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REVISTA DE COMUNICARE ŞI MARKETING Anul I, nr. 1, septembrie 2010 I.S.S.N. 2069 - 0304

Cuprins Tezaurul filosofic al limbii române……………………………… 5 Alexandru SURDU Poème en prose et discontinuité discursive……………………… 13 Virgil BORCAN Gender identity and critical discourse analysis: a rhetorical study in taiwanese female collegian athletes………. 21 Catherine YI-CHIEN CHEN Le rôle de la communication médiatique dans la formation des attitudes sociales…………………………. 47 Cristina GELAN, Elena PREDESCU Impactul televiziunii asupra copiilor…….……………………… 55 Nicoleta CIACU Elements of strategy, communication and electoral marketing in the 2009 presidential campaign - case study: Constanta county…………………………………... 73 Andra SECELEANU


U.A.S. Revista de Comunicare şi Marketing, anul I, numărul 1, septembrie 2010 I.S.S.N. 2069-0304 Pag. 13-20

Résumé: Surgi au tout premier début du Romantisme comme expression d’un malaise existentiel autant qu’esthétique, le poème en prose témoigne, de par son existence – même, d’une discontinuité foncière, tant en synchronie qu’en diachronie. Hybride, doublement postulé si l’on emprunte l’expression de Baudelaire (car il est „prose” et „poème” à la fois), il marque dans un espace de cent ans les sommets inégaux d’une évolution également discontinue. Ambigu, plurivalent, „polyisotope” (cf. Groupe μ), il rompt avec la tradition mimétique de la poésie pour se convertir dans une „totalité en fonction”, obéissant aux lois de polysémie, brièveté et gratuité mises en relief par S. Bernard. Quant à sa „voracité” discursive, le fait d’emprunter plusieurs modes d’énonciation et modalités d’écriture fait de lui un objet de prédilection de la poétique; bien que, il faut l’avouer, le dernier mot à son sujet reste encore à être dit. Par un collectif avisé, bien sûr, plutôt que par un simple chercheur. Mots-clé: élocution, séquence, discontinuité, métaboles, polyisotopie

POÈME EN PROSE ET DISCONTINUITÉ DISCURSIVE Lect. univ. dr. Virgil BORCAN Universitatea Transilvania din Braşov, Facultatea de Litere, Catedra de Limbi şi literaturi străine


Anul I, nr. 1, septembrie 2010

«Toute littérature est un espace continu: les ruptures véhémentes sont illusoires, les « mutations » ou les « métamorphoses » ne sont que les moments décisifs et spectaculaires d’une nécessaire continuité. » (Irina Mavrodin, Spaţiul continuu)

Fruit d’une révolte esthétique et d’une lassitude (vu la « tyrannie » du vers classique et de la Poétique d‘Aristote), le poème en prose a toujours essayé de gagner sa dignité générique. Difficulté quasiment impossible à résoudre, étant donné son caractère hybride. A la limite et forçant un peu les choses, il participe de deux « côtés génériques », de deux types de discours distincts, le récit et la poésie; il peut être à la fois « élocution libre », donc objet de la poétique et « élocution réglée », c’est à dire objet de la rhétorique. Dans son exhaustive thèse de doctorat1, Suzanne Bernard a essayé de faire le point sur le paradigme auquel pourrait se subordonner le poème en prose du point de vue formel, comme étape finale d’une évolution qui va du vers classique et du vers libre, en passant par la prose poétique (Rousseau, Chateaubriand) et jusqu’à son initiateur duquel se réclame Baudelaire, donc Aloysius Bertrand (Bernard, 1994). Une fois apparu au XIXe siècle, il parcourt un chemin spectaculaire autant qu’inégal, de Baudelaire (qui n’excluait pas le récit de la poéticité) et des symbolistes, en passant par Lautréamont et Rimbaud, par le grand déferlement surréaliste et jusqu’aux Vents de Saint-John Perse. Mais si, diachroniquement parlant, le phénomène est discontinu, la discontinuité peut être identifiée aussi au niveau du discours, dans tel ou tel cas (et surtout chez Rimbaud). Des précisions théoriques s’imposent donc. Depuis Platon (qui distinguait entre logos et lexis) et Aristote et jusqu’à Genette, on a toujours essayé de donner une définition du

