for each of 48 drills per year, and 15-days' pay for summer camp. With almost 5,000 men in the Guard, the payroll is about as large as with 1,000 men working a five-day week. In a reorganization ordered by Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, on December 11, 1964, the 150,000 Army Reservists in the nation Following World War II, air units were added to the National being operated at the Salt Lake Municipal Airport.

Guard with

facilities


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on drill-pay status were directed to be shifted into the National Guard. The remaining 150,000 Reservists were dropped into a standby manpower pool to be tapped only in case of national emergency. A similar reorganization order is expected to move the Air Force Reserve into the Air National Guard. T h e purpose of this move was to eliminate duplicate headquarters and other administrative units, duplicate armories and training facilities, and in general to increase efficiency and reduce costs.17 At the time of the order there were some 5,000 Reservists in Utah, most of whom were members of the 96th Command Headquarters, Salt Lake City (which incorporates 59 Reserve units in Utah, Idaho, Montana, and Oregon) ; and the 191st Brigade, with headquarters in Helena, Montana. U t a h Guard strength at the end of 1964 was 4,348, and the expected addition of Reserves to the Guard could push this number up to 7,000 or higher. The plan is expected to be executed soon after encampments in the summer of 1965. Those men who have completed six-month basic training, and are serving the remainder of their military obligations as Reservists, will now be sworn into the Guard or enlist in Reserve branches of other services. Others may be placed on the inactive list. Thus, for statutory, historical, and political reasons, the backup for the regular Army will now be concentrated in an expanded and streamlined 550,000-man National Guard. Although the federal government pays 97 per cent of their costs, National Guard units normally remain under control of the governor of the state, and thus they represent a check against the usurpation of power by a strong, centralized federal government. T h e 38 years of continuous use of C a m p Williams has contributed to the stability and security of both Utah and the nation, and the indicated growth in the Guard will insure the same for the future.

17 Deseret News (Salt Lake City), December 11, 14, 1964; Salt Lake Tribune, December 12, 15, 1964.


THE TURNER THESIS and MORMON BEGINNINGS in NEW YORK and UTAH BY A L E X A N D E R E V A N O F F

INTRODUCTION

This paper will attempt to apply the Turner thesis to the following two problems, to determine: 1. Whether Mormon faith was of frontier origin, and whether or not it appealed mostly to non-frontier people. This is a twofold problem. 2. Whether the frontier in Utah produced democratic or authoritarian influences. Because it has been assumed that Mormon faith had its gestation, birth, and flowering under varying degrees of frontier conditions, Mormon history and institutions would seem to provide a rather ready-made, if not obvious, test case for the validity of Frederick Jackson Turner's ideas. And yet, it was not until Thomas F. O'Dea's The Mormons in 1957 that anyone attempted, in anything more than a casual way, to relate Turner's theory to Mormon history. However, as a sociologist, one who is unwilling to accept the divine origin of Mormon doctrine, O'Dea is more concerned with showing the cultural and social borrowings which he finds in Mormon life than actually attempting to determine whether or not Mormon democracy or Mormon individualism is a result of frontier conditions. Turner himself refers to the Mormons by name only once, and that in passing, and in connection with the Dunkard, the Icarians, the Fourierists, and similar idealists who sought out the western wilds in search of freedom.1 Mr. Evanoff is professor of English at Indiana State University in Terre Haute and is completing doctoral work at the University of New Mexico. He is the author of articles on Flawthorne, William Dean, Howells, Chaucer, economics, and history. 1 Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York, 1920), 263.


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T H E TURNER THESIS

Before Mormon beginnings and institutions can be evaluated there must be some attempt at a definition of Turner's thesis. This is a rather difficult task, partly because the theory itself can be all encompassing and is not readily susceptible to satisfactory capsulization, and partly because the critics of Turner have so radically misrepresented the theory and abused it, that any presentation of Turner's ideas would be well-advised to take into some account what Turner's critics allege the theory to involve, as a kind of apologia for using or applying the theory at all. Turner is accused of being an environmentalist and a mono-causationist. But the real animus against Turner by those who made such charges, particularly during the 1930's and into the 1940's, probably had little to do with whether he was an environmentalist or a mono-causationist; after all, many of Turner's critics who felt themselves "liberally" oriented and "progressively" minded were not particularly hostile to Darwin's conception of the influences of the environment. It is probably fair to say that the animus against Turner had nothing to do with whether or not Turner was a good Darwinian. W h a t apparently alienated Turner most of all in the minds of many of his critics, and caused them to suspect everything he had written as being profane in origin, was the friendly tone Turner adopted towards individualism and his assertion that American democracy was "born of no theorist's dream." In 1958 Ray Allen Billington, who has provided the most succinct, as well as complete, exposition of the Turner controversy, acknowledged that "No single statement in all of Turner's writings has been more vigorously disputed than his declaration that 'American democracy was born of no theorist's dream; it was not carried in the Sarah Constant to Virginia, nor in the Mayflower to Plymouth. It came out of the American forest, and it gained new strength each time it touched a new frontier.' " 2 Perhaps one can understand how the mind and temperament which thinks of itself as "liberal" may bristle at Turner's apparent dismissal of "theorist's" dreams. Turner had not displayed the proper reverence for "theorist's" dreams which some "liberals" may have hoped to find in right thinking scholars. Mr. Billington, himself, finds the statement lacking in "sobriety" ;3 and although Mr. Billington is seemingly inclined to test truth by its admixture of levity or sobriety, he does not assert that 2 3

Ray Allen Billington, The American Frontier (Washington, D . C , 1958), 14. Ibid., 15.


H E N R Y E. H U N T I N G T O N LIBRARY & ART G A L L E R Y

Turner's statement is in error because he recognizes t h a t T u r n e r readily acknowledges that nothing comes from nothing. Turner does affirm that at the A m e r i c a n frontier the bonds of custom are broken; but There is not a tabula rasa. T h e stubborn American environment is there with its imperious summons to accept its conditions; the inherited ways of doing things are also there; and yet, in spite of custom each frontier did indeed furnish a new field of opportunity, a gate of escape from the bondage of the past; and the freshness, and confidence, and scorn of older society, impatience of its restraints and its ideas, and indifference to its lessons. 4

In the first c h a p t e r of his The Frontier in American History, and as early as the second paragraph, Turner asserts clearly enough that "All peoples show development; the germ theory of politics has been sufficiently emphasized." A little later, the third page of the same work, as a matter of fact, he again asserts clearly enough that " O u r early history is the study of European germs developing in an American environment." H e has said, "Old organs will be utilized to express new forces, and so gradual and subtle will be the change that it may hardly be recognized." 5

4

Turner, Frontier in American

5

Ibid., 244.

History,

38.

Frederick Jackson Turner

(1861â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1932)


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Mr. Billington, who has accused Turner of being somewhat deficient in sobriety, is also good enough to come to Turner's defense in regard to this same charge. H e says of Turner that Certainly in his soberer moments he adopted a more realistic view, [when, for example, he asserted that] "the history of our institutions, our democracy, is not a history of imitation, or simple borrowing; it is the history of the evolution and adaptation of organs in response to changed environment, a history of the origin of a new political species." 6

It is not mandatory that Turner be defended by matching a sober assertion against one which is not, as does Mr. Ray Allen Billington. T h e "theorist's dream" passage, by itself, taken completely out of context, need not lead inevitably to an environmentalist interpretation. Taken out of context and in isolation, Turner's much attacked statement may be interpreted to aver nothing more than that American democracy is the result and the end product of the activities and aspirations of the American people rather than the product or formulations of one m a n carried somehow on the Sarah Constant or the Mayflower. T h e statement seems to affirm nothing more frightening than that American democracy differs from European democracy and that it would be rather difficult for Europe to export what it does not itself possess. But when the statement is taken in context, preceded, as it is, by a number of affirmations of the "germ" theory, and followed, as it is, by a number of affirmations of the "germ" theory, its misinterpretation would seem unjust. Turner never denies the validity of origins and traditions, but he has set for himself the task of discovering what may have been the effect of the frontier upon American character and institutions. T h e critic of Turner's hypothesis is on much better ground if he points to a possible over-emphasis on environment. But, because a great deal of tracing to European sources had been done, Turner confined himself to an area of investigation which had been neglected. However, even when Turner is charged with over-emphasis he is sometimes unjustly treated and his point of view rather unfairly characterized and misrepresented. George Wilson Pierson feels that in Turner's theory "too small a role is allowed to man's own character and ambitions, to his capacity for change, and to the traditions and momentum of the society which came to use this free land. Thus the continent masters, destroys, commands, and creates â&#x20AC;&#x201D; while man is surprisingly passive." 7 Turner never really says that it is the continent that 6

Billington, American Frontier, 15. George Wilson Pierson, " T h e Frontier and American Institutions: A Criticism of the T u r n e r Theory," New England Quarterly, X V (June, 1942), 254. 7


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masters, destroys, commands, and creates. Turner put the burden of mastery, destruction, command, and creativity upon man. M a n is never passive. Mr. Billington, a relatively nonpartisan historian, accepts the basic Turner ideas and makes the following assessment: Most modern scholars . . . would agree with T u r n e r that the frontiersmen did develop certain unique traits, and that these have been perpetuated to form the principal distinguishing characteristics of the American people today. Americans display a restless energy, a versatility, a practical ingenuity, an earthy practicality to a degree unknown among Englishmen or other Europeans. They do squander their natural resources with an abandon unknown elsewhere; they have developed a mobility both socially and physically that marks them as a people apart. In few other lands is democracy worshiped so intensely . . . seldom in comparable cultural areas do they cling so tenaciously to the shibboleth of rugged individualism. Nor do residents of non-frontier lands experience to the same degree the heady optimism, the blind faith in the future, the belief in the inevitability of progress, that is a part of the American creed. These were pioneer traits, and they have become a part of our national heritage. 8

It should be unnecessary here to delve into the history of the controversy that the Turner hypothesis created, but it is necessary to give some substantiation to the validity of the Turner thesis as a hypothesis, because American scholars who know the Turner thesis do sometimes assume that the thesis is thoroughly discredited. So rather than accepting the thesis either as proved or disproved, let us assume the validity of the hypothesis and see whether or not it may be made to apply to Mormon experience. W E S T E R N N E W YORK AND M O R M O N POPULARITY

From the birth of the Mormon faith in western New York to the removal of the church to the West, the mainstream of Mormon life may be said to have been conducted under frontier conditions. Mormon removal from western New York; to Kirtland, Ohio; to Far West, Missouri; to Nauvoo, Illinois; and finally to the Great Salt Lake Basin involved movement into frontier regions of increasing isolation. And according to the democratizing aspects of Turner's theory, such removal perhaps ought to have resulted in increasing freedom, individualism, and resentment of restraint among the Mormon faithful. T h e Mormon people might have been expected to become increasingly democratic with each move westward. But instead we find that the Mormons brought a theocratic government into operation from their very first entry into the bastions of the Intermountain West. From the moment they entered the most isolated 8

Billington, American Frontier, 22.


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and abandoned country they had ever settled, the Mormons instituted the most centrally directed and autocratic government they had known â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the period of the Theocracy from 1847 to 1849. If the Mormon people brought a theocratic government into the vast Great Salt Lake Basin, such a government and such an organization must have h a d its origins elsewhere. It is with the first beginnings of Mormonism in western New York, as well as the kind of people to whom Mormonism appealed, that this section of this report shall deal. Since Mormonism is of native growth and native origin, the theocratic origins of Mormon life may be said to have come into existence under the purportedly democratic influences of frontier life. But Whitney R. Cross has seriously challenged the standard interpretation of Mormonism as a frontier religion. His challenge and supporting evidence was published in 1950 and formed a chapter in a significant book entitled The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800-1850. Mr. Cross characterizes western New York and the Palmyra region as a non-frontier region and Mormonism as a faith unappealing to frontiersmen. Mr. Cross's evaluation has remained unchallenged in the 5 years since the publication of his book. Thomas O'Dea, perhaps the best and closest Gentile observer of Mormon affairs, accepts Cross's evaluation in his 1957 study The Mormons. T h e importance of knowing whether western New York was a frontier region is this: If we can determine that a non-frontier community produced the Mormon faith with its autocratic or centralist tendencies, then the thesis of the democratic influences of the frontier can remain relatively intact, or little damaged. But, on the other hand, if we can determine that Mormonism originated on the frontier, it may be possible to say that the frontier was capable of producing autocratic and centralist tendencies as well as democratic tendencies, and thus perhaps weaken the applicability of the Turner hypothesis. According to Mr. Cross the Palmyra region was not a frontier or a cultural backwash. H e shows that the Palmyra and Manchester regions of western New York possessed between 20 and 60 persons per square mile during the 1820's.9 Palmyra during Joseph Smith's stay there had become a local market. Manchester, six miles to the south, possessed a library of 600 books. It had a school, "produced wool, flour, and paper in local mills, and operated a blast furnace." 10 Twelve miles to the south of Palmyra 9 Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual thusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800-1850 (Ithaca, 1950), 57. 10 Thomas F. O'Dea, The Mormons (Chicago, 1957), 7fn.

History of En-


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was Canandaigua, which was one of the two oldest towns in western New York with schools, libraries, and churches. Less than 30 miles from the origin of Mormonism was Rochester, which had grown 512 per cent in population during the 1820's.11 Both Thomas O'Dea and Whitney Cross find that the Mormon faith originated in a region of western New York which they could not characterize as a frontier. It may well be that the most urban and sophisticated region in the early history of the Mormon Church was the western New York area where there were no squatters' privileges. And yet in this area there were rather formidable frontier conditions; and though Mr. Cross believes that land valuation was excessively high, Joseph Smith's father was able to buy 100 acres of unimproved land just two miles south of Palmyra from the efforts of about a year's city labor. O n this same land in another year's time, he built a log house and began clearing the forest. It took three men and a yoke of oxen five weeks to clear and sow a 10-acre field. And when the wheat was ripe, the farmers threshed it with the bare hoofs of cattle or with a flail. But even in this "cultured and settled" region, the wheat could not be sold and had a barter value of only 25 cents a bushel. Wheat was seldom a cash crop and had to be transported overland 200 miles east to Albany at prohibitive cost.12 Mr. Cross's characterization of western New York as a non-frontier region does not concern itself with how Frederick Jackson Turner might have designated the area. If Turner's definition of frontier had been definite and unmistakable, there would have been little need for this discussion of western New York. O n occasion Turner accepted the U.S. Census Bureau's definition of frontier as that area in which the population ranged from two to six persons to the square mile. But Turner did not want to give the term "frontier" a fixed meaning. Ray Billington characterizes Turner's shifting definitions of frontier in this fashion: At one time the frontier to T u r n e r was "the meeting ground between savagery and civilization," at another it might become "the temporary boundary of an expanding society at the edge of substantially free lands," or a "migrating region," a "form of society," a "stage of society rather than a place," a "process," or "the region whose social conditions result from the application of older institutions and ideas to the transforming influences of free land." 13

It would appear that Turner's broad and shifting definitions of "frontier" would be inclusive enough to include western New York. Thus Mor11

Ibid., 7. FawnM. Brodie, No Man Knows My History (New York, 1946), 10-11. 13 Billington, American Frontier, 9.

12


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monism may be considered a frontier religion on the basis of its geographic origin. Mr. Billington has succinctly interpreted Turner's fluctuating definitions as follows: the "frontier" was not a narrow line but a migrating zone of varying width, peopled by a variety of frontier types ranging from fur-trappers on the west to town-builders on the east . . . (and furthermore) the social devolution and evolution occurring within this zone varied with time and place depending on the n a t u r e of both the individuals a n d institutions entering the region and the environment awaiting them there. 1 4

And yet, the question of whether or not western New York was a frontier region is perhaps less significant than the fact that the center of Mormon interest and authority was never really in New York; as soon as Joseph Smith translated the Book of Mormon and gathered about 100 adherents, the Mormon Church moved west, and the center of its power and interest was located in such places as Kirtland, Ohio; Far West, Missouri; Nauvoo, Illinois; and the Intermountain West. The Mormon Church cannot be said to have grown or developed in New York State; about all that can be said is that it had its beginnings there. The church had really moved out of New York about as soon as it was formed. Additionally, because this is so, it seems rather rash for Mr. Cross to characterize Mormonism as a non-frontier religion solely on the basis of the social characteristics in western New York. He buttresses his evaluation of Mormonism as a non-frontier religion with the additional argument that Mormonism did not appeal to frontiersmen. He sees Mormonism as neither originating on the frontier nor appealing to frontiersmen. It would appear that the virile, independent frontiersmen could not submit himself to the autocracy and direction of the Mormon Church. Mr. Cross puts his case in this fashion: T h e far greater gathering of converts from this area [western New York] came during the region's riper maturity, after Zion had removed to the West. And the recruits enlisted here and elsewhere far outnumbered those gained in areas of the Middle West where M o r m o n headquarters chanced from time to time to be located. 1 5

That the number of recruits from the East exceeded those from the Middle West is rather difficult, if not impossible, to prove; and, Mr. Cross does not really establish his case convincingly. Whitney Cross acknowledges that he has used the federal census of 1860 in his endeavor to establish the predominantly eastern origin and makeup of Mormonism, but that 14 15

ibid. Cross, Burned-over

District, 146.


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Thesis

census does not really substantiate his case. T h e 1860 census shows that of the 27,490 native-born residents in Utah, 1,744 came from New York, while a somewhat larger number (1,796) came from Illinois. There were 1,551 who came from Iowa, 884 who came from Ohio, 862 who came from Pennsylvania. T h e states of New York, Illinois, Iowa, Pennsylvania, and Ohio contributed 6,837, or better than half of the aggregate originating in the states of the Union. 16 Thirty-eight per cent of the aggregate population was born in the territories, namely, 15,968.17 Approximately 40 per cent of the population was under 13 years of age and therefore largely born in Utah or the territories. 18 T h e nature of such statistics has not prevented Cross's affirming that "Mormonism should not be called a frontier religion in terms of the persons it appealed to any more than it should in terms of its origin." 19 NATIVE-BORN U T A H N S I N

(Source: U.S. Population Population," 578.) Alabama Arkansas California Connecticut Delaware Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;-

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

1860

Census for 1860, from "Table No. 5, Nativities of Free 96 9 236 232 47 5 46 1,796 322 1,551 7 260 30 222 42 523 42 113

Missouri New Hampshire New Jersey New York North Carolina

726 175 210 1,744 118 884 1

Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina Tennessee Texas Vermont Virginia Wisconsin District of Columbia Territories At Sea Not stated

862 26 37 398 67 326 158 37 2 15,968 8 44

Aggregate Native

27,490

16 Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847 to 1869, ed., Leland Hargrave Creer (Salt Lake City, 1940), 206. 17 Ibid., 205. 18 Ibid., 206. 19 Cross, Burned-over District, 150.


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My examination of the 1860 census would seem to indicate that well over half of the Mormon membership came from non-eastern states or territories. A glance at the table should confirm my estimate. Most nativeborn Mormons seem to have come from the Middle West. A significant factor which Mr. Cross does not take into consideration has to do with estimating the percentage of conversion as against density of population in each state. It would be of little avail to show that roughly the same number of converts came from Illinois as from New York if New York had twice the population of Illinois. William Alexander Linn in The Story of the Mormons suggests that Joseph Smith left western New York because he could not get enough conversions there. Mr. Linn suggests that Joseph Smith's proselytizing efforts in western New York were not as productive as he had hoped. Before Joseph Smith had been able to convert more than 100 people, four of his Mormon missionaries had converted 127 persons within a brief two- or three-week period, and the number of converts had reached 1,000 within a short time. Mr. Linn believes that it was the proselytizing results in the West on the part of his missionaries that encouraged Joseph Smith to move west.20 Here is Mr. Linn's assessment: "A sufficient reason for the removal was the failure to secure converts where Smith was known, and the ready acceptance of the new belief among Rigdon's Ohio people." 21 It would probably be the better part of discretion to be skeptical of Mr. Cross's evaluation of the appeal of Mormon doctrine until his case has been established; and, the subject would perhaps warrant a closer examination than anyone has given it. Mr. Andrew Love Neff, the author of the useful and valuable History of Utah: 1847 to 1869 believes that "Whether foreign or domestic, all the regions from whence . . . [the Mormons] came represented advanced economic and culture areas." 22 Precisely what Mr. Neff really meant by advanced economic and culture areas is not clear. The proportion and number of converts that came from such frontier areas as Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, Michigan, even California seems to have been rather significant in relation to the number of people living there. And, much of that area during the Mormon sojourn in the Middle West was in large part frontier country falling within Turner's fluctuating and imprecise evaluation of "frontier." 20 William Alexander Linn, The Story of the Mormons: the Year 1901 (New York, 1902), 131. 21

Ibid., 106.

22

Neff, History of Utah, 206.

From the Date of Their Origin to


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In a certain sense major groups of the Mormon Church seldom lived in a "frontier" environment. Shortly after Joseph Smith's westward movement, the missionary efforts had become so successful that wherever the Mormons moved they came as a clear majority or soon became a majority, and perhaps no region into which they moved with their many numbers would have constituted a "frontier" region to Mr. Cross. But, this assumption may be incorrect because he acknowledges that "the church existed generally on the frontier and kept moving westward with the tide of settlement." 23 In Jackson County, Missouri, the Far West and Independence establishments of the Mormons must have numbered close to 13,000 around June 1838, just eight years after the founding of the Mormon Church with its 100 members and 1,200 miles from the place of Mormon origin. Mormon troops in Far West, Missouri, numbered 1,200 to 1,500. We know that after the exodus from Far West the Mormons moved into Illinois and established Nauvoo, and within a few years the estimated population of Nauvoo and its environs was 15,000 with a militia of 2,000.24 Within a short time of the Mormon establishment of Nauvoo, what had been a relatively empty region became the most populous region in Illinois. Within a very few years of the incorporation of the Mormon Church in western New York, no matter what the region into which the Mormon people moved, it became an area of relatively dense population from the sheer strength in numbers of the Mormon people. The belief that Mormonism did not appeal to frontiersmen may be due to a hasty appraisal of the deterrent effect on missionary activity which the fear, envy, and hostility the Mormons aroused in many people, who were their immediate neighbors, may have had. But hostility from some neighbors does not preclude the existence of friendly Gentile neighbors among whom recruitment may have been successful. Local hostility might be likely to bring sympathy for the Mormons in areas where they had not settled and perhaps a readiness to listen sympathetically to Mormon doctrine. We know that the people of eastern Illinois welcomed the Mormons with sympathy after troubles and harassment in Missouri had forced the Mormon removal. Mr. Cross's hypothesis, which he asserts as fact, fails to consider the important matter of duration of recruitment activity in any given area. Evidence based on missionary activity during the 17-year period in the United States from 1830 to 1847 shows that missionary activity did not extend into two-thirds of Illinois until 11 to 17 years after missionaries had 23 24

Cross, Burned-over District, 150. O'Dea, The Mormons, 51.


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been active in most of New York. Almost no missionary work was done in Iowa prior to 1847, and none at all in Minnesota prior to 1847. Missionary activity in Wisconsin did not begin until 11 to 17 years later than in New York. 25 There seems to be no evidence compelling enough to support Mr. Cross's hypothesis without some serious misgivings. But, what does lend credence to Mr. Cross's belief is the large group of immigrants the Mormon missionaries were able to attract from England and the Scandinavian countries. T h e census of 1860 shows 12,754 foreign-born residents in Utah, whereas native-born numbered 27,490 or 68 per cent of the population. In June 1837 the Mormon Church established a mission in England and brought the whole European continent within reach of Mormon doctrine. Missions to Scandinavia were added in 1849.26 Thus the Mormons began their missionary endeavors in England and the European continent and achieved 12,754 converts from that richly populated area by the year 1860 after 23 years of effort; whereas at Nauvoo alone, before European immigration of Mormon converts had any importance, there were 15,000 with about 27,000 scattered within the boundaries of the United States in 1845, after 15 years of effort. It is regrettable that Mr. Cross speaks with more assurance than the facts would warrant when he says, "Obviously, then, Mormonism should not be called a frontier religion in terms of the persons it appealed to, any more than it should in terms of its origin." Mr. Cross has not troubled to be concerned with percentage of population drawn from any region, or the duration of recruitment efforts in any area, and he has not attempted to define which areas of Mormon proselytizing constituted frontier areas in his opinion and which did not. 1847-1849 T h e Mormons in U t a h may be said to have had four successive governments : 1. Theocracy 1847-1849. 2. Provisional government of the State of Deseret 1849-1851. 3. Territorial government 1851-1896. 4. U t a h State government 1896THEOCRACY

An inquiry into the degree of democracy and the reasons for the absence of civil government during the theocracy of 1847 to 1849 shall concern us here. During this period nearly 10,000 Mormons lived closely together 25 William Edwin Berrett, The Restored Church: A Brief History of the Growth and Doctrines of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1956), demographic map, 109. 26 O'Dea, The Mormons, 9 0 - 9 1 .


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and "managed the entirety of . . . [their] economic and social affairs without the semblance of political government." 2 7 T h e theocratic government did not spring full-blown in the desert. Its origins and the sources of its development, organization, and implementation are to be found in the revelations of Joseph Smith, in the h a r d and tortuous wanderings of the Mormon people, and in their relationship to their environment and its frequently hostile people. T h e history of such development during 17 years of wandering in the Middle West is too complicated to be treated here. But certainly, the relationship between church and people, and church and civil government, was subject to change both prior to the settlement of the U t a h country, and after its settlement as well. It would be impossible to deal at all adequately with anything more than some aspects of the first two years of Mormon settlement in the Great Basin. T h e two-year period (1847-49) is selected for examination not because it is less complicated or involved than any other two-year period in Mormon history, but because it seems to offer a more serious stumbling block to the Turner thesis than any other period, before or since. O n the Mormons' arrival in the Great Salt Lake Basin late in July 1847, there were no constituted civil authorities to greet them. It was a rather forbidding, arid region about 1,000 miles from anywhere. Brigham Young and his people were aware that there was more attractive land west of the Sierras as well as in the Pacific Northwest. But, the forbidding, unpromising nature of much of the Intermountain region seemed to promise an isolation for individual development that more attractive regions could not have afforded. I n the new environment, already established church agencies met all governmental requirements. T h e High Council made the laws. Instead of civil courts the bishop, High Council, and the First Presidency acted in such capacity. For the execution and enforcement of the law there was the Nauvoo Legion. Church tithes and offerings provided revenue. 28 T h e Mormons had finally found an extensive physical domain in which they hoped to grow and expand unmolested by Gentiles. Their numbers h a d grown to such an extent by 1847 that there was probably no other region where they could grow and develop as they wished to. In October of 1845 at a meeting in the almost completed temple at Nauvoo from which the Mormons were about to flee, Parley Pratt, one of the early scholars and philosophers of the Mormon movement, put the Mormon purposes and condition in these words: 27 28

Neff, History of Utah, 107. Ibid., 110.


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O n e small nursery may produce many thousands of fruit trees, while they are small. But as they expand toward maturity they must needs be transplanted, in order to have room to grow and produce natural fruits. It is so with us. We want a country where we have room to expand, and to put into requisition all our energies and the enterprise and talents of a numerous, and intelligent, and increasing people. 2 9

T h e philosophy and ideas seem to be very much like Turner's thesis, particularly with the emphasis upon transplantation, freedom to develop energies and talents, and room. T h e whole Mormon undertaking in the West assumed the existence of enough land and resources for all. And, Mormons found them in the U t a h region along with the requisite isolation and freedom to develop as they chose. An unnamed speaker at the same meeting with Parley Pratt added: We calculate to go the same people we are n o w ; preserving the same principles which have caused us to grow a n d expand as we have done . . . and however much the people may seem disposed not to go, the sails are set, the wind is fair, and we are bound to weather the point, whether we will or not; for we are not at the h e l m . . . . 30

T h e Mormon faith, like the Puritan, had developed its principles and grown in a land which could no longer hold them. Both were built on the assumption that the church was divine and eternal, that they were under divine auspices; both needed isolation to develop; and both established theocratic government in a wilderness. But the differences (if not great, still differences) in the two theocracies would seem to uphold Turner's thesis of increasing democratization. According to Turner's theory the Puritans representing European "germs" evolving under frontier conditions would have to be less democratic and more class conscious than the Mormons, an offshoot of essentially Puritan origin benefitting during a long period from the democratizing influence of the frontier. Class distinctions among the Mormons were relatively non-existent. T h e duties of church officials did not exempt them from labor on farms, or in business and industry. Church officers, during the early period, were expected to support themselves. The hierarchy of class distinctions that existed in Puritan theocracy was significantly less pronounced in Mormon society. T h e church authority that was exercised in the settlement and organization of Utah was really quite permissive and partook more of the 29 B. H . Roberts, ed., History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Salt Lake City, 1902-1932), V I I , 464. 30 Ibid., 468.

Saints . . . (7 vols


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quality of voluntarism on the part of the people than ecclesiastical fiat on the part of the church. There was no civil or legal authority that could force a Saint to accept a 10- or 15-acre plot of land in the south of U t a h if he chose to live in northern Utah. There was a good deal of land available everywhere, though limited by access to sources of irrigation. When the church found more people in any settled community than available land and irrigation possibilities of the moment would comfortably permit, it would ask for volunteers to settle vacant regions, previously explored, which could accommodate additional settlers. And, if a settlement at Moroni needed a blacksmith and the village of Manti had one blacksmith, as well as three other blacksmiths occupied as farmers, church authorities would present the needs of the new settlement at Moroni and ask for volunteers from Manti to meet such needs. T h e church was primarily dependent upon the willingness and free-will determination of the people to assist one another rather than upon arbitrary fiat. Nevertheless, Andrew Love Neff, Mormon historian, finds it possible to observe that certain phases of the Puritan concept and viewpoint, which were losing their grip on the inhabitants of New England, were reborn and reinvigorated in the U t a h desert. 31 " I n some respects," he has said, "it seemed that Brigham Young had picked up the thread of life where Jonathan Edwards and Cotton Mather had laid it down." 3 2 Ecclesiastical officials in the Mormon Church are appointed or nominated by the presiding officers of the church, but their selection does not become effective until voted upon favorably by the Saints. 33 But such approval was a routine matter, and the authority of the prophet-president and his nominee was not much endangered by this practice. Yet, both Mormon and nonMormon commentators agree that frontier conditions were such as to leave individual initiative and decision not much impaired. Thomas O'Dea finds that " T h e initiative of the rank and file was hardly impaired, and the new country with its challenge to individual hardihood and ingenuity offered an outlet to talents that counterbalanced the restriction often associated with . . . authoritarian rule." 3 4 Although much of the Mormon colonization was directed by church authority, the first villages settled in the Salt Lake Valley grew up undirected, and unplanned, as individual initiative dictated, as was usually the case with other American 31 32

Neff, History of Utah, 109. Ibid.

33

Milton R. Hunter, Brigham

34

O'Dea, The Mormons,

84.

Young, the Colonizer

(Salt Lake City, 1940), 116.


U2

Utah Historical

Quarterly

settlement. Furthermore, the early period of settlement could not be minutely directed by one man. 35 H a d Mormon inclination been more strongly oriented toward authoritarianism, separatism, and ecclesiastical primacy than it was, we might have expected the establishment of a church-state in the West, free from civil authority. It would seem that 1,000 miles from anywhere in the Great Basin area, the Mormons could have instituted whatever social or national organization they pleased. They were nominally squatters on Mexican territory. T h e United States had no legal jurisdiction over them. T h e Mormon Church seems to have had a very excellent opportunity of proclaiming its independence of the United States, of Mexico, or of any other temporal power. Population statistics indicate that there were about 30,000 Mormons in the United States â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 11,000 of them were in Utah by 1850.36 In the vastness of the West they might possibly have formed an actual church-state, recognizing no authority but itself, had the will to do so been there. Texans h a d proclaimed their freedom without the impetus of Zionism which motivated the Mormons. And yet, the Mormons retained their loyalty to the United States and to the principle of the division of church and state, and in 1849 organized a state government and a state constitution which they hoped would bring it admittance into the United States as an equal member with the other states. Richard T. Ely, in his Harper's Monthly article, "Economic Aspects of Mormonism," has made perhaps the most amusing observation on Mormon authoritarianism and centralism: "So far as I can judge from what I have seen, the organization of the Mormons is the most nearly perfect piece of social mechanism with which I have ever, in any way, come in contact, excepting alone the German army." 3 7 Mr. Ely further finds that unrestrained individualism could not have succeeded in Utah because of the necessity for irrigation. T h e pre-existent qualities and institutions of the Mormons seemed to be ideally suited to successful endeavors in Utah. H e avers t h a t : " T h e agriculture pursued was irrigated agriculture, which for its success is dependent upon a compact society, well knit together. Individualism was out of the question under these conditions, and in Mormonism we find precisely the cohesive strength of religion needed at that juncture to secure economic success." ! Mr. Ely's statement, of course, does nothing more than affirm Turner's earlier comments on what the con35

Ibid. Berrett, The Restored Church, 493. 37 Richard T. Ely, "Economic Aspects of Mormonism," Harper's (April, 1903), 668. 38 Ibid., 669. 36

Monthly

Magazine,

C


Turner Thesis

173

ditions of the arid West exacted in the way of social organization. Here is Turner speaking three months earlier than Ely in the Atlantic Monthly: . . . But when the arid lands and the mineral resources of the F a r West were reached, no conquest was possible by the old individual pioneer methods. H e r e expensive irrigations works must be constructed, cooperative activity was demanded in utilization of the water supply, capital beyond the reach of the small farmer was required. In a word, the physiographic province itself decreed that the destiny of this new frontier should be social rather t h a n individual. 3 9

T o sum up what has gone before. In a significant sense it can be said that at no point in Mormon history did the frontier produce autocratic institutions into church practices without accompanying free and democratic civil institutions, except for the period from 1847 to 1849, when it might be said that forbidding frontier conditions demanded the utilization of a pre-existent church organization which was augmented by the democratically oriented civil constitution of 1849. CONCLUSION

This paper has attempted to discover whether western New York was a frontier region. Whitney Cross's description of western New York emphasizes non-frontier aspects; however, Turner's definition of frontier would seem to be broad enough to encompass the western New York area in question. As for the appeal of Mormonism, it seems to have appealed about as well to frontiersmen as to Englishmen. Mr. Cross does not seem to be on unequivocal ground when he says that Mormonism did not appeal to frontiersmen and that it was not of frontier origin. T h e U t a h beginnings show a necessary use of church authority in the beginning, though still with a good deal of individual initiative. Mormon experience shows an early reinstatement of civil authority and a recognition of the necessary and desirable division of church and state. Mormon response to environment would seem to be in accord with Turner's expectations.

39 Turner, Frontier in American History, 258, quoting from the Atlantic Monthly ary 1903.

of Janu-


REVIEWS and PUBLICATIONS Standing Lands

Up Country: The of Utah and Arizona.

GREGORY

CRAMPTON.

Canyon By C.

(New York:

Alfred A. Knopf a n d University of U t a h Press, 1964. x x + 1 9 1 + v p p . $15.00) Are the canyon lands of U t a h and Arizona too vast to know, as some say, or too sublime to comprehend? If so, then Dr. C r a m p t o n has practically accomplished the impossible. From man's nebulous a n d s c a t t e r e d k n o w l e d g e of t h i s rock country and from his recorded moments of inspiration, C r a m p t o n has given us the essence of its history. T h r o u g h these pages come the valiant, struggling men of canyon land past â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the paradoxical Spaniard, converting souls on one h a n d while capturing slaves with t h e other; the government explorers, some timid, other courageous; t h e residents, Mormon, Navajo, a n d U t e ; the exploiters, w h o generally failed; a n d finally t h e poets and romanticists. T h r o u g h these stories out of the past, C r a m p t o n gives us a characterization of the land itself. H e r e is a land where nature's weapons, water and wind, have slashed a maze of ribbon-like canyons through t h e brightly colored rock. A "rock jungle," rancher Al Scorup once termed it. Standing Up Country is the most significant book ever published on the subject of U t a h ' s southeast quadrant. Although t h e subtitle mentions canyon lands, the new national park with this n a m e is only a small part of this book. Dazzling photographs complement the text throughout. Beautifully reproduced

are 16 photos in full color and 110 in gravure. A couple of t h u m b trips through the book are usually necessary before one begins to notice the text. Crampton has chosen photographs that depict the sweep of country, photos that seem to say, as geologist Clarence Dutton did in 1889, that this is a "superlative desert." Standing Up Country can be enjoyed on many levels. T h e photographs alone tell a good story. T h e t e x t d e e p e n s understanding and appreciation; it widens horizons, as well as entertains. Then, if one desires to go into the footnotes and the Bibliography, he will find a treasure of detailed references. Crampton's book is largely an outgrowth of his seven-year survey of Glen Canyon history. But this is not a book solely for historians. Dr. Crampton has written Standing Up Country for all of us w h o love the mysterious canyon country. I n effect, h e has written a testimonial of his own love affair with the W. L. R U S H O

U.S. Bureau of

Reclamation

Be It Enacted: The Creation of the Territory of Arizona. By B . S A C K S . (Phoenix: Arizona Historical Foundation, 1964. x v i 4 - 2 0 0 p p . $7.50) Whatever other contribution made to his native state, t h e 1964 Republican n o m i n e e for t h e P r e s i d e n c y of t h e U n i t e d States, Barry M. Goldwater, p r e s i d e n t of t h e A r i z o n a H i s t o r i c a l Foundation, did a notable day's work in encouraging the study of Arizona history by B. Sacks, M . D . As explained in an


Reviews and Publications introduction by Professor John A. Carroll of the University of Arizona, the present volume also owes much to the University of Arizona and the Arizona Pioneer Historical Society. Be It Enacted is based on a lecture delivered by Dr. Sacks in Tucson, M a r c h 16, 1963 (subsequently published in Arizona and the West, Spring and Summer numbers, 1963). T h e first 109 pages reproduce the material thus originally published, with 325 notes. Several notes are gemlike essays on personalities and events. Appended are 80 pages of documents and facsimiles. H e r e are many bases for additional refinements, explorations, and new departures in historical study. More than 60 valuable photographs and documents are also included as illustrations. An inside back-cover flap contains, suitable for framing, two maps and a facsimile of the statute approved by Abrah a m Lincoln, February 24, 1863, creating Arizona Territory. Any library or person investing in this volume receives a treasure trove. A steady flow of rich dividends in additional scholarly studies can be expected from this work. T h e Arizona Historical Foundation, its president, and its executive vice president (Bert Fireman) deserve e n t h u s i a s t i c t h a n k s for m a k i n g these materials available to a wider public in such handsome form. Among other values, the book itself is a beautiful example of the publisher's art. Dr. Sacks' writing is painstakingly methodical. T h e play-by-play, blow-byblow accounts of Congressional procedure in dealing with the various Arizona bills reflect many hours spent with letters, journals, and volumes of the Congressional Globe. At some stages, this reviewer caught the feeling that the movements a n d forces of politics were occasionally lost in procedural detail. T h e n reference to the Sonora Exploring and Mining Company or some other interests is inserted in the text; or, an illustration of the silver inkstand make by Tiffany

175 as a gift for Lincoln from Charles D . Poston; or Lincoln's Haycraft letter reproduced. T h u s the procedures again acquire humanness and meaning. Pathology again becomes related to politics. T h e volume sheds new light on the role of Samuel P. Heintzelman. A section entitled "Another Father of Arizona?" can have the question m a r k removed so far as this reviewer is concerned. We may, however, await with interest the publication of Heintzelman's journal with Dr. Sacks' annotations, also further examination of the facts behind the newspaper clippings reporting Charles Poston's versions as to why and how Arizona became a territory. A Poston account was reported in the Tucson Citizen in April 1884, after Heintzelman's death in 1880. T h a t report now appears to have suggested some responsibilities which were clearly the work of the latter. O n e of the many virtues of a germinal study and collection of documents is to inspect and launch scholarship on new paths. T h e jacket, in addition to Heintzelman's journal, announces preparation by Sacks of monographs on H e r m a n Ehrenberg, Sylvester Mowry, the Sonora Exploration and Mining Company, Samuel Colt and Arizona, and the founding of Yuma. These monographs will be most welcome. This volume will also stimulate many, many studies by others, and theses galore. I n a work that leaves many impressions and opens new curiosities, Be It Enacted left me with a strong feeling that the settlement of Mesilla deserves further study in connection with the founding of Arizona. This New Mexico town appears, from B. Sacks' account, to have been "Arizona," or m u c h of it, in the early beginnings. T h e role of the men and economic interests of Mesilla, of the corporation as an entity, of those who sought U.S. mail contracts as well as rail routes through the Gadsden Purchase, Sylvester Mowry's ambitions, and other h u m a n behavior â&#x20AC;&#x201D; here are areas


176

Utah Historical Quarterly

where future students of western social, economic, and cultural history, will revel. B. Sacks has produced a volume in the tradition of the logical positivists -— collecting the facts and letting the facts speak for themselves. But events grow out of the dreams and imaginings which propelled men and women into the desert Southwest. Some will seek further answers as to why the blessings of civil government were sought for Arizona. It is good that they will have the prodigious study of B. Sacks available. G. H O M E R D U R H A M

Arizona State Silver Theatre: ing Frontier 1864.

By

University

Amusements of the Minin Early Nevada, 1850— MARGARET

G.

WATSON.

(Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1964. 387 pp. $9.50) This book, based upon careful research is an ably written and fascinating account of the amusements of Nevada's silver mining country from 1850 through 1864. But it is more than the story of Washoe entertainment. I t includes much that is relevant to the social, political, and economic history of early Nevada. Washoites found delight in eating, drinking, story telling, dancing, gambling, shootings, hangings, dueling, sports, pranks, lotteries, balls, parades, c e l e b r a t i o n s , a n d circuses. T h e a t r e s , melodeons, and saloons presented yarn spinners (Artemus W a r d was a favorite), singers, Hurdy-Gurdy Girls, minstrels, operas, popular comedies, farces, melodramas, and many of Shakespeare's plays. T h e book is filled with anecdotes about thespians, entertainers, and managers of Washoe — M a r t Taylor; James and Sarah Stark; M c K e a n B u c h a n a n ; Virginia H o w a r d ; the Westwoods, who came from U t a h and built Washoe's first theatre; Charles Pope; Mrs. Leight o n ; Sam Wells; Walter L e m a n ; the C h a p m a n s ; Julia H a y n e ; Frank M a y o ;

Junius Brutus Booth, J r . ; Ada Isaacs M e n k e n ; Lotta Crab tree; the Irwins ("Brigham's Pets") ; J o h n Burns; Henry Sutliff; Mr. Topliffe; and T h o m a s M a guire, who brought many famous players to his Virginia City opera house. Samples of song lyrics, recitations, and folk verse admired in silverland are found throughout the book. Excerpts from press items and stories suggest that Washoites found entertainment as well as news in their newspapers. Sam Clemens reported that "on Tuesday evening that sickest of all sentimental dramas, East Lynn, will be turned loose upon us at the Opera House . . . If the tears flow as freely as I count upon, water privileges will be cheap in Virginia next week . . ." D a n De Quille (William Wright) wrote humorous stories and sketches for the papers. H e was also Nevada's first historian and playwright. Washoites were convulsed by his "local" comedies, The Sage Struck Yankee and The Wheelers in Washoe. Anecdotes about benefits for theatre folk, firemen, military units, and for sick and wounded soldiers attest to the generosity of Washoites. Sometimes benefits were impromptu. A Virginia City audience "tossed to Lotta's feet 'frequent showers of silver approbation in the shape of four-bit pieces, more than a hundred dollars worth.' " O n another n i g h t a " s i l v e r b a r of c o n s i d e r a b l e weight" was tossed. A Bulletin reporter expressed concern. " H a d the bar fell on Miss Lotta's toes it would have knocked all the nimbleness out of them." In Austin $5,000 were raised for the Sanitary F u n d (the Civil W a r Red Cross) by Gridley's Flour Sack Procession. T h e footnotes provide some pleasurable reading about many things which were part of Washoe life: the Civil War, Union-Secession fights, "metallic versus green-back money," army recruiting, Indians, Pony Express, politics, civic improvement, newspaper rivalries, theatre, a $3,000 telegram, a n d m a n y other things. T h e unique illustrations include


177

Reviews and Publications maps and views of Washoe towns; pictures of theatre personalities and writers; playbills; songs; a hand-written invitation to a ball; Hurdy-Gurdy Girls; the Flour Sack Procession; and the curtain bell of Maguire's O p e r a House. An appendix lists in chronological order titles of many of the plays, curtain raisers, afterpieces, and burlesques presented in Washoe amusement places. Margaret G. Watson's chronicle of the amusements of the hardy Washoites is enjoyable reading. FLOYD MORGAN

Utah State

University

Black Robe: The Life of Pierre-Jean De Smet,Missionary,Explorer & Pioneer. By J O H N U P T O N T E R R E L L .

(Garden

City: Doubleday & Company, Incorporated, 1964. 381 pp. $4.95) This most recent biography of Father Pierre-Jean de Smet, S.J., has the merit of being based on the famous missionary priest's own writings. I t is, indeed, a very faithful and admirable summary of them, designed, as the author candidly states in his Foreword, to restore his subject to his rightful place in the gallery of the great figures of western history. And since Father de Smet was so accomplished a journalist himself, with such a flare for the vivid and the picturesque, Mr. Terrell's book makes fascinating reading and may be recommended as a splendid example of w h a t the French term haute vulgarisation, the legitimate popularization of history. I t must not be taken, however, as a critical biography. I t adds nothing to our knowledge of Father de Smet, and there is even insufficient evidence to show that the writer has used the available p u b l i s h e d sources w i t h d i s c e r n ment. T h e r e is no question that the Jesuit missionary and path-marker was an extraordinary figure, a magnetic personality, an influential mediator between the Indians and their White oppressors,

but it has long been recognized that a definitive biography would be extremely difficult to write. I t is a great pity that the m a n best prepared for this task, Father Gilbert J. Garraghan, S.J., died before he could address himself to it. For Father de Smet, with all his greatness, was very much of a "character." H e was in and out of the Society of Jesus during his formative years, and it may be suspected that his restlessness under the discipline of the order h a d a great deal to do with the burgeoning of his missionary zeal. This is not to deny that he succeeded magnificiently in this role; but even here it must be remarked that de Smet never remained for any length of time on the missionary frontier, either among his beloved Flatheads or out on the Great Plains with the Blackfeet, the Crow, and the Sioux. Like his contemporary, John Charles Fremont, he may more aptly be called a missionary pathmarker rather than a pioneer. T h e same restlessness explains in large measure de Smet's extraordinary record as an ocean voyager. H e may have complained to his readers that he was shunted from the missions to the role of traveling salesman for the impoverished Province of St. Louis, but it was fairly evident to his superiors and his companions that he thoroughly enjoyed his assignments, just so long as they kept him on the move. H o w reliable was de Smet as historian of the missions? It must be remembered that practically his entire literary output was designed to encourage the faithful of Europe, Belgium notably, and France, to contribute funds to the subvention of the enterprise. H e wrote to edify and to inspire. H e was not above drawing a long bow in his descriptions of western wonders (for which there was ample p r e c e d e n t ) , a n d his c h r o n o l o g i e s a r e often hopelessly confused. Nevertheless, he was there, and he had the artist's eye to make the record come alive. There is far more wheat than chaff in his harvest. De Smet, of course, never penetrated the Great Basin. T h e monument erected


Utah Historical Quarterly

178 in h i s m e m o r y m a n y y e a r s a g o a n d placed in the grounds of the then Sacred H e a r t Academy, Ogden, is a tribute to a m a n who never saw U t a h . Certainly he knew something of t h e nature of the land, a n d was able to discuss it intelligently with Brigham Young when he paused a t Winter Quarters in the late a u t u m n of 1846, en route from the mountains to St. Louis. A decade later he accompanied General Harney for a portion of the way when that officer was assigned to t h e command of the troops designated to quell the U t a h Rebellion. But in the largest sense, de Smet belongs to the entire West, a n d eminently deserves the full-scale biography which will place h i m in accurate focus as pathmarker and priest. T h e r e are a few obvious errors in the book under review, as, for example, Archbishop Samel of Baltimore for Archbishop Samuel Eccleston, a n d a reference to Pope Gregory X V I as living in 1865, when he was almost 20 years dead. T h e r e is, as t h e conscientious reviewer must add, no index. B I S H O P R O B E R T J. D W Y E R

Diocese of Reno History

of Brigham

Published

Young,

by W I L L I A M

a n d P E T E R L. C R A W L E Y .

MassCal Associates, pp. $25.00)

1847-1867. L.

KNECHT (Berkeley:

1964. ix + 407

When H u b e r t Howe Bancroft was preparing to write his History of Utah, he asked the M o r m o n Church leaders to supply him with information for the book. They decided to do so, a n d assigned Franklin D. Richards the task of gathering a n d delivering t h e information. T h e result was that Mr. Bancroft received hundreds of manuscripts from U t a h . They have been preserved a n d are in the Bancroft Library of the University of California at Berkeley. Among these manuscripts were three, evidently

written in the L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, which covered the "Early Records" a n d "Incidents" in U t a h history, from July 1847 through 1867. They were copied by Mr. K n e c h t and Mr. Crawley and printed as a book. T h e title of this book is misleading, as it is not a history of Brigham Young. I t is n o t a real history of anything. T h e manuscripts were apparently written for the purpose of furnishing Mr. Bancroft with such information as the church leaders hoped he would include in his book. But matters about which they did not want him to say much were mentioned only briefly or not at all. More than 50 pages of the book are devoted to the M o r m o n side of the story of the U t a h War, b u t only a little more than one page to t h e Mountain Meadows massacre. T h e book tells of the arrival of the Martin and Willie handcart companies, but does not mention the fact that many of the emigrants in these two companies had died. And it tells of the flight of Governor Dawson from Utah, less than a month after taking office, but says nothing about his being beaten and robbed by the ruffians h e had hired to guard him while h e was leaving. Polygamy, one of the greatest problems in early U t a h , is almost completely ignored. T h e same is true of the Civil War. Practically nothing was said about the war, a n d there is n o explanation of why t h e people of U t a h refused to take sides in it. A n d one of the very important events in early U t a h , the "Reformation" of 1856 is not mentioned. M a n y other important matters are ignored or mentioned only briefly. So this book is far from being a history of U t a h during the period which it covers. But it does contain much information, and those interested in early U t a h history should read it, keeping in mind that it is only one side of the story. STANLEY S. IVINS

Salt Lake City


179

Reviews and Publications Nevada Place Names, Their Origin and Significance.

By R U F U S W O O D L E I G H .

(Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1964. x i + 1 4 9 p p . $2.50) It is, indeed, a formidable research task to compile a list of Nevada place names. T h e writer of this book, Rufus Wood Leigh, has made a good start. Although there are included herein some 300 or more names of physical features and cultural entities in Nevada, the number is less than one-third of those that could have been included. I n the book written by the late Don Ashbaugh, Neveda's Turbulent Yesterday (1963), he lists more than 1,300 Nevada places — living, dying, a n d dead towns; and in A Century of Nevada Postoffices, by Walter N . Frickstad a n d Edward W. Thrall (1958) almost 1,000 are given. Since there are several different ways to approach this subject, M r . Leigh chose to give Nevada place names by counties. Because there have been shifts in population as well as great economic changes, places having importance in Nevada history at one time d o not have it at another time, particularly in the case of countyseats. Seven counties in Nevada have had two countyseats, three of them have h a d three countyseats, while the area that is now Clark County has been under four countyseats—Crystal Springs, Hiko, Pioche, and Las Vegas. T o keep the record from being confused, all of them should have been given. Another way to keep the record straight is in listing the different names by which a place has been called. For example, Yerington has been known as Greenfield and Pizen Switch; Dayton has been called Chinatown and Nevada City; Unionville (not listed) was first named Dixie; a n d Genoa was referred to as Mormon Station a n d / o r R e e s e ' s S t a t i o n b e t w e e n 1851-55. T o n o p a h is another example of the evolution of naming a place. T h e settlement which grew u p around the silver strike was first called Butler City (the first post office cancellation was

" B u t l e r " ) , n a m e d for the discoverer, Jim Butler. But Jim did not want the city to be named for himself, so it was changed to T o n a p a h , meaning "Brush Water." W. W . Booth, editor of the Tonopah Times changed the spelling to T o n o p a h . Mr. Leigh has pointed out the changes made in many Indian place names. I n the area of geographic names in Nevada, the author has m a d e errors: Quinn, Quin, or Queen River lies entirely in the Great Basin — it does n o t flow into the Snake River; the FortyMile Desert is between the H u m b o l d t Sink a n d the Carson River, n o t the Truckee River; a n d Highway 50 passes to the east of this desert, while Highway 40 extends along the west side of it. Another error is in naming the Comstock Lode — Henry Tompkins Paige Comstock was nicknamed " O l d P a n c a k e " ; James Finney h a d the pseudonym of "Old Virginy." Although there are eight good Nevada scenes shown (Plate 8 is in California), there is no m a p of the state. A glossary of terms, a Bibliography, a n d an Index are evidences of good scholarship. EFFIE MONA MACK

Reno,

Nevada

Cowboys and Cattlemen: A Roundup from Montana, The Magazine of Western History. Selected and Edited by M I C H A E L S . K E N N E D Y . ( N e w Y o r k :

Hastings House, Publishers, 1964. xii + 364 pp. $10.00) T o set the records straight in the opening section, " F r o m Beaver T o Beef," Lewis Atherton makes some candid observations on cowboys in an article titled "Cattlemen and Cowboy: Fact and Fancy." Ironically, the cattleman rather than the cowboy was the central character on the ranching frontier. Without him, there would have been no cowboys. T h e cowman is too often depicted as a colorless shrew while the cowboy's fame grows ever greater in the pulps a n d on


Utah Historical Quarterly

180 television as his environmental surroundings recede into history. I n reality, the cowboy's life involved so m u c h drudgery and loneliness a n d so little in the way of satisfaction that he drank a n d caroused to excess on his infrequent visits to the shoddy little cowtowns that dotted the West. H e was a drifter whose work and economic status m a d e it difficult for him to marry a n d rear a family so he sought female companionship among prostitutes. Having thus set the records straight for the cattleman, Robert Fletcher writes the next historical account of M o n t a n a ' s early cattle industry, " T h e D a y of the Cattleman Dawned Early in M o n t a n a . " It appears t h a t M o n t a n a ' s cattle history is closely related to U t a h ' s and, to a large extent, got its start when early traders acquired breeding stock on the Mormon Trail between Fort Bridger and Salt Lake City. I n the 1850's M o n t a n a ' s pioneer cattlemen went to Salt Lake to barter for what was to be their first, a n d a prosperous, period in the cattle business of future M o n t a n a . T h e s e c o n d section of t h e b o o k , "Rangeland Royalty," presents a colorful collection of profiles on Montana's early cattle kings: Conrad Kohr, Pierre Wilbaux, Moeton Frewen, a n d the Newm a n Brothers. These are names that are often seen by anyone interested in early cattle history, b u t seldom given such comprehensive coverage. T h e T e x a n s take over M o n t a n a ' s early cattle history in the third section, "Trail Drivin' a n d Texans." Here Editor Michael Kennedy includes one of his own stories about Nelson Story in "First T r a i l Drive to M o n t a n a Territory." James A. Russell records big Bob Fudge's recollections in "Long Trail from Texas," a n d author Joe B. Frantz gives an interesting account of "Texas's Largest R a n c h - I n M o n t a n a " â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the story of the giant X I T . T h e r e are five other sections to this handsome volume, covering everything from " T h e Story behind Charlie Russell's Masterpiece," by Wallis Huide-

koper, to "Latter-Day Longhorns" by T . J. Kerttula, u p to the " E n d of the O p e n Range." M r . Kennedy spurs the reader's interest by warning him that if he expects the synthetic glamour and fabricated floss of all too much fiction, cinema, and television, he will be sadly disappointed. But if he wants the unvarnished fact which did include some raw romance, gunsmoke, a n d lots of rough adventure and hard, dangerous work, then he is on the right range. T h e r e are also dozens of historic photographs a n d paintings and drawings by Charles M . Russell, and Ed Borein which illustrate the book. Cowboys and Cattle should prove an interesting example for other state historical societies that, no doubt, have e q u a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g m a t e r i a l in t h e i r manuscript files. M o n t a n a fell more than a little shy of enough cattle material to fill the large volume, b u t there is certainly enough interesting related material, a n d such masterpieces as J. Frank Dobie's "Snowdrift, Lonest of All Lone Wolves," add a delectable bit of spice to the potpourri. ÂŤ _, TT T 1

4

H O W A R D C. PRICE, J R .

Nutter The

Yellowstone

National

Ranch

Park.

HIRAM MARTIN CHITTENDEN.

By

Edited

a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n by R I C H A R D A.

BARTLETT. ( N o r m a n : University of Oklahoma Press, 1964. xxi-f-208 pp. $1.95) This reviewer acquired a n d read a copy of H i r a m M a r t i n Chittenden's The Yellowstone National Park in 1928. Mr. Chittenden's forthright and charming style, together with his mastery of all facets of Park background and history, engaged my personal interest a n d appreciation that still abides. I hold all of Chittenden's works in high esteem. I n his I n t r o d u c t i o n , D r . B a r t l e t t stressed the significance of 1872, when Yellowstone National Park was created by Congress. This action was placed in


181

Reviews and Publications context with contemporary events a n d in contrast with laissez faire, rugged, individualistic, economic philosophy of the period. F r o m t h e vantage point of perspective t h e editor therein pinpointed the genius of the concept formulated by several members of the Washburn-Langford-Doane Expedition in 1870, a n d subsequently enacted by Congress. Dr. Bartlett pays tribute to H . M . Chittenden's proficiency as a n engineer a n d author. His Yellowstone National Park, Historical and Descriptive, was first published in 1895. Since then five editions have been printed, in which several editors have contributed material. T h e additional data added, together with differences in style, diminished the seamless character of the original monograph. I t was mostly for this reason t h a t the present publishers a n d owners decided to base t h e current printing upon the 1895 edition. Richard A. Bartlett, associate professor of history, University of Florida, was authorized to delete t h e entire descriptive section, which amounted to 100 pages. This was done to very good effect, since the material in this division was out of date. Dr. Bartlett employed annotation slenderly. However, his notes are instructive a n d appropriate. H e did w h a t was needed for this particular book. Very few errors escaped his attention. As a result of t h e effort of all concerned in this revision, the public may now acquire H i r a m M. Chittenden's elegant, original Yellowstone National Park history at a nominal price. ,, ~ â&#x20AC;&#x17E; M E R R I L L D . BEAL

Idaho State The

Central

Pacific

Pacific Railroads. Photographs

by

& The

University Southern

By L U C I U S B E E B E E . RICHARD

STEIN-

HEIMER. (Berkeley: H o w e l l - N o r t h Books, 1963. 631 p p . $15.00) Lucius Beebee's The Central Pacific & The Southern Pacific Railroads is a

formidable pictorial m o n u m e n t to a century of activity in one of the West's principal business empires. I t is not, says the author, a n "inspired court portrait," a n d he clearly hopes also that it differs from the work of professional historians, w h o for h i m are "experts at defamation" a n d "doleful a n d lean lived archivists." I n form it is a portrait in six parts, each with brief text a n d many pictures, d e voted in turn to parts of t h e West in which t h e Big F o u r successively interested themselves: Sierras, U t a h - N e v a d a , southern a n d central California, t h e "Sunset" route, a n d t h e Oregon link. T h e author hopes in each section t o cover the whole range of railroading activity, past a n d present. Not surprisingly, M r . Beebee is more interested in pictures than in words. H i s text, which covers 59 pages o u t of 600, will detain many readers only briefly. I t is notable neither for accuracy nor originality, a n d while it is certainly not "doleful," it has a gaudy vulgarity that seems to this reader tedious a n d repulsive. Essentially, t h e text is an impressionistic backdrop for a conception of railroading that t h e pictures describe m u c h more appealingly. T h e conception is fascinating, though it is hardly as comprehensive in time or theme as the author wishes it to be. W h e t h e r in past or present, railroading for M r . Beebee seems t o consist largely of locomotives, passenger trains, and uproar. T h e really massive quantities of pictures, many of them photographs by the author's collaborator Richard Steinheimer, represent these subjects in great variety a n d vividness, a n d with some very helpful captions they give a striking impression of m u c h of the world of t h e Southern Pacific. T h e y are sure to appeal to hosts of railroad buffs. T h e display is more massive than orderly, however, while readers, w h o are less fascinated by sin a n d steam than M r . Beebee is, may grow weary of repetition and frustrated by t h e unbalanced view of railroading. T h e less frequent pictures of other subjects, such as one of work-


Utah Historical

182 men's feet on a pot-bellied stove, help to widen the impression and almost make it convincing. They never balance it. But balance is in any case out of reach for Mr. Beebee, for while he may not be a "court historian," his enthusiasms leave no room for a proportioned view, let alone any sort of detachment. Mr. Beebee's Southern Pacific is no octopus, nor is it much afflicted by freight, unions, or finance. Still, those who like the romantic vision should find his lavish monument a dazzling and beguiling work. WALLACE D.

University

of

FARNHAM

Wyoming

Ghosts of the Adobe Walls: Human Interest and Historical Highlights from 400 Ghost Haunts of Old Arizona.

By

NELL

MURBARGER.

(LOS

Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1964. 398

pp. $7.50) T h e r e is a vague, indefinite, and sometimes meandering, line between history and a handbook for Sunday treasure hunters. Nell Murbarger manfully attempted to straddle the two with her Ghosts of the Adobe Walls, but her amazing energy and perseverence have, ladylike, produced only a sidesaddle canter along that ridge of uncertainty. For those who seek treasure, souvenirs, or pretty rocks among deserted buildings and mining camps, whose abandonment w a s o r d a i n e d by f a i l u r e to p r o d u c e profit, this book should be welcomed. T h e author has burrowed deeply if not quite selectively among early newspaper files for items of interest about hundreds of early settlements and mining camps of which some trace, usually mounds of adobe or piles of tin cans, still remains. Everywhere, it seems, she found ghosts and romance. As a "Roving Reporter of the Desert," Nell Murbarger has interviewed countless desert rats, obviously both the twoand four-legged varieties, in the preparation of her book. With strong depend-

Quarterly

ence upon such sources of information, it is n o wonder that nearly every old mine was a "bonanza," that every desert hamlet abounded in romance and usually numbered more saloons than homes of solid citizens, that every old adobe structure had a "history," and that her title as well as the content of the book will appeal more to the hobbyist than to the historian. As each person who lives and dies on this earth has a personal history, even so did each adobe wall have its creation in hope and its dissolution in despair. But the mere accumulation of lackluster biographies, whether of men or of hamlets, does not necessarily make history. Nor does Nell Murbarger actually make such a contention. She has brought together many historical and sightseeing sketches, some of them previously published in Desert and other popular serials, as " H u m a n Interest and Historical Highlights." She admittedly is a romantic w h o finds every sunset glorious, the call of every coyote a pioneer experience, and the discovery of each pile of suntinted, shattered glass exciting evidence of pioneer habitation. As a handbook for Sunday wanderers, it is a splendid work. T h e author has compiled a useful list of old towns, forts, ranches, mines, state stations, etc., with directions for reaching them. T h a t t h i s will be u s e d by persons whose own romantic notions lead to hastened destruction of existing buildings and half-destroyed ruins is a moralistic question that should concern the conservationist and the historian. I t is obvious that the readers to whom this book will have the strongest appeal are not academicians, who sadly are outnumbered in efforts to conserve historic sites for posterity. Armed with metal locators, mounted on four-wheel drive vehicles, and guided by books such as this, hordes of weekend fun seekers unw i t t i n g l y c o m m i t v a n d a l i s m in t h e i r search for romance and mementoes of the Old West.


183

Reviews and Publications Nell Murbarger's research into the history is sometimes careless. An example : She relocates the famous Bisbee Deportation of 1917 at Jerome, a town which like this author has capitalized on the ghost image to retell a history that was exciting enough without emphasizing the nether world. T h e illustrations generally are good although the photo-reproduction of pictures and text is off the usual high standard of Westernlore Press. M u c h of the type is broken, as if desert rats h a d been gnawing at its underpinnings. BERT M .

Arizona Historical

FIREMAN

Foundation

American State Archives. By E R N S T POSNER. (Chicago: T h e University of Chicago Press, 1964. xiv + 397 p p . $7.50) At the turn of the present century, the American Historical Association, spurred on by the deep concern of historians for the proper care and preservation of the nation's precious historical records, conducted a survey of the archival programs of many of the states. As a result of its findings, many states took immediate action to establish archival programs, and, in the intervening years, practically every other state has followed suit. American State Archives is the product of another survey conducted by Ernst Posner, former dean of the graduate school at American University and one of the world's recognized authorities on archives. His exhaustive study, which involved a firsthand examination of the recordskeeping practices of 49 states and the Territory of Puerto Rico, was m a d e possible by a grant to the Society of American Archivists by the Council on Library Resources, Incorporated. T h e book provides much more, however, than the typical survey. It is a carefully researched account of the development of archives in the United States and the status of state archives in the 1960's.

I n the introductory section, Dr. Posner traces the origins and evolution of archives in America. H e covers such topics as Colonial recordskeeping practices, the impact of the scientific school of history upon archives, and the important contributions of the Public Archives Commission of the American Historical Association. T h e work of the Historical Records Survey of the Works Progress Administration and the founding of a national association of archivists are also treated. Indeed, this section is, in itself, a major contribution to the literature of the archival field in the United States. T h e major section of the volume is devoted to a survey of archival programs in the 50 states and the Territory of Puerto Rico. Each state is considered separately by the author, who gives a brief historical sketch of its recordskeeping practices and a critical evaluation of its current program. Many of Dr. Posner's candid observations are adverse and severe, but they are always constructive. In each case he has made positive recommendations as to ways for remedying any deficiencies. U t a h readers will be particularly interested in the analysis of the archival and records management activities of their state. T h e author traces the development of the program from the turn of the century when the U t a h State Historical Society became concerned about the state's records and appraises the current program. H e concludes that " T h e potentially notable archives program of the U t a h State Historical Society cannot unfold unless the Society receives adequate funds for an archives building, for which plans are now being drawn." T h e section, "Standards for State Archives Agencies," is one of the most important parts of the volume. Approved by the Committee on Professional Standards of the Society of American Archivists, it serves as a yardstick for all state archival agencies. It outlines the relationship of archives and records management, the functions of a state archives,


Utah Historical Quarterly

184 and the organizational features of a progressive state archival program. T h e author touches also upon the difficulties of obtaining professionally trained candidates for archival positions, the need for an academic curriculum in archives administration, and the qualifications a n d requirements for state archives staffs. This monumental study is bound to have a great impact upon the archival profession in the United States. Dr. Posner has performed a distinct service to historians, archivists, and others interested in the preservation of records. P H I L I P P. M A S O N

Wayne State The San Juan Canyon

University

Historical

By C . G R E G O R Y C R A M P T O N . Glen

Sites. Can-

yon Series N u m b e r 22. Anthropological Papers N u m b e r 70. (Salt Lake City: University of U t a h Press, 1964. 80 p p . $1.75) T h e salvage of history by The San Juan Canyon Historical Sites in the Anthropological Papers of the University of U t a h presents another of the Glen Canyon Series printed files which will be of long use to any student of the area. T h e constant refrain of "probably," "may," "possibly," "may have been," and "is reported" establishes the compilation as a superficial reconnaissance. Its value is as an outline of research projects for future polishing should any of the details develop any stature of importance. T h e "Early History" section presents a sketch of events along the lower p a r t of the river which fills a void of long standing. T h e Bibliography, atlas, and illustrations are fine contributions. A modic u m of able editing might have reduced or eliminated the errors in this section. Legend is not separated from fact and the careful student will quote the m a terial only with due references and use caution in attempting to locate the geographic features in the field. A recognition of the Baker-Strole-

White legend routes this ill-fated party to the mouth of the San J u a n although Lingenfelter, who is quoted, has admitted this phase of his story was not possible. T h e important references to this myth are omitted. A lack of evaluation of the entertaining romancing of the dude wrangler on l a n d a n d w a t e r l e a d s t o q u o t i n g of Wetherill, Johnson, Nevills, and their followers with academic seriousness. A case in point is the n a m i n g of Government Rapid which commemorates the wrecking of one of the two U S G S skiffs in 1921 between Miles 82 and 83. T h e boat was repaired after beaching. Nevills moved the locale a few miles down river to a more impressive bit of water action. T h e yarn-spinning blanketing this episode built u p to two surveyors losing their lives there. Nevills legendry flowers anew at Redbud Canyon, a name which he applied to two places according to the camp chosen for the dudes. His designation recognized some mysterious connection with Redbud Pass on the trail into Rainbow Bridge on the south side of Navajo Mountain. H a d he been allowed to extend his imaginings, he would probably have explained that its connection was one of the deep mysteries hidden in Mystery Canyon. T h e Z a h n and Spencer mining activities receive extensive treatment from the promoters viewpoint b u t evaluation is missing. T h e sketch of early history and the detailing of some of the recent efforts at mineral extraction make this pamphlet a worthwhile addition for the files of any student of southeastern U t a h . Some of these activities may well prove to be important background for more extensive studies. I t is fortunate that public monies could serve in the assembly of these details of the history of the relatively neglected lower San J u a n River. O. D O C K M A R S T O N

Berkeley,

California


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Membership in the Utah State Historical Society is open to all individuals and institutions who are interested in Utah history. We invite everyone to join this one official agency of state government charged by law with the collection, preservation, and publication of materials on Utah and related history. Through the pages of the Utah Historical Quarterlyy the Society is able to fulfill part of its legal responsibility. Your membership dues provide the means for publication of the Quarterly. So, we earnestly encourage present members to interest their friends in joining them in furthering the cause of Utah history. Membership brings with it the Utah Historical Quarterly, the bimonthly Newsletter, and special prices on publications of the Society. The different classes of membership are: Student

$

3.00

Annual

$

5.00

Life

$100.00

For those individuals and business firms who wish to support special projects of the Society, they may do so through making tax-exempt donations on the following membership basis: Sustaining

$ 250.00

Patron

$ 500.00

Benefactor

$1,000.00

Your interest and support are most welcome.


ORICAL An IClfLl


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

BOARD OF TRUSTEES j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1967 President

MRS. J U A N I T A B R O O K S , St. George, 1969

MRS. A. c J E N S E N , Sandy, 1967

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake City Secretary

CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, Salt Lake City, 1969

MILTON c ABRAMS, Smithfield, 1969 HOWARD c. PRICE, J R . , Price, 1967 j . STERLING ANDERSON, Grantsville, 1967 DEAN R. BRIMHALL, Fruita, 1969

L. GLEN SNARR, Salt Lake City, 1967

EVERETT L. COOLEY, Director

T. H . JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives F. T. J O H N S O N , Records Manager, Archives

J O H N J A M E S , J R . , Librarian MARGERY w . WARD, Associate Editor

IRIS SCOTT, B U S I N E S S MANAGER

T h e U t a h State Historical Society is an organization devoted to the collection, preservation, a n d publication of U t a h and related history. I t was organized by publicspirited Utahns in 1897 for this purpose. I n fulfillment of its objectives, the Society publishes the Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 annual membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps, and manuscripts. Many of these items have come to the library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only through such means can the U t a h State Historical Society live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

T h e primary purpose of the Quarterly is t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of m a n u s c r i p t s , p h o t o graphs, and documents which relate or give a new interpretation to Utah's unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for the consideration of the editor. However, the editor assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts unaccompanied by return postage. Manuscripts and material for publications should be sent to the editor. T h e U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid at Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1965, U t a h State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.


SUMMER, 1965

V O L U M E 33

NUMBER 3

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY THEATRE IN ZION: THE BRIGHAM CITY DRAMATIC ASSOCIATION BY RUE C. JOHNSON

187

COOPERATIVE COMMUNITY IN THE N O R T H : BRIGHAM CITY, UTAH BY L E O N A R D J . A R R I N G T O N

198

A GREAT ADVENTURE ON GREAT SALT L A K E — A TRUE STORY BY KATE Y. NOBLE Introduction and editorial notations BY DAVID E . M I L L E R

218

OGDEN'S "ARSENAL OF DEMOCRACY," 1920-1955 BY T H O M A S G. A L E X A N D E R

237

THE ROAD T O " F O R T U N E " : THE SALT LAKE CUTOFF BY L . A. F L E M I N G A N D A. R. S T A N D I N G

248

REVIEWS AND PUBLICATIONS

272

Brigham City, Utah — county seat of Box Elder — was first settled in 1851. Under the leadership of Apostle Lorenzo Snow, the community thrived. With a population now in excess of 10,000, Brigham City is famous for its fruit crop, as the gateway to the Bear River Bird Refuge, and as the center of Thiokol Chemical Corporation's missile industry. BRIGHAM CITY CHAMBER OF COMMERCE

EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR ART EDITOR

L. COOLEY Margery W. Ward

EVERETT

Roy J. Olsen


B R O O K S , J U A N I T A , ED., On the Mormon Frontier: The Diary of Hosea Stout, 1844-1861,

BY S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH

272

N E W C O M B , F R A N C J O H N S O N , Hosteen Klah: Navaho Medicine Man and Sand

BOOKS REVIEWED

Painter, BY ROBERT C. EULER

U D A L L , S T E W A R T L., The Quiet

273

Crisis,

BY JACK GOODMAN

274

BROWNING, J O H N , and GENTRY, C U R T , John M. Browning, American Gunmaker, BY ROBERT W. INSCORE

274

B A N N O N , J O H N F R A N C I S , Bolton and the Spanish Borderlands,

BY MICHAEL E. T H U R M A N . . 275

S A N D O Z , M A R I , The Beaver Men: Spearheads

of Empire,

BY J A M E S C. OLSON

277

D A R R A H , W I L L I A M C U L P , Stereo Views: A History of Stereographs in America and Their

Collection,

BY PARKER HAMILTON

P r i n t e d b y A L P H A B E T P R I N T I N G C O . , Salt L a k e City

277


U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY B E R N I C E GIBBS A N D E R S O N C O L L E C T I O N

Box Elder County Courthouse at Brigham City was the home of the community's theatricals. This photograph was taken about 1890.

first

THEATRE in ZION The Brigham City Dramatic Association BY R U E C. J O H N S O N

In the winter of 1855-56, with his Brigham City home still under construction, Lorenzo Snow converted its largest room, 15 by 30 feet, into a "theatrical department." He furnished appropriate scenery for the small stage located at one end of the room and then invited the citizenry Mr. Johnson, former U t a h n , is assistant to the director of Indiana University, Fort Wayne Campus.


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Utah Historical

Quarterly

free-of-charge, but in shifts so that all could be accommodated, to pass a pleasant winter evening viewing the efforts of the amateur dramatic company. "Here the old and the young, the grey-headed and the little prattlers, met and mingled â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the people were drawn together and a union of feeling was awakened."* Thus, two years after church President Brigham Young called him to lead 50 additional families to settle in Box Elder County and strengthen the settlement there, Apostle Lorenzo Snow initiated a significant contribution to his community. Following Brigham Young's example and sharing with him a love for the theatre, Lorenzo Snow nurtured and supported that love in those over whom he presided. It was fitting that the settlement named Brigham City should have a theatre. T h e following summer saw the establishment of a more commodious, new theatre, 22 by 45 feet, in the basement of the partially completed courthouse. With this facility Lorenzo Snow "determined to have a dramatic company of ability, and capable of attaining to celebrity in the profession." T o reach this goal he called from his own family and from the community a group 3 of talented young people and hired Salt Lake City actor Henry E. Bowring 4 to instruct the group in the fundamentals of acting. Bowring, accomplished and experienced, was probably free to travel to Brigham City, because the approach of Johnston's Army had caused the Deseret Dramatic Association, of which he was a member, to disband temporarily. T h e newly trained group enjoyed its "improved circumstances" and probably performed "successfully" during the winter such plays as Rip Van Winkle and the Carpenter of Rouen.5 Spring weather, however, brought high winds; and before the courthouse could be completed, gales destroyed the building, all the stage fixtures housed in the basement, and for the moment put an end to theatricals. 6 In spite of these difficulties, the people of Brigham City rebuilt the courthouse complete with basement theatre, and, according to Eliza Snow, 1 Eliza Roxey Snow Smith, Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow . . . (Salt Lake City, 1884), 267. 2 Ibid. 3 For information regarding this group, see Daughters of U t a h Pioneers of Box Elder County, comp., History of Box Elder County (Brigham City, [1937]), 167; and Wain Sutton, ed., Utah, A Centennial History (New York, 1949), 1013-14. 4 Smith, Lorenzo Snow, 267, mentions, but does not name the actor. LeRoi C. Snow believed it was Bowring. For additional information on Bowring as an actor, see Winifred Snell Margetts, "A Study of the Salt Lake City Actor from 1850 to 1869" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1948), 162 ff. 5 Sutton, Utah, 1013. 6 Smith, Lorenzo Snow, 268.


Brigham City Dramatic Association

189

the Dramatic Association resumed its activities. However, no production dates or details of the initial offerings in the rebuilt Courthouse Theatre can be found. Perhaps interest waned during the interval required for reconstruction, or, more likely, with Bowring's return to Salt Lake City direct leadership was lacking. Whatever the situation, by May of 1864 when he returned from a church mission to Hawaii, Lorenzo Snow reorganized the Dramatic Association. Alexander Baird, a Scottish convert to Mormonism who moved to Box Elder County in 1863, recorded an account of how he became the new stage manager. I n the winter (of 1864) the young people of T h r e e Mile Creek [now known as Perry, and located approximately three miles south of Brigham City] started a kind of a theater. I was their leader and we got u p the play, Barbars of the Parennes [sic]. After playing in the school house in T h r e e Mile Creek we came u p to Brigham City and played in the lower p a r t of the Court House. We h a d a couple of wagon covers for curtains a n d scenery. We m a d e eight dollars in cash. T h e house was filled to over flowing. J o h n Burt was door keeper and gathered in the proceeds. We seemed to please the audience. Even Brother Snow was there. Well do I remember the night. Well do I remember the proceeds. I got them. Bought one half pound of tea and eight yards of factory wool, a pair of staggy shoes, which came to the nights proceeds. D i d n ' t I feel big. 7

Continuing, Baird reported that in the spring of 1864, Lorenzo Snow asked him to come to Brigham City to work in the woolen factory. Well just as soon as I got to Brigham, Brother Snow wanted me to start a theater. So we went to work to get u p a dramatic troupe. I was chief cook under Brother Snow. This was in the spring of 1864. H e , Brother Snow, gave me the names of the ones he wanted in the troupe . . . . We started and practiced well. I worked in the mill all day and studied and rehersed [sic] at night. I did well in the mill all summer and fall. We played short dramas and farces, once a week on Saturday evenings. We took well and prospered well and made money which all went to get properties and scenery. 8

Only a few details of these properties, scenery, and the stage are known. T h e basement was 22 by 45 feet, so the stage had a maximum width of 22 feet and a probable depth of 10 to 12 feet. This left an auditorium 22 by 33 feet, barely room for an audience of 100 people. Some of the scenery, in addition to the wagon covers mentioned by Baird, was painted on the rear wall of the stage by Porter Squires and Andrew J. Caggie. Traces of it remained 60 years later. 9 No doubt the group acquired 7

Alexander Baird, " T r u e Story of My Life" ( M S , possession of J. Edwin Baird, Brigham

City). 8

Ibid. Smith, Lorenzo Snow, 267; D.U.P., History of Box Elder County, The Founding of Utah (New York, 1923), 343. 9

168; Levi Edgar Young,


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Utah Historical Quarterly

additional curtain pieces, drops, and flats as its repertoire and popularity grew. Such cramped quarters were soon overtaxed. Both the actors and the audience needed more room. As Alexander Baird recorded, "During this time the railway came along . . . . I contracted on the railway and played in the theater, which now had become something to deal with." The Dramatic Association solved the problem temporarily by staging plays in the dance hall over Rosenbaum's store and permanently by moving its theatre to new quarters provided on the upper floor of the courthouse. Baird provided some of the details: W e now h a d got u p stairs to play in what was then the meeting house with a pretty good stage. T h e fitting up of the house for the purpose of a theater cost us three thousand dollars. We never received one cent for our labor, until we h a d paid the last cent of our investment. It was not like a large theater where they took in thousands per night. T h e most we ever took in was some h u n d r e d and twenty-five dollars. T h e town was small! Not two thousand in the whole town altogether â&#x20AC;&#x201D; young and old. Only one ward. I n two years we were out of debt and receiving pay. I had been sent to Salt Lake City to see and learn all I could about the stage, the curtains, the wings and plays. All else I could learn. I then came home and got the carpenters to work. Brother Pett led the workmen. H e was a good w o r k m a n ; but knew nothing about a stage. So he a n d I at times had strong arguments. Brother Snow h a d told him to do just as I said and if there was a wrong he would blame me. So with this we got along fine. 10

Twice the size of the old, the new theatre offered many advantages. A stage 18-feet deep and 45-feet wide accommodated more complex productions than any previously attempted. The larger auditorium, 45 by 47 feet, with a balcony across the west end, and equipped with solidly constructed benches, curved to fit the body â&#x20AC;&#x201D; probably permitted 350 theatre lovers to squeeze in for special presentations.11 Of course, the larger stage required additional scenery and properties. To acquire them the Dramatic Association spent $300, perhaps as a part of the $3,000 renovation cost or as a later supplement to the theatre's stock of scenery.12 The new facility provided wardrobe storage for costumes, at one time designed and sewn by the local tailor, Ola N. Stohl. It may have been at this time that coal-oil lamps replaced the candles originally used for lighting. The lamps were used as footlights, suspended 10

Baird, "My Life." Smith, Lorenzo Snow, 269; and personal interview with Mr. C. N. Christensen, formerly of Brigham City. Mr. Christensen remembered hiding under the benches early in the day to escape paying admission for the evening's entertainment. 12 Rena Baird, Through the Years (Brigham City, 1953), 8 1 . 11


Brigham City Dramatic

Association

191

from the ceiling or mounted with brackets on the UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY walls of the set. When Peter A. Forsgren acted as stage manager, he devised a method for dimming the footlights by drawing a tin shade between them and the stage. Such an innovation typified advances that were no doubt made in the theatre's facilities during the two decades of its use. Many of the plays presented on the Courthouse Theatre stage were those witnessed in Salt Lake City by a Brigham City representative, laboriously transcribed, and brought home for local production. Sometimes the right to present a play was purchased. 13 Occasionally, a member of the Dramatic Association or some literaryminded resident of Brigham City wrote an original piece. 14 For the most part these and other plays staged at the Courthouse Theatre were typical nineteenth century farces, melodramas, or domestic pieces. Brighamites often saw and applauded an instructive temperance drama. Although the claim cannot be substantiated by any e x t a n t review or a d v e r t i s e m e n t t h a t most of Shakespeare's plays were produced, it is likely Lorenzo Snow (1814-1901), leader Brigham City and patron of the that some were staged. T h e Dramatic Associa- of theatre. tion produced Hamlet during the winter of 186869 in the dance hall over Rosenbaum's store, and it probably produced other Shakespearean plays in the renovated Courthouse Theatre. 1 5 T h e first play staged in the Courthouse Theatre for which there is a definite record was The Stranger, produced in June of 1867. Earlier productions included Jacob Jones' drama The Carpenter of Rouen (1844), J. R. Planche's farce The Loan of a Lover (1834), Dion Boucicault's Octaroon (1859), one of the several stage versions of Washington Irving's Rip Van Winkle, W. S. Pratt's temperance play Ten Nights in a Bar Room (1858), and a piece called The Milky Way. I n succeeding decades theatre 13

Ogden Daily Herald, April 28, 1887. " D . U . P . , History of Box Elder County, 168; Andrew Jensen, "History of Brigham City" (MS, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), July 24, 1867. 15 Veara Southworth Fife, "Sketch of the Life of Chester Southworth" ( M S , possession of Mrs. C. T. Anderson, Brigham City).


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goers to the Courthouse Theatre saw J. S. Jones' The People's Lawyer (1856), J. T. Haines' Idiot Witness (1823), J. Lunn's Family Jars (1822), M . Barnett's The Serious Family (1849), D. Boucicault's Willow Copse (1849), and, of course, Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin.ie Only one of these plays is still staged with regularity, the temperance tract, Ten Nights in a Bar Room. Modern audiences laugh at its broad deliniations, but nineteenth century Brighamites found it deeply absorbing. Alexander Baird reported that, O n e evening I was playing Joe M o r g a n in T e n Nights in a Bar R o o m , when I came to the p a r t where my child is knocked down with a tumbler, one of the Irishmen there [a railroad worker] j u m p e d u p and pulled a bottle of whiskey out of his pocket, dashed it to pieces against a bench and cried aloud, "I'll never taste another d a m n drop in my life again." I bawled right out, " I hope he keeps his word." 17

William L. Watkins, a schoolteacher in early Brigham City and bookkeeper for the Mormon Church cooperative industries, acted as prompter for the Dramatic Association. H e copied parts for all the actors in the various casts, and attended the usual four rehearsals a week. The group evidently built a sizable repertoire, Ten Nights in a Bar Room and Uncle Tom's Cabin were often repeated, for it was the Dramatic Association's custom to play each Saturday night. Some weeks included Wednesday night productions, and during the RUE c . JOHNSON construction of the railroads larger 1S Personal interview with Joseph Watkins, late of Brigham City. Also, D.U.P., History of Box Elder County, 168; and Sutton, Utah, 1013. For a complete listing of the plays see Rue C. Johnson, " T h e History of the D r a m a in Corinne and Brigham City, U t a h , 1855-1905" (Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1954), Appendix D, pp. 195-224. 17 Baird, "My Life."

LEFT

TO

RIGHT:

Alexander Baird, who became stage ager of the Courthouse Theatre in

man1864.

Lydia Snow Peirce, one of at least 14 daughters of Lorenzo Snow who appeared on the Courthouse Theatre stage. Mortimer H. Snow, son of L. Snow, appeared as a member of a juvenile company at the Courthouse Theatre and later became a professional actor.


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Association

audiences required a third performance. T h e season at the Courthouse Theatre ran from September to May, although summertime productions were staged for special occasions. No doubt lapses occurred in this weekly schedule, particularly when traveling troupes occupied the stage or when no enterprising stage manager could be found. Although Alexander Baird, and possibly other key figures during the years, received pay for acting and managing the Courthouse Theatre productions, most participation was voluntary and without pay. 18 Presentations, however, were not free-of-charge. At one time tickets cost 25 cents for children and 50 cents for adults; at another time adults paid 75 cents in "Home D " â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the scrip issued by the Brigham City cooperative. In addition to meeting operating expenses, profits often went for charitable purposes, to members of the Dramatic Association, or to support such projects as a new organ for the tabernacle. 19 The volunteers included the members of the Theatre orchestra. In 1954 Joseph Watkins, then 93, recalled his experience as one of "about 18 Alexander Baird mentioned receiving $15.00 per week at one time; Henry Bowring, with his professional background, also may have received pay for his management. 19 Ogden Junction, May 1, 1875; Ogden Daily Herald, December 30, 1886, January 29, 1885.

RUE C. JOHNSON

RUE C. JOHNSON


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fourteen" members who considered it an opportunity to contribute musical talent to enhance productions at the Courthouse Theatre. T h e orchestra attracted little attention, either commendation or condemnation. "Dick," critic from the Ogden Daily Herald, noted that the orchestra "played some fine music," but could improve !20 "Candor," who wrote to another Ogden newspaper was less ambiguous. " T h e music rendered by the orchestra on the occasion was very nice, and the boys deserve the compliments bestowed upon them by their hearers," he said. 21 Records contain the names of over 50 actors who participated in Brigham City theatricals, and if accounts were complete the number would be much higher. Not only the number of participants, but the diversity of their backgrounds indicates the integrality of the Theatre with life in early Brigham City. Alexander Baird, who managed or acted in the Courthouse Theatre for 25 years, based his impersonations on a colorful background. Prior to locating in Brigham City as a worker in the woolen mill, he spent his youth in Scotland, went to sea, married unsuccessfully, sailed to J a p a n with Admiral Perry, returned to Scotland, and remarried. As an actor he specialized in "heavy" parts, and gained reknown for his portrayals in Ten Nights in a Bar Room and in Black Eyed Susan.22 Henry E. Bowring brought a wealth of experience to the Courthouse Theatre productions when he moved from Salt Lake City to Brigham City in 1877. His home in Salt Lake City had housed the Mechanics Dramatic Association in the fall of 1859 and was the first building actually known as a theatre in the territory â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Bowring's Theatre. 2 3 Before his move north Bowring h a d appeared over a hundred times on Salt Lake City stages and had co-managed the Salt Lake Theatre with Phil Margetts. For short periods after the move, Bowring toured the territory with a company under the management of Margetts. Courthouse Theatre productions under Bowring's skillful direction brought forth glowing reviews, as did the comic acting of this first-rate comedian. 24 Traveling troupes supplemented local talent on the Courthouse Theatre stage. T h e 16 troupes for which records exist were probably only a fraction of the total. Some of the visiting companies were professional, such as the John Langrishe Troupe from Denver, Colorado, that played at the Courthouse Theatre for several nights in 1868.25 Amateur com20

Ogden Daily Herald, J a n u a r y 4, 1887. Ogden Semi-Weekly Standard, March 28, 1888. 22 See various reviews in Johnson, " D r a m a in . . . Brigham City," Appendix D. 23 Margetts, "Salt Lake City Actor," 162 ff. 24 Johnson, " D r a m a in . . . Brigham City," Appendix D. 25 "Journal History" (L.D.S. Church Historian's Library), December 9, 1868. 21


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panies from Wellsville, Logan, Ogden, Willard, and Plain City made appearances in Brigham City, probably in exchange for a visit from the Brigham City Dramatic Association. Phil Margetts â&#x20AC;&#x201D; sometimes termed the "dean of western theatre" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; performed several times with the Brigham City Association, and at least one troupe under his direction trod the boards at the Courthouse Theatre in 1875.26 The great influx of professional road shows did not come, however, until the last decade of the century after the stage lights in the Courthouse Theatre were permanently darkened in 1889. The Courthouse Theatre was essentially the home of the Brigham City Dramatic Association. In today's era of mass entertainment provided by radio, movies, and television, it is difficult to imagine the importance of the Courthouse Theatre to its patrons. The theatricals helped fulfill the need for entertainment, romance, and escape, as well as offering delightful instruction and new experiences, albeit vicariously, as attested by the crowds that filled the auditorium for performance after performance during the three decades of the Theatre's existence. Extant comment unanimously affirms the "well-filled," "crowded," or "turn-away" houses. When "Dick," from the Ogden Daily Herald, visited the Theatre he found a "tumultuous" crowd. "When I arrived at the steps," he continued, "it was five minutes to seven o'clock, and when I arrived at the door, it was 7:20 . . . . When I obtained a view of the ticket man, I was greeted with 'All tickets sold.' ' Fortunately, "Dick" obtained admission at the "actors' private staircase."27 Such acceptance supports the claim that the Brigham City group was "justly acknowledged as the best dramatic company in the Territory outside Salt Lake City."28 Additional support came from an anonymous visitor to Brigham City who found the Dramatic Association "a very creditable affair," that with a little more study and attention to "side speeches to the audience, and dialogue three-quarter face to the front. . . need not fear the criticisms of older and more experienced players."29 No less an authority than Phil Margetts was "loud in his praise of the Brighamites' home company . . . ."30 when he visited with the editors of the Ogden Junction on his return from performances in Brigham City. Moreover, when the Dramatic Association disbanded after the close of the 28 Ogden Junction, September 11, 1875, November 26, 1879; Ogden Daily Herald, March 17, 1886; Salt Lake Herald, March 4, 1879. 27 Ogden Daily Herald, January 4, 1887. 28 Smith, Lorenzo Snow, 270. 29 Ogden Junction, December 12, 1874. 30 Ibid., April 5, 1879.


(A. W . C O M P T O N )

The Opera House, which replaced the old Courthouse Rosenbaum's store in 1891 at a cost of $10,000.

Theatre,

was transformed

from

Courthouse Theatre, patrons soon pointed out that with a new theatre Brigham City could once again have a home company "ranked second in the Territory." Lack of dissent from neighboring towns lends credence to the claim, but perhaps the crowning compliment came from the "Gentile voice" of Corinne in the following newspaper article. A crowd from town went to Brigham Saturday night to attend the regular Saturday night performance in the court house there. T h e play was " T h e Sergeant's Wife," and the building was packed with saints and saintesses, making it about an even thing to squeeze in. T h e troupe did well enough, considering, yet there is no particular danger of their turning the world over with their efforts for awhile to come. N e a r the close a small boy in the audience m a d e a slight noise, which was m a d e the occasion for "Chief-of-Police" White mounting to the stage and with hat on declaring, "This 'ere noise has got to be stopped; yer didn't come 'er to make fools of yerselves, and if you don't [stop] I'll see that yer d o ! " W h a t the bold policem a n meant by this rambling we could only conjecture, but the boy looked wise and we suppose he understood it. 31

Although only implied the praise is eloquent when considered in the context of vituperation usually directed toward Brigham City from this source. 31

Corinne Daily Mail, February 13, 1875.


Brigham City Dramatic Association

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Even though the record is incomplete, no evidence indicates that comparable amateur companies in other Utah towns approached the Brigham City Dramatic Association in regularity of performance, continuity of organization, and consistency of acceptable quality of production. By 1889 demands for space for the conventional uses of a courthouse required closure of the theatre and the consequent disbandment of the Dramatic Association. And although by 1891 the Brigham City Theatre Company transformed Rosenbaum's store into an elegant, $10,000 opera house and a second generation of Brighamites acted in a reorganized troupe, Brigham City never recaptured the same spirit, born of need and cooperation, that imbued the Courthouse Theatre.


(A. w . COMPTON]

The old tannery as it appears today. As part of the Brigham City cooperative program, the tannery produced leather which was reputed to be "equal in quality to the best Eastern oaked tanned leather." An extension of the tannery in 1870, the shoe factory soon after it was founded ployed 30 workers who by 1877 had produced $132,000 worth of merchandise. U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

em-


by

Leonard J. Arrington

T h e first i m p o r t a n t M o r m o n community to organize itself for cooperative activity under a system later incorporated in the United Order of 1874 was Brigham City, Utah. T h e Brigham City cooperative is especially noteworthy because it attracted the attention of Edward Bellamy in 1886 while he was writing Looking Backward, and Bellamy spent several days in Brigham City observing the system and conversing with Apostle Lorenzo Snow, the community leader. Functioning over a period of more than 15 years, the cooperative city of Brigh a m exerted profound influence on the history of Utah and surrounding areas occupied by the Mormons. Several Latter-day Saint communities, notably Hyrum, Utah, and Paris, Idaho, adopted the Brigham City system. It was the essential structure of the Brigham City Order that Brigham Young followed in establishing t h e first U n i t e d Order at St. George in 1874, and the St. George U. O., in turn, was the model for most of the organizations later that year. Finally, the promoter and leader of the Brigh a m City cooperative, Lorenzo Snow, later b e c a m e p r e s i d e n t of t h e c h u r c h he h a d served so long as an apostle, and was to exert a lasting influence on its policies. Brigham City is situated on Box Elder Creek at the base of the Wasatch Mountains, some 60 miles north of Salt Lake City. With a population now in excess of 10,000, it is not only the principal fruit-producing Long a student of the Mormon cooperative movement, Dr. Arrington is professor of economics at U t a h State University. This essay was written under a grant from the U t a h State University Research Council. T h e writer acknowledges with gratitude the assistance of Lester T. Hansen, Leon N. Christensen, and Marie T h o r n e Jeppson, who were economics students at U.S.U. when the initial research for this article was done.


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center in northern Utah, but also one of the leading manufacturers of missiles in the nation. It is also the site of the Intermountain School for Navajo Indians. The town was founded in 1851, and consisted of some six families until 1854-55, when Lorenzo Snow moved to Brigham City with 50 additional families. Snow, as a member of the L.D.S. Council of Twelve Apostles, was called to settle there and preside over the Latter-day Saints in that region.1 The families to settle Brigham City were selected with special care to include a schoolteacher, mason, carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, and other skilled craftsmen and tradesmen who would insure the economic success of the community. Some of these were recent emigrants from Europe, some of whom previously had had experience with cooperative movements. The group was specifically instructed by Brigham Young to grow and manufacture all that they consumed. The construction of a fort, canal, gristmill, sawmill, and other primary tasks of colonization occupied the settlers until 1864 when a considerable influx of Scandinavian immigrants permitted (and made necessary) the establishment of small manufactures, retailing, and other crafts and trades. Lack of transportation facilities and good roads prevented the development of a specialized economy. Brigham City was not connected by railroad with Salt Lake City until 1871. With a city of almost 1,600 inhabitants to provide for, Apostle Snow supervised the organization in 1864 of a cooperative general store. It was his intention to use this mercantile cooperative as the basis for the organization of the entire economic life of the community and the development of the industries needed to make the community self-sufficient.2 Snow 1 See "Journal History" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), October 7, 1853. Also see Deseret News (Salt Lake City), October 15, 1853. There were 60 families and 204 souls in the Box Elder settlement in 1854, most of whom were Welsh and Danish. All were very poor. 2 T h e primary source material on the Brigham City cooperative and United Order includes: (a) Letters of Lorenzo Snow to Brigham Young, Bishop Henry Lunt, and Franklin D. Richards, as published in the Deseret Evening News, August 20, 1873; Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, II (January, 1883), 400-7 (hereafter cited as T.Q.M.) ; and Eliza Roxey Snow Smith, Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow . . . (Salt Lake City, 1884), 291-96. (b) T h e manuscript "History of Box Elder Stake" (L.D.S. Church Historian's Library), which is largely a typescript of periodic reports to newspapers and other pertinent information relating to the social, economic, and ecclesiastical development of the Brigham City area, (c) T h e "Journal History" which contains numerous entries between 1864 and 1880 relating to the Brigham City cooperative, (d) "Scribbling Book" of Brigham City, containing copies of letters by Lorenzo Snow. This manuscript was in the possession of LeRoi C. Snow at the time the writer examined it (1948), and is now in the L.D.S. Church Historian's Library, (e) Minute books and account books of various Brigham City cooperative enterprises (L.D.S. Church Historian's Library). T h e writer has not been able to examine the latter systematically. Secondary source material includes "United Order of Northern U t a h , " Heart Throbs of the West, I ( 1 9 3 6 ) , 5 3 - 5 6 ; Daughters of U t a h Pioneers of Box Elder County, comp., History of Box Elder County (Brigham City, [1937]) ; and Edward W. Tullidge, "Box Elder County," Tullidge's Histories . . . (2 vols., Salt Lake City, 1889), I I , 289-304. Treatments of the United Order and cooperation which contain references to or studies of the Brigham City Order include Feramorz Y. Fox, "Experiments in Cooperation and Social


Brigham City Cooperative

201

explained the origin of the movement in a letter to Brigham Young, as follows: Some ten years ago and upwards, a number of small mercantile establishments were located in our city, owned principally by speculators, who possessed no interest in common with the people. I proposed to such as were inclined to do so, to unite on some co-operative system for the general welfare and interest of the community. Some consented, whereupon we organized the Brigham City Co-operative Association, giving all an opportunity of taking stock and enjoying equal rights and privileges. At first we limited our operations to mercantile business, and as it progressed it gained the confidence of the people, and gradually increased in number of stockholders, till about the fifth year from its commencement [1869] it consisted of some two hundred shareholders, with a capital stock of twenty thousand dollars. O u r dividends were paid in merchandize at the selling price rates, and averaged about twenty five per cent per annum. 3

This original association, it is to be noted, was nothing more than a joint-stock enterprise to which Snow and three others subscribed $3,000. It was an immediate success, however, and other stockholders were attracted by moral suasion, by the generous commodity dividend policy, and by reducing shares to $5.00 each. T h e profitability of the concern (by 1870 it was the only store in town) and the policy of giving no dividend in cash or imported merchandise made possible the accumulation of sufficient savings to establish home industries. This, of course, had been part of the original intention. Some stockholders, as one would expect, objected that this reinvestment would cut dividends. As Snow later related: It required some effort on the part of our stockholders to reconcile their feelings with a knowledge of their duty and obligations as elders of Israel and servants of God. A good spirit, however, prevailed, and a desire to build up the kingdom of God and work for the interest of the people, outweighed all selfish considerations; hence, consent was granted by all the stockholders to establish home industries and draw dividends in the kinds produced. 4

Eventually, the association was to sponsor the development of virtually every industry and craft in the city. Utilizing the labor of the community available after the fall harvest of 1866, the group built, at a cost of $10,000, a two-story tannery building, 45 by 80 feet. Virtually all the labor and materials were furnished in Security Among the Mormons" (typescript, L.D.S. Church Historian's Library), Chapter V I ; Edward J. Allen, The Second United Order Among the Mormons (New York, 1936) ; and Arden B. Olsen, " T h e History of Mormon Mercantile Cooperation in U t a h " (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1935), esp. 109-17. 3 Lorenzo Snow to Brigham Young, August 6, 1873, Deseret Evening News (Salt Lake City), August 20, 1873. 4 Lorenzo Snow to Bishop Henry Lunt, October, 1876, T.Q.M., I I (January, 1883), 401.


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return for capital stock, although one-fourth wages were paid out of the store in merchandise to "those who needed it." The construction of the tannery, the selection of the equipment, and the procuring of the workers and supplies were under the direction of a Mormon convert who had tanning experience in England, Cincinnati, and Salt Lake City. T h e leather produced under his direction was reputed to be "equal in quality to the best Eastern oaked tanned leather." 6 T h e tannery enterprise came to produce $10,000 worth of goods annually, and was expanded in 1870 to include a boot and shoe shop and a saddle and harness shop. T h e boot and shoe shop was soon producing $700 worth of boots and shoes per week and employing 30 hands. By 1877 the boot and shoe shop had manufactured $132,000 worth of goods. With these enterprises all the leather needs of the community were met, and some leather products were sold for cash in the Salt Lake City, Ogden, and Logan markets. Dividends to the stockholders of these and other enterprises consisted of goods produced by the jointly owned cooperatives. 7 After incorporating these enterprises under the name "Brigham City Mercantile and Manufacturing Company" in 1870, with seven directors and 126 stockholders, 8 the group then planned the construction of a woolen factory. Using, as with the tannery, the winter labor of the community, materials contributed in return for capital stock, and the profits of enterprises already established, a $35,000 woolen factory was constructed in 1870-71 and equipped with machinery purchased in the eastern states. 9 T h e building was 44 by 88 feet, and two-stories high. T h e factory originally contained a spinning jack with 200 spindles, four broad looms, and three narrow looms, and other facilities for washing, drying, carding, dyeing, etc. T h e factory came to employ 32 hands and eventually did a $40,000 annual business in yarns, blankets, men's and women's wear, and similar products. This and the tannery were both powered by water. 5

Ibid., 4 0 1 - 2 . "History of Box Elder Stake," July 12, 1872. A daughter of the tannery manager, Abrah a m Hillam, told the writer that her father received a large chart from England showing the cooperative organizations at Bradford, England, where a successful cooperative movement was being conducted. This may have served as a model for the structure of the Brigham City cooperative. 7 "History of Box Elder Stake," October 28, 1877; Snow to Lunt, T.Q.M., I I (January, 1883), 4 0 1 - 2 ; Snow to Young, Deseret Evening News, August 20, 1873. 8 T h e articles of incorporation are to be found among the records in the Box Elder County Courthouse, Brigham City, U t a h . Of the 126 stockholders, only 13 held more than 100 shares of stock (par value, $5.00 e a c h ) . Lorenzo Snow was the largest stockholder, with 1,566 shares valued at $7,830. Samuel Smith, who possessed 1,000 shares valued at $5,000, was the second largest stockholder. 9 Snow to Lunt, T.Q.M., I I (January, 1883), 4 0 2 ; Snow to Young, Deseret Evening News, August 20, 1873. T h e machinery was purchased for $7,000 in greenbacks. D.U.P., History of Box Elder County, 105. 6


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY B E R N I C E GIBBS A N D E R S O N C O L L E C T I O N

Brigham City looking west from the county courthouse is in the right foreground.

about 1895. The old co-op store

Simultaneously, the association began to build up the sheep herd from 1,500 head to 5,000 head, by retaining the natural increase, and by banding together additional sheep contributed for capital stock by those joining the organization. In this way a "dependable supply of wool" for the factory was provided. T h e sheep were wintered on two farms near Bear River City, Utah. By 1879 the U. O. herd h a d grown to well above 10,000. Soon afterward, a horned-stock herd of a thousand animals was established which, together with the sheep, supplied an association meat market. A hog enterprise also served the same purpose. 10 By 1874 when the United Orders bearing much resemblance to the Brigham City co-op were organized in every Mormon settlement in the West, virtually the entire economic life of this community of 400 families was owned and directed by the cooperative association. Some 15 departments, later to be expanded to 40, produced the goods and services needed by the community, and each household obtained its food, clothing, furniture, and other necessities from these departments. 1 1 Almost complete 10 Snow to Lunt, T.Q.M., I I (January, 1883), 4 0 2 ; Snow to Young, Deseret Evening News, August 20, 1873. 11 Information on the various departments can be obtained from "History of Box Elder Stake," July 12, 1872, October 28, 1877, April 28, 1878, and passim.


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self-sufficiency had been attained, and some textile products, leather, furniture, and dairy products were "exported" to other northern Utah settlements. 12 T h e paid-up capital of the Brigham City co-op in 1874, which amounted to $ 120,000, was owned by 372 shareholders. 13 Food enterprises, in 1874, included a model dairy at Collinston â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "perhaps . . . the finest, best and most commodious of any dairy in this Territory" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; consisting of 500 milk cows. Established in 1871, it was reputed to be the first "commercial" dairy in Utah. In addition to fluid milk, the dairy department produced nearly $8,000 worth of butter and cheese annually. Almost 40,000 pounds of cheese were produced for exportation alone in 1875. Some 100 hogs were raised in connection with the dairy to consume the waste products of the dairy and to supplement the supply of beef and mutton. A butcher department prepared the meat for "sale." Several molasses mills were operated, providing food for both m a n and milk cow. A number of farms, including a "dry farm" at Portage, Utah, were operated by the agricultural department for the production of food, feed, and other supplies. A horticultural department planted and cared for flowers, shrubs, vines, and orchards. Farm machinery and equipment, to the tune of $12,500 yearly, were manufactured or repaired by a special machine and repair shop. T h e group also maintained an "Indian F a r m " upon which Indians in the vicinity were established and taught the art of agriculture. 14 Textile enterprises included, in addition to the woolen factory, a hat and cap factory or millinery shop, employing up to 25 girls and producing fur, wool, and straw hats, valued at $5,000 annually; tailor and "fancy work" shops, employing nine hands and turning out $14,000 annually; a silk department which planted several thousand mulberry trees, raised silkworms, and manufactured silk; a 125-acre cotton farm in southern Utah, 300 miles away, to which some 20 young men were called in 1873 12 Correspondent John R. Morgan, writing to the Deseret News under date of July 12, 1872, summarized the objectives of the system as follows: "A mercantile house was established, that for the time being it might serve the purpose of a paymaster, to enable other enterprises to be established; the tannery to avoid the importation of boots and shoes, and to produce a home market for hides; a shoe factory followed, to give employment to home operatives, and avoid the exportation of valley tan leather; a factory to use up the wool, and manufacture cloth for the people; a dairy to avoid the importation of cheese; a cooperative farm to supply the operatives in the various departments with flour." 13 Edward L. Sloan, ed., Gazeteer of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1874), 55. In 1872 the capital stock totaled $75,000. "History of Box Elder Stake," January 4, 1872. In 1877 the secretary of the institution represented the total capital stock to be $191,000, with 585 shareholders. Some 340 hands were employed, and the income from the various departments was in excess of $260,000. Ibid., October 28, 1877. " S n o w to Lunt, T.Q.M., I I (January, 1883), 4 0 2 ; D.U.P., History of Box Elder County, 49. This "Indian F a r m " is present-day Washakie in Box Elder County and is still administered by the L.D.S. Church for the benefit of the Indians.


Brigham City Cooperative

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and thereafter for a period of two years at a time, to raise cotton for use in the woolen factory. Besides making needed alterations and improvements on the farm, the group produced enough cotton the first year to obtain 70,000 yards of warp. The cotton farmers also maintained a farm on which to grow their own food and produced raisins, wine, and sugar cane for transporting north to Brigham City. President Snow also called a group of people to settle a valley 10 miles east of Brigham City, originally called Flaxville and now called Mantua, for the purpose of raising flax. Largely Danish, these colonists produced grain sacks and sewing thread.15 Construction enterprises included a shingle, lath and picket mill; three sawmills, including a large steam sawmill located in Marsh Valley, Idaho; brick and adobe shops; a lime kiln; a blacksmith shop; a furniture or cabinet shop, which dressed white pine to make baby carriages and other furniture; a large two-story factory fitted with machinery for wood turning, planing and working mouldings; and architect, carpentry, mason, and painting departments. During the years 1874-75 these departments employed 46 hands and built 46 houses, plastered 163 rooms, and did work valued at $21,000. A public works department built roads, bridges, dams, canals, and public buildings. The latter included church, civic, and cooperative buildings. By 1874 the cooperative mercantile establishment was doing $30,000 worth of business annually. It was the only store in the city. According to Apostle Snow, 15

Snow to Lunt, T.Q.M., II (January, 1883), 4 0 2 ; D.U.P., History of Box Elder 111-13, 286.

County,

Mantua, as it appears today, is located 10 miles east of Brigham City. It was originally called Flaxville and settled by Danish converts primarily for the purpose of raising flax for the cooperative industries. UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY


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Several parties h a v e set u p stores at various times since the organization of our Co-operative, a n d entered into competition b u t could not obtain sufficient p a t r o n a g e to m a k e it a success, and while they received the sad experience of disappointment the city treasury received the benefit of their licenses. All the business men a n d the majority of the people have more or less interest in this co-operative association, and the profits arising from their patronage, in r o o m of going to individual hands, to be applied for private aggrandizement, or p e r h a p s spent outside of the interests of the community, goes to support h o m e institutions, therefore, the people generally feel to sustain their own mercantile establishment. 1 6

So profitable h a d the Brigham City business become, that they contemplated opening a branch house in Logan for the sale of their productions. 17 This would have come in competition with the Logan Branch of Z C M I , and with the Logan U. O . store, and perhaps that fact dissuaded officials from consummating this plan. Other enterprises, in addition to the tannery already mentioned, included a tin shop, rope factory using hemp grown on the co-op farm, pottery shop, broom factory, cooperage, greenhouse and nursery, brush factory, and a wagon and carriage repair shop. An education department supervised the school a n d seminary. There was also a "tramp department" which utilized the labor of tramps who sought handouts by chopping wood and other odd jobs. 18 T h e cooperatively owned departments were to comprise the economic life of the community. Indeed, plans were developed to build the city expressly with this thought in mind. All the shops and factories of the departments were to be located on a 12-acre square around the center of the town. Street cars were to run from this square to various parts of 16 Snow to Young, Deseret Evening News, August 20, 1873. According to the local history, ecclesiastical authorities advised the people to give all their patronage to cooperative industries after 1869. D.U.P., History of Box Elder County, 118. A descendant of one of the men whose concern failed as the result of the cooperative told the writer that his grandfather formed a partnership with another prominent Brigham City citizen in the late 1860's for the purpose of establishing a haberdashery. T h e business was the only place in Brigham City where other than homespun material could be purchased, and succeeded beyond the best hopes of its founders. This man and his partner were asked to join the association, but they declined. Immediately, according to the story, the people of the city were instructed not to trade with them. When some townspeople persisted in trading with these men despite the orders of church officials, members of the church were placed at the door of the haberdashery to record the names of all persons who traded therein. This, despite the fact that the members of the partnership were members of the church in good standing. As the result of this tactic, the business soon failed and the men were forced to seek a livelihood elsewhere. " T h e United Order Minutes," of July 20, 1880, contain the following: " I t was moved and carried unanimously that the council disapprove, discountenance, and disfellowship all persons who would start an opposition store or who would assist to erect a building for that purpose." (Copies of the resolution to be sent to the bishops in neighboring settlements.) Cited in Fox, "Experiments in Cooperation," Chapt. V I , 12 fn. 2. 17 Salt Lake Herald, October 25, 1876. 18 "History of Box Elder Stake," October 28, 1877. More than $950 was rendered by this department in 1877.


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the town and to the railroad station. 19 This arrangement was never quite completed, however. Each department or enterprise had clearly delineated responsibilities, and was operated by men and women of all ages under the supervision of an overseer or superintendent. Typically, the superintendent had learned his skill in Europe. A general superintendent (Lorenzo Snow) was in charge of the operations of all departments. T h e bookkeeping was described by Apostle Snow as follows: T h e accounts of each department are kept separate and distinct, in stock taken annually, separate statements and balance sheets m a d e out and kept by the secretary of the association, so that the gain or loss of each may be ascertained and known at the end of the year, or oftener if required. At the close of each year a balance sheet is m a d e from the several statements, giving a perfect exhibit of the business. From this exhibit, a dividend on the investments or capital stock is declared. T h e profit or loss of each department, of course, is shared equally by the stockholders. 20

Superintendents and workers alike were paid wages which appear to have been commensurate with those being paid elsewhere in the nation at the time. T h e secretary and bookkeeper of the association received $1,200 per year; a clerk, $900; the overseer of the dairy, $1,000; the overseer of the sheep herd and farm, $1,200; the woolen factory superintendent, $3.50 per day â&#x20AC;&#x201D; equivalent of, say, $1,200 per year; carders, spinners, and weavers were said to have been getting equal pay with their counterparts in other Utah factories. T h e overseer of the tannery was paid $3.00 per day, and the overseer of the boot and shoe shop received an equal amount. T h e general superintendent, Lorenzo Snow, reported himself as working "for nothing." Being the largest stockholder, his dividends were presumably sufficient for his support. Undoubtedly, members of his five families worked in some of the departments. Snow added: I have labored to inspire the overseers of the various departments with a proper sense of their obligations to the people, to be satisfied with a reasonable wage, and be willing that their abilities should be employed, to a certain extent, for the building up of Zion. I endeavor to influence all our laboring hands not to be greedy for high wages, a n d also those who furnish the capital, to be satisfied with reasonable dividends, a n d thus work together in harmony on principles of equal justice, that the Lord may take cognizance of our works, and bestow blessings of prosperity and salvation in the hour of necessity. 21 19

L. F. Moench in the Deseret News, as cited in D.U.P., History

109 fn. 20 21

Snow to Lunt, T.Q.M., I I (January, 1883), 403 . Snow to Young, Deseret Evening News, August 20, 1873.

of Box Elder

County,


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T h e management of the Brigham City cooperative was in the hands of a board of seven directors, a president, secretary, and general superintendent, all of whom were elected annually by the stockholders. Lorenzo Snow was the president and general superintendent throughout all of the life of the association. Ecclesiastical influence was strong throughout, and the motto in business transactions was said to be "as with the Priest, so with the people." 2 2 In June 1874 at the climax of the drive to organize United Orders throughout Utah, a delegation of members of the First Presidency and Quorum of Twelve Apostles of the church attended a stake conference in Brigham City and asked the people to reorganize under the United Order. T h e reorganization was made without any difficulty and the only notable change, besides altering the name to the "Brigham City United Order," was the creation of a "United Order Council," consisting of "sixty influential citizens" of the county, which functioned as a kind of congress for the determination of policy.23 As Brigham Young said, "Brother Snow has led the people along, and got them into the United Order without their knowing it." 24 There was no change in any of the fundamental institutions and regulations of the system after it was incorporated into the United Order. Each member was made a steward over all his possessions, including his home, farm, livestock, and shares of capital stock in the cooperative institution. A man saved simply by accumulating credits or certificates of indebtedness, which could then be used to make additions or improvements on his home or farm, or for any other purpose. One observer noted that: If [any Brigham City] brethren should be so unfortunate as to have any of their property destroyed by fire, or otherwise, the U . O. will rebuild or replace such property for them. When these brethren, or any other members of the U . O., die, the directors become the guardians of the family, caring for the interests and inheritances of the deceased for the benefit and maintenance of the wives and children, and when the sons are married, giving t h e m a house and stewardship as the father would have done for them. Like care will be taken of their interests if they are sent on missions, or are taken sick. 25

Co-op officials attempted to provide suitable work for every person desiring employment, and by 1874, approximately 250 persons were fur22

The Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star, X X X V I I I (Liverpool, 1876), 695. "Journal History," June 28, 1874. 24 Sermon of April 2 1 , 1878, Journal of Discourses (26 vols., Liverpool, 1854-1886), X I X , 23

345. 25

Deseret News, August 31, 1875.


The Brigham City cooperative included a "model dairy [constructed in 1871] at Collinston — 'perhaps . . . the finest, best and most commodious of any dairy in this Territory' — consisting of 500 milk cows." LESTER HANSEN

FmsT Sicmm BAHK

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY NICHOLAS G. MORGAN COLLECTION

The Baron Woolen Mills succeeded the Brigham City cooperative woolen mill, which was established in 1870-71. The original mill burned in 1877 and was reconstructed the same year.

The old cooperative store, constructed directly across from the Box Elder County Courthouse, survived until 1896, when it became a bank, a function is still serves today.


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nished employment in the various departments. Wages were paid almost exclusively in the products of the departments. Experience demonstrated that the community was five-sixths self-sufficient, and for that reason employees were usually paid five-sixths in home products and one-sixth in imported merchandise. 26 T o facilitate this arrangement the employees were paid each Saturday in two types of scrip. One type was redeemable at the various industrial and agricultural departments, and was known as " H o m e D " (for home department) scrip. It would buy furniture, pottery, boots, hats, brushes, dairy products, meat, and other locally produced products. T h e other type of scrip was stamped with the word "Merchandise" in red letters, and was redeemable at the cooperative store or mercantile department, at which the purchaser might obtain imported goods. (These might be imported from no farther than Salt Lake City.) Both types of scrip bore a resemblance to currency, being two by three inches in size, and were in denominations ranging from five cents to $20.00. 27 They were also the medium for exchange for admission to concerts, plays, and other community productions. More than $160,000 of this scrip was paid out in 1875 and the total production of all the departments in the same year was valued at $260,000. 28 Thus, in that year some $100,000 can be said to have been reinvested in cooperative enterprises. (These figures would have to be multiplied by something like four times to obtain 1965 equivalents.) T h e operations of the various departments required $30,000 in cash in 1874, of which half was paid to employees in imported merchandise, and the other half devoted to the purchase of such imported materials as iron, horse shoes, nails, furniture, boot and shoe trimmings, paints, dyestuffs, warps, etc. 29 Dividends to stockholders were also paid in the scrip, although stockholders were encouraged to reinvest their profits. Because virtually the entire town worked for the cooperative, the opening and closing of the departments were uniformly regulated by the ringing of a bell in the courthouse tower. "At fifteen minutes to seven the department doors were opened and the ringing of the triangle told the workmen to begin the labor of the day." 3 0 26 Snow to Lunt, T.Q.M., II (January, 1883), 403. In 1873 the hands received one-fourth their wages in merchandise, and the remainder in home products. 27 A photograph of a specimen is reproduced in Nels Anderson, Desert Saints: The Mormon Frontier in Utah (Chicago, 1942), 377. Merchandise script was "Good only to Stockholders and Employees of Brigham City." 23 Snow to Lunt, T.Q.M., II (January, 1883), 403. 29 Ibid. I n 1873, according to Snow, the production of all the departments was about $60,000, and some $10,000 to $12,000 in cash was required to keep them in operation. This cash was supplied "in part by the profits of the store, the balance by sales of products. It is only to make up this balance," wrote Snow, " t h a t we are required to seek a market for our manufactured products. . . ." Snow to Young, Deseret Evening News, August 20, 1873. 30 D.U.P., History of Box Elder County, 110.


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All in all, the town must have been a hive of industry. One correspondent to the Deseret News stayed eight days in Brigham City observing the working of the United Order, and reported: "I did not see a loafer, or an idle man, boy, woman, or girl during my visit; industry, prosperity and contentment seemed to characterize the entire community." 31 Publicity concerning the Brigham City Order even reached England, as Edward Tullidge wrote: It was in review of just such a social problem as t h a t which this apostle [Lorenzo Snow] brought to a promising issue [at Brigham City] which caused the learned socialist, Brontier O'Brian, a quarter of a century ago, to proclaim to his class in Europe t h a t the Mormons h a d "created a soul under the rib of death." T h e article was published in Reynolds' Newspaper. At that time the attention of the socialists of England was attracted to the social problems of the M o r m o n people. Reynolds, Bradlaugh, Holyoak, Barker, O'Brian and others held the M o r m o n s u p to admiration . . . , 32

Most observers of the system thought the chief advantage which the so-called cooperative system gave to the city was in its promotion of "home industry." One correspondent wrote to the Salt Lake Herald in 1876, in regard to the Brigham City system that: If the example of the inhabitants of this town was more generally followed, U t a h , would be far more prosperous and her people much better off. O u r present suicidal policy of exporting raw materials a n d importing manufactured articles would be stopped, we would be far more independent of our sister states and territories; the financial panics of the east or west would not affect us; our people would all have good homes and enjoy more of the comforts of life than they can hope for under present regulations; and our children would stand a m u c h better chance of receiving good educations and becoming useful members of a society. 33

Other writers gave similar emphasis to the manner in which Brigham City industry could "bid defiance to the fluctuations of trade, or commercial depressions": A visit to the various departments of this institution will at once convince a person . . . , how a community can control their own industries, and live independent of commercial disasters, so fearful in their effects, especially to the dependent classes of France, England, and America."34

Nevertheless, Brigham Young's successor as president of the church, John Taylor, did not want to put the final stamp of approval on the BrigDeseret News, August 31, 1875. T.Q.M., I I (January, 1883), 400. 1 "Successful Co-operation," Salt Lake Herald, October 25, 1876. 1 Millennial Star, X X X V I I I ( 1 8 7 6 ) , 694.