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discours; la plus neutre serait « séquence continue, structurée et cohérente ». En ce sens, « discours » est synonyme de « texte », « séquence d’unités cohérentes et actualisées » (Genette, 1972). Quant à la discontinuité, elle est « un trait des unités au niveau du système (donc des invariantes par rapport aux variantes) » ; les linguistes donnent comme synonyme de « discontinu » le mot « discret »; « propriété de l’unité de se caractériser par une rupture de contenu par rapport aux unités voisines, réalisée par le fait qu’elle est distincte de tout ce qu’elle n’est pas » (Le Groupe μ, 1974). De ce point de vue, « discontinu » se définit par opposition à « continu », qui est « un trait retrouvable à quelque niveau que ce soit ou pour n’importe quel domaine où ont lieu des passages graduels d’un élément-unité à un autre » ; il devient impossible d’établir des limites précises, vue l’existence des « zones de transition » où interfèrent des traits appartenant aux deux éléments /unités. Ce qui assure l’unité du discours / texte, sa « monotonie » dont parle Irina Mavrodin c’est sa cohésion, qui repose sur plusieurs éléments: la récurrence, le parallélisme, la paraphrase(le texte peut être résumé), les proformes, l’ellipse, le temps et l’aspect, la perspective fonctionnelle des propositions et, pour les textes oraux, l’intonation (de ce dernier point de vue, c’est très intéressante l’observation de Genette, qui met la disparition du critère métrique – distinguant auparavant entre prose et poésie – sur « l’affaiblissement continu des modes auditifs de la consommation littéraire » – poésie antique, lecture publique, ainsi de suite). Ambigu et plurivalent (« polyisotope », dirait Le Groupe µ), le poème en prose rompt avec la tradition millénaire qui voulait que la poésie soit mimésis. En tant qu’« objet absolu » ou bien que « totalité en fonction », le poème en prose se prête à une lecture « tabulaire », simultanément sur plusieurs niveaux. Le poème se veut un ensemble suffisant à soi-même, avec de multiples irradiations de signification, en se présentant comme un réseau de tensions des forces absolues qui agissent successivement sur les couches pré-rationnelles, en faisant vibrer à la fois les zones de mystère des notions. Il n’existe plus cette homogénéité d’un niveau donné de significations, qui assure une lecture uniforme du texte, fondée sur une cohérence sémantique ; bien sûr, il s’agit là du poème moderne. Contrairement à Jean Cohen, qui veut que la poésie soit une antiprose (Cohen, 1963) et contrairement à Claude Lévi Strauss, cité par Umberto Eco (1991), le poème moderne est une oeuvre ouverte, 15


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polysémique et ambiguë, qui cependant ne renvoie a rien d’autre qu’à soi-même. Entendue comme substitution du langage affectif, émotionnel et connotatif au langage intellectuel et dénotatif, la poésie (y compris le poème en prose), par sa fonction dont parle Jakobson, cité par Mavrodin Irina, (1982) veut motiver le langage du point de vue de l’arbitraire du signe linguistique, donner un sens plus pur aux mots de la tribu, dans ce « champ de bataille » qui oppose depuis si longtemps la transitivité de la prose à l’intransivité de la poésie. Pour ce faire, le poème en prose dispose d’un assez large ensemble de moyens, et même de plusieurs modes d’énonciation et modalités d’écriture (narration, description, dialogue); y compris les registres peuvent varier, allant du lyrique et du pathétique jusqu’au fantastique et à l’épique. Ce qui importe, d’une part, c’est la cohérence et l’unité du fragment, y compris du recueil malgré l’effet de discontinu (ce qui n’arrive pas toujours pour Rimbaud, par exemple), et d’autre part la tension entre signifiant et signifié, la valeur symbolique tout court. Prenons un exemple: certes, pour Aloysius Bertrand, l’auteur de Gaspard de la Nuit, la définition du récit donnée par Genette n’est pas opérante, vu le caractère essentiellement poétique de ses Fantaisies à la manière de Rembrandt et de Callot. Un petit poème en prose comme L’Heure du sabbat d’Aloysius Bertrand pourrait, à la rigueur, être contracté à un verbe (selon le modèle proposé par le même Genette dans Ulysse rentre à Ithaque ou Marcel devient écrivain ), mais il demeure, coûte que coûte, un texte poétique, fulgurant comme un éclair, et qui respecte les lois de brièveté, de concentration et d’autonomie exigées par les contraintes du « genre » (si l’on peut se permettre de considérer le poème en prose comme un genre distinct). Pour qu’un texte fonctionne, dit Irina Mavrodin (1972), il doit être « monotone » (donc continu) et récognoscible. Certes, on peut reconnaître « la griffe » de Bertrand, si l’on pense à l’ensemble du recueil ; le poème en question n’en reste pas moins discontinu et « cassé », si l’on peut dire. Il s’agit d’une discontinuité au niveau sémantique et syntaxique, malgré une certaine cohésion (Groupe µ, 1974) au niveau transphrastique. La présence du verbe, du « noyau narratif » à la fin du poème n’est pas sans rappeler la topique latine. En outre, on peut identifier ce que Genette appelle épithètes « impertinentes », logiquement inacceptables en leur sens littéral (« ciel mort », « vent crispé »). 16