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h a m City organization, just as a few years later, he did not want to give official sanction to the Orderville United Order. Said President Taylor: T h e r e are some things that Brother Lorenzo Snow is doing t h a t are very creditable; b u t it is not the U n i t e d Order. H e is working with the people something after the same principle that our sisters teach the little ones to walk. T h e y stand t h e m in a sort of chair which rolls along, a n d the babies a p p e a r delighted; they think they are walking. But we have not learned h o w to walk y e t . . . . I suppose these things could go on and increase, and everything in regard to your commercial relations could be operated with one c o m m o n consent, u n d e r the proper authority a n d administration of the priesthood, a n d you all labor unitedly, with singleness of heart before God. . . . [You will then] get, by a n d by, to w h a t is called the U n i t e d Order. 3 5

T h e Brigham City O r d e r seemed to be functioning beautifully in 1877; it was attracting widespread attention in U t a h and elsewhere. Not only was it maintaining a high rate of investment, but the 500-odd employees were as well paid as elsewhere in U t a h where the prospects of future development were not so bright. It was apparent that further growth would bring incalculable management problems. T h e build-up of the cooperative through reinvestment, the multiplication of enterprises under central direction, and the assumption of responsibility for many decisions which are normally made by families and individual business units, magnified the problems of the spiritual-temporal leader, Lorenzo Snow. Decentralization became mandatory, and once the process began it was almost inevitable that a larger and larger share of community activity would be delegated to private enterprise. T h a t church leaders were aware of this problem, and that the relegation of increasing responsibility to individual enterprise may have been purposeful, is indicated in a letter from Apostle Snow to Brigham Young shortly before the latter's death in 1877. Apostle Snow reveals the anxieties which plagued him as he witnessed the little voluntary cooperative store burgeoning into an immense community enterprise employing hundreds of people in diverse tasks, and "philosophizes" on the meaning of his creation. Hitherto unpublished, the letter is quoted in extenso because of the glimpse it gives of the behind-the-scenes reflections of a wise man. 86 I n working u p to the principles we call the U n i t e d O r d e r we have shouldered very serious responsibilities. O v e r one thousand persons, little 35 Sermon of J o h n Taylor, August 4, 1878, Journal of Discourses, X X , 4 4 - 4 5 . See also Leonard J. Arrington, Orderville, Utah: A Pioneer Mormon Experiment in Economic Organization (Logan, 1954), 2 7 - 3 6 . 3G First called to the writer's attention by the late Feramorz Y. Fox, the letter is found in "Scribbling Book."


Brigham City Cooperative and big are depending entirely upon the Institution for all their supplies, for their food, their clothing, and all their comforts and conveniences. Over one thousand more living in our City are more or less dependent upon this Institution because in its progress it has gradually monopolized and gathered to itself all the main arteries and channels of business . . . . We give a very few families, in harvest time, their supplies of breadstuff for the year. Last year the Institution disbursed on an average per week 125 bushels of wheat over and above those yearly supplies. This year our weekly disbursements reach 150 bushels. Two-thirds of this, or more, we have to purchase by our home manufactures, and more or less outside of our county. This considerably encroaches upon our requirements for our manufactured goods to raise cash to assist in defraying our money expenses which average at least one h u n d r e d dollars per day. Wheat is held as a cash article, and nothing satisfies the seller but cash articles of which at our present stage of progress we have difficulty in producing a sufficiency to meet these two heavy demands, the cash and breadstuff. These two demands coming upon us at once constitute our one serious source of difficulty or fear of future embarrassment. We can very well meet either one alone but it requires more faith and financiering ability to meet them both than I like to assume. We are now exerting ourselves to the utmost of our ability to extend our farming business so as to raise our breadstuff as soon as possible. We have over 300 acres of fall wheat sowed which, in connection with what we shall sow in the spring, will give us a much better show for our bread next season if crops prove favorable, than we have had at any time previous. We have been now twelve years engaged in this business, striving to unite the people in their business affairs, classifying and assigning them severally to such departments of industry as would best promote individual and general interest and of building up the K i n g d o m of God. I guard against adopting the principles faster t h a n the virtue, faith and intelligence of the people will sustain them lest I be left alone, and I think I move quite as fast as can be done with safety. I try to keep two objects in view â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to amalgamate the feelings of the people and to establish a financial system in which everybody can secure necessaries and conveniences of life through their labour and be preserved from the evils and corruption of outside influences. These two objects have already been achieved to some extent and the prospects for the future are very encouraging; but the care, the anxiety and the excessive mental toil and labor are quite sufficient to subdue any feeling of pride and vanity if any such existed for any outside applause. A greater weight of responsibility comes upon us to supply necessities and conveniences by furnishing employment to those who have accepted the O r d e r and classification (of labor) than we otherwise would feel if each pursued his own course, and this is expected by the people. When Israel left their leeks and onions by the direction of Moses they looked to him for their supplies, and became very quarrelsome and troublesome whenever they failed. This is a feature in the United Order which I contemplate with no small degree of anxiety, viz. concentrating a multitude of individual responsibilities upon one m a n or a few men. O n e m a n may assume the responsibility of looking after the general interest of a community but to be required to provide for their daily wants, their food

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and clothing, one might do very well in prosperous times, but not very desirable in a financial crisis unless abounding in resources. . . . I confess, in the solemn silence of the night, that I have sometimes inquired of myself, where are we drifting, in following this untrodden path for many generations, and in sailing upon a sea so little known and unexplored? Is there not danger of getting an elephant on our hands (to use a common phrase) that our wisdom and ability cannot manage or support? I n other words, may we not drift into responsibilities that would be difficult or even impossible to discharge ? I have sought to avoid such a dilemma as m u c h as I could consistently with a knowledge of what was required of me. I thought it necessary to establish some industries and to classify the people in their labors and to assign them to their several departments of business as fast as they were organized and as fast as the people could be brought to a willingness to comply with counsel. This was a gradual work but it has been progressing since its inauguration by three individuals with myself. We invited the people to invest, as capital stock, in labor, money or property such portion of their surplus as they felt disposed to part with. This surplus labor or property was used to start, from time to time, these departments of industry, at the same time without diminishing any one's actual resources or means of living. We have gradually, imperceptibly, and without calculation or previous design, drifted into possession of all the principle channels, and main arteries of business, trades, manufacture, and all industries which are carried on in Brigham City and in many of the surrounding settlements. Most of these, however, have been created by the energy of the Institution, or very greatly improved and enlarged, and this in a m a n n e r that could not have been done by allowing things to have gone on in the old way of private enterprise, everyone doing in his own way what seemed right in his own eyes. If it could have been done in some other settlement, it could not in Brigham City, for the men with the necessary ability and capital were not here. But this amalgamation, absorption, monopolizing and gathering into one, and centralizing of all our industries, thrown upon myself, is a responsibility that I should never dared to have assumed. In fact I never anticipated such a result, though I have felt it gradually approaching, but yet could not see how to escape and be justified.

It was during these months of introspection that a series of disasters befell the Order which sounded the death-knell of this leading Mormon cooperative. Once again, the factors occasioning difficulty are best described by the highly literate Apostle Snow, writing in 1879 to Franklin D. Richards, two years after the misfortunes began: T w o years ago today, about two o'clock in the morning, we were aroused from our slumbers by the ringing of bells and startling cries of fire! fire! fire! O u r woolen factory was all in flames, and in less than thirty minutes, the whole establishment with its entire contents of machinery, wool, warps and cloth lay in ashes. This involved a cash loss of over $30,000. While viewing the building, as it was rapidly consuming, my mind became agitated with painful


U T A H S T A T E H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY

Lorenzo Snow (1814-1901), was the leader for 40 years in Brigham City, not only in spiritual matters but in every enterprise looking to the development of the community. From 1898 he served as president of the Mormon Church. thoughts and reflections, whether the people could sustain the severe pressure which would bear upon them through this unforseen calamity, or lose heart and courage in supporting our principles of union. These misgivings, however, were unfounded; for the people resolved, at once, to try again, and went to work with a hearty good will, and by extraordinary exertions, in less than six months had erected another factory, and in operation, superior to the one destroyed. But this involved us in a large indebtedness. In view of liquidating this liability, we engaged a large contract to supply timber and lumber to the U t a h & Northern Railroad, incurring a heavy expense in building a saw mill in Marsh Valley, Idaho, and moving there also, our steam saw mill, and were employing about 100 men, everything moving along prosperously: when, suddenly, through the influence of apostates, aided by a mobocratic judge, a raid was made upon our camps, thirty or forty of our workmen were arrested and imprisoned and our operations stopped. 3 7 And, although the embargo on our business was withdrawn and the men liberated by order of the President of the United States through the influence of Jay Gould, it came too late, so we were compelled to abandon 37 The charge against the Brigham City workmen was cutting United States timber reserves. The Mormons believed, as Snow intimated, that the charge was unfair, and was motivated by the desire to hamper their economic growth.


216

Utah Historical Quarterly this enterprise, sell our saw mill for one-fourth its value, a n d move back our steam mill, etc., the whole involving an expense and loss of $6,000, besides the vexation in our disappointments in raising the money to pay our indebtedness. T h e following July [1878], a tax of $10,200 was levied on our scrip, by O . J. Hollister, U . S. Assessor and Collector of Internal Revenue. T h o u g h illegal, unjust and highly absurd, the payment could not be avoided; therefore we borrowed the money and paid this assessment. 38 T h r o u g h these and other unfortunate occurrences we became greatly embarrassed in our business. This embarrassment, as may be seen, is not the result of the natural pressure of the times, nor financial crisis which has broken u p thousands of banking institutions and business firms throughout the world; neither that of mismanagement nor any defect in our systems of operations; but as before mentioned, it has been brought about, through a succession of calamities, unparalleled in the experience of any business firm in this or any other Territory. T h e following is a showing of our losses, including the assessment, all occurring in the space of about nine m o n t h s : Crops destroyed by grasshoppers, Crops destroyed by drought, Burning of Woolen Mills, Losses in I d a h o , By Assessment on Scrip, Total,

$ 4,000 3,000 30,000 6,000 10,200 $53,200

We were now compelled to raise, within eighteen months, $30,000, independent of the $45,000 required during the same time to carry on our home industries. T h e r e appeared now but one course left for us to pursue, viz: curtail our business, close several of our departments, lessen the business of others, and dispose of such property as will assist in discharging our cash obligations; thus using every exertion to outlive our misfortunes and save ourselves from being totally wrecked. Accordingly, we have labored faithfully to this end, and, although no one has made any abatement of his claims against us, except Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution, in cancelling the interest on what we owed them, we are now nearly out of debt, having but one cash obligation to discharge of $2,500 to Z. which will, be paid this fall. O u r checks in the hands of employees or other parties, have now all been redeemed, with the exception of a very few, which we are prepared to settle whenever presented. W e now have eleven industrial departments in operation; the business, however, is not carried on quite so extensively as formerly. T h e mercantile department is doing three times the business it was previous to the curtailing of our home industries; and has the patronage of nearly the entire people of Brigham City and surrounding s e t t l e m e n t s . . . . 38 Federal agents in U t a h in the late 1870's and 1880's were not only hostile to the Mormons, but to cooperative enterprises as well. They found in the thriving Brigham City and similar orders a threat to the establishment and growth of non-Mormon capitalistic enterprises. Hence a number of fines, court actions, and other harassments.


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Notwithstanding our severe reverses a n d the fiery ordeal through which we have passed, the confidence of the people in our principles of union has been preserved and they feel that we have worked earnestly and unselfishly to secure their interests and promote their general welfare. 39

As intimated in Apostle Snow's letter, Brigham City leaders decided, in view of these misfortunes and difficulties, to permit private individuals to establish business houses, and thus to return to a system of semi-private property. This tendency was never reversed. Department after department was sold, usually to the superintendent, and the only remnant of the once proud cooperative combination in 1880 was the general store. All others had become individual enterprises. It is true that the federal government restored, in 1884, the $10,200 tax on scrip which had been collected by O. J. Hollister. This sum was used partly to pay accumulated outstanding debts, and partly to erect a cooperative store building. It was hoped that the cooperative store might be able eventually to accumulate the funds necessary to reestablish cooperation once more, but this hope proved futile. In 1885 Lorenzo Snow was indicted on a charge of unlawful cohabitation and served 11 months in the U t a h Penitentiary before his conviction was set aside by the United States Supreme Court. Continued federal prosecution under the Edmunds and Edmunds-Tucker Acts further hampered the activities of community and ecclesiastical leaders. Finally, as the result of the depression of the 1890's, the cooperative store went bankrupt. O n November 30, 1895, the local court appointed a receiver for the corporation with instructions to sell all properties and pay the creditors. T h e association charter expired early in 1896, and all the affairs were completely wound up by that time. T h e cooperative store building and grounds were taken over by the Deseret Savings Bank.40 T h e experience of the Brigham City cooperative is perhaps best summarized by the last entry in the minute book, which attributes to Lorenzo Snow these words: Because of many losses and disasters . . . we have discontinued some of our enterprises and curtailed others. Yet for a period of fifteen years, our union has prevented division in mercantile business; say nothing about many other things which have been done by our union, and I have nothing to regret of all we have accomplished. We have kept out our enemies, and in all these matters we did them by common consent. 4 1

39

Lorenzo Snow to Franklin D. Richards, November 1, 1879, T.Q.M., II (January, 1883).

40

D.U.P., History of Box Elder County, 117-18. "United Order Minutes" (MS, L.D.S. Church Historian's Library), July 20, 1880.

403-5. 41


A Great Adventure on Great Salt Lake A TRUE STORY by KATE Y. NOBLE introduction and editorial notations by DAVID E. MILLER Wallace Stegner, western author, studies the old Wenner home on Fremont Island. Since this photograph was taken more of the building has collapsed. DAVID E. M I L L E R


Fremont Island

219 INTRODUCTION

T h e Great Salt Lake has been an important factor in the development of the Far West. Rocky Mountain trappers explored it in search of beaver streams; to California-bound emigrants it was a serious barrier around which they had to pass. For scientists the lake has held a peculiar fascination, and some of America's noteworthy explorers have sought it out and made surveys of it. With the permanent settlement of white men on its shores, the lake began to assume economic importance — salt was extracted from its brine; boats were launched on its surface; its islands were occupied and put to use, chiefly as grazing lands. Of these islands and their occupation, none has a more fascinating and varied history than Fremont Island, third largest in the lake. John C. Fremont and four companions (Kit Carson, Charles Preuss, Baptiste Bernier, and Basil Lajeunesse) were the first white men known to have visited any of the lake islands when they launched their frail Indiarubber boat at the mouth of the Weber River and rowed to the "nearest" island September 9, 1843. 1 Fremont's visit to the Great Salt Lake resulted in the first scientific survey of that body of water. T h e lake waters were sounded for the first time; the elevation of the surface was determined (4,200 feet above sea level); samples of lake water were obtained and evaporated over a fire, five gallons yielding 14 pints of salt; the first reliable Great Salt Lake m a p was made. T h e Fremont company reached the island about noon and climbed the highest peak, some 800 feet above the surface of the lake. From this point of vantage Fremont, with the aid of Charles Preuss, drew a m a p of the lake, a m a p that is as accurate as could be expected, drawn from one point only. T h e island was found to be approximately 13 miles in circumference, "simply a rocky hill on which there is neither water nor trees of any kind although the Fremontia vermicularis, which was in great abundance, might easily be mistaken for timber at a distance." Fremont was so dissatisfied with what he found that he named the island "Disappointment island." Dr. Miller is professor and head of the Department of History, University of Utah. I n 1949 he obtained permission from Blanche H . Wenner (only living child of K a t e Y. Noble) to have her mother's account published in The Western Humanities Review, I I I (October, 1949). This issue was subsequently exhausted, and by 1965 the growing interest in Great Salt Lake led to a general request for a reissue of this account. The editors of the Review and Miss Wenner gladly consented to have "A Great Adventure on Great Salt Lake" reprinted here. 1 John Charles Fremont, Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in the year 1842, and to Oregon and North California in the years 1843—44 (Washington, 1845), 148— 58. For an account of Fremont's activities in the Great Salt Lake vicinity see David E. Miller, "John C. Fremont in the Great Salt Lake Region," The Historian, X I (Autumn, 1948), 14-28.


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While Fremont and Preuss were busy with the m a p work, Carson and others busied themselves by carving a cross, a true crucifix, "under a shelving rock" near the summit. Fremont did not mention the cross in his own journal and it was not until Howard Stansbury discovered it in 1850 and made note of it in his report that its existence was disclosed.2 Stansbury, however, did not know who had chiseled it into the rock. Since Stansbury's visit to the island numerous people have visited the site of the cross, wondered about its origin, and attributed it to various early explorers. Speculations are completely disposed of by Kit Carson himself, as a careful reading of his own account of his life will disclose.3 Another item of interest connected with Fremont's island visit was the loss of his spy glass cap which he accidentally left on the summit and later recorded: ". . . it will furnish matter of speculation to some future traveller." As a result of this report almost everyone who has visited the island during the past century has made a search for the missing cap. The cap, however, was found by Jacob Miller during the 1860's when the Miller brothers of Farmington, Utah, were using the island as a sheep range. 4 After the Fremont party left the island, September 10, 1843, the next to visit it, so far as is known, were members of the Mud Hen crew headed by Albert Carrington in the spring of 1848.5 This was the first Mormon exploration of Great Salt Lake. T h e expedition consisted of six men who launched a small boat, subsequently named the Mud Hen, in the Jordan River, and visited several of the lake islands. They reached Fremont Island April 22, 1848, and made a brief survey of it. This party branded the lake " T h e Briny Shallow" and gave Fremont Island the name of "Castle Island," a name subsequently often used by the Mormon settlers and by at least one prominent U t a h historian, H. H. Bancroft. During the summer of 1850 Howard Stansbury made his notable Great Salt Lake survey. Well aware of Fremont's visit in 1843, Stansbury gave the island its proper name, "in honor of him who first set foot upon its shore." 6 With the aid of his assistants, primarily Albert Carrington, 2 Howard Stansbury, Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah, . . . (Philadelphia, 1852), 159. 3 Christopher Carson, Kit Carson's own Story of His Life as dictated to Col. and Mrs. D. C. Peters about 1856-57, . . . (Taos, New Mexico, 1926), 56-57. 4 Seymour L. Miller, "Experiences on the Great Salt Lake and its Islands" (MS, editor's possession), 10. Says Miller in his statement: "Just off the top of this peak [the summit of Fremont Island] Jacob Miller also found the brass cap of Fremont's spy glass which had been accidentally left on the summit when Fremont visited the island." 5 Albert Carrington, "Log of the Mud Hen," in "Journal History" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), April 24, 1848. 6 Stansbury, Exploration and Survey, 159.


DAVID E. M I L L E R

David E. Miller examines the famous Carson Cross at the highest point on Island. The cross was carved by Kit Carson on September 9,1843.

Fremont

Stansbury made a complete survey of Fremont Island and noted its potential value as a sheep range. Stansbury erected a triangulation station on the island peak and used it as one of the key positions for his survey. Although other boatmen may have, and probably did, visit the island between 1850 and 1859, there is no known record of such visits. According to the diary of Henry W. Miller it had evidently not been used for grazing purposes: In the Spring of 1859 I went to the Island known as F r e m o n t Island in the Great Salt Lake and explored it, accompanied by my brother Daniel and Quincey Knowlton. I built a boat and after we h a d sheared our sheep we took them to the island. T h e r e were about 153 head. I t was said that there had never been any stock on that Island before we took our sheep there. This island is about 25 miles from Farmington and about six miles north of Antelope Island, where the C h u r c h had some stock. This Fremont Island is opposite the m o u t h of Weber River. After we had taken our sheep on the island, it became known locally as Miller's Island. It proved a good place for sheep, it being about four miles from the mainland and no wild beast on it to destroy the sheep. T h e herd increased very fast in number and needed no herder to take care of it. We used to visit the Island every few weeks to clean the spring, and at times of lambing, shearing and marketing we spent days on the island at a time. 7

Fremont Island was thus occupied for the first time, and for the first time put to practical use. Henry W. Miller and Daniel Miller formed a partnership for the enterprise. Their sons and grandsons later took active part in the business, Jacob Miller being one of the most active participants. It was he who designed and supervised construction of a 50-foot sail boat, The Lady of the Lake, used for many years for lake shipping. 7

Henry W. Miller, "Journal of Henry W. Miller" ( M S , editor's possession), n.p.


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Fremont Island was found to be ideal for sheep. Small seepages of water were developed into sufficient supply for a flock of approximately 2,000 head. For use during the shearing seasons and regular visits to the island, the Millers built a cabin near the south end of the island not far from the east shore. T h e lake reached its highest recorded level during this period, shipping was practical and relatively inexpensive, and the business thrived for many years. T h e Millers called the island peak "Courthouse Rock" because of the resemblance to the Davis County Courthouse at Farmington. 8 It was during the Miller occupation of Fremont Island that the grave digger, John Baptiste, was banished there after having been found guilty of robbing graves in the Salt Lake City Cemetery. Henry W. Miller helped transport him to the island where he remained a few weeks before making his escape, supposedly on a raft constructed of planks torn from the Miller cabin. 9 During the same era, Fremont Island was prospected for precious metals. Initial surveys were so promising that the Fremont Island District was organized August 3, 1871. Says an official government publication concerning it: Small veins carrying gold, silver, copper and lead occur and were first developed by the U t a h a n d Nebraska Mining Co., 38 claims having been located by 1873, but none was ever patented. There is said to be on the island a great abundance of slate, some of which is suitable for roofing. 10

Nothing significant came of these mining ventures, and mining has long since ceased to be a serious consideration there. In 1886 Judge Uriah J. Wenner of Salt Lake City obtained possession of the island and moved there with his wife and two small children. 11 8

The island was commonly known as Miller Island. References to the Baptiste episode are found in "Journal History," January 27, August 4, 1862; Salt Lake Herald, April 2, 1893; Deseret News (Salt Lake City), May 27, 1893. Dale L. Morgan, The Great Salt Lake (Indianapolis, 1947), 274â&#x20AC;&#x201D;82, is the best published account. 10 B. S. Butler, G. F. Loughlin, V. C. Heikes, and Others, Ore Deposits of Utah (Washington, D . C , 1920), 502, 503. 11 Fremont Island contained federal, railroad, and (after 1896) state land. According to a letter to Dale L. Morgan (dated October 21, 1946) from the U.S. Bureau of Land Management, Judge Wenner filed "desert land application No. l608 . . . Dec. 15, 1885 . . . for 390.83 acres [on Fremont Island] (further description lacking). This was canceled by relinquishment Oct. 10, 1892. . . . We also find a homestead entry, No. 9971, made by Kate Y. Wenner, Oct. 10, 1892 and patented to her July 6, 1893." The Union Pacific Railroad Company sold the "railroad" land of the island to Mrs. Wenner, according to railroad company files and verified by a letter from the Union Pacific Railroad Company to David E. Miller, July 3, 1944: "Under a ten-year contract of sale No. 90226 dated October 31, 1892, the Union Pacific Railway Company sold to Kate Y. Wenner, administratrix of Estate of U . J. Wenner, deceased, 1,109.90 acres of land . . . [on Fremont Island] at $2.00 per acre, and the purchaser was to assume all unpaid taxes for the year 1885 and thereafter. 9


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T h e family lived there until the death of Judge Wenner in September 1891. Since that time the island has been used primarily as a sheep range, having been leased to various persons for that purpose. 12 By far the most fascinating chapter in the history of Fremont Island is that of the Wenner occupation, 1886-91, and it is with this phase of the story that we are here primarily concerned. 13 This story begins in 1880 with the arrival of Uriah James Wenner and his young bride, Kate, 14 in Salt Lake City. Mr. Wenner established a law office and the young couple were soon numbered among the city's leading citizens. When the Edmunds Act (1882) disqualified Utah's elected judges and canceled the elections of that year, Governor Eli H. Murray appointed Mr. Wenner to the office of probate judge. Although Elias A. Smith, disqualified probate judge, contested the appointment, Judge Wenner won his case in court. 15 O n September 22,1882, Governor Murray issued the commission to the newly appointed judge. T h e rest of the story will follow in Kate Wenner Noble's own words. KATE WENNER NOBLE'S STORY Before the sails are spread for my Desert Island home [I might say that] I lived five consecutive years without a tree, without a neighbor, and during this isolation from the world I made just one trip to the mainland. Since this is a true story, I should tell some facts regarding my early life. After a succession of seven brothers, I surprised the family by being a girl and wisely chose the time of my arrival April Fool's Day, 1857. I feel I was fortunate in having lived in my own time when childhood ran far into the "teens" and youth far into the twenties, and I would rather be eighty-five years old now than my grandmother in 1857, w h o m I remember wearing red flannel and a balmoral petticoat. She would gasp if she knew I flew from the Pacific to the Atlantic â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and be absolutely shocked if she knew I was the only woman in the plane. I shall not dip far into my young lady days; b u t they are an exhilarating memory to me. " T h e contract of sale was paid in full, and . . . the Railroad Company issued a warranty deed No. 902 dated January 29, 1903 to Kate Y. Wenner." This sale involved all the railroad land on the island. In the course of time, the Wenner interests also bought the remaining acreages from the State of U t a h . 12 Charles Stoddard operated the island as a sheep ranch for many years prior to 1960, when Miss Wenner sold the island to Henry Richards and Associates. 13 T h e best published accounts of the Wenner experiences on Fremont Island are: Morgan, Great Salt Lake, 329â&#x20AC;&#x201D;37; and Charles Kelly, "They Built an Island Home in the Desert," Desert Magazine, V I I (February, 1944), 4 - 7 . 14 Kate Yates Greene, daughter of William Graham and Louisa H u r t Greene. 15 Reports of Cases determined in the Supreme Court of the Territory of Utah from June Term, 1884 to June Term, 1886 (Salt Lake City, 1890), I V , 238-46.


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After graduating from an exclusive Eastern school, 16 followed by three years of study and travel in Europe, I returned to my loved America and met again the man God made and kept for me. His first words were, "Is there anybody else? If so, breathe the answer softly so as not to disturb the ashes of a deeply buried happiness." A short engagement, a wedding, and a honeymoon ending in Salt Lake City where my husband opened his law office, and the home we built on Brigham Street (now politely called East South Temple Street) is standing a witness to our happy days of health and hope when all life was fair before us. 17 T h e second year George V. 1 8 arrived and was a few months old when the big social event of the winter was the opening of Mrs. Kimball's new home on M a i n Street. I h a d been secretly holding for this occasion a beautiful gown my mother h a d sent me from the East. When I burst forth in this finery and heard those things dear to the heart of every wife — we never went to that party. I was addressed as Miss G 1 9 — and courted all over again, and our baby asleep smiled his benediction. T h e next day I m a d e an honest confession to my hostess and she put her arms around me and said, "God bless you for your love and truth." After three years of joyous living came a precious baby daughter to bless our happy home. 2 0 Fourth of July, 1883, U t a h ' s big celebration was held at Fort Douglas and General [William T.] Sherman was the guest of General [Alexander McDowell] McCook. My husband was the orator of the day and I was proud when he paid this tribute to the American woman, "Bow low to every American girl for she is a queen and princess in her own right." 21 Interested in silver mines, our gold went in, but neither silver nor gold ever came out. We were getting poorer all the time, but so happy we did not seem to mind it; servants dwindled down to one; the best of books we never resisted as long as we could pay for one. T H E D E S E R T ISLAND About the fifth year a shadow came into our sunshine; my husband was not so well. 22 T h e doctors prescribed a perfect rest from all business cares. Knowing of Fremont Island, Great Salt Lake, then owned by the Government and Central Pacific Railroad, 2 3 we began planning the purchase which we could manage by selling our city home and buy a few sheep, and I was so delighted the children would see little lambs play — I felt like a real frontier woman to begin "home steading" our first acres. I 18

Moravian Seminary, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. T h e house was located at 639 East South Temple Street. 18 George U. Wenner, born October 20, 1881, died May 30, 1920. Here he is called George V (George the Fifth). George U. Wenner I, fought in the American Revolution. " Miss Greene. 20 Blanche Howard Wenner, born December 5, 1883. 21 T h e Salt Lake Daily Tribune, July 6, 1883, called this oration "chaste and beautiful . . . ; happy in arrangement, exalted in thought and patriotism, and most scholarly and lofty in diction. It is a specimen of clear-cut, exquisite English. . . . Some of the figures are delicious. " 'Lift up your hats and make obeisance to every American boy, for he is by right of his inheritance a prince of the royal blood. " 'Bow low to every American girl, for she is a Princess and Queen in her own right.' " 22 Judge Wenner had tuberculosis. 23 It was the Union Pacific Railroad Company. 17


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loved the sound of it. Relatives and friends were horrified at our desolate summer on a desert island. My heart was beating health, health for him. Boats were few on Great Salt Lake then and winter trips were seldom if ever made. Anyway, we would try it for the summer. We tried to think of everything we would need for camping and tent life. We arranged for an old sail boat to carry us over. I thought of the Ark as we marched in two by two, the little boy and girl, age four and two years, two men, the hired girl 24 and [the] captain, as he called himself. It seemed fun at first, but with calms, head winds, squalls, and seasickness, -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; for hours that treacherous body was like "a tempest in a teapot." I felt as if a demon had a huge egg beater and was trying to beat something out of the dense water; between waves we could almost see the ground and we were so encrusted with salt we looked like the salt ornaments now on sale in the Hotel U t a h , Salt Lake City. We were nearly three days on the way, about twenty miles from the mainland. After the wind h a d gone down, it took a day to iron out the heavy wrinkles of that 2 2 % salt water. O n that unsteady trip I made u p my mind I would not take my family back to the mainland very soon, and perhaps I would wait until the lake dried up. N o w Hughes 2 5 would make that same trip in one breath. We had taken along our two grey-hounds, Echo and Dart, not knowing then they would not agree with peaceful sheep raising. When we finally landed I shall never forget the leap they gave; after three days' misery and confinement in the hold of the boat they surely struck for "Freedom and Liberty." I thought they would never stop running. I t was a Sunday morning when we anchored in the Bay of our future home where we faced nearly three thousand acres of sage brush and grease wood. T h e shore was of very fine gravel or coarse sand, not unpleasant to the feet. I missed the church spires and the call of church bells. T h e children, like the dogs, began to run and enjoy land again. W h e n a bit settled, I started my little Sunday School. T h e silent surroundings were conducive to concentration with me, but not so with the children. I t seemed to me they had turned Natives at once and just wanted to explore. Near where we landed there was an old shanty, built of drift wood and pieces of wrecked boats, and the winds and rains must have blown through it for years. 26 I suppose way back some one thought of a home on that lonely Island, but wearied of the isolation. I wondered if I would get accustomed to the creeping things, which just amused the children. 27 In the afternoon a swim in the Lake, after supper a walk over the hill where a glorious sunset held us, and then the moon lit u p our little world and hope built happy days ahead. We had come prepared for camping all summer, but when we unpacked I discovered we h a d left our small looking-glasses behind. My husband was highly amused; 24

This was possibly Rodah Rollins. Evidently a reference to some aerial accomplishment of Howard Hughes, according to Blanche Wenner. 26 This was the old Miller cabin, built by Jacob Miller and associates. 27 T h e island was notorious for its lizards, mice, and especially, snakes. Snakes were primarily whipsnakes and blowsnakes; rattlesnakes have not been observed there. Snakes are seldom seen on the island today, most of them having been killed by fires that have swept the island. Charles Stoddard reported having found numerous dead ones after a fire in 1940. Charles Stoddard, "Facts about Fremont Island" ( M S , editor's possession), 3. 25


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he was to wear a beard for throat protection. He waited for my vanity to send for a looking glass and I did not have one for six months. Fifty years ago women did not carry little mirrors in their bags and peep at themselves every few minutes. If any woman wishes to be pleased with her appearance, let her forget her face for six months and then behold herself again. I shall always believe this omission of a looking-glass was done purposely. When the old Salty boat, after a month, came over with cedar posts, lumber and fresh provisions, my hired girl could not resist the opportunity of returning to the mainland, more I think to see herself than her friends. We had pitched our tents not far from the Beach and near the old Shanty. We had no screens then and the spiders and other insects would creep into the tents. After the children were asleep I put cotton in their ears and it worked two ways, kept out intruders, and prevented the early strange noises at crack of dawn from reaching their ears; when I removed the cotton it was only a few minutes until their blue eyes were open to their new world of wonders. For my protection I soon made myself a night cap such as my grandmother wore. Only one "do not" in the children's lives and that was not to go in the Lake unless we were with them. If the briny water is swallowed it brings on a terrible strangulation! I can only liken it to smelling too much ammonia. The summer proved a wonderful benefit to my husband and we decided to spend the winter there. We had no boat of our own, but made arrangements for the same boat that brought us over, to bring our mail and other necessities about once a month. The captain knew our tastes and would arrive with a regular little store, that we might select to satisfy our needs. At that time old fashioned row boats and little sail boats were the only transportation. Launches were tried occasionally, but the machinery rusted very soon and in a storm they were more dangerous than a sail boat. The lake's greatest depth then was about forty-five feet and every foot seemed solid, yet wildly seeking a new place, when the dense body of water was in commotion. Fremont writes of that first visit to the Island 1842 [1843] and his unwillingness to remain longer and trust his explorers' lives to the uncertainties of this lake; he lost the cap of his telescope on the Peak, the highest point of the Island, and we always hoped to find it28 his book and Stansbury's were two of our interesting books in those frontier days. After Fremont, someone built the old shanty I mentioned, and it certainly had stood the storms of years. I papered it with magazine pictures and it was our crude gay kitchen. Some early adventurer had braved the treacherous water and on the Peak had carved roughly a cross well enough defined for us to know a prayer had broken the silence of that lonely island.29 The Indian, too, had been there, for we found and have in our possession now, several flint arrow heads. 30 The fall weather was spicy, but sunny. We had lumber brought across and the two men who were working for us, with my husband's management and assistance, built a little house, which we thought should have a very small name; cabin sounded too 28

See footnote 4. See footnote 3. 30 Numerous I n d i a n artifacts, such as metates and grinding stones, have been found on the 29

island.


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pretentious so we named it the H u t . With a tent, a shanty and a H u t we were prospering. We rented the boat for a m o n t h and had horses, cows, chickens, a big wagon a n d thoroughbred rams from Iowa brought over. All hands combined, rock was collected, a n d while it may have been a rudely constructed house, the weather being favorable, it was finished by spring and it had an upstairs and a downstairs. We sent for our household goods, which were stored in Salt Lake City, and we lined the house with our books, and h u n g on the rough grey plastered walls my loved pictures I brought from Europe. Corregio's Magdalene looked as if she had crept in at the window and was simply resting there. We started our ranch with a few sheep and they browsed on the south side through the winter and took care of themselves, and imagine our joy in the spring when many ewes came proudly over the hill with twin lambs. O n account of the salt air we were not successful with trees nor garden. O u r fuel was dead sage brush and grease wood and the combination was fine. Nothing better than a broiled lamb chop over the grease wood, which is a hard, glowing, clean coal. There was so much to do, so m u c h to think about in this new life away from the world, the only family on the Island. I began to feel much of my life would have been wasted living in the outside world imitating fashions, wondering about neighbors' affairs, worrying about my children's companions. We learned to know ourselves, enjoy ourselves, children and books. O u r relatives and friends were calling hard for us to get off that Desert Island and come back to civilization. Time was slipping by so pleasantly that the months were slipping into years. O u r sheep industry was increasing and the sheep shearers were greatly excited about our lives when they came over. Their wives who felt sorry for me, because I lived way off and had no neighbors, always sent me their choicest j a m and pickles. I asked two of these well-to-do shearers why they did that h a r d work and one reply was, "Well, my children have gotten to the place where they w a n t gold teeth and an organ." Another husky fellow replied, " M y children have learned to dance and have joined the Episcopal Church, and that means they are in Society, a n d surely they need money." We always observed Sunday and it was a long day for the shearers; resting was their hardest work. We finally purchased an old boat whose quivering masts h a d pointed to the stars for years; she was overhauled, made steady and staunch again, a n d carried our fleeces and lambs to the Mainland. We named her the Argo; some of us carved a crude ram's head on her bow. We extracted all the poetry we could out of our sheep industry. In those days Depression had not m a d e all sheep "black sheep." " T h e Lord was our Shepherd." We did not need herders, fences, nor feed. T h e r e were natural springs, a bit brackish. With our other improvements we drove wells, and the water while not perfectly fresh was analyzed as very beneficial and we who lived there found it most palatable except in coffee, and we soon became accustomed to that. Happy with returning health and the beautiful spring time, things began to happen. Someone sent the children a donkey a n d we called him Adam, and the first


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born on our Island was a little colt and we named her Eve, and about that time I received a package from the Governor addressed t o : " T H E LADY OF T H E L A K E "

Now, did we not have a great beginning? T h e children were amused by homem a d e pleasures, such as would make the poor little rich girl envious. Even then they were making little boats that put out to Sea with their hopes, and oh, what homes in the sand just to be washed away! Pebbles were people and sometimes sheep. O u r little girl learned to swim first, just before her fourth birthday, which embarrassed her brother and he argued some good swimmers might go with one foot on the bottom, but in a few weeks he could outdistance her. T h e family's afternoon entertainment was the lake, and my husband being a very able swimmer would go far out with the children and I did not lag very far behind. Floating in that dense water was great fun. T h e mice and lizards sometimes interfered with the solemnity of my little Sunday School. O n e time with the twenty-third Psalm still on their tongues, I heard my little boy say, as he ran gleefully out of the H u t , "And lizards runneth over; that's why M o t h e r sat on her feet." I had held in reserve my Mainland finery, forgetting it would be old-fashioned; some dresses several years old were still in perfect condition. Occasionally it occurred to me I might go off some day. About this time it was decided I should go back to my old home in Illinois for a few months. T h e Argo carried us across to a little settlement called Hooper; imagine the children after two years; they kissed everything on the Island good-bye. We were a funny procession going up the street in Ogden, Utah. I, unconscious of my old-fashioned clothes in perfectly good order, somewhat uncomfortable I admit. T h e boy with a squeaking pet Pelican close to h i m ; the little girl with a box of horned toads; the children would not leave me and they would not leave their pets. O u r friends, who were so amused at our appearance then, have now so magnified that little procession until one would think no circus excitement ever equalled it. T h e poor lame pelican, which the children found h u r t on the Island shore, was so appreciative of their care that he became a great pet and was often to me a nuisance. H e was presented to a park finally with the understanding he must be taken to walk, since he could not fly, and be treated with respect. My husband returned to the Island as spring and summer were busy times, and the children and I left for the East, our first break in the Island life. Back to the old home with my little Islanders, although so young, readers and thinkers, for every day they had had their lesson. We certainly were curiosities to relatives and friends, with unusual experiences and children whose only punishment had been not to play together for one hour. While East there was an epidemic of whooping cough and my father, concerned, said, "Children, have you h a d i t ? " and little Blanche replied, "Grandpa, I think we had all the diseases but Polygamy before we went to the Island." 31 After three months I returned to the Island and brought home our new baby boy. 32 31 The Wenners were not Mormons. This was during the most extensive anti-polygamy activity in U t a h . 32 Lincoln Greene Wenner, born July 8, 1888, died September 25, 1906.


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With seventeen miles of shore line their own again, the children were happy on that Island. They found two Shetland ponies, Dot and Cricket. T h e r e was a goat and harness and a little wagon, â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the days were not long enough for all the fun, and a fine new companion, a Shepherd dog from the famous Philadelphia Kennels. O n e day the help reported Dot had the colic, but she was getting over it and my small boy thought a good rubbing would do her good, and he found a bottle of varnish, instead of oil, and rubbed her the wrong way until her beautiful glossy coat looked even queer to him, and when he came for help, we found the poor pony so stiff from excess of varnish she could not lie down without difficulty. T w o men, with oil and other things applied gradually, softened her coat and in a few days she was in riding order. T h e boy loved and cared for her and was always sorry for that mistake. T h e wise pony soon knew his tender h e a r t ; at a steep hill he always got off to make her load easier. W h a t a play ground was the Sand Hill instead of the city child's limited sand box! Those children knew the first flutter of the wind and would play on, knowing it would quiet down again; or if a certain breeze stiffened, how quickly they grabbed their playthings and ran for home. They did not forget how they h a d been caught and peppered by the swift stinging sand. Over a hill they used to play, and our signal for their return was a flag at the upstairs window, and they must watch for that. It occurred to the boy, whose conscience was more elastic than his sister's, that if he did not go to the top of the hill to see it, they could play on and on. Having no trees on the Island we were without switches or shade, but Wellesley and Yale have been told mother h a d a slipper. 33 O n hot summer days, which were not often, we moved around the house and the b a r n for shade. Life with us meant home-made bread a n d home-made pleasures, and how many times we found "Necessity the mother of Invention." H o w much fun we had over substitution and make-believe. Once I forgot to send for sugar until I found myself entirely out. I bridged over that forgetfulness without my husband ever knowing it. While waiting for the boat to return with other things and sugar, I said, "Let us try coffee without sugar for several days. I am sure we are better off without it." I talked so hard that I changed our taste for sugarless coffee. W i t h our chickens, ducks, turkeys and sheep we lived well and once a m o n t h usually sent our boat over for fresh provisions and mail. O h , the mail and how the newspapers were devoured â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that part of life we never gave u p . Crude as Island life was in many ways, there were certain amenities that were never neglected. W e expected and respected proper appearance at the evening meal. O n c e I had a stiff neck, sounds Biblical, or a " C a t c h " as my grandmother would say. I was sitting on a little bench by the door watching a workman plane a board and thought w h a t fun the children will have with the shavings. As I stiffly turned around I spied a snake midst the shavings and believe me I gave one j u m p and unhitched my neck, a n d I will tell the doctors that is sure a speedy cure. H o w the baby grew and thrived and how soon he toddled after the others; he knew n o boundary line and feared nothing. All holidays were celebrated that the children might always know their importance and they recited "Barbara Fritchie" and other poems suitable for the days. 33

Blanche H. Wenner graduated from Wellesley, George U . Wenner from Yale.


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T h e y hoisted the Flag, and it was impressive to see the Red, White and Blue waving over Fremont Desert Island. T h e animals so felt the quiet of life there, that one Fourth of July a few rockets created such a disturbance that our choice Jersey cow bolted over the hill and stood in the briny lake "watchfully waiting" for peace a n d quiet again before she ventured to return. O u r Christmas tree was always brought from the Mainland, and Santa Claus knew the way to the Island, and often the children wondered how things happened. O n summer evenings the children would skip down to the Lake for a snappy dip and then to bed. T h e i r father at the foot of the stairs would sing — Sleep, baby, sleep. Thy mother is shaking the dreamland tree, Down falls a golden dream for thee, Sleep, baby, sleep.

and always ended with a muffled sleepy "Boom, Boom"; they rarely heard the end. T h e little girl, called by her father Cush La Machree, would stand on the shore and repeat for him very dramatically — " W h a t are all these kisses worth, If Thou kiss not m e ? "

H e r brother would say, pointing to the sheep — My name is Norval; on the Grampion Hills M y father feeds his flock.

T h e n they would straddle their Shetland ponies a n d charge to the hills shrieking — Blue Bonnets across the Border!

O u r baby boy, not yet three years old, though not able to read, knew the titles of books and where they belonged. O u r book shelves were open and the children were taught early the care of books; they absorbed the titles a n d authors. For instance, they were watching carefully a family of horned toads, their pets. O n e they called "Achilles," one " T h e Bride of L a m m e r m o o r " and one was " T h e Country Doctor" and we heard the little boy tell his brother, " T h a t name is so long let's call him Balzac." O n e day little Lincoln disappeared and we scattered in every direction on foot and horseback searching for him. We always told the children if lost to follow the shore-line and they would come home safely. After a half day's search he was spied far away, keeping very close to every little curve of the shore; his father soon had him in his arms. H e was a sorry sight with his tear stained, dirty face and he said, "Sometimes I lay down on the shore-line and said: 'Now I lay m e down to sleep, I pray the Lord my soul to keep' — and then I got up and went on." I know God heard and understood that prayer as the little fellow trudged on so near to the shore-line, never realizing the curves could be cut across; he did his "little best." My husband a n d our m a n left very early one morning in our little row boat; the lake was calm and everything encouraging, with a gentle, favorable wind, and they would cross to a point of land, where the water was too shallow for the Argo, and then drive to Hooper Post Office and return by midnight anyway, probably by milking time. T h e r e came one of those sudden squalls, which upset their plans for returning. I knew why they were not home and was not uneasy. Early the next morning I saw


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coming over the sand hill two men w h o looked queer and rough as they neared the house; they were encrusted with salt from the the briny spray. I said with a trembling voice, " W o n ' t you have breakfast?" and the reply was, "Sure, we will, where is the axe?" My heart stood still and I remembered out of reach of the children was a loaded revolver; but shooting a tin can is very different from shooting a m a n . I began to recover when I saw them chopping and stacking sage brush for my future use. T h e children must have felt my excitement, although I thought I was calm, but imagine my feelings when I saw my three standing like three statutes with their bows and arrows; they believed in Preparedness and Defense; but I knew the men were safe from their aim. At eight o'clock I went to the barn and wondered if I could ever perform that job of milking, entirely new to me. I pulled and tugged •— a n d not a spatter of milk, and then I wondered why I h a d not asked the m e n for that service. I tried first one h a n d and then the other; in two hours I filled my bucket, but did not empty the cow. My poor "lady fingers" were lame for a week. About an hour after my milking seance, I saw our little boat coming in the bay; how I wished then I h a d waited. My husband brought the world to us; everything was news and the gunny sack of mail was like a post office. His greatest surprise on the Island was my bucket of milk, a n d I a m sure it was the cow's greatest surprise too, which she hoped would not be repeated. O u r lives were never h u m d r u m by any means. Once the children decided they ought to be sick, they heard us reading letters about their little cousin being sick, and not to be outdone, the two older ones began by letting "the old cat die" in their swings, then caught hands and whirled as long as they could, then staggered over to a can of sheep dip a n d sniffed t h a t until they knew they were sick or something. We found them laid out in the shearing shed — and that was their only sickness on the Island and was brought on by their own determination. Hearing us read and discuss news, the children h a d absorbed some presidential information. It seemed a big leap from the White House to a hen house on Fremont Island; but this happened. T h e r e was a new big hen house painted white, empty and clean, awaiting a certain breed of chickens. M y eight year old boy decided he would be the President in the White House and his little sister could come a n d ask favors; but when she came to the door her imagination ceased, and to her it was a hen house and she ran away laughing and cackling which incensed the dignity of her brother. O n e of our favorite walks after the evening meal was to Sunset Rock, and as the brilliant colors of the sky faded, my brave husband, w h o then was struggling with his health unbeknownst to me, would repeat: — God's in his Heaven — All's right with the World!

Shearing and dipping were great excitement and I never ceased to sympathize with a sheep whose big fleece had just been taken off and then was pushed into a dipping vat of w a r m tobacco juice and could only get out of it by swimming, his first lesson perhaps. T h e men kept at a distance when he shook himself and the shearers rarely ever smoked tobacco in any form; I wonder if the sheep dip supplied it, or they faithfully kept the M o r m o n " W o r d of Wisdom." Anyone who dared sail a boat in those days was a Captain, so we mostly h a d a captain w h o looked after the Argo in the bay and the cows and horses on land. H e kept


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my old shanty kitchen shining and could prepare a meal â&#x20AC;&#x201D; not with cream puffs, but no French Chef could turn out a finer roast of lamb. With my husband's supervision corrals were improved and things put in order again after the chaos of shearing, dipping a n d shipping. With spring came all day picnics on horseback to the far end of the Island; it was a great caravan. We surely nibbled close to the bones of our fried chicken and snapped the "wish bone," and I am sure our wishes came true, since they were not extravagant and mostly confined to the Island. An occasional little sail boat would cruise the lake, trusting to fair weather, and it was our delight when it came our way and people shared our plain hospitality. O n e boat, a c a t a m a r a n , with her snowy sails spread, came silently into our harbor, and how my little boys chased up and down the beach and my little girl was holding on to her skirt ready to drop her curtsy with the arrival of the crew. I had my tea kettle boiling ready to do the Island's best. O n the boat was the gallant Captain [David L.] Davis of Salt Lake City, the father of Noel Davis, later one of our brave aviators. After five years of Island life, we decided to spend the winter in California. T h e Island would take care of itself and we would give our little Islanders a taste of civilization. W e sent our man 3 4 of all work to the mainland for mail and purchases needed. Returning, the Argo struck a storm and heavy head winds and the m a n was detained mid-lake just the time when he was needed most. Just once I realized things might change. I thought my husband was taking a n a p and from the other room I heard him softly saying, " I n my Father's house are many mansions." I ran to the shore where the children were playing to gain strength to fight my own anxiety and to catch their cheer and sunshine for him. T h a t night I awakened many times wishing the wind would go down. Next morning busy with preparations for our California trip, I heard h i m call and the voice sounded far away a n d between the upstairs and the downstairs, I knew, oh I knew! With these words, " I love you, love the children," and so he left the Island really living until he died. T h e r e I stood alone facing death for the first time in all my life; the three little children were on a far away hill, happy in their play. I wondered what their brave father would say were he in my place and I in his. I met them and explained as best I could. Did anyone ever stop the laughter and halt the happiness of little children? It takes something from one that never comes back. N o sign of the boat. All day long those heavy waves beat against the shore as though tearing up the Island. I heard once that two fires close together meant a call for Help. My feet and hands were busy climbing the hill pulling and piling the sage brush high ready for my signals at night; I thought, turn the spreading roots toward the sky that they may emphasize my distress. 35 D u r i n g the night I would replenish those fires and then back to my children peacefully sleeping upstairs and I would not have them hear my sorrow as I sat below where their blessed father was resting beside the books he loved so well. O n watch my second night the wind began to quiet down moaning and sighing. I thought, " H o w long, O h Lord, how long." T h e r e came a faint light in the heavens and gradually a broad stream of moonlight like a path of gold a n d I saw 34 35

Charles Rollins, of Centerville, Utah. People on the mainland saw and recognized the signals but could do nothing to help.


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the Argo sailing "wing and wing" toward me. I felt like an angel was treading softly across the water. T h e m a n called, "What's h a p p e n e d ? " By the light of a lantern we worked that night in the barn and m a d e as best we could the box and I lined it not with cold white satin but with a softly tinted precious shawl. Morning did come again and the first words I heard were from my little eight year old boy, "Mother, I am half a m a n , " and no sermon in all the world could have strengthened me more. His words brought the "Everlasting Arms" which supported m e through our little service. I sent my children to a far away beach for pebbles, and told t h e m when they saw their flag at the upstairs window to come home. W h e n all was over they came and with these beautiful pebbles of all colors we each m a d e a letter and spelled the word L O V E on that newly m a d e grave. T h e n came a shower like sympathy from Heaven and soon a rainbow and the sunshine lit u p my world again â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the glorious memories of our life and love on that Desert Island.

SEQUEL

Shortly after this tragic event, Mrs. Wenner took her family from the island. But the place always commanded a prominent position in her affections and when she died on December 29, 1942, her only living child made arrangements to place the ashes of the mother beside the father's grave. So it was that in June 1943, accompanied by a few friends, Blanche H . Wenner returned to the island grave site and in a brief ceremony deposited the mortal remains of Kate Y. Wenner Noble 36 beside the grave of her former husband. After the burial of Judge Wenner in 1891 a board picket fence was built around the burial plot. As years passed the posts rotted away, and in 1941 Charles Stoddard was authorized to build a new one â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the one now standing. This fence consists of a concrete foundation with steel posts and galvanized combination wire. A bronze plaque bearing the vital statistics of those buried in the plot was subsequently attached to the gate. Mr. Stoddard also placed a large stone to mark the grave. During the summer of 1948 Miss Wenner authorized Mr. Stoddard to construct a cairn at the grave site. This was constructed of rocks taken from the walls of the old stone house. T h e bronze plaque was removed from the gate and firmly fixed to the cairn to form a permanent marker for the two noble people who took civilization to Fremont Island. In granting permission to publish her mother's memoirs, Miss Wenner expressed the desire to have four other items printed also â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a short 38

Mrs. Wenner married John Scott Noble in 1903.


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statement by John E. Jones concerning his connection with the grave site, two letters to Mr. Jones from Mrs. Noble, and one letter from Miss Wenner to Mr. Jones. Salt Lake City â&#x20AC;&#x201D; February 25, 1943 Last fall while making a trip on the Lake with Dr. T . C. Adams a n d two Sea Scouts, we anchored overnight at the north of Antelope Island and the following DAVID E . M I L L E R

This bronze plaque is attached on a cairn erected at the grave site.

More than 50 years after the death of Judge Wenner, the ashes of his wife were placed (in June 1943) beside his grave on lonely Fremont Island by their daughter, Blanche Wenner, and John E. Jones. U T A H STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY CHARLES K E L L Y COLLECTION


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morning sailed over to the south end of Fremont, where we landed and visited an old ranch with a flowing artesian well. Dr. Adams and the two scouts decided to climb to the top of the island while I put in my time exploring the ranch and across to the west side of the island. I n these peregrinations I came across a small plot of ground enclosed in an iron fence, set in cement posts. Within the fence were the initials, " W . U . J. V. E." partly buried in the sand. O n returning to Salt Lake I m a d e inquiry and found that the island was the property of Mrs. K a t e Y. Noble, then residing at the Women's University Club in Seattle. I wrote to her explaining the trip and offered to do anything that I could towards straightening u p the initials. T h e following correspondence are letters from Mrs. Noble and her daughter. Further interest developed when I discovered that my good friend Shelton Baker, now a rancher just south of Jackson's Hole, went with M r . Wenner, Mrs. Noble's first husband, to Fremont Island back in the late 1880's, when M r . Wenner purchased the island. Believing that the material in Mrs. Noble's article would be of interest to others interested in the Lake, I have reproduced it herewith. J. E. J. [John E. Jones] Seattle â&#x20AC;&#x201D; November 24, 1942 My dear Mr. Jones: â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I wish to thank you for your kind and thoughtful letter, Nov. 19 received yesterday. For five years Fremont Island was my happy home, not a neglected sheep ranch as it is now. A real home with a big library, pictures from Abroad and Shetland ponies for my three little children. Life was a joy until death came to my husband, U . J. Wenner, Sept. 19, 1891. M y two sons have passed away; Lieut. George U . Wenner lies beneath the Flag he loved and served (in World W a r I) at Presidio, San Francisco. T h e other son, Lincoln Greene Wenner, rests beside his g r a n d p a Greene near Salem, 111.; my father and A b r a h a m Lincoln were boyhood friends. I still own the Island and my daughter, Blanche Wenner, who is a high school teacher and a war worker, hopes some day to make the improvements we once had, artesian wells, etc. Blanche is keenly interested in your calling attention to the initials U . J. W. and however you think is best to arrange them to master the sand and wind, and your expense I will attend to. Originally the galvanized letters were filled with bright pebbles. T h e V. E. were the last letters of the word L O V E , a letter for each one of the family left behind. Of course, the Salt Lake Tribune did not get the tragic news until late in Sept., 1891 and one account is given in the same paper, Sunday, Oct. 4, 1891. T h e hired m a n h a d taken our boat, T h e Argo, over for the mail. My husband died on the Island and on account of the wild storm the m a n could not return for days. O n his return we buried my husband on the Island he h a d loved. It was kind of you to tell me of the grave. Whatever seems best to you will be right with us and gladly I will pay expense. Very cordially yours, (Mrs. J. S.) K a t e Y. Noble


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My Dear M r . Jones: — Your letter of Nov. 20th received and we do appreciate your kindly interest and help for the grave on the Island. I like the simple inscription: U . J. Wenner Born July 31, 1849 Died September 19, 1891 Enclosed you will find an account of my Island life, which I wrote a few years ago so that my daughter, family and friends might have it in my own words. I really think it belongs to the State of U t a h , and I appreciate so much your interest. Again thanking you, Sincerely — K a t e Y. Noble S e a t t l e — 2 1 January, 1943 M y dear M r . Jones, Very shortly after my wonderful little mother had written to you last came her very sudden death, Dec. 29th, as perhaps you read in the Salt Lake Tribune. You don't know how much Mother and I appreciated your interest and kindness about my father's grave. Little did I realize that I would so soon be planning to place her ashes beside him! This I plan to do, if possible, when school closes in J u n e . Again I w a n t to thank you from my heart for all that your interest in Fremont Island meant to my dear mother. Sincerely yours, Blanche H . Wenner


BY T H O M A S G. A L E X A N D E R

After World War I the United States attempted to ignore, or at least to minimize the effect of, military and political developments in the rest of the world. George Washington's Farewell Address and the sentiments of Thomas Jefferson were cited as proof that we should have no "entangling alliances." Though commercially aggressive, the American people remained politically disengaged.1 Consistent with this isolationist attitude, the end of World War I signaled a contraction in military expenditures. Most unused ammunition was concentrated in five depots along the Atlantic Coast which had been used as forwarding centers for overseas shipment. In 1920, however, the War Department decided to construct two new ordnance depots to disperse part of the munitions away from the Atlantic. Some 25 per cent was to be left on the eastern seaboard, 15 per cent was to be taken to a new depot to be constructed near Ogden, Utah, and the rest was to be sent to Thomas G. Alexander is an assistant professor of history at Brigham Young University. T h e writer expresses appreciation to Professor Leonard J. Arrington of U t a h State University for his aid in the preparation of the manuscript. The research for this article was,done under a grant from the U t a h State University Research Council. Photographs for this article are courtesy Ogden Air Materiel Area. 1 Richard Hofstadter, William Miller, and Daniel Aaron, The American Republic (2 vols., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1959), I, 280, 294; I I , 546-49.


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Savanna, Illinois. 2 T h e Ogden site lay about 10 miles southwest of the city â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at Sunset, a suburb on the Ogden-Salt Lake City highway and railway routes. Metropolitan Ogden, because of its position on the main east-west transportation arteries, presented an excellent site for efficient storage and rapid transshipment. 3 T H E O G D E N A R S E N A L AS A RESERVE D E P O T ,

1920-1935

After the Army had found the suburban location suitable, the War Department authorized the purchase of 1,200 acres in March 1920. The site lay partly on a sand hill, and partly on farm land just east of Highway 91. Though the purchase included several larger units, most of the land consisted of small plots of between 20 and 50 acres. In addition to the main reservation, the government purchased a 212-acre watershed and a right-of-way to bring water to the installation. The land and water supply cost the government $153,914, but clear titles to the land were hard to obtain, and as late as 1945 much of the land was still under dispute in the courts. The government also acquired additional land between 1921 and 1935. 4 T h e Army assigned Ora Bundy, later mayor of Ogden (1930-34), to supervise the construction under the direction of the Third District Construction Service at Fort Mason, California. Under his stewardship the majority of the construction was done by W. M. Sutherland, and was completed between the spring of 1920 and the fall of 1921. As each unit was completed, it was turned over to Major O. H. Presbrey, the first commander. 5 The main buildings consisted of 35 hollow-tile 220 by 50 feet magazines with rubberoid roofs. Other buildings which helped serve the purposes of the installation included an administration building, a gen2 Constance McLaughlin Green, Harry C. Thomson, and Peter C. Roots, United States Army in World War II, The Technical Services, The Ordnance Department: Planning Munitions for War (Washington, D . C , 1955), 3 7 - 3 8 ; Harry C. Thomson and Lidda Mayo, United States Army in World War II, The Technical Services, The Ordnance Department: Procurement and Supply (Washington, D . C , 1960), 360. 3 Material relating to the history of Ogden Arsenal is found in the Historical Archives, Office of Information, Hill Air Force Base. Miss Helen Rice, base historian, provided a clipping file entitled "Publicity, Newspapers and Magazines â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Clippings, 1936-38, and 1939-40"; xerographic copies of newspaper clippings from the personal clipping files of Frank M. Browning; "Addendum Number 1 to O O A M A Histories," which is a compilation of documents relating to the history of Hill Field; a file entitled "Arsenal Letters 1921" which contained information on the early construction; and "History Statement of Ogden Arsenal," by Ray S. O d d (typescript, ca. October, 1954). Unless otherwise noted, all information in the article is from the Hill Archives. 4 Verifax reproduction of a document giving data on land procurement dated August 4, 1928, revised March 16, 1929, re-revised June 16, 1936, pp. 1-5 (hereafter referred to as Land Procurement D o c u m e n t ) , in "Addenum Number 1 to O O A M A Histories." Also Salt Lake Tribune, April 9, 1937, September 17, 1945. 5 O r a Bundy to Chief, Third District Construction Service Fort Mason, California, April 27, 1921, and a series of forms turning over property to Major O. H . Presbrey, dated between February 19 and October 15, 1921, in "Arsenal Letters 1921-"


Warehouses, motor pool, transportation facilities, headquarters, and other storagemanufacturing facilities of Ogden Arsenal, now part of Ogden Air Materiel Area.

eral warehouse, two repacking houses, a machine shop, and a locomotive house. Although the contractors installed a sewage system, the government furnished 11 four-hole latrines â&#x20AC;&#x201D; undoubtedly for the convenience of those who might not appreciate more modern facilities! Total improvements made during this early construction were appraised in 1928 at $1,077,187. 6 T h e government designed the Ogden Arsenal as a reserve depot to receive stocks in bulk from factories and hold them for emergency use. T h e installation was activated April 22, 1920, with an employment of about 20.7 Employment remained stable at that approximate figure until 1925. Between 1926 and 1935 a sergeant commanded the post, with one other sergeant usually on duty. Part of the magazine and lower area were 6 John D. McConahay, " T h e Economic Impact of Hill Air Force Base on the Ogden Area" (Master's thesis, U t a h State University, 1955), 15; Land Procurement Document, 6. 7 Thomson and Mayo, Ordnance: Procurement and Supply, 3 5 3 ; Odd, "History Statement," 1.