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En arrivant au cas d’Aloysius Bertrand, une précision en quelque sorte collatérale s’impose, tout de même. « Il faut blanchir comme si le texte était de la poésie », disait--il dans ses Instructions à M. le metteur en pages. En d’autres termes, un poème en prose peut être discontinu y compris au niveau de son iconicité, de la délimitation du texte par des espaces blancs et par des points, par ce que le Groupe µ appelle « métaboles de support » (graphiques et typographiques) ; le cas révélateur du point de vue de la paratextualité – de l’édition princeps de la Thalassa de notre Macedonski est significatif, entre autres (Genette, 1972). Les choses vont évoluer d’une vélocité assez grande, pendant un siècle. L’inconséquence croissante de la coordination peut être entendue comme le passage des coordinations presque toujours logiques du discours classique aux ruptures momentanées du discours romantique, puis à l’inconséquence systématique et continue qui s’épanouit dans l’écriture surréaliste. En établissant les choses de cette manière, Genette – sans précisément envisager le poème en prose – sous-entend une période historique qui va jusqu’aux écarts surréalistes, qui sont non réductibles, comme dans le fameux L’Huître du Sénégal mangera le pain tricolore. Certes, dans ce dernier cas, l’écart peut être compris soit comme « détour », selon un critère sémantique, soit comme « invention », selon un critère psychosociologique. Dans cet intervalle temporel d’une centaine d’années environ, la contribution de Rimbaud est essentielle autant qu’incontournable, puisque dans son désir d’une poésie « objective », il arrive aux confins du discours en tant que possibilité ontologique d’expression. Dans son ouvrage déjà cité, Suzanne Bernard identifie les trois types de phrase qui font fonctionner un poème en prose, en le rendant discontinu parfois: il s’agit de la phrase heurtée, de la phrase ondulatoire et de la phrase lyrique. Dans le cas spécial des Illuminations de Rimbaud, Suzanne Bernard parle d’une véritable « esthétique du discontinu » (phrases à sommet vague) redevable à la prose la plus heurtée et la moins artistique. Il s’agit d’un phénomène de télescopage et d’une vision (il ne la subit pas), de ce que l’auteur appelle « l’instantanéité » du texte rimbaldien (Bernard, 1994). Parues en 1886 à son insu, d’après un manuscrit resté chez Verlaine, les Illuminations frappent, sur le plan de l’expression, par la nouveauté des associations de tout genre. Rimbaud brise les règles et 17


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les contraintes, il cherche et il trouve une forme à lui, un vers « désarticulé ». Le style est syncopé, plein d’incohérences contrastantes et d’un désordre voulu. Le ton, le rythme, l’accent et l’expression sont profondément originaux. C’est du moins ce que pense, chez nous, Alexandru Philippide qui considère que, à la recherche de formes nouvelles, Rimbaud est allé très loin. En brisant les formes existantes, il s’est forgé un mode d’expression syncopé, allusif, associatif à l’extrême. Tel n’est pas le cas de Lautréamont, par exemple, et de son type de discontinuité discursive, qu’on appelle « cinéma accéléré »; pour l’auteur des Chants de Maldoror on pourrait parler plutôt d’une continuité profonde qui s’oppose à la discontinuité de surface. Cela, si l’on ne perd pas de vue que, en ce qui le concerne, entre prose et vers il y a une différence de degré, pas de nature. Les coupes (rythmes) lautréamontiennes recréent les mouvements et les élans de l’être intérieur. Rimbaud et Lautréamont, ont été nommés « les grands maîtres des écluses pour la littérature à venir ». Et quand Rimbaud affirme : « Je ne sais plus parler », il fait état de l’insuffisance du langage à traduire la pensée. À ce titre, d’une égale importance sont les mots isolés (dans ses poèmes appelés parfois « polyphoniques ») et le silence, qui renvoie, entre autres, au fameux refus de la parole mallarméen. Rimbaud et Mallarmé sont indispensables pour la naissance de ce que Dominique Combe (1997) appelle « une nouvelle rhétorique des genres », dont l’exclusion du récit (et par conséquent de la continuité) est la clef de voûte. Selon Combe, le poème dissocie, fragmente plus qu’il ne rassemble les éléments du récit. En parlant de la littéralité absolue du langage poétique, qui ne peut pas être transposé dans le langage commun, Irina Mavrodin révèle la polysémie et l’ambiguïté du poème moderne. Elle soutient que sous l’influence de la musique, la poésie devient, de façon programmatique, suggestive, constituée sur des analogies, des symboles, des correspondances» (Mavrodin, 1982). « L’obscurité principale » se réalise par discontinuité au niveau du discours et de la composition, et par dissonance. La poésie moderne réclame de la sorte un langage spécifique au mode absolu, c’est à dire gouverné par les lois d’une logique spécifique, qui fait impossible la transposition d’un poème dans le langage commun, 18


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strictement référentiel, et gouverné par une autre logique (Friedrich, 1987). On affirme que la psychanalyse veut guérir le poète de sa poésie. Pourrait-on nous imaginer à la fin de notre petite dissertation – et ne fût-ce que pour le plaisir du jeu intellectuel – que l’acte d’écrire des poèmes et l’écriture sous-jacente se produisent dans un « état de rêve »? Il ne faut pas être psychanalyste pour se rendre compte que le contenu manifeste du rêve est à bien d’égards discontinu; toute la démarche surréaliste repose sur ce fait. Une analyse du poème en prose de ce point de vue reste à faire, mais elle appartiendra à un autre champ d’investigation, qui ne nous intéresse pas pour l’instant. Cependant, une idée de Greimas est apte à nous donner matière à réflexion: Du point de vue des effets de sens produits sur l’auditoire, on peut, par extension, considérer comme poétique ce que pour d’autres civilisations tient du sacré (Greimas, 1970). Bibliographie: ● Cohen, J. (1963). Structure du langage poétique. Paris: Flammarion. ● Combe, D. (1997). Poésie et récit – une rhétorique des genres, Paris: José Corti. ● Eco, U. (1991). Lector in fabula. Bucureşti: Univers. ● Friedrich, H. (1987). Structura liricii moderne. Bucureşti: Univers. ● Genette, G. (1972). Discours du récit. In Figures III, (pp. 67 – 275), Paris: Seuil. ● Greimas, A. J. (1970). Du sens. Paris: Seuil. ● Grupul μ (1974). Retorică generală. Bucureşti: Univers. ● Mavrodin, I. (1982). Poietică şi poetică. Bucureşti: Univers. ● Mavrodin, I. (1972). Spaţiul continuu. Bucureşti: Univers.

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U.A.S. Revista de Comunicare şi Marketing, anul I, numărul 1, septembrie 2010 I.S.S.N. 2069-0304 Pag. 21-46

Abstract This study aims to explore the Taiwanese female collegian athletes‟ gender discourse in the description of their gender identities. Sport, the field stresses strong physical characteristics traditionally belong to men, has been long considered the powerful sites in cultural context of masculine hegemony. Female athletes are required to build physical masculine characteristics in order to compete. How prominent masculine appearances reflect on the (re)interpretation of their gender identities off courts may be problematically presented through gendered discourse. Semi constructed indepth interviews from 45 minutes to an hour, application of critical discourse analysis (CDA) were conducted with 25 Taiwanese female collegian athletes. Masculine descriptors such as „manly‟, and androgynous descriptor such as „middle-sexed‟ („Zhong(middle)-xin-hua (sexed)‟—the peculiar linguistic adjective that still has slight difference from androgynous) were manifested in these female athletes‟ discourse. Preliminary findings indicated that the interviewees identified their homosexuality when „middle-sexed‟ was applied. Also, these „middle-sexed‟ female athletes experienced difficulties in confronting their sexualities in family communication. The implication of using „middle-sexed‟ to describe one‟s gender identity can be treated as refusal of gender binary and paradox. The force in family value of collectivism coerces the athletes‟ construction of their gender identities. Keywords: female athletes, gender identity, androgyny, critical discourse analysis.

GENDER IDENTITY AND CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS: A RHETORICAL STUDY IN TAIWANESE FEMALE COLLEGIAN ATHLETES Catherine YI-CHIEN CHEN Ph. D. Candidate, Graduate Institute of Communications, Shih-Hsin University, Taipei, Taiwan.