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leased for grazing. During these years the materiel stored at the Arsenal was classified as excess and obsolete. T h e general neglect of the base is evident in the fact that although all but six of the storage magazines blew down in June 1929, at an estimated loss of $781,000, no attempt was made to repair them until 1935. 8 PRE-WORLD WAR II

EXPANSION

By the mid-1930's those buildings which had not blown down had become old and useless. T h e railroad tracks h a d rusted and roads had become run-down. However, the worsening of the international situation made it imperative that this and other facilities be up-dated. Mobilization regulations of February 1935 provided for the increased production of munitions, and a proposal for expansion of the Air Corps brought the need for bomb storage space. Money which was being used for antidepressionary public works projects could defray the cost of expansion. 9 A board of five officers headed by Colonel Norman F. Ramsey was chosen to decide what factors were important in the expansion. These men concluded that strategic location, proximity to raw materials, nearness to probable areas of action (assuming that the theatres of action would be in the West and Southwest), economy of operation, and climate were the most important considerations. Secretary of W a r George Dern, who had previously served as Utah's governor, accepted the board's recommendation that there be no construction east of the Appalachian Mountains or west of the Cascade and Sierra Nevada ranges. It was also concluded that depots should be located at a reasonable distance from the United States' northern and southern borders. O n this basis, the board and Secretary Dern decided that the Pacific Coast States could best be served by the already existing Benicia Arsenal in San Francisco and an expanded Ogden Arsenal. New construction at Ogden was also suggested by Brigadier General E. M. Shinkle, chief of the Ordnance Field Service, who later served as commander of the Arsenal during part of World W a r II. 1 0 Meanwhile, because of the impact of the Great Depression on Ogden, the Chamber of Commerce, working through its military affairs committee, petitioned the government to rehabilitate and reactivate the functionless Arsenal. T h e Works Progress Administration appropriated $299,525 in 1935 and $336,885 in 1936 to help in the reconstruction, and in 8

Tribune, April 9, 1937; Green, et al., Ordnance: Planning Munitions, Thomson and Mayo, Ordnance: Procurement and Supply, 361â&#x20AC;&#x201D;62. 10 Ibid.; Ogden Standard Examiner, February 8, 1942.

9

61â&#x20AC;&#x201D;62.


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1936 and 1937 the Chamber itself purchased land and gave it to the government to aid in the expansion.11 This construction and expansion represent a fine example of a local business group working together with government to help generate new jobs for the unemployed. National attention was drawn to the area on September 9, 1936, when Harry L. Hopkins, chief of the federal Works Progress Administration, officiated in a ground-breaking ceremony for a new $221,000 ammunition loading plant. Whereas the Arsenal had been designed only for storage, it was now expected to manufacture munitions and would thus provide work for at least 100 persons. So important was the expanded enterprise to the state's economy that when a railroad spur to the loading plant was completed on October 30, Governor Henry H. Blood drove a silver spike at a celebration attended by Senator William H. King and Congressman Abe Murdock.12 The cost of the reconstruction of the old facilities and the construction of new buildings and improvements was estimated at $3.5 million. This amount included storage igloos, a bomb loading plant of 12 large buildings, and railroad facilities. Because much of the work was done by WPA labor, the Civilian Conservation Corps constructed a tent camp to house 250 single men who worked on the new buildings.13 During the period between 1935 and 1938 the WPA employed an average of between 100 and 500 workers on Arsenal construction projects. By June 1938 the plant was supposed to open, but construction was behind schedule, so the number of employees was increased to 1,150. Late in June, Congress tentatively decided to turn the construction projects over to private contractors under the Public Works Administration. WPA workers, estimating that more than 400 of the 1,000 employees would lose their jobs, petitioned the government to leave their agency in charge. Congress finally concluded that both WPA and PWA should work on the project and appropriated $1.3 million to employ PWA contractors. By June 12 with the new appropriation, 1,159 workers were employed on construction.14 After the first phase of rehabilitation, which lasted between 1935 and 1939, the Army undertook further construction in 1940. Between then " M e m o r a n d u m by William P. Stephens, April 10, 1940, p. 1, in "Addendum Number 1"; Tribune, February 24, 1937, January 26, 1938. 12 Ogden Standard, September 9, October 30, 1936. 13 T h e expenditure estimate was made by General E. M. Shinkle on a four-day inspection trip during the course of construction, Ogden Standard, November 2, 1936. Also, ibid., M a r c h 27, 1938; Tribune, March 9, 1937. 14 Estimate of the average number of workers made from Tribune, June 5, 24, July 6, 1938; Ogden Standard, June 25, July 12, 1938.


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and 1942 the facility was completely modernized. Construction in 1940 cost about $2.6 million, and in June 1941 a contract was let for an additional $3.5 million in facilities. This second phase of construction was designed to include plants for the loading of 20 mm. and 37 mm. artillery shells. T h e construction included 40 additional warehouses, 2 shell loading plants, a small calibre shell assembly plant, a black powder pelleting plant, roads and ramps, and a new railroad line.15 In addition to the $3.5 million put into the construction of new facilities at the Arsenal between 1935 and 1938 and the additional $6.1 million between 1940 and 1942, the Army purchased machinery and rolling stock for the new operation. During construction, T N T , locomotives, amotol mixers, and ammunition cars flowed into the installation in preparation for the time when full-scale production could begin. 16 When the bomb loading plant opened in the fall of 1938, the government engaged approximately 100 employees on a permanent basis to load aerial bombs varying in weight between 100 and 2,000 pounds. By April 1941 the number had grown to 300 full-time employees. In September 1941 the second phase of construction was far enough along that the trial loading of the 20 mm. and 37 mm. artillery ammunition began, and on November 11 actual production began with a force of 100 men and 40 women. 17 In addition to the ammunition loading operations, the Arsenal undertook other missions. In 1938 Ogden was named as an ammunition storage base for the Air Corps, and 40 warehouses were filled with inert ammunition and components and empty practice bombs. When the installation also undertook the reconditioning of ammunition, a controversy arose. Representative Paul W. Shafer, of Michigan, called for a congressional investigation of defense costs. Ammunition was being shipped from Hawaii to Ogden, he said, and the freight from San Francisco, one way, had been $210,000. Shafer opined that the whole plant could have been duplicated in Hawaii for $30,000. 18 15 Anthony T. Cluff, " T h e Role of the Federal Government in the Industrial Expansion of U t a h During World War T w o " (Master's thesis, U t a h State University, 1964), 3 7 - 3 8 ; Thomson and Mayo, Ordnance: Procurement and Supply, 373, 379; Odd, "History Statement," 1; McConahay, "Economic Impact," 16; Ogden Standard, June 30, July 10, 1939; Tribune fanuarv 4 February 2, 12, 1941. 16 Ogden Standard, October 26, November 2, 19, December 6, 1936; Tribune, April 17 1938. 17 McConahay, "Economic Impact," 16; Tribune, April 20, November 11, 1941; Odd, "History Statement," 1â&#x20AC;&#x201D;2. " G r e e n , et al, Ordnance: Planning Munitions, 6 3 - 6 4 ; clipping for January 30, [1939], Hill Archives.


Ogden Arsenal

243 WORLD W A R II

During the pre-war period, the Arsenal h a d been constructed and readied for the task it was to perform in the service of the American w a r effort. T h e Arsenal could store ammunition â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the purpose for which it h a d originally been designed; and the expansion of its facilities between 1935 and 1941 h a d m a d e it capable of producing bombs and small caliber artillery shells. During World W a r I I its facilities were greatly expanded around the nucleus w r hich h a d been built during the depression of the 1930's. By December 1941 the last phase of construction h a d not yet been completed. Twenty miles of railroad track h a d been laid and 12 miles remained to be put down. A large force of civilians worked day and night so the numerous warehouses, the shell loading plant, and a recently completed locomotive repair shop could be linked to the outside world. O n December 8, 1941, the day after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the commanding officer took the precaution of doubling the guard force. H e closed all roads to the Arsenal, and later sealed the entrances. General supplies began arriving in M a r c h 1942, and the inert ammunition and practice bombs were removed to open storage areas. 19 With the outbreak of war, the Ogden facility was in a position to be one of the "arsenals of democracy." During World W a r I I , the Arsenal performed numerous tasks to help promote the w a r effort. I n addition to the bomb and artillery shell loading, in J a n u a r y 1942 plants for linking 30 and 50 caliber cartridges into machine-gun belts were activated. As a strategic link in America's supply system, the Arsenal played host to several national and regional conferences dealing with ordnance procedures and packing for overseas shipment. In December 1943 the Arsenal was assigned the duty of distributing all items of ordnance supply a n d equipment to all areas and stations in the far western United States. This assignment m a d e the Arsenal a master depot. Among the items shipped were vehicles, ammunition, small arms, artillery pieces, and other O r d n a n c e Corps materiel. At this time industrial operations were suspended; the Arsenal no longer served as a m a n u facturing center. Ogden was later designated as a distribution depot to handle supplies from the master depots for the West Coast export centers. 20 19 Thomson a n d Mayo, Ordnance: Procurement and Supply, 3 8 0 ; Tribune, December 8, 1941, M a r c h 3, 1942; Ogden Standard, December 22, 1941. 20 Tribune, December 30, 1943; McConahay, "Economic I m p a c t , " 16; O d d , "History Statement," 2 ; Thomson a n d Mayo, Ordnance: Procurement and Supply, 389.


244

Utah Historical

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In the spring of 1944, an attempt was made to refine the master depot technique. Lewis H . Brown, president of Johns-Manville Corporation, advised the use of the master depot to speed the procurement of tank and automotive parts for overseas troops. An attempt was made to concentrate at one depot all parts for certain makes of vehicles. T h e aim was to locate all interchangeable parts in one location and enable employees to specialize more narrowly. Ogden was given limited specialization under the system. Later in 1944 Ogden was designated as a back-up depot for Benicia Arsenal, which supplied Pacific bases. 21 Under wartime conditions, it was inevitable that waste occurred. Employees reported the burying of tools and implements, and at least one former employee claimed that he was ordered to open the valves on a tank car filled with aviation gasoline and allow it to run out on the ground because an officer did not want the demurrage on the railroad car to his credit. One of the major problems met by the installation was the procurement of personnel to work on the assembly lines and loading docks. Naturally, wartime conditions meant the employment of a greater number of women. In August 1942 the Ogden police force released two policewomen to form the nucleus of a women's guard force at the Arsenal. In September the commanding officer, in calling for 3,000 workers, emphasized that it was the "patriotic duty of the highest order" for workers to engage in defense work. In the late fall the situation was so desperate that a call was issued for men and women to work part-time up to seven days per week. Whereas in 1941 $3.76 per day had been offered for anyone willing to work on the assembly line loading ammunition, by 1943 $4.96 was the going rate for anyone willing to unload freight cars. In August 1943 there was a slight reduction in force, but the expansion of the installation to a master depot late in that year made it necessary to bring in more 21

Typical

Thomson and Mayo, Ordnance: Procurement

warehouse

and Supply, 387, 3 9 0 - 9 1 .

building of Ogden Arsenal, now part of Ogden Air Materiel

Area.


Ogden Arsenal

245

workers. A call was made to local labor unions to furnish new employees, and farmers who had harvested their crops were requested to volunteer for work. At the height of the war, the depot employed 6,000 persons, more than half of whom were women. 22 FROM WORLD W A R II T H R O U G H T H E KOREAN W A R

During the second World War, the Arsenal had served both as a storage and shipping point for ordnance materiel and a manufacturing plant for ammunition. With the conclusion of hostilities, the Arsenal's activities were reduced. In November 1945 the Army ordered a cutback of between 600 and 900 employees, and by June 1946 the Arsenal employed less than 1,500 persons. 23 In the retrenchment and consolidation process, the Army expanded the jurisdiction of the Arsenal to include several other plants in Utah. Between July 1944 and June 1946, the U t a h Ordnance (Remington Arms) Plant in Salt Lake City served as a sub-depot to the Arsenal. T h a t plant had been constructed as an ammunition manufacturing installation, and became an Ordnance Department reclamation plant until it was closed in June 1946. T h e Army transferred its duties to the Tooele Ordnance Depot. For a short time after December 1946, the Army even placed Tooele Ordnance Depot under the control of the Ogden Arsenal. 24 With the occurrence of the Korean War, however, the number of employees increased once more; by 1953 the installation employed 3,000. Once again women employees â&#x20AC;&#x201D; some of them the same ones who had worked during World W a r IIâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;performed blue-collar jobs such as ammunition loading, operating sand-blasting machines, and checking greasy parts. 25 T h e plant engaged in the production of Mark I I tracers, hand grenades, 60 mm. lumination shells, 37 mm. shells, 81 mm. mortar shells, and other armaments. In addition workmen repaired and refurbished small arms by sand-blasting and acid-surfacing to prevent their corrosion under battle conditions. At the same time, the Arsenal opened a program to train industrial and personnel management in the principles of ammunition and ordnance production. 26 22 Tribune, November 11, 1941, August 2, September 14, October 3, 1942, M a r c h 13, August 15, 1943, January 6, May 29, 1944, March 2, 1945; Ogden Standard, January 3, 1943; McConahay, "Economic Impact," 16. 23 Tribune, November 18, 1945, June 19, 1946. 24 Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arrington, "Utah's Small Arms Ammunition Plant During World War I I , " Pacific Historical Review, X X X I V (May, 1965), 185-96; McConahay, "Economic Impact," l 6 ; Tribune, February 12, 1946. 25 McConahay, "Economic Impact," 16; Tribune, August 20, 1951. 2G McConahay, "Economic Impact," 16; Tribune, August 28, 1950, March 17, 1951.


246

Utah Historical Quarterly EMPLOYMENT AT THE OGDEN ARSENAL: 1920-1955

(SOURCE: John D. McConahay, "The Economic Impact of Hill Air Force Base on the Ogden Area" [Master's thesis, Utah State University, 1955], 15-17; Ray S. Odd, "History Statement of Ogden Arsenal" [typescript (ca. October, 1954), Hill Archives]; Constance McLaughlin Green, Harry C. Thomson, and Peter C. Roots, United States Army in World War II, The Technical Services, The Ordnance Department: Planning Munitions for War [Washington, D . C , 1955], 6 1 ; and various articles in Salt Lake Tribune and Ogden Standard Examiner.) Year

Civilian

1920

-

1925

-

Military

20

1

25

1

1926-1935

2

1935-1938* 1940

100

1941

-

440

1942

-

1943 1944

3,000 6,000

-

1945

1,500

1946

-

-

1,200

1949

3,200

1953

-

3,000

1954

-

2,700

1955

35

2,000

-

500

* During the years 1935 through July 1937, between 100 and 500 persons were employed on construction; from July 1937 until the fall of 1938 more than 1,000 persons were employed on construction and about 50 on Arsenal activities.

For almost two years after the Korean conflict, the Arsenal functioned with repeated cuts in employment. By the fall of 1954, only 500 employees worked at the Arsenal. On August 7, 1954, the War Department announced that the Arsenal would discontinue its operations and transfer its real estate and facilities to nearby Hill Air Force Base. On April 1, 1955, all ordnance functions of the Arsenal were transferred to Tooele Ordnance Depot (now Tooele Army Depot), with the exception of a railway repair shop which was left at the old Arsenal grounds, but which was placed under the jurisdiction of Utah General Depot (now Defense Depot Ogden). From the official appraisal at the transfer, one learns that the total value of improvements and land was $17,190,252,


Ogden Arsenal

247

including $10 million in buildings and structures. T h e base railroads were valued at $1.2 million, and the roads and pavement at $1.5 million. 27 T h e Ogden Arsenal had become a casualty of the Missile Age. As early as 1941 when the second phase of pre-World W a r I I construction was undertaken, Major Carroll H. Dietrick, who was sent to examine the location, found that the Arsenal was hemmed in by Hill Air Force Base, the main Ogden-Salt Lake City highway, and farm and orchard land. There was no place to enlarge the facility. H e recommended that the Army acquire 20,000 acres near Tooele, which was done. By 1954 space had become even more necessary for an ordnance installation. T h e rapid dispersal of large quantities of materiel might become necessary at a moment's notice, and a small hemmed-in installation like the Arsenal could not serve the purpose. As a result, its duties were assumed by the larger depot at Tooele. 28 With the transfer of the functions of Ogden Arsenal to Tooele Ordnance Depot on April 1, 1955, came also the conveyancy of the physical plant and facilities to the Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Air Force Base. These buildings for the storage of ammunition gave O O A M A an inside track when, in January 1960, the Air Materiel Command (later Air Force Logistics Command) approved the consolidation of all airmunitions functions into one organization, the 2705th Airmunitions Wing, with headquarters at Hill Air Force Base. This organization was given world-wide responsibility for Air Force ammunition. In addition the buildings and storage igloos available at the former Arsenal (now redesignated West Area Complex) provided facilities for the assembly and storage of Minuteman missiles, and the Boeing Company occupied part of the old buildings, which with some modifications are used to assemble this modern warrior. 29 For the Army the Atomic Age created the necessity for both the dispersal of operations and for a larger physical area. T h e Air Force, however, required storage and maintenance facilities close to an air base at which it could handle long-range Missile Age transport planes. T h e Army's liability thus proved the Air Force's advantage, and the old Arsenal has survived and grown. From a small storage depot, the Arsenal has become an integral part of the operations of Utah's biggest employer, Ogden Air Materiel Area. 27 Tribune, September 29, 1954; McConahay, "Economic Impact," 1 6 - 1 7 ; Real Estate Cost Total Report (Hill Archives), April 1, 1955. 28 Thomson and Mayo, Ordnance: Procurement and Supply, 3 7 3 ; Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander, "They Kept 'Em Rolling: T h e Tooele Army Depot, 1942-1962," Utah Historical Quarterly, 31 (Winter, 1963), 20, 23. 29 Helen Rice, History of Ogden Air Materiel Area, 1934-1960 (Ogden, 1963), 192-93.


The Road to "Fortune ":

THE SALT LAKE CUTOFF BY

L . A. F L E M I N G A N D A. R. S T A N D I N G

INTRODUCTION

Both of us have had a lifelong interest in western history. This has led us along paths where information about the Old West can be obtained. These byways have included talks with a few remnant pioneers we knew in boyhood, or with first generation descendants of pioneers; reading numerous printed journals, books, and magazine articles on western history; personal visits to many places connected with pioneer events; and enjoying many days finding and retracing hundreds of miles of western trails, from Chimney Rock in Nebraska to the Sierra Nevada Mountains, by pickup truck or on foot. Each bit of information obtained fanned our zeal to learn more and added to our appreciation of the hardy, courageous people who made the history. O u r major objective in writing about old trails is to describe where they can be found and to record data about them that is rapidly being lost. As we have hunted for the trails, we have been amazed and alarmed by the scarcity of accurate information, considering the relatively short time since they were in almost daily use. Most of the people who had first-hand information have passed away, and the few who are now living will not be with us long. T h e trails can still be found, but like memories of them, they are growing dim. It is regrettable that much more was not recorded about all old trails while knowledge was fresh and accurate. L. A. Fleming, a resident of Ogden, was born in southern Nevada. He attended the University of Nevada, and for the past 36 years has been affiliated with the Post Office Department, Postal Transportation Service. A. R. Standing was born and reared at Brigham City, Utah. He is a graduate of U t a h State University, and spent 41 years in the U.S. Forest Service in the Intermountain and Pacific Regions. Mr. Standing is president and Mr. Fleming vice-president of the Weber Valley Chapter of the U t a h State Historical Society. T h e photographs for this article were furnished by the authors.


Salt Lake Cutoff

249

We are frequently asked how we find the exact location of a trail. There are several signs that help to identify it. O u r first approach is to find and consult local people who can give us information. Often the old roads are still visable, either because the soil was so compacted or eroded by heavy use that vegetative growth is not sufficient to cover the rut marks, or because occasional use since pioneer days has retained the roadbed. Another method of identification is a more robust growth of sage or other brush along the sides of the old trails. T h e road dust, mixed with the manure of the thousands of animals that traveled the trails was blown into windrows along the route. This created a more favorable habitat for plant life, and the additional plant growth resulted in more deposition of organic matter, which in turn increased soil fertility and moisture-holding capacity. Under such conditions the location of old trails can sometimes be seen several miles away. In places the pioneers rolled rocks out of the roadbed, and the rows of rocks still clearly mark the trail. Old dugways can occasionally be found, but these are rare as the pioneers usually chose to go straight up and down, even very steep hills, rather than perform the work required to construct dugways and risk overturning the top-heavy wagons. Sometimes the worn-down roads became water channels which developed into deep gullies. A very useful sign is wheel marks on rocks in the roadbeds. T h e iron tires of the wagons rubbed off on the rocks. These bits of iron in turn rusted, and the resulting brown stains became a permanent part of the rock. Wherever a wagon passed over hard rock it remains plainly visable even after more than a hundred years. These stains do not show on lava rocks, but chipping and scratching of lava rocks by the turning, slipping wheels can still be detected. When ruts, depressions, or changed plant growth are no longer evident, rock stains faithfully indicate where the roads were. Sometimes the location of old roads are verified by the finding of artifacts such as oxen shoes, square nails, broken dishes or household utensils, hardened bits of leather, or pieces of iron from the wagons. We used most of these signs in locating the Salt Lake Cutoff, which is the subject of the following narration. E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF T H E SALT L A K E C U T O F F

When a party of men with saddle and pack horses under Samuel J. Hensley headed north from Salt Lake City in early August 1848, they


250

Utah Historical

Quarterly

did not realize they were about to make history. The event was mentioned in a letter dated August 9, 1848, from Parley P. Pratt, John Taylor, and John Smith to Brigham Young, who was en route his second trip West. T h e letter stated, "Ten of the U. S. troops under Captain Hensley lately arrived in our valley on their way to California; they tried the Hasting's route, 1 but the desert was so miry from heavy rains that they have returned and gone on by way of Fort Hall." 2 Captain Hensley was not new to the West. H e was a member of the Joseph C. Chiles party of 1843 and was one of the horseback group that traveled with Chiles from Fort Hall down the Snake River and across southeastern Oregon into California. In California he worked for John A. Sutter, of Sutter's Fort fame, participated in the Bear Flag Revolt, and served as an officer in John C. Fremont's California Battalion. H e returned to the East and testified at the court-martial of Fremont of November 1847 to January 1848. He was passing through Salt Lake City on his way back to California when he drew the attention of the Mormons. Hensley's party did not go to Fort Hall, but forded Bear River about 80 miles north of Salt Lake City 3 and rode west along the general route of U.S. Highway 30 by present Snowville, Utah. Here he joined the California Trail from Fort Hall in Emigration Canyon just south of the City of Rocks. O n Sunday, August 27, Hensley met a party of discharged Mormon Battalion men who were traveling up the Humboldt River en route from California to Salt Lake City. T h e meeting was recorded by Henry W. Bigler in his diary. . . . Laid by at 3 p.m. the c a m p came together at Addison Pratts tent and held prayer meeting, just as meeting was over Captain S. Hensley and Company of ten on packs came up we were informed by Capt. H . that it was not more than 380 miles to Salt Lake by takeing a certain route that he had found and h a d just come he gave us a way bill saying the route was a good one and easy to be found saveing at least 8 or ten days travel as it was our intention to go by way of Fort Hall. Mr. Hensley had got defeated in attempting to take Haistings Cutoff and h a d turned back by so doing discovered this new route and found it to be much nearer than Hasting's. . . .4 1 The Hastings route was across the salt flats south of Great Salt Lake followed by the Donner and other parties in 1846. For an account of the location of this trail, see Henry J. Webb, " T h e Last Trek Across the Great Salt Desert," Utah Historical Quarterly, 31 (Winter, 1963), 26-33. 2 "Journal History" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), August 9, 1848. 3 George R. Stewart, The California Trail: An Epic with Many Heroes (New York, 1962), 202. 4 Quoted in West from Fort Bridger, U.H.Q., X I X ( 1 9 5 1 ) , 250.


251

Salt Lake Cutoff

T h e Salt Lake City-bound company decided to follow Hensley's route. 5 T h e party consisted of 45 men and one woman, wife of William Cory, 17 wagons, 150 horses, and about the same number of cattle. 6 T h e night of September 14, the group camped at Granite Spring just east of Granite Pass on the west side of Junction Valley. T h e next day as they journeyed eastward from Junction Valley, they saw two "towering" rocks on their left that dominated a rocky ridge which forms the south boundary of the famous City of Rocks. Addison Pratt, a member of the group, named these rocks the "Twin Sisters," and they are still so called. Here the party separated from the road to Fort Hall, which passed northward over the ridge into the City of Rocks, thence via present Almo, Elba, and Malta, then down Raft River to the Oregon Trail along the south side of Snake River, and up this trail to Fort Hall. Instead, the returning Battalion men began a new wagon road, going eastward down Emigration Canyon about six miles to Raft River where they camped. According to the diary records of Bigler and Pratt and a narrative of the trip prepared by L.D.S. Church Historian Andrew Jenson from material contained in the journal of Azariah Smith and perhaps other journals, 7 on September 16 the party went down Raft River 10 miles and "encamped again on Cajnes [Cassia] Creek" in a "notch in the mountains," according to Jenson, and "on the Cazier [Cassia] a large stream 5 For a more complete coverage and documentation of their trip to Salt Lake City, see " T h e Salt Lake Cutoff," West from Fort Bridger, U.H.Q., X I X , 248-68. 8 Stewart, California Trail, 198-99. 7 Andrew Jenson inserted this narrative in the "Journal History," under the date of September 28, 1848.

The Twin Sisters looking north from Fort Hall road and Salt Lake Cutoff.

near the junction

or point

of separation

of the


mamma

:^S:|:lt:t:tt-i ; : ; . . : : : ,

t

:

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:

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The Salt Lake Cutoff from Emigration Canyon going east-north-east toward the first ford of the Raft River. The lower Raft River Narrows or "notch in the mountains" is in the background.

abounding in trout," according to Pratt. 8 The various spellings then used for Cassia Creek actually apply to Raft River. Present Cassia Creek heads above Elba, Idaho, and flows eastward into Raft River near Malta. 9 The "notch in the mountains" is clearly the lower Raft River Narrows, about nine miles below and east-south-east from Almo, Idaho. On September 17 Henry Bigler stated, "At this camp we left the Cashier it turning and running north while our course was east over and through sage brush for 10 or 12 miles and campt on the side of a mountain where there was plenty of cedar timber." The Raft River turns northward at the lower end of the Narrows. For this date the Jenson narrative stated, "The company traveled 10 miles further in an easterly direction and encamped on a spring at the point of a mountain." Pratt recorded: Leaving this stream we followed a pack trail [probably Hensley's] that led through a n ascending valley a n d encamped toward evening on a mountain stream which came down from the hills and sank in the ground near the place of our encampment. But judging from the course of the dry bed below us it empties in to Casier Creek in times of high water. I n the evening I went up the stream and cought some beautiful trout. 8 All quotations from the Addison Pratt a n d Henry W. Bigler diaries are found in West from Fort Bridger, U.H.Q., X I X . 9 Cassia Creek does not head in the City of Rocks as stated in ibid., 255 fn. 10. Almo Creek heads in and near the City of Rocks and flows into Raft River about four miles east-southeast below Almo.


Salt Lake Cutoff

253

This camp was undoubtedly on Clear Creek near present Naf. T h e ascending plain and indicated distance traveled fit the topography quite well. As there is some confusion and uncertainty about the route of the Salt Lake Cutoff between Clear Creek and Emigration Canyon, some discussion is merited here. Some of the local people and some historical writers think the main road went west from Clear Creek by Stanrod, hugging close to the foothills of the north side of the Raft River Mountains and southwest to present Yost.10 Probably some of the users of the Salt Lake Cutoff did travel to Emigration Canyon by way of the Yost area, for marks of an old road along this route can still be seen. A footnote on page 255 of West from Fort Bridger adds to the confusion by stating that "the road, from the first crossing of the Raft River took a nearly east course for the notch." If taken literally this would place the road about three miles south of the Narrows, but the author probably intended to describe the route through the Narrows. T h e preponderance of evidence indicates that not only did the returning Mormon Battalion members go through the lower Narrows, but also that this became the main route. As one emerges from the mouth of Emigration Canyon looking eastward, one sees comparatively smooth terrain southeastward to the meadowed country around and below Yost, and comparatively easy travel northeast to the Raft River Narrows. But between these points, directly east of Raft River, there are many ridges and canyons that would make travel difficult. T h e Mormon Battalion group probably crossed Raft River about where they first reached it, then kept south of it to avoid following its complete swing to the north and went on a direct course to the upper end of the Narrows. Here the group must have crossed to the north side, as the river crowds against a steep hill and talus slope on the south side through the Narrows. They had to recross to the south side at the lower end of the Narrows. This accounts for three crossings of the Raft River mentioned by several people who traveled the route later. In his book11 Alonzo Delano relates an interesting and enlightening experience in this area in 1849. H e tells of a large number of trains traveling together, of the trains consuming all the grass causing thousands of cattle in late season companies to perish, and of the roads being lined with deserted wagons. His party went by way of Fort Hall and Elba. T h e 10 Irene D. Paden, The Wake of the Prairie Schooner (New York, 1943), 307, indicates that the road went from Yost through the upper Raft River Narrows to Junction Valley. No evidence has been located by the authors to support this claim. 11 Alonzo Delano, Across the Plains and Among the Diggings (New York, 1936).


254

Utah Historical

Quarterly

night of July 22, they camped about a mile north of the pass between Elba and Almo. In his journal for July 23, he records that after crossing the dividing ridge We saw a large basin, surrounded by high mountains, the road apparently running around at their base, to avoid, as we thought, marshy ground in the valley, and from which a pretty creek took its rise. From the place where we stood we could see a line of dust all around the basin, with wagons moving on the opposite side. It seemed as if the road led out between a gap in the mountains to the southeast, in the direction which the creek ran, for we could trace its course by the willows. At a point nearly opposite, we judged the distance to about twelve miles; and as it was the intention of the train to reach that place about noon and halt I thought I could save six miles travel by walking straight across, which I concluded to do.

When Delano reached the road on the opposite side of the valley, he came to six wagons "standing near the roadside." H e discovered that rather than his route leading through the "gap in the mountains to the southeast," the Salt Lake Cutoff came up through it, and the occupants of the wagons told him that "this is the route from Salt Lake and we came that route." H e learned that the Fort Hall road his train was following "turned off from the basin through a narrow gorge which we could not see, and the Salt Lake road, with its flying dust and moving trains, gave us the impression that our road was there." Rather than retrace his hike across the valley, Delano continued on the Salt Lake Cutoff to its junction with the Fort Hall road south of the City of Rocks, where he was reunited with his party after they emerged from the City of Rocks. From a study of Delano's account, it is evident that the wagon trains on three sides of the valley consisted of those on the Salt Lake Cutoff going up Raft River on the east side, then turning west across the south end of the valley to Emigration Canyon. T h e wagon trains on the Fort Hall road passed across the north and west side of the valley as far as the "narrow gorge" leading west from Almo to the City of Rocks. To resume the trek of the discharged Mormon Battalion group, on September 18 they traveled around the foothills to Emigrant Spring where they camped. T h e following day they went east across Curlew Valley by Pilot Springs, and camped on Deep Creek about five or six miles west of Snowville. O n September 19 they traveled east along the north side of Deep Creek which they forded near its bend about two miles southwest of Snowville, and went on along the general route of Highway 30 to a "spring in the mountains" as reported by Jenson, or according to Pratt, "a cold spring situated in a deep valley between two high mountains and


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though the spring is a large stream it sinks in the valley not more than a quarter of a mile from its source." T h e spring became known as Hansel's Spring. 12 A footnote on page 258 in West from Fort Bridger states "Hansel Spring is not seen from the present highway" and indicates it is located in Hansel Valley some distance south of the highway. From the description it is felt that the spring near Highway 30 at the W a r d Ranch headquarters five miles southeast of Snowville, is Hansel's Spring. A township plat printed in 1856 places Hansel Spring at the Ward Ranch. T h e Mormon Way Bill to the Gold Mines gives the distance from "Hansells Spring to Deep Creek Crossing" as six miles, which is the approximate mileage from the spring at the W a r d Ranch to Deep Creek Crossing. 13 Hansel Spring later became known as Dillie Spring, after a former owner of the ranch on which it is located. 14 September 21, 1848, found the returning Battalion men camped at Blue Springs, about three miles north of Howell, Utah, and on the west bank of the Malad River the next day. They h a d trouble crossing the Malad, for on September 22 Pratt wrote, "A hard days journey brought us to Malad Creek which we on account of its m u d and steep banks found difficult to cross. T h e water was also deep and some of the wagons capsized in crossing." Bigler recorded for September 23, This morning in crossing the M e l a d we broke down a wagon the crossing was very b a d the stream was n a r r o w a n d not very deep b u t the b o t t o m was very soft a n d m u d d y in comeing out on the opposite side passing on for 6 or 7 miles we came to Bear River the fording of which was good in consequence of breaking down we m a d e b u t a short drive and c a m p t on the east side of Bear River. 1 5 12 T h e name "Hansel" given to a mountain, valley, and spring in this area is a derivation from "Hensley." T h e evolution of the change from Hensley to Hansel can be detected in the Mormon Way Bill to the Gold Mines, by Joseph Cain and Ariah C. Brower printed in 1851, which uses the name "Hensell's Spring." O n the old map the name "Hazel Spring" is used. It is unfortunate the name Hensley was not preserved to give Captain Hensley the credit and honor he deserves. 13 N o other spring has been located by the authors in upper Hansel Valley, and none of the local residents who were asked knew of any other spring in this vicinity. 14 This ranch has been in the possession of the Ward family for the past 30 years. An old rock fort was constructed here, of which two walls and a fireplace and a two-room dugout were still standing when the Ward family obtained the ranch. Rulon A. Ward found some old coins while digging at the site, and names, inscribed by gun shots around the fireplace, could still be discerned. Members of the Ward family believe the fort dates back to the 1860's. 15 For the previous day Jenson's narrative stated they "encamped on a small stream about a mile from Bear River," or three miles according to Pratt. As they traveled six or seven miles (Bigler) or "about four miles" (Jenson) to reach Bear River on September 23, it seems they traveled on a diagonal, southeasterly between the Malad and Bear rivers.


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Addison Pratt wrote We crossed the [Bear] river which was low at the time and the crossing good. T h e bed of the river is about fifty yards wide and the banks high. In the spring of the year it is a most formidable stream with a strong current. After crossing Bear River, we traveled six miles and encamped by some springs where we found plenty of grass for our stock.

Andrew Jenson said, T h e company crossed the stream on which they h a d camped during the night. O n e wagon broke down but the brethren repaired it and traveled about four miles and encamped. At this point the company found some wagon tracks leading to the Great Salt Lake settlements.

Either the estimates of miles traveled varied considerably or some groups traveled further than others before camping. T h e Battalion men camped in the vicinity of Brigham City September 24 and reached Ogden the following day where "they encamped at Captain Brown's settlement on Ogden River" and stayed over a day. C a m p was established near Farmington on September 27, and the group reached Salt Lake City September 28. Thus was the Salt Lake Cutoff begun. T h e Mormons were not the first to travel with wagons from their crossings of the Malad and Bear rivers to the new Mormon settlement at Ogden. In 1843 John C. Fremont and his party came west via Soda Springs, turned south down Bear River, then west near the north end of Cache Valley, and crossed over the mountains to the Malad River. 16 Fremont's "camp equipage, and provisions were transported in twelve carts, drawn each by two mules, and a light covered wagon, mounted on good springs had been provided for the safe carriage of instruments, with its 12 pound howitzer." 17 Fremont states, Descending to the bottom of Bear River we found good grass for the animals, and encamped about three hundred yards above the mouth of the Roseaux [Malad] which here marked its junction [with Bear River] . . . . Among the useful things which formed a portion of our equipage was an I n d i a rubber boat, eighteen feet long . . . . T h e Roseaux being too deep to be forded, our boat was filled with air, and in about one hour all the equipage of the camp, carriage and gun included, ferried across.

Fremont traveled down the west side of Bear River to "a delta which formed the mouth, and then 16 Dale L. Morgan, The Great Salt Lake (Indianapolis, 1947), states that Fremont went up Weston (Idaho) Creek. 17 John Bigelow, Memoirs of the Life and Public Services of John Charles Fremont (New York, 1856), 73.


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. . . returning about five miles up the river we were occupied until nearly sunset in crossing to the left [east] bank, the stream, which in the last five or six miles of its course is very much narrower than above, being very deep immediately at the banks, and we had great difficulty in getting our animals over . . . . The people with the baggage were easily crossed in the boat and we encamped on the left bank where we crossed the river.18

Fremont and his party then traveled down the east side of the Great Salt Lake City to a few miles south of present Willard, Utah, near the Hot Springs then southwest to the Weber River. After several days exploration of the lake, during which he visited Fremont Island, he went north along the base of the Wasatch Mountains and on September 13 "encamped on Bear River, immediately below a cut-off, the canyon by which the river enters the valley bearing north by compass." For September 14 he recorded, "About four miles from this encampment the trail led us down to the river, where we unexpectedly found an excellent ford." The party then traveled up the Malad River en route to Fort Hall. T h e wagon tracks which the discharged Mormon Battalion party saw on the east side of Bear River on September 23 were made the previous March by the two wagons of Hazen Kimball, one Pollock, and one Rogers, who traveled from Salt Lake City to Fort Hall to join emigrant parties on their way to California. T h e three men were dissenters from the Mormon Church. 19 IMPORTANCE OF T H E SALT L A K E C U T O F F

T h e route of the Salt Lake Cutoff surely had been used by Indians long before the arrival of white men, and probably early trappers had made unrecorded use of it. Peter Skene Ogden traveled over part of it between Snowville and the Bear River Valley in 1828-29. Credit is due Captain Samuel J. Hensley and his companions for being the first known group to use the route as an integral part of the road to California, and for being instrumental in starting its use as a major wagon road. Credit for opening the road for wagons and making first use of it belongs to the group of discharged Mormon Battalion members en route to Salt Lake City in 1848. T h e immediate benefit was considerable reduction in the time and distance the Fort Hall route would have required. T h e longrange benefits were tremendous. In the spring of 1849, the great California gold rush began en masse. Those who traveled up the Platte and Sweetwater rivers had several 18

Ibid., 222-23. For a more detailed and documented account, see Stewart, California Trail, 201, and especially West from Fort Bridger, U.H.Q., X I X , 261. 19


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choices after going through South Pass. Some headed west over the Sublette Cutoff to reach the Bear River a few miles northwest of Cokeville, Wyoming, and then down the Bear River to Soda Springs. Others went to Fort Bridger and then northwest to reach Bear River a few miles west of Sage, Wyoming, and on to Soda Springs either via present Cokeville or possibly around the west side of Bear Lake. Those who reached Soda Springs traveled onward either by way of Fort Hall to Raft River, or by Hudspeth Cutoff, opened in 1849. T h e Hudspeth route went west through present Arimo, Idaho, Hawkins Basin, and the Sublette Mountains to join the established California Trail on Raft River near Malta, Idaho. Those who reached the Malta area, either by way of Fort Hall or the Hudspeth Cutoff, had a choice of going west up Cassia Creek to Elba and then south to Almo, or staying along Raft River to unite with the Salt Lake Cutoff at the lower Raft River Narrows. Many of those who went to Fort Bridger followed the Donner-Mormon Trail through Echo and East canyons to Salt Lake City, and then used the Salt Lake Cutoff. A very few followed Hastings Cutoff across the Salt Desert, and some who arrived in Salt Lake City late in the season went on to California by way of southern Utah. Estimates of the number of emigrants who traveled by various routes to the Humboldt River and over the Sierra Nevada Mountains to California in 1849 vary from 22,500 to about 40,000. George R. Stewart, who probably has made the most conservative and most accurate calculations, estimates there were 21,500 people with 6,200 wagons plus another 1,000 people traveling with riding and pack animals for a total of 22,500 in 1849. H e estimates in addition, there were 40,000 draft animals pulling the wagons plus about 20,000 riding animals, packhorses and mules, milk cows, and "oxen driven along as spares or to be slaughtered for food," which adds up to a total of 60,000 animals. Mr. Stewart estimates that the migration over the California Trail totaled about 45,000 in 1850; only 1,000 in 1851; 52,000 in 1852; 20,000 in 1853; 12,000 in 1854; only a few hundred in 1855; 8,000 in 1856; 4,000 in 1857. H e sums up as follows, T h e covered wagon migration is a folk movement of considerable size and of definite historical significance. Down to 57 (the last year for which statistics are at present available) the summation of annual figures indicates that more than 165,000 people crossed to California. T h e number of animals must have approached a million. 20 20 Stewart, California Trail, 231-32, 319. See also West from Fort Bridger, U.H.Q., X I X , 265, 266, for more details on emigrants through Salt Lake Valley. Detailed descriptions of life on the emigrant trails are given in many historical books. Two masterpieces are Dale L. Morgan, The Humboldt, Highroad of the West (New York, 1943), and Stewart, California Trail.


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By the middle of June 1849, the first of the gold seekers arrived in Salt Lake City. T h e hardships and suffering of most of the emigrants were tremendous. Most of them started the journey with more goods than their animals could haul. T h e loss of animals through death and straying and abandonment of broken-down wagons forced discarding of goods. Salt Lake City, being the only settlement along the trail, aside from Fort Laramie, Fort Bridger, and Fort Hall, immediately became an important place where goods could be sold or traded, food and clothing purchased, and where worn-out animals could be traded for fresh ones in condition to travel. All this resulted in an economic boom in the Salt Lake Valley. A prominent historian recorded, Among the causes that led to the prosperity of the people of U t a h at this period was the migration of Gold seekers to California. H u n d r e d s of emigrants turning aside to Salt Lake City, wearied and dispirited, their cattle worn out and their wagons broken were glad to exchange them together with their tools, household furniture, and spare clothing, for provisions and pack animals at very low rates. M a n y were glad to remain during the winter, and work their livelihood. T h o u g h reports were freely circulated to the contrary, there is sufficient evidence that as a rule they were kindly treated and not a few abandoned their search for gold to cast in their lot with the saints. Horses, harnesses, carriages, wagons, etc. were bought of eager emigrants at one fifth of their cost in the states. 21

T h e Mormon people saw the hand of providence in the situation, for Heber C. Kimball had prophecied that "states goods would be sold in the streets of Great Salt Lake City cheaper than in New York and that the people should be abundantly supplied with food and clothing." This prediction was fulfilled with the advent of the gold seekers eager to reach the Pacific Coast. . . . Impatient at their slow progress, in order to lighten their loads, they [emigrants] threw away or "sold for a song" the valuable merchandise with which they h a d stored their wagons to cross the Plains. Their choice, blooded, though now jaded stock, they eagerly exchanged for the fresh mules and horses of the pioneers, and bartered off, at almost any sacrifice, dry goods, groceries, provisions, tools, clothing etc. for the most primitive outfits, with barely enough provisions to enable them to reach their journey's end. 2 3 " H u b e r t H . Bancroft, History of Utah, 1540-1886 (San Francisco, 1889), 297 fn. 28. For additional information see Levi Edgar Young, The Founding of Utah (New York, 1923), 127-29. 22 Orson F. Whitney, Life of Heber C. Kimball . . . (2nd ed., Salt Lake City, 1945), 389-90. 23 Ibid., 390-91.


It has been estimated that about 10,000 gold seekers passed through Salt Lake City in 1849. Parley P. Pratt, a Mormon leader, wrote that hundreds of people arrived daily to stop and refit. T h e percentage of California-bound emigrants who passed through Salt Lake City apparently increased year by year. George Stewart stated that "much of the later California migration went that way." 2 4 Besides the migration to the gold fields, people went to Idaho and Oregon to settle, many of whom used the Salt Lake Cutoff. There was much use of the Cutoff and road down the Humboldt River for various purposes, by Mormons going to and from California and by the settlements in the Carson Valley in western Nevada. It became an important trade route. When the railroad to California was completed on May 10, 1869, overland travel by wagon and pack train decreased, but did not stop completely for many years. With the completion of the railroad, some of the wagon trains left the Salt Lake Cutoff near Snowville and went southwest through Park Valley and Lucin to the Humboldt. A road was opened south of the Great Salt Lake via Fish Springs in 1859, which took much travel away from the northern route. Stage and freight routes were established from Kelton, Utah, to Boise, Idaho, to Dallas, Oregon, and other northwest points. T h e days of pioneer use of the Salt Lake Cutoff passed away, and people now travel in comfort at high speeds over a modern highway where emigrants once trudged their weary way. T H E R O U T E OF T H E SALT L A K E C U T O F F

After emerging from Emigration (and later Parley's) Canyon, the western trail led west and north through Salt Lake City. Between Salt Lake City and Farmington, the route was close to the old highway through 24

Stewart, California Trail, 205.


Bountiful a n d Centerville. I m m e d i a t e l y north of Farmington, approximately where the Utah State University Experimental Farm is located, the emigrant road wound westward near the base of the bluff on the north side of the golf course and near the remains of the old Eli Manning store. It went southwest to about the present location of Shepherd Lane, then west approximately a mile, and then northwest about a halfmile along S h e p h e r d L a n e to w h e r e it crossed Baer Creek. From this point the old road does not follow an existing road for several miles. T h e e m i g r a n t road from Farmington almost to Plain City was located to avoid the sand hills, or sand delta, deposit of Lake Bonneville and the wet ground just below the terminus of the sand. This was accomplished by making the road along the foot of the sandy bluff and at the upper edge of springs, sloughs, and marshes. The old road 25 intersects Gentile Street about four miles due west of Layton, where a present road turns off to the northwest. From this point the old road is on the location of what is designated as Old Bluff Road, to its intersection with the West Point Road, 25 The road is near the southwest corner of Sec. 30, T 4 N, R 1 W, and the corner of the present road that goes along the south and west sides of Sec. 30.


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about a mile west of the town of West Point. T h e old road continued northnorth-west beyond this point along the base of the bluff for about a mile, but there is no present road along its location. Fortunately, the marks of the old road can still be seen where it crossed the present location of the Clinton Road. 26 It crossed at right angles about two-tenths of a mile east of the Hooper Canal. T h e old road is no longer visible where it crossed the Clinton Road, but can be seen beginning about two-tenths of a mile north, and thence on north for about one-third of a mile. This is across an alkali, greasewood flat that apparently has never been cultivated. Another of the few places where the marks of the old emigrant road have not been obliterated by cultivation in this area is located about twotenths of a mile north of the corner of 5900 West and 4000 South, and then about 90 yards west in a field owned by Vern G. Taylor, who resides at this corner. T h e old road is a little west of due north of Mr. Taylor's house and may be recognized as a depression through the field. Before this area was so intensively cultivated, the marks of the old road were plainly visible at other locations. From this field the old road continues on north-northwest about two-tenths of a mile to Hastings Spring, which now flows west a short distance in a covered pipe before reaching its outlet in a slough. John M. Belnap, born in 1883, has lived in the Hooper area all his life and has made a detailed study of its history, including the location of the old emigrant road. H e furnished information that a large area southwest of the Weber River to the shore of Great Salt Lake was granted to Captain William H. Hooper as a herd ground in 1854 before the area was settled. Years ago, John F. Stoddard, one of Captain Hooper's cattle herders, told Mr. Belnap that he h a d seen many wagons passing over the old emigrant road in this area on their way to California and Oregon. From Hastings Spring the emigrant road made a gradual curve northeasterly intersecting 4700 West about halfway between 3250 South and 2550 South. It went through the Hyrum Hadley farm at 3133 South 4700 West, across the Walker Slough to approximately 1400 South, then generally north to Plain City. T h e exact spot where the trail crossed the Weber River has not been ascertained, but it was probably near the present bridge on the road from West Weber to Plain City, about a mile south of Plain City. 26

In the northeast quarter of Sec. 30, T 5 N, R 2 W.


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A ferry was built here at an early date. John Belnap learned that the ferry operated somewhere between the old Skene home near the Four Mile Slough and the old Pioneer Road, southeast of Plain City and the Blair home in the West Weber area.27 The emigrant road went through or near the present site of Plain City and then northeast on the approximate location of the "North Road" to Hot Springs. From Hot Springs the road generally stayed along the foothills of the Wasatch Range to Collinston, Utah, passing by various springs along the way. The springs provided water for livestock and were popular camping spots for the wagon trains. Included in the springs were Cold Spring, now partially covered by the highway (about seven-tenths of a mile north of the Weber-Box Elder County line) ; Marsh Spring, just west of the highway (two and six-tenths miles north of the Weber-Box Elder County line and about a mile and a half south of Willard) ; and the Wight Spring (about two and a half miles north of Willard). A short distance west of the highway, at the north end of the town of Perry, is Porter Spring. It is located on the property of Isaac A. Young. Here, according to Mr. Young, may be seen a segment of the original road as it passes the spring. From Porter Spring the emigrant road ran almost through the center of Brigham City to within a few blocks north of the courthouse, and then turned northeast to pass the Wright and Rees Spring along the foothills. The old road is shown on the 1856 township plat. It still can be seen along the foothills. The trail turned northwest through the present William Kotter farm. Mr. Kotter said that an old road passed just below the Kotter home, but its marks have been obliterated by cultivation. No doubt the road went along the foothills rather than where the present road is located, to avoid marshy ground north of Brigham City. From the Kotter farm the old road followed the approximate location of the highway from Brigham City and Honeyville, Deweyville, and Collinston. It passed by Harper Spring, located just north of the Harper Ward Chapel; Cold Spring, at the south outskirts of Honeyville; Dewey Spring, at the south end of Deweyville; along the foothills past the upper Barnard Spring; and near the present site of the Collinston schoolhouse and store. The trail turned diagonally northwest to the point where the present Collinston-Fielding Road starts down the dugway to Hampton's 27 I n an article in the Ogden Standard Examiner, October 26, 1964, Robert Agee wrote, " O n e big problem in the early days was fording the Weber River. At one time there was a ferry, then later a footbridge was put in. I n 1866 Plain City and West Weber joined efforts and built a bridge for wagons and teams."


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Bridge at the Bigler Ranch. The old road crossed the present canal location about 100 yards south of the canal bridge. Evidence of the road can be seen in the sagebrush halfway down the dugway just above the present road and a few feet east of the fence which parallels it. The old ford was located about where the bridge now spans Bear River.28 For many years the road has turned northwest at the north end of the bridge and gone up the dugway to the south end of Fielding, Utah. The original road, however, went a little east or north across the river bottoms, dodging the sloughs, to ascend the bluffs north of the river about a mile east of the present road into Fielding. From the top of the bluff, the 28 This is an historic site. John C Fremont probably forded Bear River here in 1843 on his way to Fort Hall. Hazen Kimball and Mr. Pollock with their families and Mr. Rogers very probably crossed here. According to Stewart, California Trail, 202, Captain Hensley and his companions probably used the ford as they are said to have gone "north about eighty miles, following Kimballs track" before crossing Bear River and turning west. Hampton's Bridge is approximately 80 miles north of Salt Lake City. It is also very probable that Captain Stansbury forded Bear River here in September of 1849 on his way to Fort Hall. Benjamin Hampton and William Godbe operated a toll ferry here in 1853. The tolls were 10 cents for a horse and 25 cents for a wagon. In the late 1850's a bridge was constructed, and a toll charged for its use.

Modern bridge at the site of the old ford and Hampton's erected about 1866 stands nearby.

Ferry.

An old rock

home


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road went north-north-west to the southwest edge of present Plymouth, Utah. From here a road ran up the Malad River Valley en route to Fort Hall. The Salt Lake Cutoff went west to Rocky Ford across Malad River, which is about two miles west of the south end of Plymouth and can be reached by a county road.29 Most writers generalize about the Salt Lake Cutoff by stating that the emigrants turned west after crossing the Bear River. Evidence indicates that they continued north-north-west seven or eight miles to utilize the excellent Rocky Ford across the Malad River. This does not mean they traveled that much further, for it would require three or four miles to reach the Malad going due west from the Bear River crossing. As has been pointed out, it was very difficult to cross the Malad with wagons; it was well worth a few extra miles travel to avoid trouble. The site of Rocky Ford was much used by Indians. Doubtless they had used the ford for centuries, and since the ford at Hampton's Bridge was a good crossing over Bear River, there was probably a well-used Indian trail between the two fords that invited use by early emigrants. The 1856 township plat for this area, and other early maps, shows an "Old Salt Lake Road" from Hampton's Bridge on Bear River to the west side of present Plymouth, but no roads leading west to cross the Malad below Rocky Ford. This suggests that no such road existed when the survey was made in 1855 or 1856, but this is not conclusive proof. It is probable that the Bartleson-Bidwell party crossed the Malad at Rocky Ford in 1841 after entering the Bear River Valley from the Clarkston, Utah area over the ridge north of the gorge through which Bear River flows from Cache Valley. The party men29 In Howard Stansbury, Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah, . . . (Philadelphia, 1852), 87-88, Captain Stansbury wrote: " . . . I left the city [Salt Lake City] on the 12th of September [1849], with teams and pack-mules, for Fort Hall, to procure the supplys for the party . . . and at the same time to carry out that portion of my instructions which directed me to explore a route for a road from the head of Salt Lake to Fort Hall. . . . O u r route, as far as the crossing of Bear River, near the head of the lake, was that usually pursued by emigrants passing through Salt Lake City to California. It skirts the eastern shore of the lake throughout its whole length, from north to south, as far as the ford, where the road turns off to the west. . . . "From the crossing, the emigrant road pursues a W.N.W. course, until it intersects that from Fort Hall [near the City of Rocks]. T h e ford of Bear River at this point is not very good. The banks are high and steep on both sides, and the stream, which is about two hundred and fifty feet wide, is quite rapid. T h e bottom is a hard, firm graveL In the spring and early part of summer, the waters are too high to admit of fording and temporary ferries become necessary. Leaving the emigrant road at this point, our route may be described, generally as following up the Malade (called by Fremont the Roseaux) to its head; . . . About two miles above the ford, Bear River, in emerging from Cache Valley, breaks through the chain forming the eastern boundary of the valley of Salt Lake. T h e range, which here sinks quite suddenly, for a short distance to the south of the canon or gate through which the river has forced its passage, consists of low, rounded hills, which present no trace of rock on the surface. T h e river indeed appears to cut through rock, but an opportunity did not occur to ascertain this by actual observation. After crossing and following up its right [north] bank for two and a-half miles, we left the river, and struck into a broad and beautiful valley, formed by the Roseaux, or Malade, . . ." After obtaining supplies at Fort Hall, Stansbury returned by the same route, except he crossed over the divide into Cache Valley to explore it before returning to Salt Lake City.


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tioned passing a hot spring, which Dr. David Miller identified as the Udy Hot Spring. This spring is only a mile or two below Rocky Ford. For August 18 John Bidwell recorded, Traveled b u t a short distance, when we discovered that a deep salt creek [Malad] prevented our continuing near the [Bear] river. In ascending this stream in search of a place to cross it, we found on its margin a hot spring, very deep and clear. 30

It seems logical that in their search for a place to cross, the party would discover the Rocky Ford, as it is the only tolerable place to cross the Malad River in this area, and they probably found an Indian trail leading to it. Local residents know of no other place the Malad River could be forded with wagons. From three sources the location of the emigrant road from Rocky Ford southward to the vicinity of Garland and then southwesterly to Point Lookout has been established. T h e 1856 township plat shows the location of a road in existence at that time. Thomas E. King, who was reared on a farm north of Garland and whose father was one of the first settlers, remembered where there was a road in existence when he was a boy. Ruts, tire marks on rocks, and other signs substantiate the road location. The road went south from Rocky Ford to a spring at the former Alex Toponce Ranch, 3 1 approximately six miles north of Garland. It passed along the hillside about a mile and a half west of the Garland business district, and about an eighth of a mile west of the Pierce Airport, by a stock water-tank. It intersects an existing road 32 located three to four miles southwest of Garland. At first thought one may wonder why the old road was so far up on the hillside, but it is a direct route to Point Lookout Ridge and much of it is about the same contour. T h e route passed by several springs, and the soil is gravelly and firm and provided good traveling conditions when valley soils were muddy or loose and dusty. There were other routes between the Brigham City area and Point Lookout. Three other fords across Bear River are known. Adolph M. Reeder, a local historian at Brigham City, is informed on the Corinne Ford located about a mile up river from Corinne, just above an island in the 30 Quoted in David E. Miller, "The First (Winter, 1962), 44. 31 The ranch is located approximately in 32 The road runs along the south side of east of the southwest corner of Sec. 32, which of a mile west of Garland.

Wagon Train to Cross Utah, 1841," U.H.O., X X X the center of Sec. 34, T 13 N, R 3 W. Sec. 32, T 12 N, R 3 W, about a quarter of a mile is located a mile south and two and three-quarters


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river. He believes his father was the first to use this ford in 1862 and doubts that loaded wagons used it. The desirability of a crossing at or below the site of Corinne was recognized in the years of immigrant travel as well as now, for in a letter to the War Department from Benicia, Calif., August 25, 1855, Captain Rufus Ingalls wrote as the fruits of his travel through this area with Steptoe's command during the summer, "The road should cross Bear river below the confluence of the Malad. Had we crossed there, more than 20 miles traveling could have been avoided . . . . But what was abstractly desirable was not physically practicable.33

Another ford across Bear River was located about 200 or 300 yards upstream from the bridge on the road from Honeyville to Bear River City. Channel changes make this appear improbable now. The 1856 township plat34 shows a road meeting the Malad River and a bridge indicated. At the upper end this road probably intersected the road from Rocky Ford to Point Lookout Ridge. None of the older local residents remember the bridge, but at the point indicated there was an old ford which is clearly remembered by Amos A. Iverson, on whose farm the ford is located. Mr. Iverson says the ford was used to some extent until about 1895. When he first came to this locality, the land had not been cultivated, and a road went from this ford through the sage and brush southeast to the ford across the Bear River west of Honeyville.35 There is an area of sandy soil at the top of the bluff east of the Malad River ford on the Iverson farm that was much used by Indians as a camping ground, so they probably had used the ford long before the advent of white men. The third old ford across Bear River is about two and a half miles east of the Elwood schoolhouse. The road going east on the north side of the schoolhouse leads to this ford. It passes through the Keith Fridal Ranch and goes down a narrow ridge between a large bend in Bear River. There is a concrete block bearing the inscription "Boise Ford, 1853,"36 partially hidden in the willows, marking the place where the road entered the river. Evidence of the old road can be seen leading up the hill on the 33 West from Fort Bridger, U.H.Q., X I X , 265 fn. 32. No evidence has been found by the authors that the Salt Lake Cutoff, or a branch of it, went west from Corinne across Promontory Mountains to Snowville, although such is the contention of Irene Paden in Wake of the Prairie Schooner. 34 This plat for T 11 N, R 3 W shows a road from the northeast corner of Sec. 5 going southsouth-east to the southwest quarter of Sec. 26, where it met the Malad River. 35 T h e present dam across the Malad River a short distance above the ford was started in 1865 and completed in 1866 to put water in a ditch to irrigate land in the Bear River City area. Later, Alex Toponce built a dam below the ford to convey water in a canal southwest toward Little Mountain and then eastward to Corinne to furnish water power for his gristmill. T h e dam washed out the following year. The canal now carries water to a duck club. 36 It is unknown where the Elwood boy scouts and their leaders who installed the marker obtained the information inscribed on it.