Anul I, nr. 1, septembrie 2010

Sport is commonly considered a powerful cultural form to present individuals‟ physical power, strength toughness, aggression, and competence. Prominent physical characteristic like muscle is particularly belong to male dominated system in sports. Men in sport are more „natural‟ than women in sport with obvious patriarchal hegemony in many cultural forces. While the rule of the game is similar, that men play “base”ball and women play “soft”ball might be treated as unnoticeable discursive hegemony in everyday discourse. In the Grand Slam in tennis, male players play three out of five sets with almost double the prize while female play two out of three sets. These are just a few to name the naturalness in gender inequality in sport fields. Stereotypical gender designed sports such as figure skating, gymnastics, and tennis are sex appropriate sports for women; triathlon, wrestling, and bodybuilding would be sex inappropriate sports for women. Women who step into sex inappropriate sports would be considered tomboys and lesbians naturally (Iannota & Kane, 2002). When female athletes build more muscles, their physical attribution devalued their identities as women. Women have been gradually and quietly breaking the glass ceiling in sport in the last few decades. Female athletes started to compete in traditionally “for-men-only-sports” with more social acceptance. While female athletes compete professionally, the conflict between their powerful masculinity and soft femininity arise off sport fields. Female athletes are defined less feminine than non-athlete females while athletes are defined masculine (Clasen, 2001). This means female athletes must apply masculine toughness to win the competitions on courts/fields but discard masculinity characteristics off court if they want to be womanly or want to be perceived womanly. The practice of professionally masculine but feminine off the courts can be seen in media representation of women in sport. Female Russian tennis player, Maria Sharapova has been famous of her power ball playing and high pitch roaring on courts. However, she was represented as a long hair down, smiling neighborhood girl in electronics and fashion advertisings. The social acceptance of women in sport has been rising; however, the standard for female athletes remains as masculine on court but feminine off court. This study attempts to explore the discursive styles of gender identities in the rhetorical discourse of Taiwanese female collegian athletes. If the narration is filled with gender rhetorical strategies, how 22


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do these female athletes describe their gender identity when the paradox between masculinity and femininity appear? If conflicting gender characteristics do appear in their everyday lives, how do these female athletes rationalize their means in their interpersonal and family communications? These research questions were intended to provide better understandings in female athletes‟ gender rhetorical strategies in collectivistic culture. Review of Literature Gender inequality in sport Sport is the field (habitus, Bourdieu, 1991), the field filled with various knowledge, meanings, and power under the constructions of social agents. Treating sport as a cultural site in Bourdieu‟s point of view is a field full of gender inequality if the ones with power who produced the knowledge and meanings were males. When Hall (1995) applied cultural racism as the way dominated class create the meanings to discriminate non-aristocrats, the extension of male domination hence created the meaning of hetero-normativity in sport structure. Sport itself communicates and creates male dominant discourse by stressing being forceful, courageous, competitive, strong, active, aggressive, challenging, and those descriptors belong to masculine characteristics. (Carty, 2005; Mean & Kassing, 2008; Miller, 2007; Ross & Shinew, 2007). Men in sport are more naturally aggressive and tough since these are socially expected in men. When masculine characteristics are applied on female athletes specifically the men‟s only sports like bodybuilding, McGrath and Chananie-Hill (2009) found the descriptors as “big freaking looking women” in female body. Forcefulness and muscles on women are no longer aggressive but freaky and unnatural. When the field is constructed by males‟ dominant discourse, the power of the knowledge construction is in the hand of men. Even when female athletes are allowed to participate in sport events from the last century, women in sport must fulfill the requirement and rules set forth by men (Helstein, 2007). Masculine descriptors in sport field force female athletes to comply in order for male dominance to function on the top of the hierarchy when sport is not only the horizontal but also a vertical field. Women hence are required to equip with male specific physical characteristics elements so they can compete and achieve the success. Once the gender distinction is institutionalized, gender inequality support the naturalness of gender 23