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north bank. No doubt this road joined the emigrant road between Honeyville and Deweyville. It has not been learned where the users of this road crossed the Malad River going west. The emigrant road from Point Lookout followed along the general route of U.S. Highway 30 to the vicinity of Snowville. It passed Blind Spring, which is in a deep gulch just south of the highway about five miles northwest of Point Lookout Ridge, where the highway bends west. A short distance west of the pass into Blue Creek Valley, the emigrant road bears to the left and can be seen where it passes over the foothills about due east of Blue Springs. Blue Springs can be reached by going north from Howell, Utah, about three miles or by leaving the interstate highway at the valley exit and going west eight-tenths of a mile and then south half a mile. From Blue Springs two branches of the Salt Lake Cutoff were traveled to Rattlesnake Pass into Hansel Valley. From Rattlesnake Pass the old road went south of U.S. Highway 30 and followed around the base of the hills to Hansel [Dillie] Spring at the Ward Ranch. It passed south of Snowville. Marks can be seen where the trail crossed the road from Snowville to Locomotive Springs, about one and three-tenths miles south from where this road leaves Highway 30. From this point the old road went eastward across the fields to the foothills at the north end of Hansel L. A. Fleming pointing to iron stains on rocks where the Salt Lake Cutoff approaches from the east the "notch in the mountains" or lower Raft River Narrows.

"'â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘"'SCI

Looking toward the east at A. R. Standing examining the rutted emigrant road west of Pilot Springs.


Salt Lake Cutoff

269

Mountain. It can be followed west to the ford across Deep Creek just above the bend. The emigrant road continued west along the north bank of Deep Creek to the location of the Rose Ranch37 about six and a half miles west of Snowville. From the Rose Ranch the Salt Lake Cutoff went west across Curlew Valley in a direct line to Pilot Springs. The marks of the trail can still be seen. An existing road to Pilot Springs goes south from Highway 30 about 16 and three-tenths miles west of Snowville, along the east side of a fenced experimental range. About nine-tenths of a mile south, a road turns off southwest, and it is eight-tenths of a mile along this road to Pilot Springs. From Pilot Springs the emigrant road can be seen both east and west. The old road goes along the side of a later road westward from Pilot Springs. It is one and nine-tenths miles to a gravel pit and the highway to Park Valley. This is about two and one-tenth miles southwest from where the Park Valley road leaves Highway 30, and near mile post seventy-three. The emigrant road continues on westward, but at about two-tenths of a mile it forks â&#x20AC;&#x201D; one branch going northwesterly to Cedar Springs and the other west-south-west to Emigrant Spring. From Emigrant Spring it is a little west of north about two miles to Cedar Spring, where the two branches rejoined.38 The Cedar Spring is located up the canyon about a mile and a half southwest of the old Cedar Creek town and stage station. If a stream 37 T h e Rose Ranch has an interesting history. This entire area was once the range of the Bar M Ranch, which ran thousands of head of cattle. The Rose Ranch area was homesteaded by Messrs. Howell and Showell about 1870. A Mr. Conant acquired Howell's share and sold it to Albert Rose about 1900, and Mr. Rose later bought Showell's interest. T h e place was formerly known as the Showell Post Office and was a prominent stopping place on the roads leading to Kelton and Park Valley. 38 T h e following description of this section of the Salt Lake Cutoff in the Mormon Way Bill to the Gold Mines is enlightening, though lacking in detail. "From Blue Springs to Hensell's Spring, take the right hand road from Blue Springs, good grass on mountain side, water rather brackish. 11 miles. "From Hensell's Spring to Deep Creek crossing, follow the creek a little way down on the right hand side, feed and water good, sage for fuel. 6 miles. "From Deep Creek sink to Pilot Springs; these are 2 lone springs in a desert place, with little or no grass. 10 miles. "From Pilot Springs to Stoney Creek [Clear Creek] (about 4 miles from the springs bear to the right; the main road leads to some springs on the mountain side which is about 6 miles further; you will intersect the main road about 3 miles from where you leave it, have a better road and a much shorter one) feed, wood and water good. 14 miles. "Thence up De Casure Creek [Raft River]; this creek you cross three times, good feed, willow and sage for fuel. 12 miles. "Thence up De Casure to the upper crossing, feed good, willow and sage for fuel. 6 miles. "Thence up to the junction of the Fort Hall and Great Salt Lake road, no camping at the junction. 5 miles." The forks in the road are actually closer to two miles west of Pilot Springs, rather than four; it is about five miles from there to Emigrant Spring rather than six; and four or five miles to the Cedar Spring junction with the road by way of Emigrant Spring rather than three. However, the distance up the right-hand branch is shorter as indicated in the Way Bill. T h e authors interpretation of th ; s account as it relates to road mileages and descriptions differs a little from West from Fort Bridger, U.H.Q., X I X , 257 fn. 17.


270

Utah Historical

Quarterly

flowed from the spring, as it probably did, emigrants would not have needed to go all the way to the spring for water. Cedar Creek townsite is eight-tenths of a mile south of Highway 30 along a road which leaves the highway four miles southeast of Strevell. Emigrant Spring is two miles south of Cedar Creek, then west up the canyon about a mile. From Cedar Spring the emigrant road wound through the junipercovered foothills to Clear Creek, following fairly close to a road now in use. T h e old road can frequently be seen near the present road. It crosses the road u p Clear Creek about one and eight-tenths miles south of the road from Strevell to Naf and goes on west by the old Naf schoolhouse, then northwesterly to the Raft River Narrows. It can be seen where the trail crossed the present road about one and one-tenth miles west of the Naf store. T h e emigrant road can also be seen where it crossed a road that goes north-north-west from Stanrod to the Raft River, about three and one-tenth miles north of the place this road leaves the Naf road and about one and one-tenth miles south of its junction with the road up Raft River from Highway 30 near Bridge, Idaho. T h e emigrant road can be seen again above the Raft River Narrows, south of the road from Almo to the Narrows. It continues on west-northwest to the upper ford of Raft River at the present Durfee Ranch. It is easy to find where it leaves the Durfee Ranch headed southwest toward Emigration Canyon. T h e trail crosses the road that goes south from Almo about three and eight-tenths miles south of the corner where a road turns east about a mile south of Almo. The old road crossing is about one-tenth of a mile north of the place where a road now in use turns off southwest toward Emigration Canyon. What was probably a branch of the Salt Lake Cutoff goes west from Clear Creek, keeping close to the edge of the foothills south of the present road from Naf to Stanrod. Its marks can still be seen. The trail passed by the Stanrod Cemetery and the Sandy Barnes Spring about a mile northeast of Stanrod. A mile north and a mile west of Stanrod the old road and present road come together near a spring. For about two miles west of here the old road was very near the one now in use. It then turned southwest along the old road to Yost, while the present road turns northwest by the Stacey Ranch. T h e old road drops into the Yost Valley, almost a mile and a half north of Yost. About a half-mile west of this point, along the present road from Yost to Almo, the dim marks of an old road can be seen going northwest. An old road goes due east from the mouth of Emigration Canyon to Raft River, then down Raft River about a half-mile to


Salt Lake Cutoff

271

an old ford, then east up the hill that borders Raft River. At the top of the hill this road turns southeast up a gently sloping plain directly toward the old road going northwest from Yost. This could have been an emigrant route. The junction of the Salt Lake Cutoff and the Fort Hall road can still be found. The junction is in a field about due south of the Twin Sisters and south of the present road and the fence that parallels it. The old Fort Hall road crossed the ridge on the south side of the City of Rocks about a mile east of the Twin Sisters, then turned southwest through a patch of junipers and sage, down through a field planted to crested wheat grass where the ruts of the old road can still be seen, across the road from the City of Rocks and over a low, juniper-covered ridge, across the present road to Junction Valley, and into the field where it joins the Salt Lake Cutoff. The deep ruts of the California Trail can be seen going west where they finally fade in the distance crossing Junction Valley and over Granite Pass. Following along the Salt Lake Cutoff, the stream of emigrants joined the river of California-bound travelers who were seeking their fortunes in the gold mines and golden sunshine.


REVIEWS and PUBLICATIONS On the Mormon Frontier: The Diary of Hosea Stout, 1844-1861. Edited by JUANITA B R O O K S . T w o Volumes. (Salt

Lake City: University of U t a h Press a n d U t a h S t a t e H i s t o r i c a l Society, 1964. Vol. I, xix + 327 p p . ; Vol. I I , 330 + 769 p p . $17.50) Without doubt the Hosea Stout diary is one of the most significant of diaries, an astoundingly vital mirror of life and times on the Mormon frontier from the last days at Nauvoo to the completion of the transcontinental railroad. Mormon life in all its aspects is well portrayed: ideals of the K i n g d o m ; making a living; political affairs (especially police, judicial, legislative) ; internal struggles; conflicts with neighbors a n d officers of governments; folkways a n d customs; the family in death, sickness, and health; Indian relations on the Missouri, on the Plains, in the Mountain West; patterns of M o r m o n settlement; a n d community development a n d affairs. Stout was close enough to officialdom to be in on decisions of moment yet far enough away to lend perspective. Hosea Stout h a d the fortune (for us his readers) t o be in the right place a t the right time, to reveal a n d document for us so m u c h of importance in Mormon a n d U t a h history â&#x20AC;&#x201D; much of which is here shown for the first time in such rich detail, so frankly a n d honestly told. At Nauvoo h e was head of the police force, guarding church leaders and the city from "strangers" a n d the threatening mob. H e was in t h e vanguard of those crossing over into Iowa a n d in crossing Iowa (one of the most significant contributions of t h e diary!). H e

headed police work a t Winter Quarters, had close relations with t h e Brigham Young Pioneer Company of 1847 though he remained a t Winter Quarters that winter of 1847-48 (another significant contribution!), and arrived in Salt Lake Valley in September 1848. I n Salt Lake City, as intimate of Brigham Young and other leaders, one among them, as lawyer and legislator, Hosea Stout gives us a view rarely h a d before of U t a h society and politics â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the daily business of the courts, the daily happenings in the legislature; his accounts sometimes are like minutes. T o China on a mission, 185253, he gives us a glimpse of the California Mormons in San Bernardino a n d the San Francisco Bay region, a n d a bit of a description of H o n g Kong in 1853. H e is in on the U t a h W a r from causes to consequences. Wherever t h e action is, there also is Hosea Stout! T h e diary is almost daily from October 4, 1844, to July 10, 1861, then from January 1, 1869, to January 1, 1870. T h e years between a n d his closing years are narrated by the editor. T h e "Autobiography of Hosea Stout . . . ," has been published previously in the Utah Historical Quarterly, X X X (1962). We are assured that the printing of the diary is a literal transcription of the handwriting. T h e text is amply footnoted, chiefly with biographies, sometimes with b a c k g r o u n d information, sometimes with corroborating evidence from other diaries or personal records. This reader could wish that there h a d been more by way of background statements in lead paragraphs to the sections, that notes h a d been documented (the


273

Reviews and Publications reader is asked to accept statements of fact a n d interpretation without documentation m u c h of the t i m e ) , that a wider variety of primary sources h a d been used (the impression is given that the editor knows mainly w h a t some will consider anti-Mormon sources whereas many other primary materials are equally available). W e are indebted a n d deeply grateful for the notes. W e are so grateful to all w h o have labored so long to produce this work. This reviewer found that reading the diary alone, straight through, to be one of his richest reading experiences. T h e two volumes are well indexed. T h e jacket design, a portrait of Stout by Alvin Gittins, is both startling a n d penetrating, reflecting so well the m a n of character, of dedication, of steady determination, of one w h o hated w a r a n d solitude alike, w h o knew life and death, joy and sorrow, life at its best and at its roughest â&#x20AC;&#x201D; on the M o r m o n frontier. T h e work will become at once a basic, standard primary source for future studies in Mormon, U t a h , and Western history. I t will be read by all with pleasure, and studied keenly with much profit. T h e printing should soon be exhausted. S. G E O R G E E L L S W O R T H

Utah State Hosteen

Klah:

Navaho

and Sand Painter.

University

Medicine

Man

By FRANC J O H N -

SON N E W C O M B . ( N o r m a n : University of Oklahoma Press, 1964. xxxiii + 227 pp. $5.95) This is the story of a well-known Navajo Indian w h o lived in an era of reservation life now obscured by dynamic postwar changes. I t was written by a woman w h o knew K l a h a n d the religion of " t h e People" better than most during the quarter of a century she and her husb a n d operated a trading post between Gallup a n d Shiprock in western N e w Mexico. But, it is neither history nor anthropology.

Almost one-third of the book discusses the conditions of contact between Navajos of N e w Mexico a n d Spanish, Mexicans, a n d Anglo-Americans in t u r n as these European groups controlled the Southwest. Central to the theme are Klah's relatives, Narbona, a Navajo band leader killed in 1849 w h o was his great-grandfather, a n d Klah's mother, Slim W o m a n , or G r a n d m a K l a h as the Newcombs knew her in later life. A n d t h e i r story, g e n e r a l i z e d w i t h " t r i b a l " events to Klah's birth in 1867, is one that really needed n o retelling. T h a t is, several such popular accounts relating "Navajo history," one of which also was issued by the University of Oklah o m a Press, have appeared already. This one by Mrs. Newcomb unfortunately smacks too m u c h of generalization a n d romanticism ("Great religious ceremonials were held . . . . W h e n such a ceremony was planned, swift runners were dispatched to every place where Navahos were known to live . . ." [p. 10] and, " I t was a wildly hilarious cavalcade of Navahos w h o returned to their homes . . . shouting defiance to all enemies of the Navaho tribe." [p. 15]) or half-truths and lack of authoritative documentation ( " T h e Utes rode south to the T u n i c h a Valley, burned all the hogans, killed as many sheep as they could find . . ." [p. 67] a n d , " K l a h came immediately a n d treated it by cutting the wound open a n d filling the cut with snake-bite medicine, the same root used by the Hopi medicine men w h o hold the snakes in their mouths during the Snake Dance." [p. 149]). But, for one more personally interested in the aberrant Hosteen Klah, his ceremonialism, a n d his association with M a r y Cabot Wheelwright (the founder a n d patroness of the Museum of Navajo Ceremonial Art in Santa F e ) , the remainder of the book will make for entertaining reading. Certainly, K l a h became an important respondent for Miss Wheelwright's several books on Navajo religion as well as a major donor of cere-


Utah Historical Quarterly

274 monial paraphernalia to that small b u t fine museum. I t is a tribute to people like Miss Wheelwright, Mrs. Newcomb, a n d the late Oliver LaFarge, president of the museum's board at t h e time of his u n timely death last year, that such an institution was founded a n d provided for in a sound fashion. These associations a r e discussed briefly in t h e final chapter. I n sum this volume is not so well done as some of M r s . Newcomb's previous works, especially her Navajo Omens and Taboos. Yet, perhaps, she has fulfilled her purpose "to write at least a portion of the biography of Hosteen Klah . . . " and has p u t on record something of t h e story of this unusual Navajo singer. R O B E R T C. E U L E R

University

of Utah

The Quiet Crisis. By STEWART L. U D A L L . I n t r o d u c t i o n by J O H N F . K E N N E D Y .

(New York: H o l t , R i n e h a r t and Winston, 1963. xiii + 209 p p . $5.00) Having hewn down woodlands from Maine to Oregon, extinguished the passenger pigeon, excised our grasslands, and subdued the Indians, we are currently befouling o u r lakes a n d streams, subdividing the countryside, and despoiling our beaches. Fortunately the realization is spreading — slowly a n d late — that we are guilty, as a people, of shamefully abusing a n d misusing the land that is our heritage. O n e of the n e w generation of true conservatives helping spread the gospel of conservation is Stewart L. Udall, w h o may prove to be our most effective secretary of the interior since the well-remembered Harold Ickes. I n The Quiet Crisis the outspoken cabinet member from Arizona helps us recall the land as it was, a land of wilderness a n d wildlife, a land in which nature's balance prevailed. His book, too, is balanced, since h e spends considerable time calling the roster of m e n who sought to halt the d e s p o i l e r s — such m e n as Powell a n d

Schurz, Pinchot a n d Muir, Theodore Roosevelt a n d Franklin Roosevelt, men who helped slow the devastation of forest lands, t h e woeful overgrazing of rangeland, the destruction of entire townships by placer mining. Due to the selfless efforts of a thoughtful few, we can still count Yosemite and Yellowstone, the Tetons a n d our own U t a h canyon country among our blessings. But Stewart Udall also tallies u p the battles that have been lost — with Hetch Hetchy chief among them — and reminds us that inner space is being chopped u p a n d paved over far faster than it is being safeguarded or retrieved. The Quiet Crisis is, of course, history with a message, propaganda, if you will, but it is nonetheless valid history. We are sadly in need, as Secretary Udall points out, a land ethic, there is an urgent need to "rethink" before we redevelop. T h e r e are planners and planners — those w h o plan solely for the motorcar, those who plan for people. Since this well-illustrated, easily read work is a reflection of the mood, as well as of the philosophy, of a cabinet member already known as an activist, we may be about to witness a reversal of our witless, maltreatment of our federal, state, and local land a n d water resources. I t is to be hoped our children's children may one day honor Stewart Udall as the Gilford Pinchot of the Kennedy-Johnson J A C K GOODMAN

Salt Lake City John

M. Browning,

American

Gun-

maker. By J O H N B R O W N I N G and C U R T

G E N T R Y . (Garden City: Doubleday & Company, Incorporated, 1964. ix + 323 p p . $7.95) This book has been called a biography, and mention has been m a d e of its application to Mormon history. I must disagree with both applications and cannot recommend it to the reader whose only interest lies in those fields. Biographical


275

Reviews and Publications material is limited to the application of the family to firearms, and any connection with M o r m o n history is purely incidental. A justifiably proud son supplied the information which was p u t together in excellent prose by a fine professional writer, b u t the book does not deal with the "whole" J o h n Moses Browning. My own feeling is that John M. Browning, American Gunmaker was not intended to be a biography per se. I t is an outline of the monumental strides of a genius in the development of firearms in an unbelievable b u t documented record of 128 firearm patents — developing 80 separate guns within the space of 47 years. Many of these guns, such as the Browning automatic shotgun and the famous Colt "Woodsman," are still foremost in their field. " G u n Nuts," hunters, indeed all those with more than a passing familiarity with firearms will be completely absorbed and amazed with the information this book reveals. Browning developments in autom a t i c s , s e m i a u t o m a t i c s , slide-actions, and lever-actions eclipsed developments of centuries of firearm development from matchlocks, wheel locks, flintlocks, a n d percussion-lock guns in the space of a short 47 years. T h e serviceman a n d the ex-serviceman will be interested in the Browning development of military arms. All of the automatic and semiautomatic weapons used by the U.S. Armed Forces in World W a r I, World W a r I I , a n d Korea — including the 37 m m . anti-aircraft artillery — were Browning inventions. H e designed and invented the .50 caliber m a chine gun and the 37 m m . cannon at the express request of the U . S . Army, realizing a t the time that monetary gains could be far exceeded by application to sporting arms. T h e 37 m m . cannon, which was later used as anti-aircraft a r t i l l e r y a n d w a s a b o a r d some U . S . planes and shipped to Russia, was not even purchased by the United States government until after the death of M r .

Browning which occurred in 1926. His Colt .45 automatic pistol is still the official side a r m of the U . S . armed forces and has been since 1911. A Browning machine gun was used by U . S . forces in the Spanish-American W a r a n d was largely credited with saving the U.S. legation during the Boxer Rebellion. My own reaction to the contents was one of great pleasure. I t is well organized and well written. T h e technical information is adequate without being overwhelming, and most of it is in a separate section to be studied if desired. T h e entire book is a story of a genius, of an unlettered m a n with a mind which seemed to know no limitations in the mechanics and theory of the extremely technical firearms field. It is a story of a simple m a n concerned with creating a better p r o d u c t a n d e v i d e n t l y g i v i n g little thought to the fame and fortune which his genius could produce. T o those of us who find some guns beautiful, this is a story of an artist: to those w h o find unstinting devotion in response to the needs of his country admirable, it is a story of a patriot. Above and beyond all of this, it is the story of an unbelievably talented inventor whose talents should long since have ranked him among the most prolific and successful inventors the world has ever known. _, R O B E R T W. I N S C O R E

Salt Lake

City

Bolton and the Spanish Borderlands. Edited a n d Introduction by J O H N FRANCIS B A N N O N .

(Norman:

Uni-

versity of O k l a h o m a Press, 1964. xi + 346 p p . $5.95) Professor J o h n Francis Bannon, of St. Louis University, has published a sparkling anthology of Bolton's most definitive works relative to that historian's greatest single passion—the Spanish Borderlands. This new volume strikes a harmonious chord with two previous tributes to Herbert E. Bolton, each published during the maestro's lifetime: Greater


276 America and New Spain and the AngloAmerican West. This new disciple-offering is entirely different in form and content from the earlier student publications but it should be just as p o p u l a r — m a i n l y , we suspect, because it is pure gold from the refiner's fire. T h e editor, Professor Bannon, has performed a signal service for the profession ; it is appropriate on the tenth anniversary of Bolton's death for one of his most ardent students and a first-generation scholar to compile w h a t should become the standard "Borderlands Reader." Because of Bannon's editorial contribution, the graduate and undergraduate student alike will now have access to many of the classic Bolton articles, addresses, and biographical excerpts which are vital in the field of Hispanic Southwestern history. T h e format of the book is strikingly simple, yet effective. T h e Spanish Borderlands c o n t a i n s 17 s e p a r a t e p i e c e s which in turn are grouped into five major headings or sections. In every instance Professor Bannon is to be commended for his judicious selections from Bolton's voluminous published and unpublished materials. With only one exception, Bolton's presidential address before the American Historical Association in 1932 entitled " T h e Epic of Greater America," these selections are definitive statements which the California professor expostulated about the many facets of Spain's northward advance — t h a t is, the problems involved and the remedies attempted. T h e editor has grouped together works from every period of the professor's productive era including his Texas Southwestern Historical Quarterly days, his early years at Berkeley under C h a i r m a n and Professor H e n r y Morse Stephens, and his years of greatest historical production as director of the Bancroft Library and History Departm e n t chairman ( 1 9 1 9 - 4 0 ) . Professor Bannon's major contribution in this volume is a stimulating Introduction plus shorter headlines and

Utah Historical Quarterly comments relative to each of the individual Bolton articles. T h e Introduction has a special appeal for those who, like myself, have never known this wizard of the classroom, lecture hall, seminar session, and archive. For illustrative materials the editor has chosen four maps and left the photographs and plates to another tribute-bearer. With some disappointment, however, I note that these are original Bolton maps, History of the Americas' vintage, and they scarcely supply the necessary detail for complete understanding of the Californias or any of the Pimeria locale. T h e controversial aspects of this hum a n dynamo, Herbert E. Bolton, may be said to have diminished somewhat during the years from 1955 to 1962. T h e n quite suddenly, Bolton and his fellow historian-behemoths, Frederick Jackson T u r n e r and Walter Prescott Webb, were back in the limelight again. Recent historical conferences — both local and national — have featured special papers and symposiums dealing with the American West as defined a n d highlighted by the illustrious trio: Bolton, Turner, and Webb. I t is also noteworthy that reissues and new editions of each of the authors' works are now appearing with regularity and certainly today's American historian is much more fully aware of what Bolton believed in, whether it was "right or wrong, fact fad or fancy" (p. 3 ) . J o h n Walton Caughey, renowned professor and a Bolton student from the University of California, has recently penned a worthy sketch of the "Borderlands Professor" including an allusion to his craftsmanship: " H e could not write worth a damn, but he went right ahead and wrote and wrote" {The American West, Vol. I ) . Editor Bannon notes that Bolton was a "trail blazer," a scholar who spent much of his life opening paths. " H e found the mines of materials in the Mexican and the Spanish archives and showed how they could be worked to the great advantage of American History." I would personally wish for more like


277

Reviews and Publications Bolton " w h o could n o t write" b u t w h o could point t h e younger student toward worthy projects among the archives. M I C H A E L E. T H U R M A N

East Texas State The Beaver Men: Spearheads By M A R I SANDOZ.

College

of Empire.

(New Y o r k : Hast-

ings House, Publishers, 1964. x v + 3 3 5 pp. $5.95) T h i s , a v o l u m e in t h e p u b l i s h e r ' s American Procession Series, is also part of the author's Great Plains Series. Although t h e sixth of t h e Great Plains books to b e published, in terms of subject-chronology it is first in the series, being followed by Crazy Horse, Cheyenne Autumn, The Buffalo Hunters, The Cattlemen, Old Jules, and a final volume yet to be written, which, Miss Sandoz states in t h e Introduction to The Beaver Men, "is t o illustrate the rise of Plainsrooted power that grasps for wealth anywhere in the world a n d often molds t h e nation's foreign policy, reversing the era when the Plains were the prey of empires seeking the power of beaver gold a n d of a river that was to lead to the Western Sea a n d the wealth of China." The Beaver Men is spread over a wider canvas than t h e author's other Great Plains books. This is as it should be, because the beaver, which first lured m e n to the Plains, ranged over virtually all of North America prior to t h e coming of the Europeans, constituting the "soft gold" which led adventuresome trappers and traders u p rivers a n d across mountains in all parts of t h e continent. I n deed, when compared with the St. Lawrence-Great Lakes region or the Rocky Mountains, t h e Great Plains area was not particularly good beaver country, and it was important to the beaver men primarily as a barrier between t h e Missouri, the great highway of t h e western fur trade, a n d the mountains. Miss Sandoz recognizes this, a n d her account puts the first coming of the white m a n to t h e

Plains in proper perspective. She also contributes to our understanding of t h e lore of the beaver a n d of the p a r t played by the Indians in the beaver trade. H e r f o o t n o t e s , t h o u g h n o t as full as t h e scholar would like to have them, are valuable. The Beaver Men will n o t supercede the works of Chittenden, Phillips, a n d others who have written on the fur trade, but it provides a synthesis not achieved by any other work on t h e subject. J A M E S C. O L S O N

University

of Nebraska

Stereo Views: A History of Stereographs in America and Their Collection. By W I L L I A M C U L P DARRAH . ( G e t t y s b u r g :

Author, 1964. xii + 2 5 5 p p . $6.00) T h e prime interest that this book holds is for collectors. T h e work covers t h e growth a n d decline of stereography beginning around 1850 and ending around 1930. Five periods are defined u p t o the point of decline. Among them " T h e G r a n d Flowering in America" between 1865 a n d 1873, while t h e time around 1880 was the time of the revival of popular interest a n d enthusiasm. Mr. D a r r a h starts with the Daguerrotype, then t h e Talbotype, a n d then t h e glass negative. Methods of producing the prints a n d means of viewing them are well described. T h e book was written after some 20 years of leisurely investigation by the author. Since no such m a n u a l h a d been written, h e felt that his work would be of great help to the growing number of collectors. H e also h a d in mind t h e possible value of these collections to historians. T h e emphasis is heavily on collecting, not so much where to look b u t h o w to look. Types a n d conditions of prints, titles, signatures, curved or square corners, cards purposely m a d e concave along their horizontal axes with a n eye to enhancing t h e stereo effect, t h e color of mounts, the finishes, the art work em-


Utah Historical Quarterly

278 bellishing the marginsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all this and more is carefully described to help a collector determine the source a n d value of his finds. A section on cataloguing a n d preserving is given. Listings are included covering photographers a n d manufacturers in this country a n d in Europe. T h e r e are geographical listings; listings of reasonable costs and values; a n d listings of expeditions, Indians, railroads, and expositions. Almost no space is devoted to the theory of stereo vision. Forty-six illustrations are included but, a n d it would have been hard to accomplish, there is no viewing device, permitting the reader to see the three-dimensional effect, accompanying the book. T h e r e are few people w h o can "wall" their eyes to meet the interocular involved. Considerable space is given to the early workers a n d manufacturers such as Langenheim, Anthony a n d Kilburn, and on through many others down to Underwood, 1905-12 a n d Keystone, 1914-22. Oliver Wendell Holmes is mentioned, for his faith in the value of stereo to education was strong. Holmes designed but did not patent the type viewer that so many of us saw a n d used back in the teens a n d twenties. This book, being the only one of its kind, should be of great help to a collector. PARKER HAMILTON

Flagstaff,

Arizona

NEW BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS History of the Expedition Under the Command of Lewis and Clark. Edited by ELLIOTT C O U E S .

T h r e e Volumes.

(New York: Dover Publications, Incorporated, 1965) In 1893 Elliott Coues published a four-volume edition of the "authorized edition" of 1814, of the journals of the Lewis a n d Clark expedition, which h a d been edited by Nicholas Biddle. T h e distinguished naturalist a n d historian added

copious notes a n d editorial comments, and his edition was certainly the best one of the several available at that time. Not until the publication in 1904-05 of an eight-volume edition, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, was the value of the Coues set challenged. This paperback edition (in three volumes instead of four) is, therefore, a welcome addition to the library shelves of the student of Western history for, of course, the Lewis a n d Clark journals are basic items. I t might be mentioned that the magnificent Thwaites edition was reprinted in 1959, b u t at a prohibitive price, a n d that the one-volume edition by the late Bernard DeVoto is still available.

The Southwest of John H. Slaughter, 1841-1922: Pioneer Cattleman and Trail-driver of Texas, the Pecos, and Arizona and Sheriff of Tombstone. By ALLEN

A.

ERWIN.

R A M O N ADAMS and

LEOD RAINE.

Forewords WILLIAM

by

MAC-

(Glendale: T h e Arthur

H . Clark Company, 1965) T h e career of J o h n Horton Slaughter was that of a full a n d useful life on the advancing frontier in the Southwest. H e and his family were among the pioneers in the development of the cattle industry in south a n d west Texas, and were a part of the advance with their herds up the Pecos into the virgin territory of New Mexico. John Slaughter went on to settle at the historic San Bernardino R a n c h on the Mexican border at Arizona's southeast corner. His earlier years h a d given him experience as a Civil W a r soldier, Texas Ranger, Indian campaign army scout, and trail driver. Later he served a term in the Arizona Legislature, and was a developer of the town of Douglas, Arizona. As sheriff of Tombstone's Cochise County, Slaughter's name gained wide attention as one of the frontier West's most noted, fearless, and efficient law


279

Reviews and Publications officers, in his suppression of rustlers, Apache depredations, highwaymen, and the exhuberant lawlessness of the mining and cattle towns.

Utah, The Incredible Land: A Guide to the Beehive State. By WARD J. R O Y LANCE. (Salt Lake City: U t a h Trails Company, 1965) W a r d J. Roylance has written a n extremely useful a n d informative guidebook to U t a h a n d its incredible wonders. Into 208 pages he has crammed pertinent facts, helpful statistics, brief descriptions, historical highlights, a n d a great n u m ber of excellent photographs (including 16 pages in full color) a n d maps. Following the system developed by the U t a h State Tourist a n d Publicity Council (dividing t h e state into regions based primarily on major physical characteristics) , Mr. Roylance devotes the largest part of his book to "touring U t a h . " A n d here h e has performed a much-needed service, for not since the justly famous W P A guidebook of 1941 ( U t a h , A Guide to the State) was published, has a book appeared which approaches it in helpfulness a n d usefulness. T h e vacationing visitor will be grateful for this new guidebook, but t h e local citizen w h o enjoys touring U t a h on long weekends will be equally appreciative. California Gold: The Beginning ing in the Far West.

of Min-

By RODMAN W .

PAUL. Reprint. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1965) The Cheyenne and Black Hills Stage and Express

Routes.

By A G N E S W R I G H T

SPRING. Reprint. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1965) Family Recordings of Nauvoo â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1845 and Before, Including Minutes of the First LDS Family Gathering. Compiled by O R A H A V E N BARLOW.

Lake City: O. H . Barlow, 1965)

(Salt

Fort

Union

and the Winning

Southwest.

of the

By C H R I S E M M E T T . (Nor-

m a n : University of O k l a h o m a Press, 1965) The Four Major Cults. By A N T H O N Y A. H O C K E M E . (Grand Rapids, Michig a n : Eardmans, 1963) [chapter on Mormonism] "A History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in C a n a d a , 18301963."

By

MELVIN

SALWAY

TAGG.

(Ph.D. dissertation, Brigham Young University, 1963) Irrigation Water Use in the Utah Valley. By J. W. H U D S O N . (Chicago: U n i versity of Chicago D e p a r t m e n t of Geology, 1963) Last of the Great Scouts: The Life Story of Col. William F. Cody, "Buffalo Bill." As Told by H i s Sister Helen Cody Wetmore. Reprint. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1965) The Life and Ministry

of John

Morgan.

By A R T H U R M . R I C H A R D S O N . Historical Research N I C H O L A S G. M O R G A N ,

SR. (Salt Lake City: Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., 1965) " T h e Salt Lake T h e a t r e as an Organizational U n i t . "

By AARON A L M A R O Y -

LANCE. (Ph.D. dissertation, University of U t a h , 1963) Sources of Mormon History in Illinois, 1839^18: An Annotated Catalog of the Microfilm Collection at Southern Illinois University. Compiled by STANLEY B. KIMBALL. (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University, 1964) The Taylorsville Story. By L U I S E P U T CAMP. (Salt Lake City: Zions First National Bank, 1964) Vanguards of the Frontier: A Social History of the Northern Plains and Rocky Mountains from the Fur Traders to the Sod

Busters.

By E V E R E T T D I C K .

Reprint. (Lincoln: University of N e braska Press. 1965)


Utah Historical Quarterly

280 " T h e Vegetation of the Wasatch M o u n tains, U t a h a n d I d a h o . " By ROBERT R A Y R E A M . (Ph.D. dissertation, U n i versity of Wisconsin, 1963) Wind Before the Dawn. By OLIVE W . BURT. (New York: J o h n Day, 1965) [story of t e e n - a g e girl crossing t h e Plains]

bilitation process a n d c e n t e r ] , " by G E O R G E A. BARCLAY, 341—65.

Montana,The Magazine of Western History — X V , Spring 1965: "Samuel Mallory, O n e M e m b e r of America's Oldest H a t - M a k i n g Family Left His M a r k on T h e Western Frontier [traveled t h r o u g h Salt L a k e City]," by A G N E S W R I G H T SPRING, 2 4 - 3 2 ; " M o n -

t a n a Miracle: I t Saved t h e Buffalo," ARTICLES OF INTEREST American Heritage — X V I , February 1965: "She W h o Shall Be Nameless [Augusta Adams, 4th wife of Brigham Young]," by Mary Cable, 5 0 - 5 5 . The Journal of American History — L I , M a r c h 1965: "Grenville Dodge a n d the Union Pacific: A Study of Historical Legends," by W A L L A C E D . F A R N -

H A M , 6 3 2 - 5 0 ; "Repudiation of a R e pudiation [repudiation of the J . R e u b e n Clark, Jr., M e m o r a n d u m on the Monroe Doctrine, t h e notable document which repudiated the Roosevelt Corollary of 1905]," by ROBERT H . F E R -

by J O H N KIDDER, 5 2 - 6 7 .

NMA: The National Micro-News — L X X I I , October 1964: "Legal Considerations for Microfilming in t h e State of U t a h , " by T . HAROLD JACOB-

SEN, 62-69. Natural History — L X X I V , April 1965: "Fossil Lakes Form the Eocene, Green River Formation Discloses Its 10-Million-Year History," by BOBB S C H A E F FER a n d M A R L Y N M A N G U S , 10-20.

The Palimpsest —XLVI, April 1965: " T h e Great Northern in Iowa," by F R A N K P. D O N O V A N , 1 9 3 - 2 0 8 ;

"The

Union Pacific in Iowa," by F R A N K P. DONOVAN, 2 0 9 - 1 8 ; " T h e Santa Fe in

RELL, 6 6 9 - 7 3 .

Arizona Highways — X L I , April 1965: "Georgie White, Queen of the Rivers,"

I o w a , " by F R A N K P. D O N O V A N , 2 1 9 -

24 [entire issue devoted t o railroads].

by J O Y C E R O C K W O O D M U E N C H , 2 - 3 ;

" O n e of O u r First Generals in t h e Fight for L a n d Reformation & Conservation, J o h n Wesley Powell," by J O Y C E R O C K W O O D M U E N C H , 4 - 8 ; "A

White W a t e r Adventure: River T r i p T h r o u g h the Marble and G r a n d Canyons," by J O S E F M U E N C H as told to JOYCE ROCKWOOD M U E N C H ,

10-35;

" T h e G r a n d Adventure [Grand Canyon]," by J O H N M . SCOTT, 36-39.

Arizoniana — V , Winter 1964: " T h e Steamboat W a r that O p e n e d Arizona [concerns freighting on the Colorado R i v e r a n d C a l l v i l l e ] , " by O D I E B . F A U L K , 1-9.

Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society — L V I I , Winter 1964: " T h e Keeley League [early alcoholic reha-

Sunset, The Magazine of Western Living—CXXX.IV, April 1965: " T h e Utes Invite You I n [Ute Indians of northeastern U t a h have opened certain areas of their tribal reserve to fishermen, campers, a n d hunters]," 6 6 ; " T h e M o r m o n City [Salt Lake City]," 77-91. The Trail Guide [Kansas City Posse, T h e Westerners] — V I I I , December 1963: "High Spots of Western Illustrating [entire issue devoted to art in the West separated in " T h e Documentary Years ( 1 8 3 6 - 1 8 8 7 ) , " 3 - 7 ; " T h e Golden Age ( 1 8 8 8 - 1 9 3 8 ) , " 8 - 1 4 ; " T h e Last Q u a r t e r Century," 1 5 - 2 2 ; "Photography a n d the Western Scene," 2 3 - 2 6 ; "High Spots of Western Illustrating," 2 7 - 3 2 ] , " by J E F F C. D Y K E S , 3 - 3 2 .


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Membership in the Utah State Historical Society is open to all individuals and institutions who are interested in Utah history. We invite everyone to join this one official agency of state government charged by law with the collection, preservation, and publication of materials on Utah and related history. Through the pages of the Utah Historical Quarterly, the Society is able to fulfill part of its legal responsibility. Your membership dues provide the means for publication of the Quarterly. So, we earnestly encourage present members to interest their friends in joining them in furthering the cause of Utah history. Membership brings with it the Utah Historical Quarterly, the bimonthly Newsletter, and special prices on publications of the Society. The different classes of membership are: Student

$

3.00

Annual

$

5.00

Life

$100.00

For those individuals and business firms who wish to support special projects of the Society, they may do so through making tax-exempt donations on the following membership basis: Sustaining

$ 250.00

Patron Benefactor

$ 500.00 $1,000.00

Your interest and support are most welcome.


4

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

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j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1967 President J A C K GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake City Secretary

M R S . J U A N I T A B R O O K S , St. George, 1969

MRS. A. G. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1967 CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio HOWARD c. PRICE, J R . , Price, 1967

M I L T O N c. ABRAMS, Smithfield, 1969 j . STERLING A N D E R S O N , Grantsville, 1967 DEAN R. B R I M H A L L , F r u i t a , 1969

M R S . E L I Z A B E T H S K A N C H Y , M i d v a l e , 1969

L. GLEN SNARR, Salt Lake City, 1967

EVERETT L . COOLEY, D i r e c t o r

T. H . JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives F. T. J O H N S O N , Records M a n a g e r , Archives

J O H N J A M E S , J R . , Librarian MARGERY w . WARD, Associate Editor

IRIS S C O T T , B U S I N E S S MANAGER

T h e U t a h State Historical Society is a n organization devoted to the collection, preservation, a n d publication of U t a h a n d related history. I t was organized by publicspirited U t a h n s in 1897 for this purpose. I n fulfillment of its objectives, the Society p u b lishes t h e Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 annual membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps, a n d manuscripts. M a n y of these items have come to t h e library as gifts. Donations a r e encouraged, for only through such means can the U t a h State Historical Society live u p to its responsibility of preserving t h e record of U t a h ' s past.

T h e primary purpose of t h e Quarterly is t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of m a n u s c r i p t s , p h o t o graphs, a n d documents which relate or give a new interpretation to U t a h ' s unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for the consideration of t h e editor. However, t h e editor assumes n o responsibility for t h e r e t u r n of manuscripts unaccompanied by r e turn postage. Manuscripts a n d material for publications should be sent to t h e editor. T h e U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid a t Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1965, U t a h State Historical Society, 6 0 3 East South T e m p l e Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.


FALL,

1965

• VOLUME

33

NUMBER

4

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

c©mvtb®inr\b BINGHAM CANYON T H R O U G H T H E EYES OF A COMPANY DOCTOR

283

BY R U S S E L L G. F R A Z I E R

LIFE AND LABOR AMONG T H E IMMIGRANTS OF BINGHAM CANYON

289

BY H E L E N Z E E S E P A P A N I K O L A S

SERBIAN-AUSTRIAN CHRISTMAS AT HIGHLAND BOY

316

BY CLAIRE N O A L L

THE U.S. ARMY OVERLOOKS SALT LAKE VALLEY: FORT DOUGLAS, 1862-1965 BY L E O N A R D J . A R R I N G T O N A N D

326

T H O M A S G. A L E X A N D E R ..

THE PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR T H E FISCAL YEAR 1964-1965

351 357 364

BY J . G R A N T I V E R S O N

REVIEWS AND PUBLICATIONS INDEX

l&H

-

©OW©!?

3

An artist's concept of a miner's shack in Dinkeyville, Bingham Canyon, which took its name from the "Dinkey Skinners" as the engineers were called who operated the small dinkey engines on the railroad which served the mines. B. F . LARSEN, ARTIST

EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR ART EDITOR

L. COOLEY Margery W. Ward Roy J. Olsen

EVERETT

.. -


P O M E R O Y , E A R L , The Pacific Slope: A History of California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Utah, and Nevada, BY LELAND H . CREER

STANTON, ROBERT BREWSTER, the

BOOKS REVIEWED

Colorado,

357

Down

BY WARD J . ROYLANCE

358

S U N D E R , J O H N E., The Fur Trade on the Upper Missouri, 1840-1865, BY J A M E S L. CLAYTON

L E Y D E T , F R A N Q O I S , Time and The Flowing: Grand Canyon,

359

River

BY EVERETT L. COOLEY

359

T E M P L E T O N , S A R D I S W., The Lame Captain: The Life and Adventures of Pegleg Smith,

BY CHARLES KELLY

360

A D A M S , R A M O N F., Burs Under the Saddle: A Second Look at Books and Histories of the West, BY DON D. W A L K E R

361

T H O M A S GILCREASE I N S T I T U T E O F AMERICAN H I S T O R Y AND ART, Titans

of Western Art, BY J . ROMAN ANDRUS .... 362

R E I D , H . L O R E N Z O , Brigham Young's Dixie of the Desert: Exploration and Settlement, BY A. KARL LARSON

Printed by ALPHABET PRINTING CO., Salt Lake City

362


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY A. L. INGLESBY COLLECTION

Main Street in Bingham in 1927. In the center of the street stands the Bingham Stage Lines Company bus managed by Dr. A. L. Inglesby. The buses carried passengers between Bingham and Salt Lake City and points between.

Bingham Canyon through the Eyes of a Company Doctor BY R U S S E L L G. FRAZIER

Thanks for asking me to write about Bingham. At present I am just an old snook fisherman â&#x20AC;&#x201D; no typewriter, nothing but memories of the good people that made up Bingham Canyon. My memories become cluttered as I turn back the pages of time to 1918 up to the exodus, when the Dr. Frazier, resident of Salt Lake City and Everglades, Florida, was the resident physician for U t a h Copper Company for 40 years. At the request of the U t a h State Historical Society director, Dr. Frazier wrote his reminiscences of Bingham for publication in the Utah Historical Quarterly.


284

Utah Historical

Quarterly

town was evacuated in 1961 to make room for the expansion of the Copper Company. I started to work for Dr. D. H. Ray. My conveyance was a big black horse, my salary $100.00 per month, room, board, and experience. My competitors were Dr. J. F. Flynn and Dr. F. E. Straup, the mayor of the town. These old doctors were great guys â&#x20AC;&#x201D; well qualified in their work and very friendly to the young doctor, who knew it all. They came to my rescue on many occasions. Dr. Flynn had the Apex Mine contract. Dr. Straup held the U.S. Mine and Highland Boy Mine. While Dr. Ray was the " U t a h Copper Doctor." There was plenty of work for all of us. T h e Bingham District including Lark h a d a population of about 9,000 people. At one time Bingham had 17 different nationalities â&#x20AC;&#x201D; including one Negro, Billie McCloud, an old teamster. Billie did not know that he was a Negro. H e lived up Freem a n Gulch and associated with the whites on equal terms until his death. Mr. Charlie Adderly the manager of the Bingham Mercantile Company was one of our grand persons, whom I remember most kindly. Many were the bills of groceries Mr. Adderly handed out the back door of his store knowing well that he would not get paid. During the depression years there were very few people in Bingham that did not owe him a grocery and clothing bill. How he managed to carry all of them I will never know. H e told me one day that most of the people h a d repaid him. Louis Buchman, " L o u " as he was affectionately called by everyone, was one of Bingham's greats. H e started to work in Bingham as an underground "mucker" at $2.50 per day and worked his way to the top. My first "invite out" to dinner was at his home. Lou lived up M a r k h a m Gulch on a mine dump. After the meal I tilted my chair back on its two hind legs, as they gave way I fell through the front door and landed on the back of my neck in the front yard. During the depression Lou was concerned how his people were getting the medicine they needed. H e told me to put a number on their prescriptions and arranged with the drug store that they be charged to him, personally, unknown to the patient until this day. Whenever I delivered a baby for an employee's wife I always told him and a bunch of flowers was sent to the home. H e had come up the ladder by hard knocks and knew what it meant to be poor. H e was born in White Russia and was brought to this country as a small child. Mr. D. C. Jackling, the Father of the low grade porphyries, told me personally, that Louis Buchman was the greatest miner that had ever lived, that he could move more rock faster and cheaper than any person he had ever known. His employees loved him.


Bingham Canyon Doctor

285

I must mention Mrs. Breckon, Grandma Mayne, and Mary Jane Crow. These good women spent many nights on the reception committee to most of Bingham's future citizens. I have seen them wade through snow up to their waists to be at the side of some girl when she was having her first baby. The comforting presence of these kindly women holding the hand of a girl in pain, made my work much easier. We delivered over 4,000 babies in homes and without an infection, which speaks volumes for the good care these women gave in homes of Italians, Greeks, Slovakians, and just plain Americans. Many of these mothers could not speak one word of English. The children from these homes are some of Utah's finest first citizens. We lived through floods, fires, snow slides, and mine disasters that brought us close together. You could count on everyone in town being where needed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; serving coffee and food to the workers, comforting the bereaved, hustling clothing for freezing children, opening their homes to the homeless, and being the good neighbor. A more kindly group of people never lived. When I pass over the great divide I want Annie and Phoebe Masters to sing at my funeral. These sweet girls have sung at most of the Bingham funerals and have comforted the hearts of many people. We have had some great characters too. Joe Berger I think tops the list. Joe came to Bingham as a mortician and has run the gauntlet â&#x20AC;&#x201D; cigar store, pool hall operator, and souvenir salesman. Joe tells of the big shooting in Bingham â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Lopez man hunt. When an outlaw by the name of Lopez killed several men, Joe was to bury one of the victims. There was no money. So Joe dressed the victim in a black suit, put his gold watch chain across his vest, a cigar in his mouth, and a plug hat on his head, stood him up in the back of his funeral parlor and charged admission to see him. Joe said he had enough left over for flowers. One day while passing by Berger's "Nest," I heard a big commotion on the inside. Joe was stripping a young dude of his trousers. The fellow owed Joe a bill and would not pay him. The poor fellow caused quite a scene as he ran up the street in his shirt tail looking for a policeman to get his pants back. Where else could these things be done outside of a roaring booming mining camp? Another character that every one in Utah knew was Dr. A. L. Inglesby. Besides being a good dentist, Doc, as everyone called him, ran the Bingham-Salt Lake stage line, the garage, and had one of the finest rock collections in the state. Bill Fahrni the manager of the Lark Mercan-


286

Utah Historical Quarterly

tile came over to have Doc put an inlay in a tooth. After the metal clamps, rubber dam, and pads were in place, the phone rang. Doc grabbed his hat and flew out of the office, telling Bill he would be back in a minute. After about 45 minutes the phone furiously rang. It was Doc, calling from Midvale. The stage driver had not shown up and he had driven the stage to Salt Lake â&#x20AC;&#x201D; completely forgetting his patient. He told Bill to go down stairs and get the druggist to cut him loose. There were several gathering places in town â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The Copper King, Berger's Nest, and Doc Woodring's drug store. The center of attraction at the drug store was a nickel slot machine where everyone contributed their small change and listened to the juciest and latest gossip. On Saturday afternoon the "good" women and their daughters did not come uptown. The girls from "up the street" started their parade to the Doctor's office for their weekly check up. At one time there were over 50 of these girls in town. As they came rustling down the street in their silks and satins and big picture hats, the pool halls all emptied on to the narrow steps out in front. Of course no one spoke. This was "etiquette." "Doc" A. L. Inglesby (1872-1960) dental office in Bingham. U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY A. L. INGLESBY COLLECTION IrJL .Si.::*

and his

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY A. L. INGLESBY COLLECTION


Bingham Canyon Doctor

287

T h e narrow street was part of Bingham — seven miles long and 40 feet wide with a narrow strip of concrete for a side walk. T h e houses were built back up the mountainside. My roof was your front porch and running right down through the center of town was the open sewer — no stench and no bacteria. You probably wonder why we did not all die from some epidemic. The copper water from the mines killed both stench and bacteria. Bingham was not all pool halls and speakeasies. We had four churches that were well patronized. T h e L.D.S. Church always had a missionary in the field. The churches sponsored scouting. Men like Bishop Lyons and Reverend Lester Fagan did a great job with the young boys of the camp. T h e community house in Highland Boy was run by Miss Ada Duhigg a Deaconess. This was a great religious and culture center and an inestimable influence for good. Her gym was always full of boys and girls. T h e basketball teams were made up of all nationalities and religions, as were her Sunday School and church services. She was a shining light to a community of over 2,000 people, who did not have another church in the District. She was a very much loved individual. We had good schools with devoted teachers, such men as Tommie McMullin, Joel Jensen, Howard Hausknecht and many others. T h e State of Utah could use a page out of Bingham's Book. We had no juvenile delinquency. T h e word was not heard. Basketball and baseball were run by the American Legion. There was scouting, both for the boys and girls, and everyone participated. When you realize we were a polyglot of nationals you may wonder at the truthfulness of the above statement. T h e boys and girls were made to mind at home. T h e teachers were wonderful disciplinarians. From these foreign born parents came doctors, lawyers, teachers, mining men, financiers. T h e present sheriff of Los Angeles County is a product of a Greek home from Bingham Canyon. Ivy Baker Priest, a national figure, was from a home up Carr Fork. Her mother ran a boardinghouse, her father lost his leg in the mine. Ivy was a born leader — in her church a Sunday school teacher, in school the center of activities. Ivy was born to be great; she always had a smile and a cheery hello for everyone she met. Bingham is very proud of Ivy Baker Priest, Mitchell Melich, Elliott Evans, Dr. Andrew Controtto, Dr. Lamar Marriott, Dr. Peter Pitchos, John Creedon, and a myriad of others. I could name names ad infinitum.


288

Utah Historical Quarterly

I am very proud to have been a part of this fine old mining town. They were happy years working with these hard working men and women. They are scattered throughout our valley towns still working at the mines, still being good neighbors and fine citizens â&#x20AC;&#x201D; proudly looking back on the years to the town that was Bingham Canyon. Bingham City Hall constructed in 1914 is one of the few remaining buildings in Bingham Canyon today.


LIFE and LABOR AMONG the IMMIGRANTS of BINGHAM CANYON by Helen Zeese Papanikolas

Immigrants and Bingham's terrain produced a unique life among mining towns. T h e long, winding Main Street reached for the cramped houses on the mountainsides and made them part of it. Talk, shouts, and oaths were heard in many languages outside the saloons, boardinghouses, candy stores, theaters, and dance halls. T h e first of Bingham's immigrants were the young Irishmen fleeing the potato famine. They worked 10 hours a day on small claims, usually belonging to others, and lived in boardinghouses where they rivaled each other in boxing matches, wood cutting, and other feats of strength. 1 By 1870 the 276 inhabitants of Bingham were mostly Irish who resented the incoming English, the "Cousin Jacks" as they called them. 2 Saloons were many and prosperous, and traveling vaudeville acts were the high point in the miners' lives. Mrs. Papanikolas is a resident of Salt Lake City and former contributor to the Quarterly. Beatrice Spendlove, "A History of Bingham Canyon, U t a h " (Master's thesis, University of U t a h , 1937), 114. 2 Salt Lake Tribune, July 6, 1947. 1


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By 1880 the Irish were leaving Bingham, but immigrants from the British Isles were still dominant. T h e census for that year lists the following. 3 Americans (includes American-born children of immigrants, mostly British and Scandinavian) British Isles Scandinavia Ireland .... Italy China Canada Finland Germany Prussia, France, N o v a Scotia Greece, Austria, Africa, Holland, and Portugal

452 170 83 51 35 32 22 19 17 2 each 1 each

T h e majority of the English-speaking miners were Cornish for whom mining was a hereditary occupation. 4 An easy relationship, based on their common tongue and ancestry, existed between the English- and the American-born miners. They held nightly track meets, broad jumped on the dumps, pole vaulted using iron pipes, and threw powder boxes. Boxing matches were weekly events, and men fought until they could no longer stand to the music of mouth organ, zither, and jewsharp. 5 Chinese and Negro "water boys" carried water from springs using pails suspended from shoulder poles. T h e most familiar was Nigger Jim who carried water for 30 years. 6 T h e water was bad and the sanitation primitive; the only protection for the miners was the old-country prescription of whiskey. During the next two decades, Finns and Swedes came in greater numbers. Instead of skill they posessed the brute power that mining needed. T h e Italians followed, mostly Piedmontese, who were proficient at hammer work. They were also adept at leverage, and their stocky build and short legs gave them the nickname "Short Towns." In the early 3 U.S., Bureau of the Census, "10th Census, 1880, U t a h , " Bingham Canyon (MS schedules, Microfilm File, U t a h State Historical Society, Salt Lake City). 4 Bingham Press Bulletin, December 30, 1922. 5 U t a h Works Projects Administration, Utah: A Guide to the State (New York, 1945), 318. 6 Spendlove, "Bingham Canyon," 101.


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1900's the Eastern Mediterranean and Balkan peoples came.7 Slovenes, Croatians, Serbs, Greeks, Italians, Armenians, and Montenegrins gave Bingham a color unmatched anywhere in Utah except in the Carbon County coal fields.8 The Chinese who had been in Bingham since 1875 running restaurants and doing menial labor had, except for a few, left town. Not until 1910 when Japanese and Korean labor gangs were brought in to work on the Bingham-Garfield Railroad construction did Bingham have a large colony of Orientals.9 7

Bingham Press Bulletin, December 30, 1922. Helen Zeese Papanikolas, " T h e Greeks of Carbon County, X X I I (April, 1954), 143-64. 9 Spendlove, "Bingham Canyon," 112. 8

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Main Street in Bingham Canyon, described as 7 miles long and 40 feet wide, had so little traffic in 1912 a horse peacefully lies in the middle of the street. The building with dormer windows in the middle of the picture was Society Hall and served as a hall for fraternal organizations of Bingham. Farther up the street the two-story building was Miller's Hall, a dance hall, bar, and boardinghouse. In the foreground to the left is the Bingham Hotel, and above the hotel is the Copperbelt Railroad. The first level on the east side of the canyon of Utah Copper Company can be seen. JOHN J. CREEDON

mm^:i • , , , — w . . . . , ,3m

w

• '


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Gambling, drinking, bulldog fighting, and cock fighting now took p r e c e d e n c e over t h e simple pastimes of the t r a c k m e e t s a n d feats of strength. By 1900 there were 30 saloons on Main Street. "Old Crow" and "16 to 1" were the favorites. 10 T h e young, unattached men at the peak of their strength could not and, from the period's court notes it is obvious, did not try to control their restlessness. Disturbing the peace, assault, mayhem, and killing vied with death and maiming of mine accidents to keep the town in continuous excitement. Each minority was a labor gang in itself, with a foreman who could speak English, and formed its colony around boardinghouses. 11 Names, nostalgic now, immediately told m u c h : Frogtown, where the natives lived; Yampa, a miniature town formed around the Apex M i n e ; Japtown; Dinkeyville, where powder-box cabins were built on company land; Highland Boy and Phoenix, where the Austrians and Slavs lived; Copperfield, where the Greeks had their boardinghouses; and Carr Fork, where Finns and Swedes h a d congregated. Churches came 30 years after mining began. T h e Latter-day Saints established a church in 1890 as did the Methodist and Catholic churches, but without resident clergy. In 1897 a Methodist Mission Church was opened at Carr Fork, and in the same year Bingham was provided with a resident minister. T h e Catholic Church did not have a resident priest until 1907.12 Greek miners traveled to Salt Lake City for religious services. In 1912 the government immigrant inspector's report to the U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor showed a complete change in the minority populations. 13 English-speaking workmen were leaving mining for other opportunities, and South Europeans quickly took their places in the mines. Greeks North Italians South Italians Austrians Japanese Finns English Bulgarians Swedes Irish Germans 10

_

1,210 402 237 564 254 217 161 60 ._ 59 52 23

WPA, Utah Guide, 318. Thomas A r t h u r Rickard, The Utah Copper Enterprise (San Francisco, 1919), 4 1 . 12 Spendlove, "Bingham Canyon," 129-34. 13 State of U t a h , Bureau of Immigration, Labor and Statistics, First Report of the State Bureau of Immigration, Labor and Statistics For the Years 1911-1912 (Salt Lake City, 1913), 31. 11


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T h e good and the sordid existed together. Zack (Jack) Tallas, at the time a young Greek fireman in Copperfield, describes it: I t was green then, not as it was later with the dumps. T h e r e were springs and wildflowers everywhere. In the draws of the mountains were three goat ranches run by Greeks. Now they're filled u p with capping. T h e companies had their boardinghouses, but other people ran boardinghouses too. T h e r e were so many men â&#x20AC;&#x201D; don't believe the census; there were threethousand Greeks alone between the ages of twelve and twenty-one â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that they built powder-box houses on company property and went to the barbershops to take a bath. Each nationality had its own stores and bakeries. T h e Greeks had four or five bakeries, five candy stores and ten coffeehouses where until the middle of the Nineteen-Twenties dancers clinking castinets came from time to time and the famous Kharaghiozis puppets of Greece and Asia Minor delighted the men with the sly humor of the country peasant who pretends to be dumber than he is and has the last laugh. T h e Greeks, Serbians, Austrians and Italians feuded with each other and among themselves. Killings were not unusual. T h e r e was a regular red-light district, but on paydays two-hundred fifty prostitutes came into town and men gave up their rooms to accomodate them during their stay. In the mines a person had to be on his g u a r d ; there were company spies who spoke their language and who carried all rumor and talk of labor troubles to the mine officials. T h e companies were enemies. Miners were killed regularly. My brother was killed and the Company sent my parents three-hundred dollars. M a n y of the dead h a d wives and young children in the old country. We got along good with the "Americans" for two reasons. We dressed well and neatly and we never got drunk. We h a d great times in those days. 14

The year 1912 was an important period in Bingham's labor history, union men of great potential but also distrust and apathy. T h e immigrants sheviks," the "Wobblies," the "labor agitators." They lived precariously, both needing to make themselves and their principles known to the miners and at the same time hiding their identity from the law. T h e authorities were alert to the vaguest of rumors on which to base indictments for sedition, and if unsuccessful, they brought vagrancy charges to put labor organizers in jail. The vast mission field of immigrant labor presented a face to the union men of great potential but also distrust and apathy. T h e immigrants had to depend on interpreters who knew little more English than they did. They had come, too, from cultures where the rich were the powerful and that was the fate of life. An exception in Bingham was Louis Theos (Theodoropoulos) who was known among his fellow Greeks as an officer of the 14

Personal interview, January 17, 1964.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY ( JOHN D. SAGRIS)

East side of Copperfield ously on the sides of the

about 1927, with boardinghouses mountains.

and homes perched

precari-

IWW, and who had done undercover work for unions in the Carbon County coal mines. But in the main it was economics and not ideology that guided the immigrants. In contrast, for example, with the strike activities of the powerful Amalgamation of Garment Workers in the East where the immigrants had settled more than a generation earlier and produced their own leaders, the drawing of immigrant peoples of the West into strikes was emotional and not for principles. The great Bingham strike of 1912 shows these factors graphically.15 On May 1 of that year, the Western Federation of Labor called a strike at the lead plant of the American Smelting and Refining Company at Murray demanding recognition of the union and an increase in wages from $1.75 per day to $2.00 per day. The strike lasted six weeks, involved between 800 to 900 men, and closed the smelter for a short time. The strike was broken by strikebreakers, who were Greeks from the Island of Crete, brought from Bingham16 and Helper. The strikebreakers were sent under orders of Leonidas G. Skliris, leading Greek labor agent in the West.17 Skliris was called the "Czar of the Greeks," and as labor agent for Utah Copper Company, Western Pacific Railroad, Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad, and the Carbon County coal mines in Castle Gate, 15 Unless otherwise noted information regarding the strike was obtained from the following men who were either strikers at Murray or Bingham in 1912 or closely associated with the strikers: Spiro Stratis (Stratopoulos), Gus Delis, Nick Latsinos, George Papanikolas, Ernest Benardis, and Zack Tallas. Mr. P. S. Marthakis, Salt Lake City mathematics teacher for 41 years and state legislator for 10 years, was instrumental in obtaining some of these interviews. 16 Bureau of Immigration, Labor and Statistics, Report . . . 1911â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1912, 31. 17 Thomas Burgess, Greeks in America (Boston, 1913), 165.


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Hiawatha, Sunnyside, and Scofield,18 he had great power. His contacts with labor agents in Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, Nevada, and California could, within minutes of a telephone call, have men on a train traveling to a destination where they would be hired as workers or used as strikebreakers. T h e labor agents of those years worked under the padrone system.19 T h e Italians, Greeks, and Japanese were dependent on this system to get work from their respective labor agents. They were the last laborers to be given work. T h e Japanese padrone system20 was of a different nature; housing and food were included in their contracts. T h e Sako brothers, who represented Japanese labor in Salt Lake County, had camps in Magna and Garfield that housed between 400 and 500 men. T h e Italian padrone system, loosely organized in the Carbon County coal camps, does not appear to have been in effect in Bingham. Fortunato 18

Tribune, September 20, 1912. The word padrone meaning patron or master came from the Italians who initiated the system in America. 20 S. Frank Miyamoto, " T h e Japanese Minority in the Pacific Northwest," Pacific Northwest Review, L I V (October, 1963), 143-49. 19

About 1940, Copperfield looking toward the west. The Greek camp is in the center of the picture, and the Jap camp is in the left foreground. To the right is Terrace Heights, and the large, multi-storied building in the center foreground is the U.S. Hotel. To the left of the hotel is the entrance to the U.S. Mine. JOHN J. CREEDON


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Anselmo, the present Italian vice consul, denies it existed there. Italians found employment through relatives and countrymen. T h e various Balkan peoples (often listed as Austrians in official reports), Croatians, Serbs, Slovenes, and Montenegrins were divided by many diverse reasons: by old-country politics, by two different alphabets, and by three religions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Eastern Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Greek Catholic. A padrone common to them all would have been impossible. 21 T h e Greeks, however, were by far the majority of workers in Bingham, and Skliris was the dark force in their lives. T h e Greeks bitterly resented the suave, well-dressed countryman who lived in the amazing luxury of the newly built Hotel U t a h on the money he exacted from them. O n e of the young miners waited for Skliris outside of the Hotel Utah with a pistol, but Skliris quickly disarmed him. Skliris did not lack courage and this kept him alive in his 15 years as a labor agent. For almost two years Greek miners had tried to expose Skliris as an extortionist who exacted tribute before handing out jobs and threatened the miners with discharge if they did not trade at the Pan Hellenic Grocery Store. A further grievance was the paying of higher wages to the Japanese who usually worked as bank men. With ropes tied around their waists, they lowered themselves over the banks and swung their picks into the ore â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a dangerous occupation. It was an auspicious time for a strike. When the officials of the Western Federation of Labor began their talks, they found the Greeks incensed and ready. T h e anger of the Greeks explains the phenomenal success of the Federation in the summer of 1912. Voler V. Viles' report to the U.S. Department of Commerce showed 250 union members in July, 900 on August 27, and 2,500 in October. 22 At the meeting on the 17th of September, which was attended by at least a thousand miners, President Charles W. Moyer of the Federation asked that further attempts be made to negotiate with the mine officials before calling a strike. 23 At the time the payscale was $2.00 per day for surface men, $2.50 per day for muckers (diggers), and $3.00 per day for miners. 24 T h e union intended to ask for recognition of the Federation and a 50 cent a day raise for all workers. T h e men refused Moyer's suggestion and unanimously voted a walkout immediately affecting 4,800 men. T h e American-born miners had 21 Information from Walter Bolic from the reminiscenses of his father, Nick Bolic, Croatian immigrant and long-time resident of Bingham. 22 Bureau of Immigration, Labor and Statistics, Report . . . 1911-1912, 30. 23 Tribune, September 20, 1912. 24 Bureau of Immigration, Labor and Statistics, Report . . . 1911-1912, 31.


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stayed away from the meeting, not wanting to align themselves with the "foreigners." Another 150 steam-shovel men of American nationality were opposed to the strike, but "did not want to go against the wishes of the majority." 25 T h e foreigners were jubilant . . . chiefly Greeks and Austrians . . . shooting off firearms and intimidating American laborers. W h e n deputies attempted to quell the disturbance, the foreigners showed their wildest disorder. O n e Greek after firing several times after being ordered to cease, was shot in the wrist by Deputy Sheriff Schweitzer. T h e shot caused more excitement and a m o b of foreign laborers chased the deputy w h o was rescued by other officers.26

Fifty National Guard sharpshooters from Fort Douglas and 25 deputy sheriffs from Salt Lake City, supplied with several thousand rounds of ammunition, were brought in. Rifles from the munition stores of the Utah National Guard were made ready for delivery to Bingham. Saloons and gambling halls were closed, and railroad crossings and mines were floodlighted. 27 T h e day after the walkout, President Moyer told 800 strikers at the Bingham Theater that the union officials had waited all day for an answer from the mine managers and had not received one. R. C. Gemmel, of Utah Copper, told the press that "we do not treat with officers of the union regarding matters connected with the mines. We do not recognize the Federation." ! Gemmel said, "I don't think they [the miners] have any grievance. It is the officials of the miners' union who have stirred up trouble." 29 H e stated the following day that " W e advanced the men twenty-five cents [to become effective in November]. This was voluntary." 30 If the miners would work through committees, Gemmel claimed, the trouble could be adjusted. President Moyer countered, "as for the men meeting with the companies as individuals, I will only say that a great many of them can not speak the English language, and their only opportunity is through their authorized representatives." 31 Moyer denied the raise to the miners was voluntary, insisting it was the result of a similar raise in the mines of Montana the past June. Even a 50-cent increase, he said, would be less than 25

Tribune, September 18, 1912. Deseret Evening News (Salt Lake City), September 18, 1912. 27 Tribune, September 18, 1912; WPA, Utah Guide, 320. 28 Tribune, September 18, 1912. 29 Deseret Evening News, September 17, 1912. 30 Ibid., September 18, 1912. 31 Tribune, September 18, 1912. 26


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what the Montana miners received for the same work.32 Moyer stated that "their [the miners] hours are too long and the current high price of copper justifies the raise." 33 The strikers took blankets and guns and settled in advantageous positions on the mountainsides. On the morning of September 19th, the strikers were given until noon to leave the mines; and if this ultimatum was defied, Salt Lake County Sheriff Joseph Sharp threatened to send 250 deputies armed with Winchesters.34 Governor William H. Spry said, "We are going up on the hill and drive them down." The governor was believed to be, according to the Deseret Evening News, "one of the party [who wanted] to attack the foreigners stronghold." 35 W i t h 800 foreign strikers a r m e d with rifles a n d revolvers strongly e n t r e n c h e d . i n the precipitous m o u n t a i n ledges across the canyon from the U t a h C o p p e r M i n e , raking the mine workings with a hail of lead at every a t t e m p t of railroad employees or deputy sheriffs to enter the grounds, the strike situation has reached its initial crisis.

A last attempt was made by President Moyer to convince the strikers to leave the mountainside. He sent Yanco Terzich, a director of the Federation, with his message, but his climb was in vain.36 While the union spoke of wages, the Greeks, mostly Cretans "famed as men who, when the spirit moves them to fight, are difficult to control," 37 were concerned first with getting Skliris fired.38 Utah Copper Company posted notices in the Greek language informing the men that they were not required to pay for their jobs, and Vice-President Daniel C. Jackling in San Francisco for business meetings sent a telegram to the same effect.39 Mr. Gemmel defended Skliris; and Governor William Spry, in response to a letter from one of the Greeks explaining Skliris' extortion practices, sent out a "Greek detective" who predictably found no such practices.40 Jackling, Moyer said, refused to believe the padrone system existed, perhaps because he was too busy. "I believe he does not look to the methods 32

Deseret Evening News, September 17, 1912. Ibid., September 18, 1912. 34 Tribune, September 19, 1912. 35 Deseret Evening News, September 19, 1912. 38 Tribune, September 19, 1912. 37 Salt Lake Herald Republican, September 19, 1912. 38 Tribune, Deseret Evening News, and Herald Republican, September 20, 1912. 39 Ibid. 40 State of U t a h , Governors' Papers (William H . Spry [1909-1916]), correspondence files. T h e Governors' Papers are in the U t a h State Archives, Salt Lake City. Signatures of Greek miners and the fees they paid Skliris were collected in a notebook by Louis Theos. 33


U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY A. L . I N G L E S B Y C O L L E C T I O N

Photographed about 1909, the Bingham Mercantile Company was constructed in 1907 and torn down in 1960.

of Skliris and his ilk, but simply asks cheap labor no matter how it comes."41 Governor Spry quickly called a meeting with Sheriff Sharp, Adjutant General E. A. Wedgwood (commander of the National Guard at Fort Douglas), and the mine operators to discuss the calling out of the militia and the proclaiming of martial law. Moyer and Terzich were invited to give testimony as to whether "the striking foreigners [were] amenable to the counsel of the strike leaders." The Salt Lake Tribune continued: "In Bingham the belief is prevalent that the foreign element among the strikers will be a law unto themselves despite the protestations of President Moyer."42 The union, Moyer admitted, could not handle the Greeks.43 "Foreigners" had bought arms in quantity from Salt Lake City hardware and sporting-goods "stores. "The men are known to be from Bingham because they took the 3:15 train back to that camp." Bingham store owners had stocked up on revolvers. They were requiring cash for all merchandise and were not sending out their delivery wagons. Druggists were told not to sell liquor. Deputies were arriving on every train.44 The Salt Lake Herald Republican reported on the "vile conditions" of the powder-box houses where miners slept in shifts and yet sent $580,000 41

Herald Republican, September 20, 1912. Tribune, September 19, 1912. 43 Deseret Evening News, September 19, 1912. 44 Ibid. 42


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in money orders to Europe during the past year. 45 I n Bingham businessmen a n d native Americans were hostile to the strikers knowing the long economic misery that would come to the town. Rumors and attempts to prove the immigrants ungrateful to America kept the town in an upheaval. All mines now except the Apex, which was working under Moyer's orders, were out on strike. Only Ohio Copper officials would consider a conference with the union. I n San Francisco Jackling told the press, " W h e n I fight, I'll fight h a r d . " 46 T h e strikers remained on the mountainside, a n d the deputies did not go u p a n d drive them down. T h e attack was delayed by rumors that strikers h a d broken into the U t a h Construction tunnel and stolen 60 cases of dynamite. While the deputies hesitated, 200 Austrians descended on the Denver and Rio Grande trestle between lower and upper Bingham and fired on anyone attempting to cross it.47 Governor Spry h a d expected the strikers to heed the ultimatum to leave the mines a n d was waiting in the Bingham Theater to talk with the men. His visit seemed fruitless until a bearded priest in black robes with the tall black kalimafkion on his head walked u p Main Street and up the mountain. T h e i r warlike spirit subdued temporarily by a lone priest of the Greek C h u r c h , F a t h e r Vasilios Lambrides, w h o exhorted t h e m in the n a m e of their religion to refrain from further violence a n d defiance of the law, the a r m y of strikers e n c a m p e d on the m o u n t a i n side c o m m a n d i n g the works of the U t a h C o p p e r C o m p a n y , voluntarily descending from their stronghold yesterday afternoon. T h e little father dressed in flowing clerical robes with a glittering cross of gold u p o n his breast, w e n t a m o n g the militant strikers like the spirit of p e a c e a n d b r o u g h t " t h e truce of G o d . " Everywhere guns were laid aside for h i m a n d h a t s were doffed in respectful salute. 45

Herald Republican, September 20, 1912. T h e extremely frugal habits of the immigrants that enabled them to help their impoverished families and provide dowries for their sisters in their native lands was a vital aim of Mediterraneans that Americans were incapable of understanding. In his report to the Department of Commerce, the government immigrant inspector gave the following information on drafts and money orders sent to foreign countries. Bingham Canyon postoffice $295,751.56 Citizens State Bank of Bingham $121,499.87 Bingham State Bank $142^839.59 Victor Anselmo, Italian storekeeper $ 21,028.00 T h e report continued: "Besides the foregoing there was a good deal of money sent through the Salt Lake banks and postoffices and a number of miners have safety deposits containing gold and silver a n d many others carry gold a n d paper money in belts around their waists. According to the bankers of Bingham Canyon, only about thirty per cent of the money paid out by the mining companies remains in Bingham Canyon." (Bureau of Immigration, Labor and Statistics, Report . . . 1911-1912, 31-32.) 48 Tribune, September 19, 1912. 47 Ibid.


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With few exceptions the men left their trenches a n d trooped down to the meeting place where Governor Spry was waiting to address them. 4 8

There, Sheriff Sharp wisely decided not to disarm the strikers although 250 deputies were at his service. T h e Greek miners "declared with vociferous acclaim" that they would go back to work at the present scale if U t a h Copper would refuse to have anything to do with Leonidas G. Skliris, "Czar of the Greeks." A carpenter, John (Scotty) Curie, speaking with a brogue, told the mine officials that the Greeks should not be given the entire responsibility for the strike because Italians and Austrians were also involved. Skliris, he told them, was the strike issue. Chris Kiousios repeated Scotty's speech in Greek to the strikers' "thunderous applause." N. P. Stathakos, a Greek banker, spoke to the Greeks urging them to be peaceful. A telegram was read from D. C. Jackling, representing U t a h Copper, reiterating his previous statement that men did not have to pay to get jobs at Utah Copper. Governor Spry spoke in platitudes, and Robert C. Gemmel defended Skliris. Angrily the strikers left to continue the strike. 49 Moyer was asked to take Governor Spry and his party up the mountainside. T h e barricades were empty but "Cretans with rifles were far up. When Moyer's attention was called to them he said they were probably hunting jackrabbits." 50 T h e next day about 300 strikers patrolled the Bingham-Garfield Line ready to shoot at strikebreakers who were being brought into town. T h e Greek strikers, hearing that Skliris along with two Magna Greeks (Gus Paulos and Nick Floor), was now recruiting strikebreakers, became infuriated and taking a good supply of ammunition returned to their positions on the mountains. Despite the strikers' vigilance strikebreakers were finding ways of entering Bingham unnoticed. T h e townspeople were asking why the patrols had not been disarmed, and the sheriff's office assured them that this would be done in the afternoon. People were leaving the canyon by the hundreds on the daily trains. T h e newspapers reported "White residents leaving c a m p , . . . T h e two daily trains carry about 200 of the better element of the c a m p , . . . the foreign element of Greeks, Italians, Austrians and Cretans are dominant in a situation into which the 'white' element has been forced against its will." 51 48

Ibid., September 20, 1912. Ibid. 50 Herald Republican, September 20, 1912. 51 Deseret Evening News, September 20, 1912.

49


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T h e steady increase of deputies gave no confidence to the people of Bingham. Moyer said that among them were "irresponsible riff-raff of Salt Lake." Promiscuous shooting, theft, drunkenness, and the accidental killing of one deputy by another bore this out. 53 Moyer asked if Sheriff Sharp and Governor Spry would "deputize a couple-hundred armed men to protect the strikers from the gunmen of U t a h Copper . . . the strikers, many of them citizens, who have committed the awful crime of banding together and demanding a better pay of their employers." 54 Skliris returned from Colorado and Idaho where he found young unemployed Greeks through the labor agents, Karavellas and Babalis. H e defended his 15 years as a labor agent in the West, insisting that he would pay $5,000 to anyone who could prove the padrone charge, the money to be used as a monument for Governor Stuenenberg 55 or for any other appropriate purpose. T h e Greek employees of U t a h Copper were loyal, he said, but were coerced by an armed mob. 56 Ernest K. Pappas, spokesman for the Greeks, answered Skliris saying, "Where there is so much smoke, there must be some fire." His letter to the Deseret Evening News continued: This padrone has grown rich on his exploitation of Greek laborers whom he had induced to come to California, U t a h , Nevada and Colorado by advertising in all Greek newspapers in the United States. These newspapers are widely circulated in Greece and Crete. O n arrival these immigrants pay Skliris or his underlings $5 to $20 or more. This applies not only to Bingham Canyon, but coal mines at Castle Gate, Kenilworth, Helper, Sunnyside, Scofield, etc. T h e Greeks would not have left the mines h a d the padrone system not been in effect. As to the grocery store charge, it is well known that Steve G. Skliris, Leon G. Skliris' representative, approves every Greek hired by U t a h Copper and threatens with dismissal those who do not trade at Pan Hellenic. Goes farther by saying, "Your account this m o n t h is too small. You've been buying elsewhere. We look out for your job, you look out for us." . . . If Greeks are loyal, why did they join union head first, 700 in one night took oath to gain freedom from padrone system. I accept M r . Skliris' offer of $5,000 . . . deposit in a Salt Lake bank with three judges appointed to decide question, one to be appointed by Governor Spry, one by Western Federation of Labor and one by U t a h Copper. 5 7 '2 Herald Republican, September 20, 1912. i3 Deseret Evening News, October 11, 12, 22, 26, November 9, 1912; Tribune,

October 18,

1912. 54

Tribune, September 21, 1912. Frank Stuenenberg, governor of Idaho ( 1 8 9 7 - 1 9 0 1 ) , was killed by a bomb in 1905 during mine labor troubles. T h e court case won renown because of the lawyers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; William E. Borah represented the state and Clarence Darrow the accused. 50 Deseret Evening News, September 22, 1912. 57 Ibid. 55


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Two days later Skliris resigned. Nothing more came of his $5,000 offer. T h e Greeks celebrated in the Copperfield coffeehouses before gathering again on the hills.58 At this point they were ready to go back to work, but President Moyer convinced them that Skliris' resignation was secondary to the union's demands, 59 and the strikers themselves were wary of Skliris fearing he h a d "made a deal" with the U t a h Copper and would again supply the company with labor as soon as the strike was over. T h e strikers became better organized and formed themselves into six-hour shifts with over a thousand men on picket duty. Skliris' resignation had brought the first sign of optimism to the town. Miners spent their free time repairing their cabins, but, . . . last night coyotes appeared on the moon-licked canyon slope and broke the silence with their calls. This recalled an old superstitution that the appearance of these animals in a mining c a m p prefaces either a long tie-up or a catastrophe. 6 0

T h e Japanese, the better-paid gambling companions of the Greeks, had also gone out with the rest of the men. T h e Greeks, it is said, did not consult them before striking but when the walkout occurred the Orientals took it for granted that work was suspended. Among them is Coney Shibota, said to be the champion wrestler of the camp. H e is a powerfully constructed m a n for his race and has downed many stalwart Greeks. T h e other Japanese have tacitly appointed him leader. 61

T h e union leaders now threatened a general strike if the union was not recognized. Strikebreakers were steadily infiltrating into Bingham, even though strikers were covering all entrances to the town. I t was reported that the strikers, largely Greeks, h a d scattered out along the highways to and from Bingham and are now holding u p automobiles and vehicles to learn whether the occupants are strikebreakers. 62

T h e mine operators continued to ignore the union, and the Federation ordered 3,000 miners out at the Ely Nevada Consolidated Mine. 63 In Bingham the operators were hopeful at activity which they misconstrued as the Greeks leaving Bingham. However, the Greeks had heard rumors that the companies were going to evict them from the powder-box m

Ibid., September 24, 1912. ^Herald Republican, September 24, 1912. ''"Deseret Evening News, September 27, 1912. 61 Tribune, September 26, 1912. 02 Ibid., September 28, 1912. "'Ibid., October 2, 1912.


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houses they had built on company land and were taking the precaution of moving out of them before they were forced to leave. 64 Strikebreakers were coming into town in growing numbers. Nearly 500 were already settled in passenger trains made into sleeping cars in Bingham, and in six boxcars with kitchens at the Magna rail yards. When a sufficient labor force was brought together, work would be resumed, the mine officials said. Rumors that U t a h Copper had three machine guns were denied by its officials; Jackling reiterated that the mines would "have nothing to do with the Western Federation"; and on October 10 strikebreakers, mostly Greek, were brought in by boxcar. 65 Heavily guarded by mine guards and deputies, Highland Boy, owned by U t a h Consolidated, began work with 50 strikebreakers on October 9; and the next day a skeleton crew of 100 men, using one steam shovel, resumed work at U t a h Copper. Fighting between guards and strikers broke out. In one incident an unarmed EDWARD JOHNSON Greek, Mike Katrakis, was ordered back by Sam Lewman, a guard, and shot in the leg as he turned. 66 T h e Greeks became enraged and met at the Acropolis Coffeehouse owned by the Leventis brothers, one of whom, John Leventis, was the acknowledged l e a d e r of t h e C r e t a n strikers. T h e streets were crowded and the miners were in an uproar over the shooting which r e q u i r e d a m p u t a t i o n of t h e striker's leg. Deputies said the shooting was accidental, but two "Ibid., October 5, 1912. Deseret Evening News, October 5, 9, 10, 1912. 66 Tribune, October 12, 1912; Deseret Evening News, October 11, 1912. 60

Fire at Highland Boy on September 8, 1932. The tallest building shown in the photograph is the Highland Boy School, which was destroyed.


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Italian women who witnessed the shooting said it was intentional. The Greeks reported their houses had been entered by "several hundred gunmen" and ammunition and money stolen. A thousand Greeks met in the Greek Orthodox Church in Salt Lake City and sent a telegram to their consul in Washington, D.C., protesting their treatment and asking for an investigation.67 Hundreds of strikebreakers were still arriving each day, and by the middle of October 5,000 were expected to be at work. The majority of these were miners from Mexico who had been driven out of their country by the revolution and gone to California. Another 500 had been sent to Utah Copper by a New York labor agency. A later force arrived from Arizona and Mexico, and another 150 arrived the second week in November from Mexico and Wyoming. Utah Copper built housing for them behind the Bingham and Garfield Railway Depot.68 Tooele smeltermen, as the workers at Garfield had done earlier, passed a resolution refusing to handle ore mined by strikebreakers.69 To bring attention to their claims that deputies were committing "unlawful acts" under legal sanction, strikers and sympathizers held a rally that filled the Salt Lake Theatre. 70 On October 25 a battle in Galena Gulch, between strikebreakers and deputy sheriffs and strikers, ended with five men wounded of whom one, Harris Spinbon a Greek, died two weeks later.71 The next day John and Steve Leventis were taken into custody at their coffeehouse on suspicion of having been involved in the shooting. On November 4, 40 Greeks were arrested at the Acropolis Coffeehouse. Yanco Terzich, the Federation director, and E. G. Locke, the local secretary, tried to prevent the arrest of the men and were in turn arrested. A week later at the same coffeehouse, deputies went in to arrest Zaharias Rasiaskis (Rasiskis) in connection with the shooting at Galena Gulch, and in the fight that followed three Greeks were shot. One of them, George Padaladonis (Papandonis), died two days later. J. H. White and another officer, Phil Culleton, of the Bingham Police Department, went to the aid of an unarmed Greek who was being beaten by two guards. White arrested the guards and was discharged for his efforts. Culleton was given a future hearing.72 07

Deseret Evening News, October 12, 1912. Ibid., October 14, 15, November 2, 14, 1912. 69 Ibid., October 7, 14, 1912. 70 Tribune, October 18, 1912. 71 Deseret Evening News, October 25, 1912. '2Ibid., October 26, November 4, 12, 13, 14, 1912. 68


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O n October 31 Mr. Jackling of Utah Copper announced the company was ready to increase wages, as had been planned at the beginning of the strike, by 25 cents per day. This was to go into effect the following month and would include the Ely and McGill mines. This, Mr. Jackling said, was in accordance with a 1909 agreement that specified an automatic increase in wages when copper reached 17 cents a pound. 73 T h e announcement had no effect on the miners. Six weeks had passed with no sign of capitulation on either side. T h e miners were in desperate need. T h e Butte, Montana, members of the Western Federation sent help by voting $7,000 for the relief of the strikers. 74 Single men asking for relief received $3.00 per week and family men $6.00. 75 T h e strikers hoped that the companies would be willing to make concessions as the November 15 termination date of the strikebreakers' contracts approached. They hoped, too, that the inefficiency of the strikebreakers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; caused by their lack of skill, their not being disciplined for regular work, and their being physically unaccustomed to hard labor â&#x20AC;&#x201D; would force the companies to reconsider their position. T h e companies showed no sign of retreating, and the strikers saw the futility of their cause. T h e strike gradually died. T h e Federation remained unrecognized, and the 50-cent raise asked by the miners was denied. A 25-cent raise was granted to the muckers and miners; the surface men were raised 20 cents.76 During the duration of the strike, the mining industry suffered badly as did the smelting and milling plants, such as Garfield. Normal operations took five months to achieve. Business and transportation were seriously affected in the entire county. 77 T h e killers of the two strikers were never apprehended. T h e importance of the strike can not be underestimated. It broke the power of Leonidas Skliris who went to Mexico and became part owner of a mine there. T h e padrone system was brought into the open, and officials could not longer pretend it did not exist. T h e immigrant inspector's report for the year included the following: T h e exploitation of foreign labor in this State by professional agents is an evil t h a t should be eradicated. I t was one of the causes that figured in the Bingham mining c a m p strike. W i t h some metalliferous and coal mining companies, a miner or laborer seeking employment can not secure such until he comes with a recommend of a padrone to w h o m he is obliged to 73

Bureau of Immigration, Labor and Statistics, Report . . . 1911-1912, Tribune, October 31, 1912. 75 Deseret Evening Neivs, October 23, 1912. 76 Bureau of Immigration, Labor and Statistics, Report . . . 1911-1912, 77 Ibid.

30-31.

74

31.


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pay from $25.00 to $50.00 for his job a n d a small sum m o n t h l y to hold the job after it is obtained. M a n y padrones secure from foreign laborers several thousand dollars each m o n t h a n d presumably "divy" with "higher-up officials" u n d e r w h o m they are working. 7 8

An after effect of the strike was a new immigrant minority in Bingham. Many of the Mexican strikebreakers remained. They now became the majority of cases on the court calendars, and gave Bingham its celebrated Lopez mystery.79 78

Ibid., 33. Rickard, Utah Copper Enterprise. Raphael Lopez was a lessee in the Apex Mine. H e was put in jail for a short time for "knocking down two Greeks molesting girls." T h e sheriff, misinterpreting the situation, was said to have pistol whipped him. This, according to the Bingham Standard, resulted in legendary hate for the law. O n November 21, 1913, Lopez shot J u a n Valdez, who was found dead with a knife in his hand. Quarrel over Mexican politics was believed to be the reason by some, but the motive was never positively established. After the shooting Lopez armed himself with a rifle and cartridges and left Bingham. A posse followed his tracks in the fresh snow to a ranch near U t a h Lake. Lopez started firing and killed three of the four officers. Other posses arrived but found no trace of Lopez. O n November 26 Lopez returned to Bingham and went to the house of a friend, Mike Stefano. There he gathered food, clothing, a rifle, and 40 rounds of ammunition. Stefano informed the police who traced Lopez to the entrance of the Apex Mine. Although trapped, Lopez had the advantage of being familiar with the miles of tunnels and pillars that could hide him. Work at the mine was stopped, putting 200 men out of work. Guards were doubled and outlets sealed. Four men took a bale of hay inside and set it on fire in an attempt to smoke out Lopez. Three shots echoed in the tunnel killing one m a n and injuring another. A posse charged the mine, Lopez fired on it and disappeared deeper into the mine. 79

Markham Bridge in Bingham Canyon over which the B & G Railroad traveled from Bingham to Garfield. The photograph was taken in the early 1920's. The large building to the left is Canyon Hall, which at various times was a school, an opera house, a dance hall, a garage, a skating rink, offices of the Utah Power and Light Company, and a confectionery store. UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY


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World War I was now being fought in Europe, and American industry responded with increased production. In 1916, 14 million tons of metal ore were mined in Utah; 13 million of it in Bingham. This represented increased production of 77 per cent over the previous year. At Bingham and the Utah Copper Company mills in Magna, workers' salaries had been increased better than 35 cents a day.80 An attempt was made by the IWW under Big Bill Haywood to promote a strike, but it was unsuccessful.81 The town reached the peak of its population and was in a continual state of flux from many forces. The newspaper serving the town, the Bingham Press Bulletin, was an instant mirror of the attitudes toward the immigrants and the disparate news they produced. A half century later it gives an interesting picture of the town. Samplings for the year 1918 follow: Mike Concas assault on Dan Cardich with deadly weapon. It seems Mike invited Dan outside at a party and then hit him over the head with shovel or club. (January 18) Jap Greek White Slave Case A queenly maiden from Missouri known to her friends in this section as Billie . . . crushingly beautiful, . . . worked in house in Copperfield for two years Japanese Yoko accused Billie of taking $100. Billie denied "cabbaging" money but beat it out of the neighborhood to Salt Lake with the Greek. Appears Jap loved Billie and Billie loved the Greek . . . found at the Newhouse Hotel. In Billie's muff officers found $1,400 and a thousand dollars in diamonds. (February 1, March 8) Foreigners Registering This Week (February 8) Mucker terribly mangled by old shot. Greek employed in MontanaBingham loses both eyes and is badly lacerated about the body when he strikes old blast with pick. (February 8) Bingham Oriental Enlists in Uncle Sam's Army (February 15) Meatless and Wheatless Days (February 22) Commercial Club Gives Farewell to Serbians Serbians have already sent 90 to front (March 22) Italians Hold Patriotic Meeting in Commercial Club Greater part of program in Italian tongue (April 5) O n the 1st of December, lump sulphur, d a m p gunpowder, and cayenne pepper were lighted near the mine entrance, and the fires kept going for five days. O n December 15th the mine was ransacked. All t h a t was found was Stefano's blanket. J o h n J. Creedon, "Down M e m o r y L a n e , " Bingham Press Bulletin, November 22, December 6, 13, 1963, J a n u a r y 3, 10, 17, 1964, believes the mystery has been overly romanticized. Lopez knew the labyrinth of the mine well, and there were several openings by which he could have escaped. s0 Bureau of Immigration, L a b o r a n d Statistics, Report. . . 1915-1916, 17. 81 Spendlove, "Bingham Canyon," 7 3 - 7 4 .


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Chin Ming Silk Movie O p e r a t o r Died Suddenly H e was about 30 years of age and was one of the best Chinese in the camp. (April 5) J. A. Young Assists Foreigners to Fill Assessment Blanks Mr. Young spent the first of the week with the foreigners, many of w h o m were unable to speak English. Still he was greatly impressed with their honesty. M r . Young is well pleased with the people of Bingham and was agreeably surprised to find them so much better than he h a d been led to believe from the distorted accounts he had read of Bingham in the Salt Lake papers. (April 12) Vasil Malinch Killed in Apex Mine Native of Serbia (April 26) Finns Resent Broadside in Salt Lake Paper A big mass meeting Sunday night in Swedish-Finnish T e m p e r a n c e Hall to protest article in Salt Lake T r i b u n e alleging 125 Finns as I.W.W.'s [had] been discharged from Bingham mines was branded falsehood. . . . believed caused by animosity towards their temperance movement and trying to clean u p the camp, improving moral conditions. Denied Finns pro-German. . . . H e also stated that the Finns were not strike agitators and that among them all in the great strike of 1912 not more than three or four voted for the strike and since America entered the war they were unanimous in their opposition to strikes. ( M a y 10) Joe Melich Goes to New York Joe Melich prominent business m a n and official of Phoenix [Mine] will leave for New York to attend important national meetings of Serbian organization. (May 10) J o h n Sakellaris, native of Greece, invested entire savings $2,000 in bonds! First Greek citizen to invest such a large sum. Believe encouragement to other Greek citizens. (May 10) Smith in Court on I.W.W. Charge Eugene Smith alleged financial agent of I.W.W. in U t a h charged with obstructing the recruiting and enlistment services of U.S. and hampering the work of the military forces and alleged to have m a d e statements that " W a r is only m u r d e r " and that American soldiers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; t h a t is, the militia â&#x20AC;&#x201D; murdered and cremated women and children in Colorado. (May 10) T h e Jesse Knight Miners are on Strike D e m a n d a pay day every two weeks instead of monthly. ( M a y 17) Patriotic Meeting for R e d Cross A rousing address by Greek consul, M r . Pappalion and he spoke in English and Greek. (May 24) Nearly 500 Draft Slackers Quizzed in Bingham A large number of foreigners expressed willingness to serve, but some preferred being sent back to native country. ( M a y 31) Gamblers Raided O n e Japanese others Greek (June 21)


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Restaurants Discard Sugar Bowls (July 12) Sheriff Corless Warned Not to Destroy Booze Warning not to destroy anymore booze or may come in contact with T.N.T. Defender of booze says some miners connected with I.W.W. (August 9) Isolation of Huns Favored by Speaker (September 6) Call for Strike Monday Morning Not Heeded Called by M.M.W.I.U. 80 branch of I.W.W. from Butte (September 6) Bingham Has a Big Honor Roll The Great Copper Company has 284 men for Uncle Sam's Army. All nationalities represented (September 20) Proprietors of Independent Grocery brought in whiskey marked as olive oil. (September 20) Japanese Hold Liberty Mass Meeting (October 4) Influenza Spreading (October 4) Serbians at Highland Boy gratified at conclusion of war celebrate with old-fashioned barbecue of ox. (November 15)

T h e war catalyzed changes that were evolving. T h e Southern Europeans were leaving the mines, and Orientals were becoming more numerous. In 1919 the U t a h Copper Mine listed the following 1,800 employees. 82 Americans Foreigners Japanese and Koreans Greeks Italians Armenians Albanians 15 other nationalities

600 1,200

_

416 406 151 72 55 100

T h e intensified production needed for war had brought a great number of men into mining and kept the copper and lead market favorable. With the end of hostilities, the oversupply of labor became evident, and the copper and lead market declined. By 1920 the mines h a d reached a low in output, and by 1921 metal mining was in "its worst condition in more than a generation . . . in condition of complete collapse by end of year." U t a h Copper was idle as were U t a h Consolidated, U t a h Apex, Ophir Hill Consolidated, and U t a h Metal and Tunnel. 83 In 1922 a sudden revival in the market opened Utah Copper in April, and by autumn the output was half of normal capacity. T h e increased 82

Spendlove, "Bingham Canyon," 112. State of U t a h , Industrial Commission, Report [1920-1922] (Salt Lake City, [1923]), 938. 83

of the Industrial

Commission

of Utah


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mechanization of the mines had brought problems which were new to the industry. Machinemen were needed, but the "old timers" preferred mucking, even though it paid less. The shortage of men was in part due to the Johnson Law which restricted immigration from any country to three per cent of that nationality in this country. This caused a drop of immigrants in 1921 to 355,000 compared with 1,218,480 in 1914 and 1,197,892 in 1918.84 Industry blamed the unions for their situation. T h e shortage of drill men, particularly of the better type of Englishspeaking miners is a serious matter. O n e reason as already stated is the difficulties under union regulations of teaching young men the technique of drilling and blasting rock undergound. Some means must be found to do so. 85

Although the mine operators during this time were still very conscious of a miner's nationality, they stopped taking count of this specifically. The reports of the Utah State Industrial Commission included the nationality of the dead, maimed, and injured for identification purposes and also the small sum that the companies paid to the survivors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; most often in the miners' native lands. The immigrants and native Americans had an especially good relationship during the twenties. One important reason for this can be traced to the Copper League Baseball that was organized in April of 1923.86 Bingham had had a baseball team since April 5, 1918, but the Copper League included all the mine and smelting camps. The League inspired community interest and feeling and gave the sons of immigrants an identification with their town and a sense of equality with the sons of the native born. The newspaper still reported killings and "disturbances" by "foreigners," particularly bootleg violations, but there was no sign of the Ku Klux Klan incidents that occurred in Magna and Carbon County.87 The Bingham Press Bulletin of February 28, 1925, said: "The Klan parade at Salt Lake Monday evening surprised even those who are supposed to be well posted." Bootlegging involved the natives as well as the immigrants. It appeared at times to be a community project. A federal grand jury in May 1928, indicted 40 "citizenry, including people prominent in local circles" for conspiracy in running a bootlegging ring.88 84

Bingham News, December 30, 1922. Ibid. 86 Ibid., April 28, 1923. 87 Papanikolas, "Greeks of Carbon County," U.H.Q., XXII, 159-62. 88 Bingham Bulletin, May 3, 1928.

85


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By the end of the 1920's, the pattern of immigration became apparent again. T h e older immigrants who had caused the "disturbances" which were recorded in court notes a decade or two earlier had been marrying and raising children. Seldom now were the old-country names of the Continent carried in the court notes, except, of course, for bootlegging. T h e newer immigrants of this hemisphere, particularly the Mexicans, were the disturbers of the peace and the authors of violence. 89 Even the collapse of the economy did not change this. T h e depression of the 1930's brought out a valiant effort by the town to relieve "the distress of unemployment." Benefits were held continually. Jobs of cleaning out flumes and improving roads and culverts gave temporary help. A work center was organized for women whose husbands were without work. T h e women sewed and quilted for general relief of needy families for $1.25 a day. T h e reduction of copper production cut the employees' time. T h e policy of the companies was to hire more men at less time to help alleviate the destitute condition of the miners. T h e W P A brought an education program for the unemployed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; teaching English, Spanish, typewriting, stenography, bookkeeping, domestic arts, and shop. Schools were barely saved from closing. Union activity continued, helped by the Wagner Act which made strikes legal. An abortive strike occurred in 1931. A strike in the underground mines of Bingh a m and Lark, where the miners were members of International Mine, s9 F o r examples, see ibid., December 18, 1930, M a r c h 12, August 27, September 17 1931 November 3, 1932.

Originally a Methodist Church, the Highland Boy Community House, established and run by Miss Ada Duhigg a deaconess of the Methodist Church, was a place of recreation for the youth of Bingham. UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY JOSEPH PORATH COLLECTION


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Mill and Smelter Workers, was called on October 12, 1936, and settled on December 18 after extreme suffering by the strikers' families. The miners asked a pay increase and an eight-hour portal-to-portal shift as at Tintic. The settlement called for a 25-cent pay increase per shift and no discrimination because of strike activity.90 Throughout the depression years the immigrant generation and their children continued their old-country celebrations. The Serbians on Lossovo Day (commemorating the battle of Serbs and Turks on the Plain of Blackbirds, June 28, 1389) barbecued young pigs and recalled their native country's songs and dances. The Greeks on Saints' Days barbecued lambs and sang epic songs of their 400-year bondage to the Turks. The Italians on their national holidays prepared pasta dishes and could well have been, for the moment, in Italy. The songs and dances of various native countries are remembered by the native Americans to this day. Doctors, especially, and other professional people were invited to the celebrations as a sign of respect. The war years of the forties again brought great activity to Bingham, but the immigrant generation had become the steady workers, living a quiet life. Their children were working in the mines and serving in the Army. The street was still the recreation of the immigrants. "One of Bingham's most used recreation centers is the sidewalk. The men of the town congregate on steps and low walls to talk things over. The conversations exchange opinions in several languages." 91 Their young people were marrying and raising families. Their sons, more often of Yugoslavic origins in contrast to those of Greek roots whose fathers left the mines in the twenties, were making mining, as it had been for the first Cornish miners, a hereditary occupation. The immigrants had fared better in Bingham than those in other western mining towns. Along with the crowded, narrow terrain with its long ribbon of Main Street that made for close, colorful, and tolerant living, were exceptional people dedicated to the welfare of the immigrants. There were many native Americans who gave the immigrants the same respect that they gave each other. There were many immigrants who were hard-working and grateful to be in America, people such as the Catholic Creedons who ran a boardinghouse, Charles Demas from Greece who owned a grocery store. They represented industriousness and integrity that the American has always prized. 90 91

Tribune, November 15, 1936. Ibid., January 8, 1950.


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All mining towns had worthy immigrants, but in Bingham the liberal attitude of the professional people reflected on the general population and made for the more enlightened atmosphere. In comparison with Carbon County, for example, where doctors, lawyers, and teachers usually stayed a short time and were often hostile to the immigrants, Bingham's professional people were long-time residents, actively interested in the immigrants. Doctor F. E. Straup, the autocratic mayor of Bingham for many years, came to the " c a m p " with less than a dollar expecting to die of consumption. H e stayed, survived, and thrived. Dr. Russell G. Frazier (physician with Admiral Byrd's 1939 antarctic expedition) and Dr. Paul Richards' lives are interwoven with that of Bingham. Their work among the miners and their families is of the kind that inspires biographers. John Creedon suggests that with passing time, mine managers felt closer to their workers and sponsored athletic programs and other civic projects for their benefit. T h e Gemmel Club was of great value to the community. Later managers lived in Bingham, and the absentee-landlord stigma was replaced with a sense of common ties. Louis Buchman, of Utah Copper; V. S. " C a p " Rood, superintendent of Apex; and Frank Wardlaw, of Highland Boy â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all lived in the town. T h e Catholic priests of the twenties and thirties did a great service to the youth of Bingham with their baseball and basketball programs as part of the Catholic Youth Organization. The relations between the immigrant children and the "American" children were better and closer than in most mining and smelting towns and can be traced to the efforts of priests, the Franciscan Sisters, ministers, and other religious representatives working together for the young people. In Highland Boy a deaconess of the Methodist Church, Miss Ada Duhigg, came as a young woman and remained to help and comfort immigrant families. She kept a community house open to all nationalities. There she held kindergarten, provided a gymnasium, conducted funeral services, and helped those who were in need. Miss Vern Baer, well-loved teacher of an army of Bingham children for 32 years, says of Miss Duhigg, Miss Duhigg was a saint, if one can use that word for anyone it should be used for her. In the 1926 snowslide when thirty-nine people were killed and houses destroyed, Miss Duhigg worked without thought of herself to bring relief to the families. In the Highland Boy disaster of 1932 when the entire area was burned to the ground with stills blowing up, Miss Duhigg united the town to provide clothing and bedding. I n tragedies and in the


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY JOSEPH PORATH COLLECTION

With the expansion of operations of Kennecott Copper Corporation, homes and businesses were purchased and dismantled. Scene of the dismantling of the Thompson Building, which was a rooming house, a bar, barbershop, and even housed the county jail at one time. Photograph taken in 1962. ordinary incidents of everyday life Miss Duhigg was indispensable. She was the intermediary between us at the school and the children's parents. No one did more to unite the immigrants and the native Americans and make Bingham a closely knit community than Miss A d a Duhigg. 9 2

With people such as these, with the vigorous life of which they were a part, and in the narrow, protected canyon that gave security, the immigrants found their new-world home. Their exodus in the early 1960's, made necessary by the needs of the copper industry to expand their operations into the canyon, was their second uprooting. They lingered until the final moment. To leave their town was as hard for them as the leaving of their native lands when they were young. The old-timers feel their dispersion strongly and recall with nostalgia their town that has now only vestiges of what it had been. They know with regret that some day there will be no trace of the life that had been lived in Bingham Canyon.

Personal interview with Miss Vern Baer.


SERBIANAustrian Christmas at Highland Boy BY CLAIRE N O A L L

The house of Pete and Milka Loverich was warm from more than the flame on the hearth and the glass in the hand when Dr. Paul Snelgrove Richards first paid his friends a Christmas visit. That snowy day in 1923 he called on nine different families at Highland Boy, a Utah mining camp in the right-hand fork of Bingham Canyon. As in the other homes of the settlement of between 3,000 and 4,000 people, at the Loveriches he was greeted with the joyous expression, "MzV Boze, Kristos se Rodi!" Pete slapped this new friend on the back and gave him a kiss on both cheeks. Young Milka, Sophie, and the boys in the family echoed their parents' greeting in English, "God's peace, Christ is born!" The whole large dining room of people, miners who were boarding at this house and some of their friends from other homes, spoke up, offering the traditional greeting. "You honor us," said one. Another man gave the doctor a friendly slap. Genuine hospitality would be extended to everyone who entered this door during the three days of the festivities. Some of the women were dressed in their native costumes. And as it slowly Mrs. Noall is an author and former contributor to the Quarterly. Dr. Paul Richards, about whom Mrs. Noall writes, was company physician and surgeon for the United States Mining, Smelting, and Refining Company at Bingham for 35 years. In writing this story the author consulted the typescript "Memoirs of Dr. Paul Snelgrove Richards" (in the possession of Mrs. J. Bryan Barton) ; "Serbian Christmas Customs," by Voislav M. Petrovitch, and "Why Do We Celebrate Christmas on January Seventh?" in The Messenger; and notes from Mrs. Ethel Richards Baker (daughter of Dr. Richards), Walnut Creek, California. T h e author is grateful for the assistance of the following individuals for their help through personal interviews: Mrs. Lucile Ewart Hutchings, Miss Mary Joy Richards, Mr. Steve Smilanich, and Mrs. Milka Smilanich.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Highland Boy Mine in Bingham Canyon about 1910. The building with the smoke stack in the center of the picture is the compressor house for Highland Boy Mine.

burned, the large end of the Badnyak, the sacred log — an oak in Serbia, a juniper in Highland Boy — scented the room. Mrs. Loverich passed Dr. Paul the wine, bobbing an old-world curtsy as she held the tray. He reached for a glass of red wine. She deftly turned and with a smile indicated the choicer but also homemade white beverage. Like Christmas bells the doctor's characteristic laugh rang through the room. He smelted the bouquet. For the first time he toasted these patients, these friends, at the beginning of the three-day festival. On the last Christmas before his death, he again toasted those who were still living, but now in young Milka's home. She was then Mrs. George Smilanich — a widow, with some of her children quite grown. Her parents no longer


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kept the boardinghouse. Like young Milka's husband, they too had gone. I n 1958 Dr. Paul's face was as white as the snow through which he had ridden horseback to the feast in 1923. Yet, as with all but very few Christmases after that first year, nothing could have kept him from his friends. Lost for a moment in the crowd while all were still toasting each other on this January 7th, 1923, he noticed the Serbs lifting the glass to the Austrians, and the other way about. Having already visited many homes this day, he realized that the Austrians â&#x20AC;&#x201D; who, as a nation, were strictly Roman Catholic â&#x20AC;&#x201D; had joined the Serbs in observing the day set aside for the Nativity according to the Gregorian Calendar. In their religion the Serbs at the camp were Eastern Orthodox. T h e doctor fell in with the spirit and atmosphere, but he could hardly believe the pattern of these toasts. T w o men known to be fiercely at odds were raising the glass to each other. H e looked, he gulped and cracked a joke hardly fit for a nun but which was undoubtedly aimed at cementing still further this amazing act of friendship. As the day passed he learned that this offering was no more than typical. All enmity was now banished from the homes. T h e doctor may have recalled the tree which he h a d placed at the door of the building down the canyon, which housed both hospital and medical clinic. The tree still stood on the porch in the center of the town of Bingham, glittering with tinsel and colored baubles. His new friends, the miners and their families, h a d been so impressed by this first public display for Christmas in Bingham that several of them immediately urged Dr. Paul to attend their January 7th celebration. "You would honor us," said a m a n with a crushed finger. " W e would like to have you come, Doc," said his wife. "Please, do." At the Loveriches, as an undertone to the merriment, Dr. Paul studied the spirit which seemed so very different from the Christmas rites among his own beloved people. H e watched, he waited, he had to understand the nature of this distinction. With another ringing laugh, he accepted a second glass of wine. Once more he toasted both men, the Austrian and the Serb. H e toasted this house. T h e boarders stood around. They had all chipped in for the feast ; they were now ready to receive their reward. T h e ruddy faces reflected the light from the embers of the log. Everyone was keen for the meal. T h e actual preparations had begun months ago, in late September and early October, with the vintage of the grapes imported to Bingham, almost by the carload. Each year it was the same. T h e day that the children showed


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up on the schoolgrounds with their feet stained purple, the whole town knew they had been crushing the fruit in the great vats at Highland Boy. T h e immediate beginning of the feast had occurred with the roasting of the suckling pig in the dooryard of the boardinghouse, only yesterday. T h e tantalizing odor of the meat had risen with the steam. As it wafted down canyon, up the hill trailed the youngsters. Nearing the spit, they broke into a lively gait, tramping down the snow, rushing forward with great chunks of bread in their hands. Breathlessly, each waited his turn to scoop up some of the drippings from the pan beneath the spit. With this act, Christmas had really begun for the camp. Pete Loverich had never turned down a single youngster. Though their mischief could at times rise to the sky, at this moment the kids were his gang. T h e meat would taste all the better at the table because they would have had their taste of the drippings. Milka, Pete's wife, had commenced her preparations at sink, stove, and counter weeks ago. A great storeroom ran directly into the mountain, connected with the kitchen by a narrow passage. This underground cooler, or "refrigerator," had been heaped with smoked hams and other meats, such as beef, bologna, sausage; with salted fish, pickled cucumbers, and preserved fruits; with cheeses, butter, and large pans of sarma; almost anything one could put away ahead of time. At each place at the long table, to be occupied mostly by men and served by women, a soup plate now stood waiting. Once the guests were seated, Milka brought in a huge tureen of her delicious broth. It was simply floating with homemade noodles, cut as fine as the blades of rosemary she had dropped into the pot. Here she had also simmered the tender part of a head of cabbage. At the same time she had parboiled some outside leaves for the sarma. Sniffing the aromatic odor, Dr. Paul, as guest of honor, was the first to pass his dish forward. After the soup the cold meats were served, and now came the sarma, piping hot. For this typically Eastern dish, Milka had held on the palm of her left hand, one at a time, the parboiled leaves. With exactly the right turn, she had folded in the edges of the cabbage leaf around a tablespoonful of wonderfully seasoned, ground pork. After filling several large pans with the meatballs, she put them aside in the underground room. T h e sarma now came to the table straight from the oven. W h a t a tantalizing note it added to the cold meats and the sauerkraut, and even to the pickles, preserves, and fancy breads that Milka had m a d e ! One of these was the pevitza, mixed with honey and crushed walnuts.


Barbecuing the traditional pig for the SerbianAustrian Christmas.

STEVE SMILANICH

The head of the barbecued pig being displayed. The head is placed upright in the center of the table with a glass of wine in its mouth as the symbol of the Serbian Boar's Head and the blood of Christ.


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Still, no man's appetite was dimmed. The real highlight of the feast was yet to come. Milka, followed by the girls with dishes of hot vegetables, brought from the huge iron stove the suckling pig. She placed the great platter, smoking hot, before her husband. Cheers and sighs went up from the men. Pete took his sharp knife and severed the head. He arranged it upright on a special plate. Before transferring the plate to the center of the table he removed the apple that was resting on the top of a glass of red wine. He sipped the wine and offered the glass to Dr. Paul, who also took one sip and then asked the blessing of the Lord upon this house and all the friends therein. Pete placed the glass in the mouth of the pig as the symbol of the Serbian Boar's Head and the blood of Christ. Near the center of the table a can tied with a small bow of ribbon held a cluster of sprouted wheat which Milka had planted on December 19th, St. Nicholas' Day. Its fresh and charming green complemented the ceremonial wine as the sign of the resurrection after the Cross. When the meat was served, the guests fell to, singing their praises and again cracking their jokes. The laughter rang from end to end of the table. Milka, the daughter, clapped her hands when Dr. Paul found a coin in his piece of the round flat loaves baked for the occasion. The children had washed and polished several pieces of money until they shone brighter than any little old bauble on a fir tree. The mother had hidden them in the dough as a token of the giving of one's means as well as his heart. Finally, with appetites still quite competent, the guests were ready for the dessert. Over a rich dough, beaten, kneaded and rolled thin upon a cloth that covered the top of the kitchen table, Milka, the mother, had spread a bounteous layer of freshly sliced apples. After sprinkling them with cinnamon and other spices, she picked up the corner of the cloth to roll the strudel. As the concoction took shape, she peeled the cloth away and then folded the roll, tripling it from end to end so that it just fit into her largest roasting pan. At the table she cut the strudel crosswise and served it hot with another taste of wine. At last the doctor sat his good horse for the homeward journey. In those days he made all his calls on horseback. With his family he lived just across the street from the hospital in downtown Bingham. His mount knew the way by starlight. Dr. Paul pondered the essence of the meaning of this day as he again heard the folk songs of the young people who had dressed in costume. Again he saw the intricate steps of the peasant dances. At times the group had made a wide circle and had then broken up for a measure or two, as in a square dance. What was this wonderful, different


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matrix of the East? Dr. Paul asked himself. Some day he was sure to understand. Another year would come and, with it, other invitations. At this camp a man's word was his promise. During the years Dr. Paul had a rich experience as company physician and surgeon for the "United States Mines." Actually, these works were part of the United States Mining, Smelting, and Refining Company at Copperfield, which was one of many groups to work the underground tunnels in the mountains high above the open pit of the famous copper mine. The doctor's fame as a mender of broken backs spread until patients were flown to him from all over the United States. In time he leased the Bingham Hospital and Clinic. Psychologically, he did a remarkable job with his patients. In his dark brown eyes there was a special gleam, a light that served as both lure and goad. When watching a man attempt his first wobbly steps in an effort to come back to the world after some terrible injury, Dr. Paul would stand by. If he did not actually speak the words, his glance formed the command, "Try, man, try. I know you can do it." The magnetic voice might then boom out, "Go on, go on. Of course you can walk!" The joyous laugh would follow the successful effort. Every Christmas after he had leased the hospital, Dr. Paul assembled his staff at six o'clock in the morning. Doctors, nurses, and maintenance workers would stand around the piano in the corridor of the second floor. Down the hall and into the rooms would travel the sounds of the traditional carols, the ancient songs from many countries that honor the birth of Christ. Some of the patients might find their eyes moist with tears over the thought of still being alive, or even of missing the fun at the camp. Among the staff was a couple who had met in Bingham, John and Lucile Ewart Hutchings. They fell in love and married, and became proteges of the doctor. John had commenced his work at the hospital in order to settle an account charged to his brother, who was very ill. Lucile was a splendid nurse. John felt happy to see her accept the invitations for the Christmas festivities at the camp as the doctor's companion for the day. After Pete and Milka Loverich had both died, their daughter Milka carried on in their place. She had long since married George Smilanich. Friends and relatives now gathered at their home in the camp. Later, after his own father had died, it was young Steve Smilanich who gave Dr. Paul a slap on the back and offered the kiss of affection. Just 35 years after the doctor's first Christmas at Highland Boy, he again shared the holiday with the Smilanich family. Steve had become a


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323 writer for the United Press International. Since 1923 the only celebrations Dr. Paul had missed among his friends in the canyon were when he h a d gone East for surgery on his hands, and following this incident, when he was at his ranch near West Yellowstone. Like Bingham itself, he had to face a new way of life. His protection against the X-ray machine which had enabled him to study his patients' injuries h a d been a little less than perfect. H e had spared nothing k n o w n in his defense against t h e powerful ray, but in the long run he paid the full price for this usage.

As happy as he was to be at the Smilanich home in 1958, says Lucile Dr. Paul Snelgrove Richards Hutchings, Dr. Paul looked surprised, (1892-1958) even a bit hurt over such tidbits as olives, potato chips, and store-bought dill pickles. Even the can of sprouted wheat was tied with a bow of red, white, and blue ribbon. Yet the eyes of Milka Smilanich shone with tenderness while she and her children observed the old ways. Milka had attended the local school. She was American ; still she was devoted to the symbols of the East. Today, Highland Boy is a ghost town. T h e underground mines are closed, while the work of the Kennecott Copper Company has been amazingly extended. Milka now lives at the mouth of the canyon in Lead Mine. Until 1962 she held the Christmas celebration at her home. In 1963 the party was moved to Tooele, where her sister Sophie lives. Mrs. Hutchings tells how Dr. Paul called for her early on that morning for his last "Bohonk" Christmas. H e often used this term in speaking of the celebration at the camp. For him this was a pet name, employed only in deep affection and respect. Although he then drove an excellent car, he wanted an early start. T h e road was slippery, the steep-walled mountains were white with snow. T h e narrow, winding road was still subject to many a hazard. At the Smilaniches the doctor h a d always offered his h a n d to help Lucile over the snow and up the icy path. But that day the nurse, who


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had worked at Bingham until the hospital itself was forced to close its doors because of the change in mining conditions, wanted very much to help Dr. Paul. "But this," she says, picturing that last Christmas with a somewhat wistful glance, "was something one would not dream of suggesting. And once within the house the doctor found warmth enough to offset the weather." In that narrow fork with its deep snow, Dr. Paul's last visit to the Smilanich home might have been tempered by his own pain had he not retained his courage. For some years he had been practicing at the Memorial Medical Center in Salt Lake City, an organization for whose governing spirit he had been responsible. Now, however, it could have been his turn to be wheedled or goaded into action. He required no such treatment. His laugh was not denied. Like Christmas bells it rang through the room. In his own words we may read of his admiration for the "Bohonk Christmas." He had long since come to understand its essential meaning: This was a time when judgment against another for some individual trespass simply could not be held by anyone. The doctor understood this sense of forgiveness and love in the radiant faces of the women, and in the clasp of brotherhood when hand met hand among the men. In answer to the urging of two of his sisters1 he finally dictated his memoirs. In reference to the Christmas celebration at Highland Boy, he said: I think this was one of the most interesting things that ever came into my life. I t was an entirely new and different concept of Christmas â&#x20AC;&#x201D; something I h a d never known before. H e r e the spirit of Christmas was the emotional giving of one's self openly and wholeheartedly to any and all w h o would come to the door. T h e Austrian homes were open twenty-four hours a day for three consecutive days, and all w h o came were invited in and fed. T h e meal was a b a n q u e t such as I h a d never experienced in a home previously. Everyone was wined and dined most royally a n d the feeling of friendship and genial association was very impressive. I comprehended for the first time in my life t h a t the giving of one's self to his friends and to all those who were attracted to his home is the true spirit of Christmas. T h e r e was nothing in the home t h a t passed from one person to another that was not produced with their own hands. T h e people raised their own sheep and pigs a n d these were dressed and barbecued the day before the Christmas celebration. T h e entire b a n q u e t was prepared from things that the family h a d m a d e in their own home. T h e custom of giving to others with no feeling of a purchase presence [sic] moved me deeply. 1

Miss Mary Joy Richards, Mrs. J. Bryan Barton.


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The gifts were all homemade. The planning and the work, the selfexpression and real feeling that went into them were remarkable and unique.

Strangely, Dr. Paul still referred to the customs he so much loved as the Austrian Christmas. He must have known that it was the Serbian tradition that had shaped the festivities. In any case he now understood its meaning. He finally left the house on this, his last day in Highland Boy, knowing well where he himself stood with the world. In farewell he said, "Mir Boze, Kristos se Rodi!" And the laugh rang out.

Bingham, despite its mere 37 voters, is still legally a thirdclass city. Once populated by thousands of persons, Bingham is being cleared out as Kennecott Copper Corporation buys up privately owned land in the canyon and moves ahead swiftly in expanding operations at its Bingham open-pit mine. Only two business houses remain in operation. So does the City Hall. Everything else, except a few homes, has either been removed or is in the process of being removed.


Panoramic

view of Fort Douglas,

1868, looking southwest

toward Salt Lake

Valley.

THE U.S. ARMY OVERLOOKS SALT LAKE VALLEY At the outbreak of the Civil War, the federal government became worried about the safety of the Overland Mail route. With the exception of an enclave of Mormons in Utah and miners in several other areas, the United States was essentially two nations. To the east of Utah, the frontier line stood at about the first tier of states west of the Mississippi River; to the west, settlements and states had been created on the West Coast. The connection between these two areas was, at best, tenuous. Although the wires of the transcontinental telegraph were joined on October 24, 1861, they were menaced, as were the Pony Express and Overland Mail, not by dissident Confederates, but by hostile Indians. The press of wartime conditions forced the government to pull troops from Camp Floyd (renamed Fort Crittenden) in July 1861. In April 1862 President Abraham Lincoln authorized Brigham Young to raise and equip one company of volunteers for 90 days to protect the lines of communication. Led by Captain Lot Smith, a full company of 100 men saw limited service until mustered out in August. This was only a temporary expedient, Leonard Arrington is professor of economics, U t a h State University. Thomas Alexander, assistant professor of history at Brigham Young University, was visiting professor of economic history at U t a h State University at the time the article was written. This is the seventh of a series of articles on the history and economics of defense installations in U t a h , all of which have been supported by grants from the U t a h State University Research Council.


J t „,*#*•-«.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

FORT DOUGLAS, 18624965 by

LEONARD J. ARRINGTON and THOMAS G. ALEXANDER Aerial view of the Fort, 1965.

U.S. ARMY PHOTOGRAPH


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however, and the W a r Department soon called upon General George Wright, commander of the Department of the Pacific, to furnish protection for the mail route. Wright decided to establish posts at Simpson's Park, California; Ruby Valley, Nevada; and C a m p Floyd, Utah. Under orders from General Wright, therefore, Colonel (later General) Patrick Edward Connor, with 700 men of the Third California Infantry and part of the Second California Cavalry, moved toward Utah. Connor's task was made doubly hard by the belief of federal officials that the mail route was not secure in Mormon hands and that surveillance of the Latter-day Saints was also necessary. 1 LOCATION OF C A M P DOUGLAS

By early September Connor and his troops had reached Fort Ruby in eastern Nevada, where the colonel left his men to personally investigate the U t a h situation. H e visited C a m p Floyd, then traveled on to Salt Lake City, where he spent September 9 in reconnoitering the Mormon capital. 2 After this visit Connor concluded that C a m p Floyd, which was in ruins, was unsuitable for his troops. T h e owner asked $15,000 for the few buildings remaining, the timber supply at the Cedar Valley post was scarce, and the only redeeming quality was the abundance of grazing land. By this time Connor was also convinced that the Mormons constituted "a community of traitors, murderers, fanatics, and whores," and that unless protection of the Overland Mail route were to be the government's only consideration, a fort near Salt Lake City would be a necessity.3 Connor then transferred his troops to the Mormon capital where, on September 20, 1862, on a plateau about three miles east of the city "in the vicinity of good timber and sawmills, and at a point where hay, grain, and other produce can be purchased cheaper than at Fort Crittenden," he established camp. At this point, he wrote, "1,000 troops would be more efficient than 3,000 on the other side of the Jordan." Officially established on October 26, 1862, the post was named after Senator Stephen A. Douglas, the "Little Giant" and Lincoln's opponent in the 1860 election. 4 1 Ray C. Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories: Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah (Norman, 1959), 1 6 2 - 6 3 ; History of Fort Douglas, Utah 22 Oct 1862 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 30 Sept 1954 (n.p., ca. 1954, pamphlet, U t a h State Historical Society Library), no pagination (hereafter cited as History of Fort Douglas, 1954). 2 Gustive O. Larson, " U t a h and the Civil War," Utah Historical Quarterly, 33 (Winter 1965), 62. 3 Connor to Drum, Sept. 14, 1862 in George W. Davis, Leslie J. Perry, and Joseph W. Kirkley, eds., The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D.C., 1897), Series I, Vol. L, Part 2, p. 119. 4 Connor to Drum, October 20, 1862, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 187: Connor to Adjutant General, November 9, 1862, ibid., 2 1 8 ; Salt Lake Tribune, February 3, 1930, October 19, 1952; Fred B. Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland (San Francisco, 1938), 19, 27. Some suggestions


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Because Connor and his Volunteers arrived at Salt Lake City late in the season, they were forced to construct temporary winter shelters. T h e troops built 32 dugouts, 13 feet square and 5 feet deep, over which they pitched tents for enlisted men. Small buildings of logs and adobe over similar excavations were constructed for the officers. I n addition the troops constructed a commanding officer's quarters, a guardhouse, a bake house, a small log hospital with three ward tents, six stables, a blacksmith shop, and a quartermaster building. 5 After wintering in these temporary quarters, Connor's Volunteers constructed more permanent quarters in 1863. With the exception of the guardhouse, the magazine, and the arsenal, which were of stone, all of the buildings were constructed of wood. Because the Volunteers hauled most of the timber from the canyons, the Army h a d to pay only for small amounts of lumber, shingles, and nails. T h e troops built 11 barracks, 85 by 28 feet, each with an open veranda; 8 officers' quarters, 40 by 26 feet, with 8 rooms each; 12 married soldiers' quarters; and a post ice house, coal house, hospital, and wood and hay yards. 6 C A M P DOUGLAS D U R I N G T H E CIVIL W A R

After the establishment of C a m p Douglas, Colonel Connor and his men busied themselves with the discipline and control of Indians. Their were made in 1863 that Fort Crittenden might be reoccupied, but this was apparently not done. Drum to Connor, July 18, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 547-48 and D r u m to Connor, August 19, 1863, ibid., 5 8 1 . 5 Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland, 5 7 - 6 0 ; War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 3 2 5 - 2 6 ; History of Fort Douglas, 1954. 0 Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland, 118â&#x20AC;&#x201D;20. U.S. ARMY PHOTOGRAPH

Painting of General Patrick Connor (1820-1891) hanging in the Fort Douglas Officers' Club.


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most important expedition was that which led to the Battle of the Bear on January 29, 1863. Connor believed that the Indians whom he fought there had harrassed the Overland Mail for 15 years and had murdered miners in northern Utah and southern Idaho. Connor's men virtually wiped out a party of more than 300 men, women, and children.7 This expedition, for which Connor was promoted to brigadier general, was only the most outstanding of a number of forays, most of which took place in 1863, which aimed at quieting the Indian menace to the Overland Mail lines, to prospectors, and to western-bound emigrants.8 Other skirmishes, led by men from Connor's command, took place in Cache Valley, Skull Valley, Cedar Valley, and Utah Valley.9 In the summer of 1863, after the spring expeditions, the general, together with Governors James Duane Doty of Utah and James W. Nye of Nevada, negotiated treaties with many of the tribes. Thereafter, Indian relations in Utah were fairly peaceful until the Black Hawk War began in 1865.10 Other campaigns in which Connor and troops from Camp Douglas participated, such as the Powder River Campaign of 1865, were generally outside the Territory of Utah. It has been widely believed that Connor was entirely unjustified in his intense dislike of the Mormons and his desire to keep them in check.11 One historian has recently pointed out, however, that it was not uncommon for "outsiders" to misinterpret the Mormon doctrine of the Kingdom of God. Certainly, Connor's feelings toward the Saints evince a belief that they (the Mormons) had sought to establish a temporal power to supersede the federal government.12 Of even greater importance to the general was the aid which Mormons appeared to be giving to the "enemies" of the United States â&#x20AC;&#x201D; not the Confederates, to be sure â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but the 7 Wright to Thomas, San Francisco, February 20, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 1, 184; Connor to Drum, February 6, 1863, ibid., 185-87; Col ton, Civil War, 164-66. See also Brigham D. Madsen, The Bannocks of Idaho (Caldwell, Idaho, 1959), Chap. 5 ; M . D. Beal, A History of Southeastern Idaho . . . (Caldwell, Idaho, 1942), Chap. X I I ; Edward W. Tullidge, Northern Utah and Southern Idaho, from Tullidge's Histories . . . (2 vols., Salt Lake City, 1889), I I , 36 Iff. 8 O n Connor's appointment to brigadier see Halleck to Connor, March 29, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 1, 187; Colton, Civil War, 166. 9 Colton, Civil War, 163-69. For the correspondence dealing with these events see Connor to Drum, March 23, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 363; Connor to Drum, April 9, 1863, ibid., Part 1, 1 9 8 - 2 0 1 ; Report of Anthony Ethier, April 6, 1863, ibid., 2 0 0 - 0 1 ; Connor to Drum, April 13, 1863, ibid., Part 2, 3 9 1 ; Connor to Drum, April 16, 1863, ibid., 404; Connor to Drum, April 28, 1863, ibid., 4 1 5 ; and Connor to Drum, June 11, 1863, ibid., 4 8 1 . " C o l t o n , Civil War, 169-70; Connor to Drum, July 18, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 5 2 7 - 3 0 ; Connor to Drum, June 7, 1863, ibid., 474. 11 O n this point see the quotations from several historians in History of Fort Douglas, 1954. 12 Larson, " U t a h and the Civil War," U.H.Q., 33, pp. 6 3 - 6 4 ; Connor to Drum, June 24, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 492-94.


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Indians, who to the troops at C a m p Douglas, presented the more immediate threat. Numerous reports came to Connor of Mormons giving help to Indians who had been fighting his troops or attacking the Overland Mail lines. 13 T h e Mormon attitude is easily explained by their theological disposition to respect and be friendly with the Indians and by the necessity of coexisting with those who might represent a threat to them. (This is not to deny that the Mormons may have sought to use the Indians to accomplish desired ends.) But these considerations did not assuage Connor's distrust after he saw great numbers of his men killed and the mail lines disrupted by the same "savages." Connor's distrust of the Mormons also led him to other actions, such as posting a provost guard in Salt Lake City after he concluded that the Saints had caused the new national currency to depreciate. H e removed the guard after General Irvin McDowell, who had replaced General Wright as commander of the Department of the Pacific, feared that trouble might result. 14 Forgetting the cost of transportation from the nearest eastern market, Connor was also outraged by the high prices which he had to pay for goods purchased from the Mormons; and for that reason, he imported most of his supplies from the East. 15 Obviously suspicious, Connor found symptoms of disloyalty not only among the Mormons, but also among overland emigrants, employees of the Overland Mail lines, and other Gentiles who interfered with federal activities. 16 O n September 17, 1863, less than a year after the California Volunteers h a d established camp in Utah, argentiferous ore was discovered by " M o r m o n boys" in Bingham Canyon and brought to General Connor for assay. Under Connor's direction a claim was filed, and the West Mountain Quartz Mining District was organized. This was the first recorded mining claim in the Territory of Utah, and the first mining district to be 13 For the reports see Wright to Thomas, February 20, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 1, 184; Connor to Drum, February 6, 1863, ibid., 1 8 5 - 8 7 ; Connor to D r u m , April 9, 1863, ibid., 1 9 8 - 9 9 ; Report of Anthony Ethier, April 6, 1863, ibid., 2 0 0 - 0 1 ; Connor to D r u m , April 13, 1863, ibid., Part 2, 3 9 1 ; Connor to D r u m , April 28, 1863, ibid., 4 1 5 ; Connor to Halleck, April 13, 1863, ibid., 2 1 5 ; Connor to Drum, J u n e 11, 1863, ibid., 4 8 1 ; Connor to D r u m , June 24, 1863, ibid., 4 9 2 - 9 4 ; Connor to Drum, June 28, 1863, ibid., 499. 14 Colton, Civil War, 189-90. For the relevant correspondence see War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 889, 893-94, 9 0 1 , 904, 909-10, 913-14, 9 2 3 ; also ibid., 715-16, 7 4 8 - 5 0 ; D r u m to Connor, July 27, 1864, ibid., 9 2 3 ; D . Alexander Brown, The Galvanized Yankees (Urbana, Illinois, 1963), 148. T h e currency depreciation charge, of course, merely illustrates the lack of sophistication of the general in monetary matters and his propensity to believe that the Mormons conspired to undermine the Union. T h e new United States Notes â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "Lincoln Skins" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were circulating at a discount in many parts of the nation â&#x20AC;&#x201D; not only in U t a h ! 15 Connor to Halleck, February 15, 1864, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 7 4 8 - 5 0 ; Connor to Drum, February 19, 1863, ibid., 318. 16 Connor to Drum, December 20, 1862, ibid., 2 5 6 - 5 7 ; Connor to Drum, July 18, 1863, ibid., 527-30.


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formally organized and recorded. Due to the failure of the legislature to pass a law permitting the general incorporation of mining companies, however, a new company, the West Jordan Mining Company, was later incorporated under the laws of the State of California and began working the claims. 17 These and other opportunities induced Connor to propose a "peaceful" solution to " t h e Mormon problem" by promoting the development of mining in Utah. 1 8 H e instructed his officers to lead patrols into various areas for the express purpose of prospecting for precious minerals in the hope that Gentiles attracted by the mines acting in concert with the now oppressed b u t dissatisfied saints, will peacefully revolutionize the odious system of c h u r c h domination which has so long b o u n d d o w n a deluded a n d ignorant community and threatened the peace a n d welfare of the people a n d country. 1 9

T h e prospecting ventures took miners into areas stretching from southern U t a h to southern Idaho. I n an attempt to secure the federal position in the West and to aid settlers, Connor also promoted other ventures. H e sent troops to garrison such posts as Fort Bridger to help secure the Overland Mail route. 20 H e also took a group of Morrisites, an apostate Mormon sect, to Soda Springs, Idaho, where he established C a m p Connor to guard the point at which the road from Salt Lake City north intersected the Oregon-California Trail. His troops there discovered a new trail which cut about 70 miles from the old overland route. 21 Connor also proposed an abortive scheme to supply C a m p Douglas in winter time by opening a route to the Colorado River at Fort Mojave, Arizona. 22 T h e life of the frontier soldier during the Civil War, however, was not all fighting Indians, establishing new posts, and outwitting Mormons. C a m p Douglas, even in "war-time," was not without its diversions. T h e troops built a theater which was remodeled in the fall of 1864, in which national theatrical companies such as the Wanton Stock Company played. Between acts the men could buy pies, cakes, candies, fruits, and soft drinks 17 See Leonard J. Arrington, "Abundance from the E a r t h : T h e Beginnings of Commercial Mining in U t a h , " U.H.Q., 31 (Summer, 1963), 194ff. 18 Connor to Drum, October 26, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 655. w Connor to Drum, July 1, 1864, ibid., 887; Lewis to Smith, May 9, 1864, ibid., 845; Lewis to Baldwin, May 11, 1864, ibid., 8 4 6 ; and Lewis to Berry, May 13, 1864, ibid., 845. 20 D r u m to Connor, December 12, 1862, ibid., 251. 21 Connor to Drum, April 22, 1863, War of the Rebellion, I, L, Part 2, 4 1 1 ; Connor to Alvord, June 10, 1863, ibid., 4 7 9 ; D r u m to Connor, May 6, 1863, ibid., 4 2 7 ; Connor to Drum, June 2, 1863, ibid., Part 1, 2 2 6 - 2 9 ; Connor to Drum, June 29, 1863, ibid., Part 2, 501-02. 22 Connor to Drum, March 20, 1864, ibid., 803.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY FRED B . R O G E R S C O L L E C T I O N

Printing office of the U n i o n Vedette at Fort Douglas in 1868.

at refreshment stands. General Connor, himself, apparently preferred to go into the city to see performances in the Salt Lake Theatre. O n Saturday evening girls from the city were invited to participate in dances held at C a m p Douglas Hall. Soldiers could ride the four-horse, doubledecker bus to Salt Lake City, then a frontier metropolis of 20,000, though it is doubtful that the $16.00 per month which recruits received went far. Among other diversions were meetings of the lodge of the Good Templars, a temperance organization. Still, camp life was no continual round of enjoyment; activities such as inspections, woodcutting details, and twicedaily drills kept the troops on their toes.23 F R O M T H E CIVIL W A R TO T H E S P A N I S H AMERICAN W A R

In November 1865 General Connor relinquished command to Colonel Carroll H . Potter, and by the end of the winter of 1865 almost all of the California and Nevada Volunteers had been mustered out.24 This evacuation left the post garrisoned almost entirely by ex-Confederates, or "Galvanized Yankees," of the Sixth Volunteer Infantry. Late in the spring of 1866, the Southerners left for Fort Bridger, and the Eighteenth U.S. Infantry took command of the post.25 23

Brown, Galvanized Yankees, 1 4 7 - 5 1 ; Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland, 122. Connor was offered a commission as colonel of cavalry in the regular Army, "but declined on account of his mining interests." H e was mustered out of service on April 30, 1866, and returned to Stockton, U t a h , to resume active direction of his mining and smelting ventures. These did not prove profitable. Connor died in Salt Lake City on December 17, 1891. 25 Brown, Galvanized Yankees, 157-59. 24


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Because the buildings had been hastily constructed, they remained in serviceable condition for only a few years. In November 1866 General James F. Rusling, while conducting an investigation of western posts, commented on how poorly the barracks looked. When they started to fall apart, the troops tried to brace them with iron rods, but this expedient proved inadequate. Three, new 100 by 50 foot storehouses — two of them with basements — were under construction, but Rusling recommended that the deteriorated buildings be rebuilt with stone from the canyons to the east.26 Although the government did not act upon Rusling's suggestion until 1874, a new barracks building was added in 1870, at a cost of $7,500, and some other improvements were made. T h e commander, General Henry A. Morrow, ordered the construction of a graded and graveled road from the C a m p to Salt Lake City limits, and a bridge was built across a ravine which separated the C a m p from the city. A park was constructed in front of the headquarters building, and an avenue lined by rows of Lombardy poplar, locust, box elder, and mulberry trees led to the edge of Lake Morrow which C. R. Savage designed for the general. 27 These improvements aided the Camp's general appearance, but by the summer of 1872 General E. O. C. O r d reported that the quarters were "old and dilapidated . . . [and] scarcely habitable on account of the logs in that d a m p winter climate having rotted." H e asked for an appropriation of $30,000 to construct new stone quarters. 28 By the summer of 1873, provision had been made to inaugurate construction, and by October 1874 work had begun on a number of stone buildings, including five barracks valued at $30,000. By 1876 the post had been completely rebuilt in stone — much of it consisting of the famous red sandstone in Red Butte Canyon.29 In 1877 it was reported that Colonel John E. Smith and the Fourteenth Infantry, then stationed at Douglas, enjoyed one of "the largest, best built, most creditable posts in the Army." 30 In December 1878 the 26 U.S., Congress, House, Report of Brigadier General James F. Rusling, 39th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1866, House Ex. Doc. 45, pp. 61—62 (hereafter referred to as Rusling Report). 27 U.S., War Department, Surgeon-General's Office, A Report on the Hygiene of the United States Army with Descriptions of Military Posts, Circular No. 8, May 1, 1875 (Washington, D.C., 1875), 339 (hereafter referred to as Surgeon's Report) ; " C a m p Douglas," Utah Mining Gazette, I (August 22, 1874), 409; "A Visit to Camp Douglas and Vicinity," ibid., I (November 29, 1873)^ 106. 2S U.S., War Department, Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 1872 (Washington, D.C., 1872), I, 54 (hereafter these reports will be referred to as War Department Report, with the year, volume, and p a g e ) . 29 War Department Report, 1873, I, 4 2 ; ibid., 1874, I, 3 3 ; Surgeon's Report, 333-34; Tribune, February 22, 1948. 30 War Department Report, 1877,1, 85.


Fort Douglas

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Division of the Missouri, to which Camp Douglas had since been reassigned, redesignated the post as Fort Douglas.31 Though the War Department undertook some subsequent construction, the post deteriorated to some extent between the mid-seventies and the outbreak of the Spanish American War. While the Post Exchange was reported in 1896 to be a "model in its arrangements and operations," arrangements had to be made in that and the following year to make some greatly needed repairs on the water and sewage systems. Most of the structures built in the late 1880's and the early 1890's â&#x20AC;&#x201D; including officers' and non-commissioned officers' quarters, an NCO club, a post chapel, and several other buildings â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were frame rather than stone.32 During the Civil War some 700 men had been stationed at the Camp. By 1866, a year after the war, the post housed only 200, composing three small companies of infantry. The post also employed 151 civilians, most of whom were engaged in the construction of the warehouses, at a monthly cost of $8,830. In the early 1870's, when Indian difficulties threatened, Mormon-Gentile conflicts were numerous, and the transcontinental and north-south railway lines were completed, Camp Douglas assumed new importance. Some 421 troops, consisting of six companies of the Fourteenth Infantry, were at the post during those years.33 In 1891 the entire Sixteenth Infantry regiment was stationed at Fort Douglas.34 It is probable that, with the new importance, the number of civilians employed by the post in these years grew also, even though Rusling had recommended that the number be cut to 20 or 25. 31 I r m a Watson Hance and Irene Warr, eds., Johnston, Connor, and the Mormons: An Outline of Military History in Northern Utah ([Salt Lake City], 1962), 76. 32 O n conditions during the period see War Department Report, 1889, I, 168; ibid., 1890, I, 200; ibid., 1891, I, 2 5 1 ; ibid., 1896, I, 150; ibid., 1897, I, 174; History of Fort Douglas, 1954. 33 Surgeon's Report, 334; Tribune, February 22, 1948; Aaron DuBois, The Chaplain's Daughter: An Account of the Life of Elizabeth Van Home in Army Posts at Sitka, Fort Vancouver, Fort Douglas, and Elsewhere with her Father Chaplain Thomas B. Van Home (New York. 1958), 29. 34 War Department Report, 1891, I, 251. For other shifts of troops see War Department Report, 1888,1, 172-74.

Fort Douglas stable and tether line. used as a warehouse.

This building

still stands and is presently

being

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After the Civil War, of course, the Douglas soldiers had to cope with periodic Indian outbreaks. After the extinguishment of the small Indian farms created by Brigham Young and other agents during the 1850's, the government began, in 1865, to remove the Ute Indians to the Uintah Reservation. Unfortunately, niggardly congressional appropriations for supplies caused the Indians to return to make depredations upon the herds and crops of settlers in central Utah, and troops were sent to return the Indians to the reservation.35 By the mid-eighties, the situation at theUintah Reservation had calmed somewhat, but Indians from Colorado and Arizona invaded southeastern Utah. Troops from the Fort were sent to Montezuma Creek to protect lives and property in San Juan County.36 As railroad facilities were extended into the Mountain West, the centrally located Salt Lake post began to absorb other nearby installations.37 In 1882 General George Crook, commander of the Department of the Platte, and General P. H. Sheridan of the Division of the Missouri, both recommended that Fort Douglas be made one of the principal posts in the mountain area. Railroads had made it possible to concentrate troops at central locations, and as Crook said, all "that we can expect to do with our present meager military establishment is to leave at extreme frontier posts garrisons large enough to guard supplies and to hold their own until re-enforcements can be hastened forward from the reserve posts." 38 In 1883 troops were removed from Fort Hall to Fort Douglas, and other posts such as Forts Thornburgh and Cameron were also abandoned in favor of the centrally located Salt Lake post.39 Difficulties with the Mormons were also anticipated. As with General Connor, General Rusling believed that the Latter-day Saints were disloyal â&#x20AC;&#x201D; or at least should not be given aid and comfort, and he recommended that the government favor Gentile merchants and freighters with its business, even when more costly than "Mormon business." 40 In 1870 troops were sent to establish Fort Rawlins near Provo, but they were withdrawn after several drunken soldiers outraged local citizens.41 During the polyg35 Thomas G. Alexander, " T h e Federal Frontier: Interior Department Financial Policy in Idaho, Utah, and Arizona, 1863-1896" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1965), 96-97, 125-26. For a report on one of the outbreaks see War Department Report, 1872, I, 52. 30 War Department Report, 1885, I, 145; ibid., 1886, I, 118; ibid., 1887, I, 133. 37 This trend had been predicted as early as 1868. War Department Report, 1868, I, 22. 38 Ibid., 1882,1, 79-80 and 96. 39 Ibid., 125-26; Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arrington, " T h e U t a h Military Frontier, 1872-1912: Forts Cameron, Thornburgh, and Duchesne," U.H.Q., 32 (Fall, 1964), 337, 342. 40 Rusling Report, 63-64. 41 War Department Report, 1870, I, 3 4 - 3 5 ; ibid., 1871, I, 33.


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amy prosecutions in 1888, a guard was stationed in downtown Salt Lake City until ordered withdrawn by Commanding General John M. Schofield.42 Before the extensive construction program of the mid-seventies, life at Camp Douglas was anything but idyllic. Living in poorly constructed and insufficiently heated barracks, the soldiers had to cope with disease and vermin, contracted illnesses, had to recuperate with inadequate health facilities, and ate improperly cooked or handled food. In fiscal 1872, of the 364 men at the Camp, fully 216 suffered from typhoid fever or some similar disease; 230 had diarrhea or dysentery; 54 suffered from rheumatism; and 101 had contracted bronchitis.43 This, it should be noted, was at a base on the eastern outskirts of the largest city in Utah, and a full two years after the driving of the Golden Spike. Part of the reason for the unfavorable conditions may have been the high cost of coal and other supplies. During the Civil War coal cost $45.00 per ton, and even in 1866 the Army paid $30.00 per ton. The coming of the railroad in 1869 helped mitigate the situation, of course, and by 1874 the price of coal ranged from $8.00 to $10.00 per ton.44 Fort Douglas had the responsibility of furnishing supplies for soldiers at Fort Bridger as well as those on its own post. Rusling estimated that contracts for supplying food, clothing, and fuel for the troops cost the government $150,000 yearly. "Ibid., 1888,1, 172. 43 Surgeon's Report, 339. 44 Rusling Report, 63â&#x20AC;&#x201D;64; Surgeon's Report,

339; Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland,

Fort Douglas looking toward the headquarters building Officers' Club), with the officers' residences on the left.

(presently

serving

122.

as the

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY ( C . R. SAVAGE)

mm

â&#x20AC;˘-,:,


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This figure included a profit of about $50,000 to the contractors, most of whom were Mormons. 45 Fort Douglas also had the distinction in 1879 of being the terminus of the first demonstration telephone in Utah. T h e other end of the line was at Salt Lake City.46 T H E S P A N I S H AMERICAN W A R AND A F T E R

Most troops were withdrawn for active duty at the outbreak of the Spanish American War. When the W a r Department mobilized the U t a h Light Artillery, these Utahns trained at Douglas. In 1900 only two companies garrisoned the Fort, but in 1901 a board of officers recommended that the Fort be utilized as a permanent military post, and the installation returned to regimental status. 47 Life at the Salt Lake camp just after the turn of the century was a far cry from the vermin-infested existence of the late sixties. In 1902, with the war in the Philippines over and peace coming to the islands, the Twelfth Infantry was transferred to Fort Douglas and Fort Duchesne. T w o batteries of field artillery already stationed there made for lively competition with the foot soldiers.48 Football contests took place between the soldiers and students at the University of U t a h and the U t a h State Agricultural College (now U t a h State University). Some soldiers, who could stretch their $13.00 to $18.00 per month, went to Saltair; others frequented the red-light district on Commercial Street in the center of town. Some took hunting trips to places like the Strawberry Valley, and officers and enlisted men arranged dances on alternate Friday nights. The regimental band attracted civilians to the Fort for Sunday afternoon concerts. Some soldiers married Salt Lake City girls, and some who were discharged settled in the city and secured jobs. Both officers and enlisted men preferred to wear civilian clothes while in town so they could be absorbed into the population. T h e troops also had more unpleasant duties to perform, but these tasks were lightened some by humorous incidents, one of which occurred at the target range, north of the post. T h e soldiers had to fire across the 4a Rusling Report, 63â&#x20AC;&#x201D;64. Rusling recommended that contracts be let only to Gentile merchants even though it would cost the Army an additional $5,000 per year. He believed it would be worth it to have the contracts filled by "loyal" Americans. 40 "Between the Lines: Mountain States Telephone," Vol. I V (September, 1961), Robert C. Early Papers ( U t a h State Historical Society Library) (hereafter the collection will be cited as Early Papers). 47 War Department Report, 1898, I, Part 2, 191; ibid., 1899, I, Part 3, 2 5 ; ibid., 1903, I I I , 24; ibid., 1904, I I I , 161; Hance and Warr, Johnston, Connor, and the Mormons, 76. 48 Information on conditions right after the turn of the century based upon O. W. Hoop, "Recollections of Fort Douglas at the T u r n of the Century," U.H.Q., X X I (January, 1953), 57-66.


Fort Douglas

339

streetcar track which circled around the north end of town and came into the north end of the Fort. During target practice danger flags were put up, and a sentry gave the signal to cease firing and told the motorman to hurry. O n one occasion an enlisted m a n from Company D fired an experimental shot in front of the streetcar, missing it by a mere 10 feet. T h e motorman j a m m e d on the brakes, the front wheels jumped the track, and the car slid into a ditch. It took two hours for the company to lift the derailed car back on the track. I n addition to recreational and post activity, soldiers could improve their minds. In 1904 for instance, six enlisted men took advantage of school facilities maintained at the post during the year, and the post library contained 1,349 volumes and subscribed to seven magazines and four newspapers. If the soldier happened to be dissatisfied with the magazine selection at the library, he could visit the Post Exchange, which in 1911 did a $26,000 business. 49 T o accommodate the lively soldiers and keep the post up-to-date, on recommendation from the W a r Department the installation was improved to some degree between 1904 and 1916. Additional new buildings included a B O Q (bachelor officers' quarters), several buildings around the Post Exchange, a post hospital (constructed in 1908-09), a hospital steward's quarters, six barracks for 176 men each, and a band barracks for 33 men. In 1910 and 1911 electric lights and central steam heating were installed. 50 WORLD WAR I

I n the fall of 1916, as part of the national preparedness campaign, the government opened a civilian training camp at Fort Douglas. Charges were made at other training camps that the Army was operating gentlemen's vacation clubsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but this was not the case at the U t a h fort. T h e camp attempted to develop a democratic spirit by assigning men to companies according to age. T h e Oregon Short Line sent about 100 men who wanted to be in the same company, but that was not allowed. Men of relative wealth, such as Thomas Kearns, Jr., shared barracks and facilities with others less affluent.51 At the outbreak of the war, the Twentieth Infantry which h a d been sent to the border to fight Mexicans was again stationed at Fort Douglas, 49

War Department Report, 1904, I I I , 161; ibid., 1911, I I I , 129. T e d B. Sherwin, A History of Fort Douglas (n.p., October 8, 1946), 13-14 (mimeographed copy, U t a h State Historical Society). For reports on the needs of the post see: War Department Report, 1907, I I I , 177; ibid., 1908, I I I , 153; ibid., 1909, I I I , 124; see also History of Fort Dogulas, 1954. 51 H a r r y E. MacPherson, "Fort Douglas Training C a m p , " New West Magazine, V I I (September, 1916), 28-33. 50


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but even with these seasoned soldiers there were too few officers to handle the 4,000 to 5,000 new recruits who poured into the camp for training. I n addition the soldiers experienced a shortage of bedding and housing facilities. Contractors, who had fabricated the Hotel U t a h and other buildings in downtown Salt Lake City, were employed to construct barracks and other buildings at the Fort to house the three regiments stationed there. A general hospital was established at the post in 1918, and new construction was authorized and partly completed at that facility, though it was stopped in 1919.52 During World W a r I Fort Douglas also played host to some 331 Germ a n prisoners of war, most of whom had served in the navy. The prison barracks were surrounded by two barbed wire fences 15 feet apart, behind which the prisoners carried on their camp duties. T h e Germans made numerous attempts to escape by bombing, tunneling, and cutting wire. In December 1917, after one party was discovered tunneling out, post officers called in experts to determine the character of the subterranean soil. After the soil scientists had obtained their information, the guards simply tapped the Germans on the shoulder, thanked them, and returned them to the compound. 53 People in Salt Lake City did their share to make life away from home bearable for the "doughboys" at Fort Douglas. Local citizens established the Salt Lake Army Club, with chaperoned Comrade Girls. Soldiers were invited to homes for dinner, and the grill of one of the local hotels which had been abandoned when the state went "dry" was renovated and furnished with a library, lounges, and billiard tables. T h e soldiers themselves had spent something like half a million dollars in Salt Lake City by August 1917.54 T H E INTERWAR PERIOD

After the Armistice the ensuing cutbacks made it appear that Fort Douglas would follow Forts Cameron, Thornburgh, and Duchesne (which had been abandoned in 1912) into oblivion. Instead of fading away with the Indian frontier as the other posts had done, however, for a few years it stood as a monument to American isolationism. During 1921 no troops were garrisoned at the post because legislation was pending before Con52 James L. Gartland, "Salt Lake, the Soldiers and the Prisoners of War," N.W.M., V I I I (August, 1917), 1 9 - 2 1 ; Hance and Warr, Johnston, Connor, and the Mormons, 16â&#x20AC;&#x201D;11. 53 Fred Bagby, " T h e War Prison Camp at Fort Douglas," Goodwin's Weekly, X X V I I I (July 14, 1917), 9, 2 8 ; Tribune, October 19, 1925 [sic, must be 1952], Early Papers. 54 M a r t h a Spangler, "Salt Lake W a r Camp Community Service," N.W.M., I X (June, 1918), 2 9 - 3 1 ; Gartland, "Soldiers and Prisoners of War," ibid., V I I I , 21.


UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY HOWARD C. PRICE, JR., COLLECTION

Construction of Red Butte Dam in 1929 with various types of machinery â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in foreground a mule-drawn wagon, in the background a track vehicle.

being

used

gress which contemplated its complete abandonment. The legislation did not pass, and Fort Douglas became once more operative on June 5, 1922.55 In June 1922 the famous Thirty-eighth "Rock of the Marne" Infantry, which had fought so valiantly in France in 1918, came to the Fort to remain until the Army transferred it to Texas in 1940.56 Under the administration of General U. G. Mac Alexander, Colonel Howard C. Price, and those who followed, numerous improvements were made during the twenties and thirties at the installation. A golf course and polo field were laid out, and local sportsmen, together with soldiers, formed the Fort Douglas Golf Club. In 1930 a new stone club house was erected just off the post to prevent embarrassment to the Army when drinks were served during Prohibition.57 Beginning in 1928 the government made extensive improvements on the reservation. Under the direction of the Corps of Engineers, the Utah Construction Company built the Red Butte Dam, at a cost of $370,000. A modern water and sprinkling system was installed in 1930 which, for the first time, made possible the beautiful parade grounds which can now 55 John E. Ireland, director, Inventory of Federal Archives in the States, Series I V , T h e Department of War, No. 43, U t a h (Salt Lake City, 1940), 1. 66 Tribune, February 22, 1948, October 23, 1952, Early Papers. 57 Hance and Warr, Johnston, Connor, and the Mormons, 7 8 ; interview with Howard C. Price, Jr., June 4, 1965. T h e authors are grateful to M r . Price for his assistance in providing information on the interwar period.


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be seen at the installation. In 1931-32 the government constructed six officers' quarters and five NCO quarters, all of red brick, at a cost of more than $149,000. Another barracks was completed in 1939 at a cost of $299,000. In 1932 the War Department theater was completed at a cost of $20,000. In 1937 a modern bathhouse and swimming pool were constructed. During the depression a number of walks, curbings, new roadways, and landscape improvements were made. In cooperation with Utah State University, Colonel Price inaugurated the planting of 500 elm trees.58 In 1930, under Colonel Price, a group of 180 applicants began training at Douglas under the Citizens' Military Training Camp (CMTC) program. Under this program, men between the ages of 17 and 28 trained in military science and tactics during the summer months with regular Army officers as instructors.59 During the depression the Works Progress Administration (WPA) and the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) undertook various projects at the installation. Indeed, in April 1933, the CCC opened headquarters of the Fort Douglas CCC District at the post. The district consisted of 38 camps served by a total of 100 commissioned reserve officers and 6,000 enrollees. Members of the Corps engaged in forestry, fire fighting, improvement of grazing lands, soil conservation, national and state park service, and general policing duties. They received wages which ranged from $30.00 to $45.00 per month and had opportunities to learn trades and attend classes in elementary or advanced subjects.60 "s Hance and Warr, Johnston, Connor, and the Mormons, 11-IS; Price interview; Sherwin, History of Fort Douglas, 1 4 - 1 5 ; Tribune, February 17, 1952; History of Fort Douglas, 1954; clipping file in the possession of Howard C. Price, Jr. (hereafter referred to as Price clipping file). 59 Price clipping file; History of Fort Douglas, 1954; Price interview. 60 History of Fort Douglas, 1954; Sherwin, History of Fort Douglas, 14-15.

Citizens' Military

Training

Camp about 1930. Mess halls are in the

foreground.


343

Fort Douglas

Community relations during the early thirties were excellent. Unlike the Connor period the commanding officers were on excellent terms with prominent local citizens and church leaders. With the aid of the community, a monument to General Connor was erected in the cemetery. T h e Thirty-eighth Infantry Band was famous for its concerts and participation in parades and celebrations. T h e city, in an emergency, would lend its road grading equipment to the post. T h e troops and band from Fort Douglas also participated in the dedication of the Salt Lake Airport and the Hogle Zoo. Under the direction of the post veterinarian, the Army Remount Service placed prize stallions on various farms throughout Utah to help upgrade the quality of stock which the Army later planned to purchase. Troops from Fort Douglas also participated in the Uintah Basin Industrial Congress which met annually at Fort Duchesne. 61 The early 1930's were a period of transition in the Army and at Fort Douglas. Horse-drawn vehicles were still the rule, but motor vehicles began to appear in increasing numbers. O n Red Butte D a m the contractor still used horses and scrapers, but limited use was also made of steam shovels and even a half-track. T h e soldiers on encampments presented an interesting sight with the ancient and the modern working together. 62 Expenditures at the installation gradually increased during the 1930's and with them the impact of the post on the community. In 1930 the Fort spent approximately $625,000 on payroll for enlisted and command personnel and $1.4 million for post maintenance and special projects. I n that year the Army spent $170,000 for food, $26,500 for forage, $4,500 for electricity, $12,300 for the C M T C camp, $30,000 for wages for civilians, $370,000 on Red Butte Dam, $72,000 for other construction, and $40,000 for conversion from coal to gas. In 1937, as the second World W a r neared, 61 82

Price interview. Ibid.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY HOWARD C. PRICE, JR., COLLECTION

â&#x20AC;˘ ...K

ÂŁjr3 *~'Wk^


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Quarterly

the W a r Department was expending $15 million a year at Fort Douglas, including Army disbursements, C C C , and W P A funds.63 I n 1941, just prior to the outbreak of World W a r II, Fort Douglas underwent an extensive construction program. Enoch Chytraus and Son of Salt Lake City obtained the contract for the construction of a new hospital addition consisting of a surgeon's building, two barracks, a recreation building, an officers' quarters, and enclosed passageways, for $87,763. In addition the W P A made $100,000 worth of improvements on the hospital and $70,000 on the hospital annex. Later, in September 1941, WPA Director Darrell J. Greenwell announced a $295,450 remodeling and general improvement project which included remodeling of the buildings; extension and relocation of gas, water, sewer, telephone, and power line facilities; and general grading, leveling, and landscaping of the grounds. 64 T H E SECOND WORLD W A R

As the United States began its defense build-up in anticipation of World W a r I I , the Air Corps stationed a reconnaissance squadron, two bomber groups, an air base group, and a headquarters group at the Fort. 65 With the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, West Coast installations became vulnerable. Thus, on January 3, 1942, less than a month after the attack, the regional headquarters or Ninth Service Command which directed operations, not only on the coast, but in all the states from the Rocky Mountains westward, moved to Fort Douglas. From then until March 1946, Fort Douglas was the military nerve center of the western United States. 66 In addition to its administrative functions, Fort Douglas was the first Army post which many youths from the Rocky Mountain States saw as they were inducted. T h e Army had established a reception center at the Fort as early as December 1940. Housed at first in a tent village, the center was moved to frame buildings on the southwestern part of the reservation in February 1941. When the Army announced, in May 1945, that all men who had accumulated enough points or who were over 42 years of age could be discharged, men from camps in Utah, Idaho, Nevada, and Mon03

Price clipping file; Tribune, June 24, 1937, Early Papers. Tribune, January 21, February 2, April 4, September 9, 1941. m Fort Douglas, 1938 ([Fort Douglas], 1938), 26, 70. (This is a year-book-type publication in the possession of the U t a h State Historical Society, embossed with the name of Governor Henry H. Blood.) Also, "Military Forts of the West," Heart Throbs of the West, I I I ( 1 9 4 1 ) , 172-73. 60 Sherwin, History of Fort Douglas, 17; Tribune, October 17, 1943, April 5, 1944. In M a r c h 1946 the Ninth Service Command was abolished, and the area which it formerly covered was redesignated the Sixth Army Area, with headquarters at the Presidio of San Francisco. Clipping entitled "NSC Abolished; Performed Supply Miracles During War," Early Papers. 84


Fort Douglas

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tana went through the Fort's separation center. During the war Fort Douglas also played host to Army Service Forces units from the Army Finance Office and served as an ASF personnel center.67 As the headquarters of the Ninth Service Command, Fort Douglas directed the repair and salvage of military vehicles and implements in all Western States. When the major emphasis of the war shifted to the Pacific Theatre, long lines of jeeps, cargo trucks, tractors, trailers, and cars poured into Douglas maintenance shops. In the single month of November 1944, Ninth Service Command shops repaired 5,454 vehicles; and the following month they serviced a total of 31,187 small arms, pieces of artillery, and sighting and fire control instruments. Owing to their combat use, many of the vehicles and instruments which were returned to Douglas had to be sold as surplus or salvage. In December 1943, for instance, the Ninth Service Command disposed of cars and trucks in competitive bidding which brought $ 126,415.6S From November 1941 to May 1947, Fort Douglas was an Army Finance Office, subordinate to the chief of finance, United States Army. As such, it handled financial matters for all military installations in Utah, including Hill Air Force Base, Ogden Arsenal, Wendover Air Force Base, Kearns Air Force Base, Tooele Ordnance Depot, Bushnell General Hospital, Dugway Proving Grounds, Deseret Chemical Depot, Utah Ordnance Depot (Remington Arms Plant), the Japanese-American Relocation Center at Topaz, Camp W. G. Williams, and the Ninth Service Command headquarters. In the fiscal year 1942, for instance, the finance office at Douglas distributed $97,666,585. In the months of July and August 1942 alone, the Fort paid out more than $40 million. By 1944 the total disbursements leveled out at a relatively meager $12 million per year. To speed the operation the base used a checkmaker which prepared 30,000 checks an hour and which had a self-contained accounting system which controlled every check. One new employee, evidently not realizing that the machine recorded each check it printed, after making several mistakes ripped up the faulty checks and threw them in the wastebasket. When a financial error was discovered, the embarrassed employee was obliged to return to the office, retrieve the checks, and paste them together to make the books balance.69 67

Sherwin, History of Fort Douglas, 18; Tribune, October 21, 1944, M a y 12, 1945. Tribune, December 18, 1943, M a y 22, December 3 1 , 1944, J a n u a r y 1, 1945. 69 Ibid., J a n u a r y 23, 1944. Information on disbursements supplied by Mr. Leslie D. Marsell, of the comptroller's office at Fort Douglas, August 1961. 68


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As with many military installations in Utah and elsewhere, Fort Douglas ran short of personnel. In 1944, for instance, the Fort needed 200 employees to fill vacancies caused by the release of able-bodied men for combat. Under these conditions the administration was obliged to keep working conditions as pleasant as possible in order to retain workers who might otherwise have been attracted by non-essential private industry. An employee suggestion award system was inaugurated which, while giving the employees prizes, also saved the Army time and money. In addition Walker Bank and Trust Company opened a service branch in 1943 for the convenience of Fort Douglas employees. 70 T H E POSTWAR PERIOD

Within a year after the end of the war, Fort Douglas began to look more and more like a bow and arrow in the age of missiles. T h e Ninth Corps headquarters returned to the Presidio of San Francisco in 1946, and the Fort closed its separation center. While the post still inducted troops from Utah, Nevada, Montana, and Idaho, its other activities were curtailed. T h e Fort retained its finance office, reserve and National Guard units, a field intelligence office, an Inspecting General's Office, a regional film library, a surplus property disposal office, and the intermountain civilian personnel office. In May 1947 the finance office moved to Utah General Depot. T h e Fort continued to service some satellite stations to which it sent supplies, food, hospital needs, pay, and post exchange goods. Among these were 20 recruiting stations for the Air Force and Army in U t a h and southeastern Idaho. 7 1 In November 1946 the Fort picked up some of its lost activities when it became headquarters of the Utah, Idaho, and Montana Military District. In this process the Army abolished the former U t a h Military District. T h e separation center which had been closed was again reopened. By February 1947 the Fort had released, from its old and new separation centers, a total of 56,910 enlisted men and women and 7,373 officers.72 Buildings made vacant by the removal of military activities were used to house other government agencies: the Veterans Administration, the Bureau of Mines, the Forest Service, the W a r Assets Administration, some activities of the University of Utah, the Utah National Guard, the Bureau 70

Tribune, J u n e 29, 1943, M a r c h 7, 20, 1944. Ibid., June 26, 1946, February 3, 1947; Deseret News (Salt Lake City), February 6, 1949. Information on finance office supplied by Mr. Marsell. 72 Tribune, November 26, 1946, March 2, 1947. 11


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of the Census, a Naval Recruiting unit, a unit of the Geological Survey, and the Farmers Home Administration.73 By February 1948 the government had decided that Fort Douglas was entirely too small for its needs. Not even a single division could train at the post, and the base was no longer on the outskirts of Salt Lake City where it could expand and take up new property; the city had grown around it. On March 15, 1948, a large part of the property was turned over to the War Assets Administration for disposal. By the end of March, the WAA announced that the 6,700-acre watershed and a 7-acre tract in the southern section of the post would be turned over to the Department of Agriculture for use by the Forest Service. The Veterans Administration received 25 acres for a new hospital. The Bureau of Mines got 10 acres, and the Navy received 7 buildings and a 7-acre tract of land. Of the government agencies which received the subdivided land, the National Guard obtained the most, with a total of 33 buildings, including pistol, rifle, skeet, anti-aircraft, machinegun, and shotgun ranges and a gas chamber.74 The Army retained for itself the older buildings, a 100-acre tract for a new post cemetery, and its reservoir in Red Butte Canyon. By October 1949 the Fort consisted of only 7,286 acres. A total of 253 acres had been turned over to the Veterans Administration; and, in addition, the city of Salt Lake purchased 46 acres and the University of Utah received 299. 73 74

Ibid., February 3, 1947. Deseret News, February 23, March 22, November 7, 1948.

Officer's home on Fort Douglas Circle. The residences still stand in their original state with minor alterations. U T A H STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY H O W A R D C. P R I C E , J R . , C O L L E C T I O N

\$W:^$M%&rvt^Mi


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The University property included 61 of the post's buildings and the golf course.75 The Navy decided to establish a training center in the buildings assigned to it. By February 1949 about 750 men were training at the Naval Reserve Center, using $700,000 worth of equipment including radar, electronic devices, and machine tool equipment.76 By 1949 Fort Douglas was a mere shadow of its once important position; in October of that year only 150 men were stationed at the base.77 Although the government abandoned Fort Douglas as an active military training base immediately after World War II, its other functions have made it more important since the Korean War. Reserve units have increased their activities at the base, and as the only Class I installation in the Intermountain area Douglas has been the only Fort which gave full logistic support to reserve and ROTC units in Utah, Idaho, and Montana. In 1953 the Department of Defense established a chaplains' school for reserve units, and training of all reserve units since that time has continued at an increased rate. In October 1959 Brigadier General H. L. Ostler said it would cost about $24 million for the government to duplicate the facilities then used by the reserves at Fort Douglas. The reserve units grew so quickly that the National Guard had to expand off the post to make room for them.78 To accommodate the growth of the reserve units, the government added new buildings to the Fort. In April 1961 the post opened a new $388,000 center to house an intelligence detachment, a hospital unit, a quartermaster group, an engineer company, and an Army garrison unit. In 1956 the post chapel was renovated and modernized at a cost of $5,000.79 Since the loss of the post property immediately after World War II, the Fort's size has remained relatively stable. In 1959 the post declared 82 acres surplus so the city could construct a junior high school and administration building plus a playground and park. At about the same time, however, the University of Utah's request for 95 more acres was denied. The commander explained that it would have required $650,000 for the Army to replace the buildings, particularly the maintenance shops which the University wished to take over. In 1962, however, the post did grant 142 acres to the University for its medical college.80 75

Tribune, October 26, 1941; Deseret News, M a r c h 22, October 3 1 , 1948. Deseret News, February 6, 1949. 77 Tribune, October 26, 1949. 78 Ibid., October 24, 1959; Deseret News, July 15, 1959. 79 Tribune, April 29, 1961; Deseret News, July 17, 1956, November 5, 1960. 80 Tribune, October 20, 24, 1959, July 3 1 , 1962. 76


Fort Douglas

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During the Korean War, the post underwent no general buildup as it had during the second World War. It continued to serve as an induction center for Intermountain men, but there was no great increase of administrative activity. As a matter of fact, the Fort was required to institute a cost-conscious program in an attempt to live within its budget. T h e employees were told not to chew the ends of their pencils, to use them at least three inches, and to avoid the excessive use of electricity. 81 In May 1954 the Defense Department returned the finance office to Fort Douglas, and the post has been an important agent for Army affairs in the Intermountain area since that time. As a gauge to this activity, one can examine fiscal 1960, when total disbursements for the year were $18,235,423. This amount included more than $2 million for military and civilian payroll and more than $1.5 million for the Army reserve and $9.8 million for National Guard pay and support. These disbursements were spent in the entire area served by the post, which included Idaho, Utah, and Montana. 8 2 In recent years the installation has played a role much different from its earlier activities. In June 1962 the Defense Department established the Deseret Test Center under the command of General Lloyd E. Fellenz, former commander of the U.S. Army Chemical Center at Edgewood, Maryland. At the center representatives of the Navy, Army, Air Force, and Marine Corps, together with officers of the United States Public Health Service, about 50 military and 100 civilians in all, perform tests in conjunction with research work being carried on at Dugway Proving Ground. 83 T H E FUTURE

O n November 19, 1964, Colonel Joe Ahee, commander at Fort Douglas, announced that the facility would be inactivated, and that some 450 civilian and 500 military jobs, a payroll of about $5.87 million annually, and an operating budget of about $22 million would be affected. T h e phaseout was to be completed by June 1967. At first it appeared that Fort Douglas would be lost to U t a h forever. O n closer examination, however, it became apparent that the phaseout of the installation was not exactly that. In December the Army announced that only 46 military and 41 civilian jobs were to be abolished, and that an additional 30 military and 51 civilian personnel would be transferred out of Utah. 8 4 81

Deseret News, February 26, 1952. Typewritten paper entitled "Disbursements" in the possession of Major Thomas G. Goodbold, comptroller's office, Fort Douglas, 1961. Information on the return of the finance office supplied by Mr. Marsell. *3 Deseret News, J u n e 28, 1962. 84 Tribune, November 20, December 1, 1964. 82


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Many of the activities currently being carried on at the Fort will remain there, others will be transferred to other U t a h installations, and some will be transferred to other posts in the West. T h e administrative and logistical support for Class I Active Army units and activities, and support for USAR, R O T C , and National Guard activities, are to be reassigned to Fort Lewis, Washington, and the Presidio of San Francisco. Tooele Army Depot is to gain the medical, dental, and veterinary services now housed in Fort facilities. Some of the activities will simply be removed to other facilities in Salt Lake City. After careful investigation with a view to use of the facilities for state functions, Governor Calvin L. Rampton concluded that most of the installation would probably be retained for military and other federal functions. T h e Geological Survey and the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare have both expressed interest in buildings and Warehouses. Another tenant likely to stay is the Deseret Test Center. 85 Thus, it appears that citizens of Utah will be able to retain at least a part of the rich historical heritage which has been associated with Fort Douglas. Though the economic impact of the post was probably considerable during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the symbolic impact of the installation has probably been its greatest affect on Utah. Fort Douglas will always stand as a monument to the non-Mormon contribution to Utah's development. Connor and his men made the Overland Mail routes safe from Indians and began large-scale prospecting in Utah. Since the Connor era, the Fort has stood as a symbol of federal authority and the federal contribution to Utah. During the late nineteenth century, the installation was one of the main guardians against Indian outbreaks on the western frontier. After the Indian menace subsided, the post housed one regiment after another of federal troops who served in the Philippines, on the Mexican Border, in France, and later in Germany and the Pacific. Since the second World War, the Fort has symbolized the pervasive influence of the military activities of the federal government in the Mountain West. As the activities of the government have expanded, so have the number and type of federal agencies using facilities at Fort Douglas. If nothing else, the Fort will continue to serve as a reminder to citizens of Utah that their state has contributed significantly to the military program of the United States, and that the government, in turn, has contributed markedly toward the economic development of Utah.

Ibid., December 1, 1964; Deseret Nezvs, March 18, 1965.


The President's Report for the Fiscal Year 1 9 6 4 - 1 9 6 5 by J. GRANT IVERSON

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

As president of the Board of Trustees of the U t a h State Historical Society, I stand before you this evening with mixed emotions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; emotions stirred by significant events in the Society during the last year. As I reported to you just one year ago, the Society seemed on the verge of new horizons in its accomplishments. New programs were being outlined, old ones seemed nearer fulfillment. There appeared to be a new and encouraging interest in U t a h history and in the welfare of the U t a h State Historical Society. By the end of the year, membership in the Society reached the highest peak in its history. Just less than 2,000 persons and institutions were receiving the Quarterly. T h e climate seemed favorable for the imminent Prominent Salt Lake attorney, Mr. Iverson has been a member of the Board of Trustees since 1959 and president of the board since 1961. T h e President's Report was presented at the Thirteenth Annual Meeting of the Society.


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construction of an Archives building. The long-awaited Hosea Stout diaries were nearing publication. The Society was cooperating with the Utah State Highway Department on a revision and upgrading of their historic highway signs. The home of the Society was undergoing further improvements and repairs. The Society was attempting to assist the enthusiastic and dedicated group of residents and former residents of Heber City to save the beautiful, old Heber City Tabernacle, and other communities were demonstrating an awareness of the value of historic buildings located within their boundaries. All-in-all, the Society's future appeared to be a bright and challenging one. Since then, however, our enthusiasm has been somewhat dimmed — our progress has slowed, considerably. Unfortunately, tonight I cannot report that all the programs were achieved or are continuing. Several of the programs have been abandoned or temporarily delayed. Because the income of the State of Utah is inadequate to meet fully the numerous requirements of many of the agencies of state government, we within must curtail our activities. We, however, must make every effort to minimize our curtailment of vital services and seek assistance wherever we may find it. We hope that those individuals in a position to aid the Society will see value in the work of the Society and lend their support. I make this a call to action for you present to acquaint your legislators and administrators of the urgent needs of the Society, for only through their wholehearted support and understanding can the Utah State Historical Society live up to its responsibility of "collecting, preserving, and disseminating" Utah history to all the people of Utah. Of uppermost importance for the Society is an adequate budget to provide staff and facilities commensurate with its responsibilities. While the present Mansion of the Society is a beautiful relic of a by-gone era — and as such deserving of preservation — the program of the Society demands that a modem building be constructed to preserve and protect the permanent and historic records which are in the custody of the Archives and the Library of the Society. Every day these valuable, irreplaceable documents are being subjected to destructive agents. Any state or society worthy of recognition as responsible entities should undertake the best possible care for the records of its achievements — and failures. For each future generation will want to read the record of those who preceded them — to see how well they did their task or try to understand why they failed — and take lessons therefrom to guide them through their brief stay upon


President's Report

353

this planet. For truly, as the inscription on the National Archives in Washington, D.C., proclaims "The Past is Prologue." The deeds and records of those who preceded us vitally affect our lives and institutions as we will influence those who follow us. If my sentiments, thus far, seem somewhat pessimistic, my hopes are high for brighter and greater things for the Utah State Historical Society. During the past few weeks, the staff of the Society has been cooperating with the Little Hoover Commission. The board and staff of the Society welcome a study and evaluation of its operations by the Commission. We earnestly believe that we are doing a good job as far as funds and facilities permit. We more earnestly believe that an impartial and detailed study will benefit this organization by drawing the legislators' attention to the work and needs of the Society. We fully expect a favorable report to be written and sincerely hope that the Legislature will put the recommendations into effect. We would be less than grateful this evening if we failed to take note of those persons who have served the Society and pay tribute to some retiring board members. Four loyal, dedicated, and able historians were replaced as members of the Board of Trustees. Their absence will be felt keenly by the board and the staff, for they brought to the board professional background and experience which proved invaluable in guiding the Society to the position it presently occupies. One man, Dr. Joel E. Ricks, has served longer than any other board member in the history of the Society. For 40 years â&#x20AC;&#x201D; eight as president â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Dr. Ricks served without pay, but with unbounded dedication. He saw the Society grow from a struggling group of a few individuals with a devotion to history to a thriving organization of almost 2,000 persons; from a basement room in the Capitol to a Mansion on South Temple; from a part-time staff of one person to a staff of 16 highly qualified individuals; from an organization that published intermittently an historical pamphlet to an organization that produces a quality historical journal, a newsletter, and special books such as the Hosea Stout diaries. Many of these accomplishments are directly attributable to the efforts of Dr. Joel E. Ricks. Dr. Leland H. Creer faithfully served the Society for 16 years â&#x20AC;&#x201D; four years as president of the Board of Trustees. He, too, helped the Society grow from its one-room status at the Capitol to the flourishing organization it is today. Although not serving on the board for as long a period, Drs. Dello G. Dayton and S. Lyman Tyler provided constant guidance and inspiration


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to the board and staff. Their wise and valued counsel will be sorely missed at the Society. T h e new appointees on the board — Mrs. Juanita Brooks, Mrs. Elizabeth Skanchy, Dr. Dean R. Brimhall, and Dr. Milton C. Abrams •— are welcome and will, no doubt, make their own contribution to the further growth and maturation of the Society. Mr. Jack Goodman, board vicepresident, has served one four-year term. His reappointment is welcomed by staff and board. T h e work of the staff of the Society should be recognized. It is a loyal and dedicated group of individuals who work devotedly in serving the public and advancing the work of the Society. While there have been several staff changes in the past year, able replacements have been found to carry on the work. I compliment and congratulate these fine employees. They are public employees who are a credit to the state. Without going into great detail, I would, pridefully, like to point to some Society achievements during the year. Both the Archives and Library serviced more patrons than any previous year — yet, at the same time they were able to accession and catalogue books, pamphlets, microfilms, and records at an astonishing rate. Utah State Historical Society Award Winners for 1965. Left to right: president of the Wasatch Historical Society, Don R. Barker, received a Service Award for that Society's successful efforts in preserving the Heber City Tabernacle; Mrs. Bernice Gibbs Anderson received an Honorary Life Membership for her lifetime devotion to promoting the memory of the Golden Spike ceremony and in being instrumental in the creation of the Golden Spike Historic Site; Mrs. Pearl Jacobson received the Teacher Award for her efforts in promoting an interest in and her excellent teaching of Utah history in the Sevier School District; A. Karl Larson received the Fellow Award for his life's work of scholarship and publication on Utah history. UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY


President's Report

355

Significant money savings were achieved through the orderly destruction of useless records (some 2,566 cubic feet â&#x20AC;&#x201D; equivalent to 322 file cabinets with a value of $32,000). At the same time valuable permanent records (123 cubic feet) were brought into the Archives. Other records were preserved through microfilming, although on a modest scale due to financial limitations. The Records Center in the State Capitol is operating at capacity with all available space occupied, and service supplied to numerous state agencies to the fullest possible extent by the staff. Joining with the Utah Mother of the Year organization, the Society is adding the life histories of Utah's outstanding women to the Library's holdings. These and other manuscript holdings have been made more valuable through the continued efforts of the Salt Lake City Junior League Volunteers who are cataloguing the Library's collections. For the second year in succession, the Society has co-sponsored a Utah Museums Conference in order to upgrade the historical museums of the state. Working with other interested organizations, the Society promoted the creation of a Golden Spike Centennial Commission by the Legislature. The Commission is planning toward the 1969 centennial. National legislation has created a National Historic Site at Promontory which will add considerably to Utah's historic attractions. The growth and development of the Society is, perhaps, reflected best in the growth and greater activity of the local chapters. During the year one more chapter â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Heber City â&#x20AC;&#x201D; was organized. This brings to seven the number of chapters which are adding to the cultural and educational life of communities in Utah. As time and staff permit, other communities will be enriched through organizing local historical societies. Delta and Price are ready for such organizations. While these are the programs and the areas in which we can take pride for achievement, there are others where the Society is falling behind. The Library was given less money to operate on in the present biennium than they had the past two years. Such a situation is deplorable in a period when the calls upon the Library for services are increasing weekly. The Legislature must be shown that the Library is performing a necessary and vital function. While it is and should be supported through private grants and contributions (for which we are ever grateful), still the primary responsibility for the maintenance of our historical collection rests upon state support. The same is true with the Archives. The Archives had more than half of the budget eliminated for its Military Records Section. If the Archives


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is to live up to its many legally imposed responsibilities, it too must be given the wherewithal to perform its duties. And so, tonight, I especially want to thank you who are present for supporting your State Historical Society. But I also call upon you to exert yourselves to help the Society grow and prosper. "Sell" the Society to your friends; encourage them to subscribe to the Society's publications; and promote the Society with your legislators; for the ultimate fate of the Society depends upon how well the public generally and state officials in particular are informed about the work of the Society. Visit the Society, become acquainted with its program, and become an ambassador for your Utah State Historical Society. U T A H STATE HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

FINANCIAL REPORT S U M M A R Y OF PROGRAM E X P E N D I T U R E S

Appropriation

$124,081.81

Refunds

3,057.28

Expenditures Recurring Nonrecurring

127,078.01 $124,081.77 2,996.24

Administration and Publications Personal Services Travel Current Expenses Capital Outlay

931.52 20,999.12 1,400.11

-

Library Personal Services Travel Current Expenses Capital Outlay

$ 23,427.60 $ 17,762.80 12.67 5,652.13

Archives Personal Services Travel Current Expenses Capital Outlay Special Publications Revolving Fund Cash on H a n d Accounts Receivable Inventory

$ 59,529.38 $ 36,198.63

$ 44,121.03 $ 35,382.00 ~~.~

438.79 6,704.11 1,596.13 $ 15,000.00 $ 10,849.16 1,629.43 6,230.74 $ 18,709.33


REVIEWS and PUBLICATIONS The Pacific Slope: A History of California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Utah, and Nevada.

By EARL POMEROY.

(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965. xiii + 404 + x v i i p p . $8.95) This excellent study traces the history of the Pacific Slope â&#x20AC;&#x201D; California, Oregon, Washington, I d a h o , U t a h , and N e vadaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;from Spanish occupation in 1769 to the completion of Americanization in 1960. Emphasizing the evolution of western traits a n d institutions with a regional approach, the text describes the activities of fur traders, missionaries, and miners; the expansion of agriculture and industry; a n d t h e rise of such metropolitan centers as Los Angeles, San Francisco, Portland, Seattle, and Salt Lake City. Spain occupied this interesting region for defensive purposes â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to keep the foreigners (England, France, and Russia) out of her established El Dorado. M e a n while, however, Englishmen and Americans went less to California than t o the Northwest Coast, n o t merely because Spain excluded foreign traders, b u t because for a generation the better trade was in t h e fur pelts of colder climates. T h e period of Spanish occupation of California was colorful a n d exciting, even if not efficient and prosperous. By t h e middle of the ninetenth century, preliminary steps for the organizat i o n of s t a t e s o r t e r r i t o r i e s h a d b e e n established. Exploration and settlement had determined rival claims and marked off proposed state and territorial boundaries. Of all the areas thus appropriated, Salt Lake City appeared t o have been the most orderly and conservative. Here

at least the transformation from wilderness t o order h a d been accomplished without the agony of political anarchy. T h e unique State of Deseret, a theodemocracy of unusual design, was t h e Saints' answer to t h e frontier political problem. By 1900 the Pacific Slope h a d achieved a more solid a n d diversified economic base than gold mining h a d provided, a n d was capable of supporting a m u c h larger population. Wheat, cattle, a n d sheep ranches h a d developed b u t were rapidly retreating eastward t o make room for a more intensive agriculture. Industry a n d commerce were being developed, especially in t h e c o a s t a l cities. A n d says Pomeroy, "Economic control in significant areas h a d shifted from Easterners to Westerners, from outsiders to residents" ( P . 119). ' In his most colorful analysis (Chapter 6 ) , the author has this to say about the role of the city in early western society. " T h e prospective settler headed for Salt Lake City, San Francisco, Portland or one of their later rivals; if h e did n o t work in the city, he visited it often, a n d it dominated his life economically a n d culturally, the most significant divisions were not state boundaries b u t the watersheds of urban allegiance a n d control" (p. 120). T h e comprehensiveness of the subject covered by this book, the complexity of its treatment, mitigates against clarity and simplicity in its analysis. Generalizations appear next to impossible. " I n the face of the vast a m o u n t of w h a t the historians have yet to explore, the one generalization that is possible is t h a t t h e


Utah Historical Quarterly

358 West as an area separate a n d different from the rest of the United States is rapidly disappearing. Each census records approximation to the national averages" (p. 3 7 2 ) . I n distribution of ages, races, sexes, health, industrial attainment, a n d occupations, westerners were becoming as representative of the n a t i o n as a n y o t h e r s e c t i o n of t h e country. The Pacific Slope, handsomely printed by Knopf, is destined to become a recognized, authoritative volume in the field of American history, particularly for the period since 1890. I t is thought provoking, richly documented, a n d carefully written with reference to facts. T h e style of the text is lucid, forceful, a n d challenging. I n the opinion of the reviewer, The Pacific Slope will be accepted as one of the standard works in the field of modern American history. LELAND H. CREER

University Down the Colorado.

of Utah

By R O B E R T B R E W -

STER S T A N T O N . E d i t e d by D W I G H T L.

S M I T H . ( N o r m a n : University of Oklah o m a Press, 1965. x x v + 2 3 7 p p . $5.00) Following the Powell expeditions of 1869 a n d 1871-72, for almost 20 years no parties of record traversed the length of the main Colorado River from Cataract Canyon to its mouth. T h e n , in 1889, one of the most remarkable, ill-fated surveying projects in the history of the West w a s l a u n c h e d from G r a n d J u n c t i o n , Colorado, a n d Green River, U t a h . This was the Denver, Colorado Canyon & Pacific Railroad survey along the canyons of the Green a n d Colorado rivers, intended to determine the engineering feasibility of a water-level railroad between G r a n d Junction and southern California. Frank M . Brown, of Denver, was president of the sponsoring company. Chief engineer was Robert Brewster Stanton,

who thereafter became so enamored of the Colorado River a n d its canyons that he devoted considerable effort to compiling a thousand-page manuscript history of the river â&#x20AC;&#x201D; not to mention his well-known a t t e m p t at placer mining in Glen Canyon. For thousands of Glen Canyon boaters, Stanton's dredge was a nostalgic landmark for 60 years, until covered recently by the waters of Lake Powell. T h o u g h the Brown-Stanton expedition in some ways was more ambitious and eventful than Powell's, before the appearance of this volume little of a detailed nature written by a member of the expedition ever appeared in print. Now, in Down the Colorado, the complete story of this most disastrous of all Colorado expeditions is m a d e available. Written a n d revised over a period of 31 years after the expedition, Down the Colorado was compiled by Stanton from his diary entries, engineering notebooks, and other sources. I t details the expedit i o n ' s b a c k g r o u n d , gives c h a r a c t e r sketches (always magnanimous, even in criticism), meticulously documents circumstances surrounding the deaths of Frank M. Brown a n d two other party members in Marble Canyon. I n his descriptions of the canyons the author reveals himself as a poet at heart, a m a n of aesthetic sensitivity enchanted as so many others by the strange magic of the river country. T h e combination of careful, minute engineering notations with poetic description is seldom encountered as it is in Stanton; a n d marked similarities to the anomalies of Clarence E. Dutton are striking. In some ways this book is repetitious and anticlimactic. Its general subject matter has long been known, and the Colorado canyons have been thoroughly described in scores of books a n d articles. Yet the river literature would not be complete without this volume; it fills a void that no other publication could fill, and students of the Colorado must now


359

Reviews and Publications give it a place beside the accounts of Powell, Dellenbaugh, Kolb, and other major chroniclers of the river. W A R D J. R O Y L A N C E

Utah State Tourist and Publicity Council The Fur Trade on the Upper 1840-1865.

Missouri,

By J O H N E. SUNDER. (Nor-

m a n : University of O k l a h o m a Press, 1965. xiv + 2 9 5 p p . $5.95) I n recent months a spate of unusually detailed books on the American fur trade of the F a r West have been published by well-known authors. Some of the best of these are David Lavender's Fist in the Wilderness, Dale Morgan's The West of William H. Ashley..., LeRoy R. Hafen's first volume of the Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, and the subject of this review by J o h n Sunder. All have the same basic purpose — to fill gaps in earlier works. Of t h e b o o k s m e n t i o n e d S u n d e r ' s monograph fills the largest gap. Until now little was known of the post 1840 fur trade of the U p p e r Missouri — the c e n t e r of t h e w e s t e r n t r a d e — a n d Sunder's well-researched book will be indispensible as a source for any scholar studying that period. The Fur Trade on the Upper Missouri describes the shift from beaver pelts to buffalo robes a n d Indian annuities, and correctly maintains that this shift in emphasis and the isolation of the area is w h a t made the fur trade of the U p p e r Missouri profitable following the decline of the beaver. Sunder also describes the inefficiency of the Pierre Chouteau Company which held a near monopoly in that region and introduces the reader to a series of new albeit minor and equally inefficient competitors. Although realistic in handling the illegal liquor trade which continued all during this period, Sunder's book, thankfully, is not another "lo the poor I n d i a n " account.

If The Fur Trade on the Upper Missouri offers more new general narrative t h a n the other recent works, it is probably the least interesting. Essentially this is not because Sunder is not a competent scholar a n d a capable writer. H e is both. T h e problem is that after the 1820's the American fur trade represented an ever decreasing share of our G N P , a n d following the 1830's the center of the trade was shifting from the U p p e r Missouri region to the Great Lakes area. This later region produced an ever increasing quantity of furs and skins at t h e very time the fur trade of the F a r West was declining. I n a d d i t i o n t h e fur t r a d e r s of t h e U p p e r Missouri after 1840 were on the whole a colorless lot and their environment unusually drab. Even numerous I n dian skirmishes fail somehow to brighten the picture. Moreover, the minute description of the fur traders' interminable ascending and descending of the Missouri River — despite its well-known difficulties — becomes tiresome after a few chapters. Indeed, more interpretative insights a la David Lavender (of which J o h n Sunder is undoubtedly capable) and less insistence on minutiae would have m a d e this a stronger monograph. As it stands it is of real value to the scholar b u t unlikely to attract the general reader. _ T T J A M E S L. C L A Y T O N

University Time

and the River

Canyon.

Flowing:

of Utah Grand

By FRANCOIS LEYDET. Edited

by DAVID B R O W E R .

(San

Francisco:

Sierra Club, 1964. 176 p p . $25.00) Time and the River Flowing is propaganda, b u t more attractive, more artful propaganda is difficult to imagine. For the Sierra Club has produced in beauty and fine bookmaking a publication even excelling their The Place No One Knew: Glen Canyon on the Colorado (1963). T h e reader is immediately captivated by the brilliantly colorful plates (100 of


360 them) which literally fill the book. And it is not the color alone which catches the eye and causes one reluctantly to turn one page after another. With master photographers like Ansel Adams, Philip Hyde, Clyde T h o m a s , Clyde Childress, Richard Norgaard, and others, providing the illustrations, the reader or only the viewer, cannot resist being won over to the "preservationist" point of view which is the message of the book. T h e "message" of each photograph is enhanced through the captions which are taken from the "classics of conservation." T h e accompanying caption for Philip Hyde's "Toroweap Overlook" comes from Clarence E. Datton's des c r i p t i o n s of " T h e W a l l s " of G r a n d Canyon. In like manner, Joseph Wood Krutch's writings give word pictures to complement or supplement the artistry of Ansel Adams. J o h n Wesley Powell, Wallace Stegner, J o h n Steinbeck, Lewis Mumford, Rachel Carson, and others are quoted to give greater meaning and feeling to the illustrations. T h e "text" by Francois Leydet is persuasive writing. It is difficult to read Time and the River Flowing and not be convinced that the Bureau of Reclamation is primarily interested in building dams in every conceivable spot along the Colorado River system despite the havoc to be wrecked upon N a t u r e , history, beauty, plant and animal life, and putting an end to wilderness. Dams are the destroyers of those things held sacred by the Sierra Club. And the case against dams and the Bureau presented by Richard C. Bradley, Alexander Hildebrand, and Daniel B. Luten is a persuasive one. O n e cannot read the statements of these men without questioning the intentions and the wisdom of the d a m builders. For it is not the conservation of water that is the issue, but the productions of electrical power. Time and the River Flowing presents other elements which should be seriously considered before the beauty and wilder-

Utah Historical Quarterly ness of G r a n d Canyon is destroyed by the Bureau with d a m projects. And to serve as a reminder for that which is forever gone through the construction of Glen Canyon D a m , the final portion of the book presents outstanding photographs of scenes and sites now buried beneath the waters of Lake Powell. T h e book cries out " D o n ' t let it happen again" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; this time to G r a n d Canyon which is supposedly protected from desecration by being in the National Park system. But is it sufficiently protected? Only an adequately informed and aroused public can insure the preservation of the remainder of the grand canyons of the Colorado. This is a book worth reading. E V E R E T T L. C O O L E Y

Utah State Historical

Society

The Lame Captain: The Life and Adventures of Pegleg Smith. By SARDIS W. T E M P L E T O N . (LOS Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1965. 239 p p . $7.50) H e r e is a b o o k t h a t w a s p u b l i s h e d about 30 days too soon! Almost everyone has heard about Pegleg Smith, and the two stories about him most generally known are that he cut off his own leg and later discovered a hill covered with nuggets of black gold. T h e book contains several versions of the amputation story, b u t the most reliable seems to indicate that Thomas L. Smith threatened to cut off his own leg, but that eventually his companions did the operation. It is not certain where this occurred. T h e author thinks it was in Brown's Hole, but this is only a guess. A4y o w n i n f o r m a t i o n is t h a t h e was nursed back to health by squaws of Chief Walker's b a n d at the winter camp near Parowan, U t a h . And because of his appreciation for this care, Pegleg operated for years with Chief Walker on his famous horse stealing expeditions. T h e other story about the black nuggets . . . but wait!


361

Reviews and Publications T h e author of this book is not a professional writer, a n d this is his only production. However, he has done a creditable job, has turned u p much new information not familiar to this reviewer, and has produced a work that is well worth reading a n d owning. In fact he is m u c h more accurate in his research than some other publications of the Westernlore Press. Because of his horse stealing raids in California and later because of his trading post on Bear River on the Oregon Trail, Pegleg accumulated considerable property. But he abandoned the trading post and spent the proceeds in the saloons of San Francisco. T h e r e he told and retold the story of the black gold nuggets and guided several expeditions in search of the place, all without result. Pegleg died in San Francisco in 1866 at the age of 65. In the M a r c h issue of Desert Magazine is the report of the discovery of Pegleg's black gold nuggets by a m a n w h o will not divulge his name, b u t says he has over $300,000 to prove his story. T h e report appears to be authentic since it is accompanied by samples of the nuggets a n d p h o t o g r a p h s of t h e p l a c e w h e r e found. But this is not mentioned in the book — it was published about 30 days too soon! _ CHARLES KELLY

Salt Lake Burs Under the Saddle: A Second at Books and Histories of the

City Look West.

By R A M O N F. A D A M S . ( N o r m a n : U n i -

versity of O k l a h o m a Press, 1964. x + 610 pp. $20.00) "Just as burs under the saddle irritate a horse, so the constant writing of inaccurate history irritates the historian." T h u s writes R a m o n F . Adams, the wellknown bibliographer, lexicographer, a n d historian of the West, in his Introduction to a collection of "burs" from 424 works in western history. Ranging from E. C.

Abbott's We Pointed Them North to Scout Younger's True Facts of the Lives of America's Most Notorious Outlaws, Adams brings a lifetime's accumulation of facts to the correction of "tall tales, faulty reminiscences, a n d just plain fiction" about outlaws a n d gunmen. N o reader of Burs Under the Saddle can rem a i n unimpressed by the h a r d h e a d e d matter-of-factness of Adam's work. And yet, impressive as this kind of correction may be, it leaves m u c h to be desired in the advancement of western historiography. I n seeming to assume that history is merely a collection of facts, it seems to ignore the many other kinds of distortions which can come into history, even sometimes when facts are being rigorously respected. As a case in point take S a m P. Ridings' The Chisholm Trail. Adams deals with the work briefly, pointing out that Ridings repeats many of the legends concerning Billy the Kid's boyhood and has Billy kill 21 men by the time he was 21 years old. Adams further points out that Ridings "gets many proper names wrong or misspells them, such as 'John' G. M c Coy for Joseph G. McCoy, 'McSwain' for McSween, 'McClasky' for McCloskey, 'Bowdry' for Bowdre, a n d 'Shurlock' for Scurlock." Again, one appreciates such corrections, b u t nevertheless wishes that Adams — or some other critic of western historians—would take into account other tendencies in Ridings' work. T h e r e is, for example, a strong streak of Texas chauvinism; Texas is "one of the greatest, if not the greatest State, of the Union of States," with a beauty "unsurpassed" and with cattle in the old days with horns "so large that in this day a n d age they are beyond conception." T h e r e is, for example, a tendency to indulge in historical elegy, to linger nostalgically over " t h e scenes of childhood in the west" that "will never be seen again." And there is at the point of the Indians the use of a quaint historical d r a m a of a weaker race "being crowded out by force and by the


Utah Historical Quarterly

362 intrusion of a superior race. Such has been the course of the world, both before and since we have h a d recorded history." N o w all of this may perhaps be forgiven a m a n who did not claim to be a professional historian, who was first and last one of "the men w h o traveled the old trails of the West." And such personal biases, such personal ways of thinking a n d feeling, may not bear directly on the way he handles R a m o n Adams' outlaws. Yet in the long run, the style, the tone, the patterns of selection and exclusion, the organizing philosophy have a good bit to do with the total objectivity of history or the lack of it. Adams' facts are simply not enough. D O N D. WALKER

University

of Utah

Russell tends to organize his works to vibrate with the rhythms of life. This issue is visually loaded. Layouts are lively a n d clean with colors well used. T h e profusion of pictorial material is tastefully chosen and presented. A stimulating variety of pertinent articles along with reproductions of letters, drawings, bronzes, photographs, and paintings, including full spreads, is designed to convey the action and vigor of the works as well as the lives of the men. If the two artists merge within the impact of the total impression, then let them do so since neither of these powerful personalities will remain in obscurity. T h e book is a "must" for lovers of W e s t e r n A m e r i c a n a a n d a d m i r e r s of these Titans of Western Art. J. R O M A N A N D R U S

Titans of Western Art. Volume V , No. 4, American Scene Magazine. (Tulsa: T h o m a s Gilcrease Institute of American History and Art, 1964. 64 pp. $1.25 paperbound, $5.00 deluxe) Titans of Western Art is an exciting publication â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the kind of material to enrich the private library. H e r e are brought together Frederic Remington and Charles M . Russell, whose salty works were legend without "Wagon T r a i n , " " R a w h i d e , " or other western television spectaculars to focus attention on the romance of the West. Both of these men loved the West. Both h a d a way, though different, of making a horse or a m a n particular. Each was a master of his craft without letting craftsmanship interfere with the statement. Perhaps most significant in the work of each is the feeling of immediacy, almost to the point of becoming aromatic, that seems to hover over the most informal sketch or large painting. Some of the works by each painter have a tentative quality as if the artist is waiting to see how the West will turn out before making the statement complete. While Remington's work is more painterly,

Brigham

Young

University

Brigham Young's Dixie of the Desert: Exploration and Settlement. By H . L O R E N z o REID. (Zion National Park: Z i o n N a t u r a l H i s t o r y Association, 1964. ix + 2 4 4 p p . $3.50) I n his Introduction the author states that "the aim in this volume has been to tell the story without confusing details and thus let the reader see the early explorers and settlers in action, and . . . reveal the spirit and atmosphere amid which they lived and worked." T h e b o o k consists of 24 c h a p t e r s grouped into six sections. T h e beginning, "First Streaks of D a w n , " deals with the explorations of the Escalante party and the companies led by Jedediah S. Smith. "Day Breaks over the Desert" considers the O l d Spanish Trail and some of the famous figures who traveled it. " T h e H o u r before Sunrise" tells of early Mormon efforts at colonizing in southern U t a h . "Sunrise in the Desert" sets forth the establishment of the Cotton Mission late in 1861 and the trials and drawbacks i n h e r e n t in t h a t h e r o i c b e g i n n i n g . "Working in the H e a t of D a y " develops


363

Reviews and Publications the various aspects of pioneering in t h e mission — the struggle to control t h e mercurial Virgin River for irrigation, the cooperative movement, the United Order, t h e impractical attempts to establish a water route to t h e Pacific by way of the Colorado River, relations with the Indians with t h e main emphasis on t h e activities of Jacob Hamblin and his missionary associates, t h e M o r m o n system for preserving law a n d order through use of local church organization, the d e velopment of schools a n d cultural pursuits such as music a n d t h e d r a m a , t h e opening of t h e mines of Pioche a n d Silver Reef with their beneficial a n d baleful effects, a n d finally t h e discovery by t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d of t h e b e a u t i e s of U t a h ' s Dixie through t h e vivid descriptions of J o h n Wesley Powell a n d his associates, particularly of t h e t w o gorgeous canyons of the Virgin River ( M u k u n t u weap a n d Parunuweap) a n d their evolution into Zion National Park. T h e final section, " T h e Approach of Evening" relates the building of the St. George T e m ple during the decade of the 1870's. T h e book is beautifully illustrated with 50 photographs in color a n d in black a n d white, many of them full-page size. I t seems probable that M r . Reid's service as park ranger for a dozen years accounts for t h e emphasis on pictures of Zion Park a n d its environs which decorate the volume. T h e r e is n o index. T h e publishers would have done well to include one. This, together with a more careful proofreading t o eliminate certain errors in p u n c t u a t i o n , g r a m m a r , a n d spelling, would improve a n already attractive volume.

. ,.,

The Branding Iron [Los Angeles Westerners Corral] — No. 73, J u n e 1965: "Alexis Godey [mountain m a n with J o h n Charles Fremont]," by W A L T WHEELOCK,

Iff.; " N o t e s o n D o n

Cristobal Slover [mountain m a n ] , " by D R . A R T H U R WOODWARD, 6-8.

The Colorado Magazine—XLII, Spring 1965: "Gold Rush Governments," by CALVIN W . G O W E R , 1 1 4 - 3 2 ; " R a m -

bling Recollections of a Bookhunter," by F R E D A. R O S E N S T O C K , 151-59.

Michigan History—XLIX, M a r c h 1965: " T h e Saints Come to Michigan," by J O H N AND A U D R E Y C U M M I N G , 12-27.

Natural History — L X X I V , J u n e - J u l y 1965: " T h e Ecology of M a n a n d t h e L a n d E t h i c , " by STEWART L. U D A L L ,

32-41. The Nevada Centennial Magazine — " T h e Beginning of N e v a d a [Mormons in N e v a d a ] , " by F L O R E N C E L E E J O N E S .

Nevada Historical Society Quarterly —• V I I I , Spring 1965: " T h e Mormons in Carson County, U t a h Territory," by J U A N I T A B R O O K S , 4 - 2 3 ; "Early M o r -

mon Settlements in Southern Nevada," by E L B E R T B. E D W A R D S , 2 6 - 4 3 .

Pacific Historical Review — X X X I V , May 1965: " U t a h ' s Small Arms A m munition Plant During World W a r I I , " by T H O M A S G. ALEXANDER a n d LEONARD J. A R R I N G T O N , 185-96.

Pacific Northwest Quarterly •—LVI, April 1 9 6 5 : " W o m a n Suffrage in Wyoming," by T . A. L A R S O N , 57-66.

T

A. K A R L L A R S O N

Dixie

College

ARTICLES OF INTEREST Arizona Highways — X L I , July 1965: "Boat T r i p to Rainbow Bridge," by T H E L M A HALL T O W L E , 2-11.

Western Folklore—XIII, October 1964: " M y t h F o r m a t i o n in t h e Creative Process," by Austin E. Fife, 229-39. The Western Political Quarterly — X V I I I , J u n e 1965: " T h e 1964 Election in U t a h , " by F R A N K H . J O N A S ,

509-13.


INDEX Abrams, Milton C , appointed to U t a h State Historical Society Board of Trustees, 354 Adams, R a m o n F., Burs Under the Saddle: A Second Look at Books and Histories of the West, reviewed, 361-62 Adderly, Charlie, manager Bingham Mercantile Company, 284 Ahee, Joe, commander Fort Douglas, 349 Air National Guard, see U t a h Air National Guard Alexander, T h o m a s G., " U t a h ' s Biggest Business: Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Air ForceBase, 1938-1965," 9-33; " U t a h ' s First Line of Defense: T h e U t a h National Guard and C a m p W. G. Williams, 1926-1965," 141-56; "Ogden's 'Arsenal of Democracy,' 1920-1955," 237-47; " T h e U . S . Army Overlooks Salt Lake Valley, Fort Douglas, 1862-1965," 326-50 Almo, Idaho, 258, 270 American Smelting and Refining Company, 1912 strike at Murray, 294 American State Archives, by Posner, reviewed, 183-84 Anasazi, inhabited Glen Canyon, 3 9 ; subcultures, 3 9 ; horticulture of, 3 9 ; division into time periods, 39; migration into Glen Canyon, 39; abandoned Glen Canyon, 4 0 ; explanation for abandonment of Glen Canyon, 4 6 ; picture of prehistoric implements of, 4 9 ; picture of sandals of, 4 9 ; see also Glen Canyon Anderson, Bernice Gibbs, picture, 354; received U t a h State Historical Society Honorary Life Membership, 354 Andrus, J. R o m a n , Titans of Western Art, review by, 362 Angel Arch, Canyonlands National Park, picture, 118 Antiquities Act, 124, 126 Archeology, " T h e Clen Canyon: A MultiDiscipline Project," 34-54; "firsts" in Glen Canyon, 41 ; collaboration with soil scientists and botanists in Glen Canyon Project, 44-45 Architecture, discoveries in Glen Canyon, 4 1 42 ; picture of kiva, 47 Arimo, Idaho, 258 Arizona, secessionist activities, 58 Armenians, in Bingham, 291 Army, see United States Army Arrington, Leonard J., " U t a h ' s Biggest Business : Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Air Force Base, 1938-1965," 9-33; " U t a h ' s First Line of Defense: T h e U t a h National Guard and C a m p W. G. Williams, 1926-1965," 141-56; "Cooperative Community in the N o r t h : Brigham City, U t a h , " 198-217; " T h e U.S. Army Overlooks Salt Lake Valley, Fort Douglas, 1862-1965," 326-50 Art, pictures of vessels excavated in U p p e r Colorado River Archeological Salvage Project, cover No. 1; discoveries in Glen Canyon, 42

Austrians, in Bingham, 2 9 2 ; "Serbian-Austrian Christmas at Highland Boy," 316-25 B Baer Creek, 261 Baer, Vern, teacher in Bingham, 314 Bailey, Paul, For Time and All Eternity, reviewed, 80-81 Baird, Alexander, stage manager Brigham City Courthouse Theatre, 189; picture, 192; actor, 194; brief biography, 194 The Banditti of the Prairies or, The Murderer's Doom!.' A Tale of the Mississippi Valley, by Bonney, reviewed, 86-87 Bannon, John Francis, ed., Bolton and the Spanish Borderlands, reviewed, 275-77 Baptiste, John, grave robber banished to Fremont Island, 222 Barker, Don R., picture, 354; president Wasatch Historical Society, 354 Barnard Spring, 263 Bartleson-Bidwell Party, 265, 266 Battle of Bear River, Indians massacred, 330 Be It Enacted: The Creation of the Territory of Arizona, by Sacks, reviewed, 174-76 Beal, Merrill D., The Last Days of the Sioux Nation, review by, 79-80; The Yellowstone National Park, review by, 180-81 Bear Lake, 258 Bear River, 250. 255, 256, 257, 258, 264, 264 fn. 28, 265, 266, 267 Bear River City, U t a h , 267 Bear River Valley, 257, 265 The Beaver Men: Spearheads of Empire, by Sandoz, reviewed, 277 Beebe, Lucius, The Central Pacific & The Southern Pacific Railroads, reviewed, 18182 Berger, Joe, resident of Bingham, 285 Bernier, Baptiste, explored Fremont Island, 219 Bigler, Henry W., met Hensley exploring party on California Trail, 250; diary entries concerning Salt Lake Cutoff, 251, 252, 255 B i n g h a m C a n y o n , " B i n g h a m Canyon T h r o u g h the Eyes of a Company Doctor," 283-88; exodus, 283-84, 315; pictures of M a i n Street, 283, 2 9 0 - 9 1 ; physicians, 284; population, 284, 3 0 8 ; maternity care in, 2 8 5 ; meetingplaces, 286; prostitutes, 286; churches, 287, 2 9 2 ; description of Main Street, 287; juvenile delinquency, 287; prominent citizens from, 287; sanitation, 2 8 7 ; sports activities, 2 8 7 ; City Hall picture, 2 8 8 ; English settle in, 289; first residents of, 289; Irish settle in, 289; "Life and Labor Among the Immigrants of Bingham Canyon," 289-315; population, 289, 290, 2 9 2 ; Chinese in, 290; Finns settle in, 290; Italians in, 290; nationalities in, 290, 291, 2 9 2 ; negroes in, 290; recreation, 290, 292; towns in, 292; description of life in, 2 9 3 ; 1912 labor conditions, 293, 310; 1912 strikebreaker activity, 294; strike of 1912, 296-306; U t a h National Guard called to, 2 9 7 ; living conditions of miners, 299-300;


Index priest urges conciliatory meeting of 1912 strikers, 300-1; citizens leave, 3 0 1 ; activities of law enforcement officers during 1912 strike, 302; violence in 1912 strike, 304; battle in Galena Gulch during 1912 strike, 305; Mexican immigrants in, 307; metal mined ( 1 9 1 6 ) , 308; newspaper accounts of activities in 1918, 308-10; Orientals in, 310; conditions during 1930's in, 312-13; strike in 1931, 312; conditions during 1940's, 313; picture of dismantling of, 315; "Serbian-Austrian Christmas at Highland Boy," 316-25; ore discovered in, 331 Bingham, Edwin R., ed., The Frontier Experience: Readings in the Trans-Mississippi West, reviewed, 81-82 Bingham-Garfield Railroad, labor gangs, 2 9 1 ; strikers patrol, 301 Bingham Mercantile Company, manager, 284; picture, 299 Biology, studies in Glen Canyon, 42-45; evapo-transpiration study in Glen Canyon, 42-43; plant identification study in Glen Canyon, 4 3 ; discoveries regarding aboriginal human diet in Glen Canyon, 43, 4 4 ; study of distribution and age of prehistoric corn and cucurbits, 44 Black Hawk War, began, 330 Black Robe: The Life of Pierre-Jean DeSmet, Missionary, Explorer & Pioneer, by Terrell, reviewed, 177-78 Blind Spring, 268 Blood, Henry H., rejected creation of Kolob Canyon National Park, 110; views regarding creation of Escalante National Monument, 120-22 ; proposed solution to creation of Escalante National Monument, 130 Blue Creek Valley, 268 Blue Springs, 255, 268 The Boeing Company, manufacture of Minuteman, 26 Bolsheviks, active in Bingham, 293 Bolton and the Spanish Borderlands, by Bannon, reviewed, 275-77 Bonney, Edward, The Banditti of the Prairies or, The Murderer's Doom!! A Tale of the Mississippi Valley, reviewed, 86-87 Bootlegging, in Bingham, 310, 311 Bountiful, U t a h , 261 Bowring, Henry E., actor, 188; brief sketch of acting experience, 194 Bowring's Theatre, established, 194 Box Elder County Courthouse, picture, 187 Box Elder County United Order Council, organized, 208 Breckon, , Mrs., resident of Bingham, 285 Bridge, Idaho, 270 Brigham City, pictures, cover No. 3, 2 0 3 ; courthouse constructed and destroyed, 188; settled, 188, 200; theatre constructed, 188; "Cooperative Community in the N o r t h : Brigham City, U t a h , " 198-217; picture of shoe factory, 198; picture of tannery, 198; industry, 199-200; organized for cooperative activity, 199; physical description of, 199; population ( 1 9 6 5 ) , 199; activities of early settlers, 200; railroad constructed to, 200; tannery constructed, 201-2; adminis-

365 tration of tannery, 202; boot and shoe shop constructed, 202 ; description of woolen factory, 202; tannery expanded, 202; woolen factory constructed, 202; picture of First Security Bank, 209 Brigham City Cooperative, organized, 199; general store organized, 200; explained by L. Snow, 2 0 1 ; tannery constructed, 201-2; workings of original association, 2 0 1 ; sheep herd, 2 0 3 ; size ( 1 8 7 4 ) , 203-4; description of dairy, 204; silk department, 204; textile enterprises, 204; construction enterprises, 205; mercantile establishment, 2 0 5 ; public works department, 205; attempts to establish competitive stores, 206, 206 fn. 16; education department, 206; shops, 206; department responsibility, 207; description of accounts, 207; general superintendent of, 207; wages, 207; administration, 208; president of, 208; reorganized, 208; picture of dairy, 209; picture of woolen mill, 209 Brigham City Courthouse Theatre, constructed, 188; description, 189-91; stage manager, 189; plays presented at, 191-92; 194-95; cost of tickets, 193; closed, 195-96, 197 Brigham City Dramatic Association, history of, 187-97; criticisms, 195, 196; disbanded, 195-96, 197 Brigham City Mercantile and Manufacturing Company, description, 202 Brigham City Opera House, picture, 196 Brigham City United Order, description of, 208; employment ( 1 8 7 4 ) , 208-9; organized, 208; scrip issued to employees, 210; total production ( 1 8 7 5 ) , 210; observations concerning, 2 1 1 ; attitude of J. Taylor concerning, 211-12; attitude of L. Snow regarding burgeoning, 212-14; conditions in 1877, 212, 212-14; decentralization necessary, 212; death-knell of, 214; woolen factory constructed, 214; woolen factory fire, 214; railroad contract of, 2 1 5 ; saw mill disaster, 215-16; financial conditions in 1878, 216; taxes levied against, 216; charter expired, 217; general store bankrupted, 217; local court appointed receiver for corporation, 217; returned to system of semiprivate property, 217; taxes restored, 217 Brigham Young's Dixie of the Desert: Exploration and Settlement, by Reid, reviewed, 363-64 Brimhall, Dean R., appointed to U t a h State Historical Society Board of Trustees, 354 Brooks, Juanita, On the Mormon Frontier: The Diary of Hosea Stout, 1844-1861, reviewed, 272-73; appointed to U t a h State Historical Society Board of Trustees, 354 Brown, D. Alexander, The Galvanized Yankees, reviewed, 82-83 Browning, John, John M. Browning, American Gunmaker, reviewed, 274-75 Buchman, Louis, brief biography, 284; resident of Bingham, 314 Bulgarians, in Bingham, 292 Burs Under the Saddle: A Second Look at Books and Histories of the West, by Adams, reviewed, 361-62


366 Burt, Olive W., The Banditti of the Prairies or, The Murderer's Doom!! A Tale of the Mississippi Valley, review by, 86-87 Burton, Robert T., officer in Nauvoo Legion, 60, 143; protected Overland Mail route, 60 Cache Valley, 265; Indian war threatened, 51, 54; picture, 53 Caine, Joseph E., officer during SpanishAmerican War, 145 California, activities and attitude during Civil War, 57-58 California Trail, 250, 258, 271 California Volunteers, battle with Indians, 53, 329-30; arrived Salt Lake City, 329; mustered out, 333 C a m p Connor, established, 332 C a m p Douglas, see Fort Douglas C a m p Floyd, troops withdrawn from, 326; condition in 1862, 328 C a m p Williams, " U t a h ' s First Line of Defense: T h e U t a h National Guard and C a m p W. G. Williams, 1926-1965," 1415 6 ; pictures, 142-43, 153; accouterments, 146-47 ( 1 9 2 8 ) , 147 ( 1 9 4 1 ) ; cost of land, 146; description of land when purchased, 146; established, 146; history, 146-56; named, 146; construction, 147, 152, 153; cost of construction, 147; description of camp at beginning, 147; activities during World War I I , 148-49; size during World War I I , 148-49; sub-post and training site for Fort Douglas, 148; different uses for, 154; programs conducted at, 154; description of camp now, 153 Cannon, John Q., commander U t a h National Guard, 145 Canyonlands National Park, map, 115; pictures, 125, 128; created, 132; size, 132 Carr Fork, Bingham Canyon, 292 Carrington, Albert, explored Great Salt Lake, 220 Carson Cross, 226; carved, 220; discovered by H . Stansbury, 220; picture, 221 Carson, Kit, explored Fremont Island, 219; carved cross on Fremont Island, 220 Carson Valley, Nevada, 260 Cassia (Cajnes, Cazier) Creek, 251, 252, 258 Castle Island, see Fremont Island Catholic Church, established in Bingham, 292; youth organization, 314 Cedar Creek, 269, 270 Cedar Mesa, picture, 125 Centerville, U t a h , 261 The Central Pacific & The Southern Pacific Railroads, by Beebe, reviewed, 181-82 Chinese, settle in Bingham, 290; left Bingham, 291 Chittenden, H i r a m Martin, The Yellowstone National Park, reviewed, 180-81 Christmas, "Serbian-Austrian Christmas at Highland Boy," 316-25; description of Serbian Christmas by Dr. P. Richards, 324-25 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, brought theocratic government to Intermountain West, 161-62; frontier or nonfrontier religion, 162, 164, 165, 167, 168; moved West, 164; area members recruited

Utah Historical Quarterly from, 166; converts, 166; missionary activity, 166, 167-68; number of members (1838), 167; government, 168; theocratic government of, 168-73; government established in Salt Lake Valley, 169; origins of theocratic government, 169; purposes and conditions expressed by P. Pratt, 169-70; reasons for establishing in U t a h , 169; dependent on willingness and free-will of members, 1 7 1 ; loyal to U.S., 172; organization nearly perfect piece of social mechanism, 172; success in settlements, 172-73; history of cooperative movement in Brigham City, 198-217; established in Bingham, 287, 292 ; see also Mormons City of Rocks, 250, 251, 254, 271 Civil War, began, 56, 6 6 ; " U t a h and the Civil War," 55â&#x20AC;&#x201D;77; U t a h territorial war tax, 60-61 Civilian Conservation Corps, projects at Fort Douglas, 342 Clarkston, U t a h , 265 Clawson, H. B., officer in Nauvoo Legion, 143 Clayton, James L., The Fur Trade on the Upper Missouri, 1840-1865, review by, 359 Clear Creek, 253, 270 Coal, U t a h National Guard called out against strikers, 145; price (during Civil War, 1866,1869,1874),336 Cokeville, Wyoming, 258 Cold Spring, description, 263 Collinston, U t a h , 263 Colorado River, study, 122 Confederacy, organized, 66 Connor, Patrick Edward, colonel Third California Volunteers, 6 2 ; delegated to guard Overland Mail route, 6 2 ; visited Salt Lake City, 63, 328; attitude toward Mormons, 70-72, 73-74, 328, 330; selected Fort Douglas site, 7 1 ; troops entered Salt Lake City, 71-72; friction with Mormons, 7 3 ; promoted to brigadier-general, 73, 330; ordered to use discretion when dealing with Mormons, 7 3 ; posted provost guard in Salt Lake City, 74, 3 3 1 ; promoted mining: in Utah, 74, 332; decided Camp Floyd unsuitable for troops, 328; decided to establish troops near Salt Lake City, 328; ordered to U t a h , 3 2 8 ; visited Camp Floyd, 328; picture, 329; brought Indians under control, 329-30; campaigns participated in, 330; filed claim in Bingham Canyon, 3 3 1 ; outraged by high cost of supplies, 3 3 1 ; relinquished command of Fort Douglas, 333; monument erected to, 343 Controtto, Andrew, resident of Bingham, 287 Cooley, Everett L., Time and the River Flowing: Grand Canyon, review by, 359-60 Copper League Baseball, organized, 311 Copperfield, Bingham Canyon, 292; pictures, 294, 295 Corinne, U t a h , 266, 267 Cowboys and Cattlemen: A Roundup from Montana, The Magazine of Western History, by Kennedy, reviewed, 179-80 Crampton, C. Gregory, Standing Up Country: The Canyon Lands of Utah and Arizona, reviewed, 174; The San Juan Canyon Historical Sites, reviewed, 184


Index Creedon, John, 314; resident of Bingham, 287 Creer, Leland H , retired as U t a h State Historical Society board member, 3 5 3 ; The Pacific Slope: A History of California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Utah, and Nevada, review by, 357-58 Croations, in Bingham, 291 Crossing of the Fathers, picture, 113 Crow, Mary Jane, resident of Bingham, 285 Culleton, Phil, Bingham policeman, 305 Cumming, Alfred E., governor of Utah, 57; left Utah, 5 7 ; attitude toward Mormons, 65 Curecanti Reservoir, proposed, 35 Curlew Valley, 254, 269

Darrah, William Culp, Stereo Views: A History of Stereographs in America and Their Collection, reviewed, 277-78 Dawson, John W., friction with Mormons, 60-61; governor of Utah, 60; left U t a h , 6 1 ; beaten and robbed, 6 6 ; attitude toward Mormons, 67 Dayton, Dello G., The Galvanized Yankees, review by, 82-83 ; retired as U t a h State Historical Society board member, 353-54 DeQuille, D a n (William W r i g h t ) , Washoe Rambles, reviewed, 84-85 Dead Horse Point, picture, cover No. 2 Deep Creek, 254, 255, 269 Defense Depot Ogden, Ogden Arsenal railway repair shop placed under jurisdiction of, 246 Demas, Charles, resident of Bingham, 313 Dern, George H., governor of U t a h , 110; rejected creation of Kolob Canyon National Park, 110; entered F. D. Roosevelt cabinet, 111 Deseret Dramatic Association, disbanded, 188 Deseret, State of, constitution adopted, 61 Dewey Spring, 263 Dewey, Will, hired as night herder to go West, 134, 135-36; "Will Dewey in U t a h , " 1344 0 ; impressions of Mormons, 136-38; account of expedition against Paiute Indians, 139-40 Deweyville, U t a h , 263, 268 Dick, Everett, Tales of the Frontier: From Lewis and Clark to the Last Roundup, reviewed, 83-84 Dillie Spring, 255 ; see also Hansel Spring Dinkeyville, Bingham Canyon, 292; painting of miner's home in, cover No. 4 Disappointment Island, see Fremont Island Donner-Mormon Trail, 258 Doty, James Duane, Indian superintendent, 59; requested services to raise rangers to protect Overland Mail route, 5 9 ; attitude toward Mormons, 65, 73 ; governor of Utah, 73, 330; letter concerning conditions in Utah, 7 5 ; died, 77 Down the Colorado, by Stanton, reviewed, 358-59 Drake, Thomas J., judge U t a h courts, 72; attitude toward Mormons, 72; Gentiles request retention in office, 72; Mormons request removal from office, 72

367 Drama, "Theatre in Zion: The Brigham City Dramatic Association," 187-97 Dugway Proving Ground, command, 11 Duhigg, Ada, influence on Bingham, 287; established Highland Boy Community House, 287, 314; tribute to, 314-15 Durham, G. Homer, Be It Enacted: The Creation of the Territory of Arizona, review by, 174-76 Dwyer, Robert J., Black Robe: The Life of Pierre-Jean DeSmet, Missionary, Explorer & Pioneer, review by, 177-78 East Canyon, 258 Echo Canyon, 258 Elba, Idaho, 258 Ellsworth, S. George, On the Mormon Frontier: The Diary of Hosea Stout, 1844-1861, review by, 272-73 Emancipation Proclamation, issued, 66 Emigrant Spring, 254, 269, 270 Emigrants, over California Trail (18491857), 258 Emigration Canyon, Idaho, 251, 253, 254, 270 Emigration Canyon, Utah, 260 English, in Bingham, 292 Erb, Jr., Eugene A., "Utah's Biggest Business: Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Air Force Base, 1938-1965," 9-33 Escalante National Monument, "Federal Park Policy in U t a h : The Escalante National Monument Controversy of 1935-1940," 109-40; pictures of area included in proposed, 109, 118, 125, 131; area proposed for, 113-14; public meeting at Price concerning, 114-16; m a p of area considered for, 115; proposed tract reduced, 117; resolution adopted at Price meeting concerning, 117; Planning Board called for opposition to, 119; protect against creation, 1262 7 ; H. H. Blood solution to creation of, 130; creation of abandoned, 132; see also Kolob Canyon National Park Escalante River, picture of area, 109 Ethnology, studies in Glen Canyon, 45 Euler, Robert C , Hosteen Klah: Navaho Medicine Man and Sand Painter, review by, 273-74 Evanoff, Alexander, " T h e Turner Thesis and Mormon Beginnings in New York and U t a h , " 157-73 Evans, Elliott, resident of Bingham, 287 Fagan, Lester, reverend in Bingham, 287 Fahrni, Bill, manager of Lark Mercantile, 285-86 Farmers Home Administration, housed at Fort Douglas, 347 Farmington, Utah, 260, 261 Farnham, Wallace D., The Central Pacific & The Southern Pacific Railroads, review by, 181-82 Fielding, U t a h , 264 Fillmore, U t a h , site of territorial capital, 100 Finns, in Bingham, 290, 292 Fireman, Bert M., Ghosts of the Adobe Walls: Human Interest and Historical Highlights


368 from 400 Ghost Haunts of Old Arizona, review by, 182-83 Flaming Gorge Dam, social impact of, 48 Flaming Gorge Reservoir, proposed, 35 Flaxville, see M a n t u a Fleming, L. A., " T h e Road to 'Fortune': T h e Salt Lake Cutoff," 248-71 Flynn, J. F., doctor in Bingham, 284 For Time and All Eternity, by Bailey, reviewed, 80-81 Fort Bridger, 258, 259; Connor sent troops to garrison, 332 Fort Cameron, abandoned, 336, 340 Fort Douglas, history of, 326-50; picture ( 1 8 6 8 ) , 326-27; " T h e U . S . Army Overlooks Salt Lake Valley, Fort Douglas, 18621965," 326-50; aerial view (1965), 327; commanders, 328, 333, 341, 349; location, 328; named, 328; construction, 329, 334, 335, 339, 340, 341-42, 344, 3 4 8 : during the Civil War, 329-33; life of soldiers at, 332-33, 337, 338-39; picture of Union Vedette printing office, 3 3 3 : cost of construction, 334; employees, 335; name redesignated, 335 ; picture of stable and tether line, 3 3 5 ; soldiers stationed at, 335; absorbed nearby installations, 336; cope with Indian outbreaks, 336; cost of supplies, 33637; picture, 336; during Spanish-American War, 338-39; troops withdrawn, 338; civilian training camp instituted, 339; during World W a r I, 339-40; Post Exchange business, 339; cutbacks, 340; general hospital established, 340; money spent by soldiers, 340; no troops garrisoned at, 340-41; number of recruits for training, 340; prisoners of war confined at, 340; picture of construction of Red Butte D a m , 3 4 1 ; Red Butte D a m constructed, 341, 3 4 3 ; C C C projects at, 342 ; Citizens' Military Training C a m p inaugurated, 342; picture of C M T C , 342-43; W P A projects at, 342, 344; expenditures, 343-44; relations with community, 3 4 3 ; wages, 3 4 3 ; Air Force at, 344; during World W a r I I , 344-46; men separated from service in 1945 at, 344-45; reception center established, 344; Army finance office, 345 disbursements from, 345, 349; mission, 345 activities lost, 346; activities retained, 346 individuals released from separation centers, 346; offices housed in buildings vacated by, 346; personnel problems, 346; picture of officer's home, 347; property turned over to War Assets Administration, 347; size, 347, 348; activities since World W a r I I , 348-49; men stationed at, 348; naval training center established at, 348; Army finance office returned to, 349; Deseret Test Center tenant at, 349; facility to be deactivated, 349; future of, 349; Tooele Army Depot to gain some services of, 350 Fort Duchesne, abandoned, 340 Fort Hall, 250, 251, 253, 254, 257, 258, 259, 265, 2 7 1 ; abandoned, 336; troops removed to Fort Douglas, 336 Fort Laramie, 259 Fort Rawlings, abandoned, 336; established, 336 Fort Thornburgh, abandoned, 336, 340

Utah Historical Quarterly Four Mile Slough, 263 Frazier, Russell G., " B i n g h a m C a n y o n Through the Eyes of a Company Doctor," 283-88; doctor in Bingham, 314 Fremont Island, "A Great Adventure on Great Salt Lake, A T r u e Story by Kate Y. Noble," 218-36; description, 219, 2 2 1 ; named, 219, 220, 221, 222 fn. 8; surveyed, 219, 220-21; sheep range, 220, 222, 2 2 3 ; bought by U . J. Wenner, 222, 222 fn. 1 1 ; cabin constructed, 222; "Courthouse Rock," 222; John Baptiste banished to, 222; prospected for minerals, 222; see also Carson Cross Fremont, J o h n Charles, explored Fremont Island, 219, 226; surveyed Great Salt Lake, 219; lost spy glass, 220, 226; first wagons to travel from crossings of Malad and Bear rivers to Ogden, 256-57; forded Bear River, 264 fn. 28 Frogtown, Bingham Canyon, 292 The Frontier Experience: Readings in the Trans-Mississippi West, by Hine and Bingham, reviewed, 81-82 Fuller, Frank, acting governor of U t a h , 59; requested protection for Overland Mail route, 59 ; removed from office, 72 The Fur Trade on the Upper Missouri, 18401865, by Sunder, reviewed, 359 The Galvanized Yankees, by Brown, reviewed, 82-83 Garland, U t a h , 266 Gemmel Club, community club in Bingham, 314 Gemmel, Robert C , attitude toward union in 1912, 297; defended labor agent, 301 Gentiles, dissension with Mormons, 65 Geology, studies in Glen Canyon, 45-47 Georgia, seceded from Union, 57 Germans, in Bingham, 292 Ghosts of the Adobe Walls: Human Interest and Historical Highlights from 400 Ghost Haunts of Old Arizona, by Murbarger, reviewed, 182-83 Gilcrease Institute of American History and Art, Thomas, Titans of Western Art, reviewed, 362 Glen Canyon, " T h e Glen Canyon: A MultiDiscipline Project," 34-54; Moqui Canyon picture of Fence Ruin, 34; pictures of canyons, sites, implements, habitations, inhabitants, cover No. 1, 34, 38, 4 1 , 44, 47, 4 9 ; expeditions into, 3 8 ; Moqui Canyon picture of Doll Ruin, 3 8 ; Early Developmental Stage of Anasazi, 39; Full Developmental Stage of Anasazi, 39; Formative Stage of Anasazi, 39; inhabited, 39; migration into and occupancy by Anasazi, 39; abandonment by Anasazi, 4 0 ; first exploration of, 4 0 ; mining in, 4 0 ; occupied by Navajo, 4 0 ; occupied by Paiute, 4 0 ; prehistoric h u m a n use of, 4 0 ; archeological "firsts" in, 41 ; architectural discoveries, 4 1 4 2 ; picture of aboriginal water storage reservoir at Creeping Dune site, 4 1 ; artifacts discovered in, 4 2 ; biological studies in, 424 5 ; diet of aborigines in, 4 3 ; picture of


369

Index skeletal remains in, 4 4 ; archeologic sites in, 4 5 ; canyons in, 4 5 ; ethnological studies in, 4 5 ; Lake Canyon in, 4 5 ; microgeologic studies in, 45-47; M o q u i Canyon in, 4 5 ; sociohistorical studies in, 47-48; communities established in area of, 48 Glen Canyon Dam, 35 Glen Canyon Reservoir, proposed, 35 Godbe, H a m p t o n C , For Time and All Eternity, review by, 80-81 Godbe, William, operated ferry on Bear River, 264 fn. 28 Goetzmann, William H., The Frontier Experience: Readings in the Trans-Mississippi West, review by ; 81-82 Gold Rush, condition of seekers, 259; first seekers arrived Salt Lake City, 259; number of seekers through Salt Lake City, 260 Golden Spike Centennial Commission, 355 Goodman, Jack, The Quiet Crisis, review by, 274; reappointed to U t a h State Historical Society Board of Trustees, 354; vice-president of board, 354 Government, functions of, 4, 5, 6 Governors, list of since statehood, 8 Granite Pass, 251, 271 Granite Spring, 251 Great Depression, conditions in Bingham Canyon, 312 Great Salt Lake, 262; first scientific survey, 219; physical characteristics of, 219; highest recorded level of, 222 Great Salt Lake City, see Salt Lake City Greeks, in Bingham, 291, 292; strike in Bingh a m ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 294; padrone system, 2 9 5 ; attitude toward labor agent, 296, 2 9 8 ; protest treatment of law enforcement officers during 1912 strike, 304-5; violence during 1912 strike, 304; Saints' Day, 313 Greeley, Horace, interviewed B. Young regarding slavery, 63 Gunnison Massacre, party massacred, 102

H Hamilton, Parker, Stereo Views: A History of Stereographs in America and Their Collection, review by, 277-78 H a m p t o n , Benjamin, operated ferry on Bear River, 264 fn. 28 Hampton's Bridge, 263-64, 265; picture, 264; brief history, 264 fn. 28 Hansel Mountain, 268-69 Hansel Spring, 254-55, 2 6 8 ; named, 255 fn. 12 ; see also Dillie Spring Hansel Valley, 255, 268 Harding, Stephen S., attitude toward Mormons, 67-70, 7 2 ; governor of U t a h , 6 7 ; letters concerning Mormons, 68-70; denounced Mormons, 7 2 ; Gentiles request retention in office of, 72; Mormons request removal from office, 7 2 ; removed from office, 72; left U t a h , 73 H a r p e r Spring, 263 H a r t , Newell, "Rescue of a Frontier Boy," 51-54 Hastings Cutoff, 258 Hastings Spring, 262 Hausknecht, Howard, teacher in Bingham, 287

Hawkins Basin, 258 Heber City Tabernacle, see Wasatch Stakehouse Hempstead, Charles E., provost marshal of Salt Lake City, 74 Hensley, Samuel J., head of exploring party, 249-50; left Salt Lake City, 249, 250; brief sketch of background, 2 5 0 ; met returning M o r m o n Battalion men, 2 5 0 ; first known group to use Salt Lake Cutoff as integral part of road to California, 257; forded Bear River, 264 fn. 28 Hercules Powder Company, employment, 24; payroll, 24; manufacture of Minuteman, 26 Highland Boy, Bingham Canyon, 292; community house, 287; picture, 304; picture of community house, 312; "Serbian-Austrian Christmas at Highland Boy," 316-25; ghost town, 323 Highland Boy Mine, resumed operations in 1912 with strikebreakers, 304 Hill Air Force Base, responsibilities, 10-11; named, 12, 17; purpose, 12-13; employment difficulties, 13; first command, 1 3 ; World W a r I I activities, 13-16; functions, 14, 15, 16; disposal operations, 16; milestones in history of, 16; storage operations, 16; during Korean War, 18-22; construction, 19; employment, 19, 2 2 ; special services performed by, 3 1 ; real estate and facilities of Ogden Arsenal transferred to Ogden Air Materiel Area at, 246, 247; see also Ogden Air Materiel Area Hill Air Force Range, facilities, 30; location, 30 ; see also Hill Air Force Base Hill Field, see Hill Air Force Base Hine, Robert V., ed., The Frontier Experience: Readings in the Trans-Mississippi West, reviewed, 81-82 Historic Sites Act, provisions, 35-36 History of Brigham Young, 1847-1867, reviewed, 178 Honeyville, U t a h , 263, 267, 268 Hooper Canal, 262 Hooper, William H , granted herd ground, 262 Hosteen Klah: Navaho Medicine Man and Sand Painter, by Newcomb, reviewed, 27374 Hot Springs, 263 Howell, U t a h , 255, 268 Hoyt, Emily Smith, married, 9 9 ; picture, 1 0 1 ; taught school, 108 Hoyt, E m m a Burbidge, married, 1 0 1 ; picture, 101 Hoyt Mansion, location, 9 9 ; pictures, 99, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107; construction started, 105; description, 105-6, 107-8; construction ended, 107 Hoyt, Samuel Pierce, biography, 99-108; born, 9 9 ; converted to Mormonism, 9 9 ; married, 99, 101; arrived Salt Lake Valley, 100; settled in Fillmore, 100; worked on State House, 100; appointed Indian agent and Indian farmer, 1 0 1 ; children, 1 0 1 ; picture, 1 0 1 ; arrived Weber, 103 ; B. Young advised to go to Weber, 103; activities of, 105; gristmill completed, 105; died, 108 Hoytsville, U t a h , location, 9 9 ; settled, 104


Utah Historical Quarterly

370 Hudspeth Cutoff, 258 Humboldt River, 260 Hutchings, John, worked in Bingham Hospital, 322 Hutchings, Lucile Ewart, nurse in Bingham, 322

I Immigrants, "Life and Labor Among the Immigrants of Bingham Canyon," 289315; recreation, 290; attitude toward unions in Bingham, 293, 294; relations in Bingham, 311, 312, 313, 314; to U.S. in 1914, 1918, and 1921,311 Indians, "Rescue of a Frontier Boy," 51-54; Chief Bear Hunter, 5 2 ; battles, 53, 329, 330; released white captive, 54; description of expedition against Paiute, 139-40; Battle of Bear River, 329; P. E. Connor fought, 329-30; treaties negotiated, 330; farms created by B. Young abandoned by, 336; outbreaks of, 336 Industrial Army, passed through Utah, 144 Inglesby, A. L., dentist in Bingham, 285; ran Bingham-Salt Lake stage line, 285; picture, 286; picture of office, 286 Inscore, Robert W., John M. Browning, American Gunmaker, review by, 274-75 International Workers of the World, activities in Bingham, 293, 309, 310 Irish, in Bingham, 289, 292 Italians, in Bingham, 290, 292; padrone system, 295; celebrations, 313 Iverson, J. Grant, picture, 3 5 1 ; " T h e President's Report for the Fiscal Year 19641965," 351-56 Ivins, Stanley S., History of Brigham Young, 1847-1867, review by, 178 Jackling, Daniel C , father of low-grade porphyries, 284; refused to believe padrone system existed, 298-99; attitude toward 1912 strikers, 300; stated men did not have to pay to secure jobs, 3 0 1 ; announced U t a h Copper willing to increase wages of 1912 strikers, 306 Jacobson, Pearl, picture, 354; received U t a h State Historical Society Teacher Award, 354 Japanese, in Bingham, 291, 292; padrone system, 295; employed as bank men in Bingham, 296; activities in Bingham during 1912 strike, 303 Japtown, Bingham Canyon, 292 Jennings, Frank W., chief justice Philippine Supreme Court, 145; officer during Spanish-American War, 145 Jennings, Jesse D., " T h e Glen Canyon: A Multi-Discipline Project," 34-54 Jensen, Joel, teacher in Bingham, 287 John M. Browning, American Gunmaker, by Browning and Gentry, reviewed, 274-75 Johnson, Luke, officer in Nauvoo Legion, 143 Johnson, Rue C , "Theatre in Zion: T h e Brigham City Dramatic Association," 18797 Johnston, Albert Sidney, replaced as officer in charge of Pacific Military District, 58-

59; killed, 60 Junction Valley, 251, 271 Katrakis, Mike, shot during 1912 strike, 304 Kelly, Charles, The Lame Captain: The Life and Adventures of Pegleg Smith, review by, 360-61 Kennecott Copper Corporation, employment in U t a h , 10 Kennedy, Michael S., ed., Cowboys and Cattlemen: A Roundup from Montana, The Magazine of Western History, reviewed, 179-80 Kimball, Hazen, 264 fn. 2 8 ; dissenter from Mormon Church, 257 Kimball, Heber C , predicted destruction of U.S. government, 65 Kimball, W. H , officer in Nauvoo Legion, 143 Kingdom of God, 62, 330; purpose and organization, 64, 64 fn. 15 Kinney, John F., attitude toward Mormons, 6 5 ; judge U t a h courts, 6 5 ; removed from office, 72 Kiva, picture, 47 Kolob Canyon National Park, proposed, 110; rejected, 110, 111; see also Escalante National Park K u K l u x Klan, 311 Labor, U t a h National Guard called out against striking coal miners, 145; conditions in Bingham (1912), 2 9 3 ; labor agent, 294; strike of 1912, 294-306; strikebreakers in Bingham (1912), 2 9 4 , 3 0 1 , 3 0 4 , 305; padrone system, 295, 295 fn. 19; called strike in 1912 in Bingham, 296; organized in 1912, 296; payscale ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 296; D. C. Jackling belief concerning padrone system, 298-99,' 302; strikebreakers recruited, 3 0 1 ; resolution by Tooele smeltermen (1912), 305; importance of 1912 strike, 306; padrone system exposed, 306-7; relief to strikers from union ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 306; strike of 1912 ended. 306; strikers in desperate need ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 306; wages ( 1 9 1 6 ) , 308; oversupply in Bingham, 310; mechanization problems, 3 1 1 ; see also Union The Lady of the Lake, boat used for shipping on Great Salt Lake, 221 Lajeunesse, Basil, explored Fremont Island, 219 Lambrides, Vasilios, priest of Greek Church, 300 The Lame Captain: The Life and Adventures of Pegleg Smith, by Templeton, reviewed, 360-61 Larson, A. Karl, picture, 354; received Utah State Historical Society Fellow Award, 354; Brigham Young's Dixie of the Desert: Exploration and Settlement, review by, 363-64 Larson, Gustive O , " U t a h and the Civil War," 55-77 The Last Days of the Sioux Nation, by Utley, reviewed, 79-80 Layton, Utah, 261


371

Index Leigh, Rufus Wood, Nevada Place Names, Their Origin and Significance, reviewed, 179 Leventis, John, resident of Bingham, 305 Leventis, Steve, resident of Bingham, 305 Lewman, Sam, shot 1912 striker, 304 Leydet, Francois, Time and The River Flowing: Grand Canyon, rev