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behaviors that is specific to each sex (Ross & Shinew, 2007); female athletes naturalize the sex (in)appropriate sports under the social expectation as they might have been in constant gender confliction when choosing the sex inappropriate sports. The seemingly natural tolerance in gender hegemony in sports requires more attention in looking into female athletes‟ discourse. The notion of Gramsci‟s hegemony (1971) is thought to invoke power by consent but not coercion (Speer, 2005). If the naturalization of hegemony takes two to tangle, female athletes‟ discourse must provide the possibilities for the hierarchy of hegemony to „fit-in‟ (Storey, 2004). The elements of co-existing but opposite masculinity and femininity can be major cultural struggles (Remlinger, 2004; Speer, 2005) for female athletes because masculinity and femininity are not longer in the linear rivalry but in the power/powerless vertical hierarchy. If masculinity and femininity contradict oppositely, there should be paradox in between. The unrest space in between is the place female athletes constantly negotiate and renegotiate their gender identities within themselves and with the social expectation and ideologies. Van Dijk (1998) believed that ideology would be to uncovered in the unnoticed habits of life, the taken-for-granted assumption of professional inquiry. Like knowledge and meanings, gender identities are produced in various texts under the cultural context (Mean & Kassing, 2008). Female athletes produce their gender identities through construction, co-construction and reconstruction with their training peers, family members, and coaches; they also shape their bodies during this process of (re)negotiating their gender identities under the cultural ideologies. In the account of their everyday discourse, female athletes‟ rhetorical discourse presents the blurring ground from femininity to masculinity. The dichotomy between femininity and masculinity has been long lasting in Western culture. Although the binary of femininity and masculinity in sport has been harshly questioned by Clasen (2001) and McGrath and Chananie-Hill (2009), the problematic masculine dominance has continuously functioned in women in sports. Once female athletes build muscles, it would be challenging to maintain their soft femininity. Female athletes face the paradox of being feminine and being athletic at the same time since athlete is defined masculine. Being feminine requires constructing the images of beauty while being athletic embraces not being pretty but being competitive (Ross & Shinew, 2007). Being athletic and being beautiful cannot co24


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exist but stays as enemies. Female athletes must give up their female characteristics if they want to be competitive on courts/fields. Women who are involved with hyper masculine sports such as bodybuilding, triathlon, and wrestling remain to shape their bodies with more physical muscles than other sex appropriate sports like figure skating (Miller, 2007). The difficulties follow after they step off the courts that if these female athletes carry their male characteristics into their off-the-court discourse. Position gender in Chinese culture Sex is the physical attribution fixed at birth, while gender is fluid, socially constructed, and negotiable (Remlinger, 2005; Speer, 2005; Sunderland, 2004). Gender may be achieved through the most intimate interaction and conversation; one‟s gender identity can be understood as flexible since the communication process with the others in society constantly change. To Butler (1994), not only gender is fluid, even sex is not based on fixed bias; however, the physical attributions in sex are not fixed but just being position into the dichotomous categories. Butler‟s „performativity‟ regarded gender as the performance achieved even though the challenge laid on one‟s cultural practice. Speer (2005) explained that if gender can be achieved through performance particularly through discourse, how the process of the discourse was constructed that we need to pay attention. The performative processes of co-constructions in discourse enable sex from the noun, the natural essence to sexed, the active action; the processes also enable gender to gendered discourse with agency. Cultural ideologies shape, challenge, and construct our ways to communicate gender in our everyday lives. We perform gender (Baxter, 2003; Remlinger, 2005; Wood & Reich, 2006), gender become gendered since it is active rather than stasis noun. Whether the term of perform, enact, or construct is used on gender, the nature of their activeness involves the locations in the discourse. We position gender in discourse so it can be gendered (Baxter, 2003) which corresponds to Jia‟s Wei - positioning (2006) in Chinese culture. The influence of Confucianism is to know one‟s moral position in the social hierarchy; one ought to enact or perform what is appropriate to her position under her cultural context. When applying Wei, positioning on discursive gendered process in Chinese culture, one ought to act according to her/his sex. Physical males who produce discourse with feminine characteristics would be considered “C” 25


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(sissy) while physical females who construct more masculine discourse would be described as “T” (tomboy). When female athletes apply the masculine characteristics on themselves such as short spiky hair, their gendered discourse appear to put themselves in the inappropriate position in the cultural expectation. Knowing her position and uttering gender appropriate discourse would then fit into requirement of Chinese cultural ideologies. The Chinese culture under the umbrella of collectivism stresses the unity, collective group success and harmony in the correlations of interpersonal, family and organizational communications. The Chinese culture understands the universe as the whole from the knowing and perceiving rather than the analytical dualism in Western culture (Kim, 2006). The relationship between knowing and perceiving is interconnected but not opposite or paradoxical. Ting-Toomey (2006) explained that collectivism emphasize the importance of the group (we) identity instead of the individual identity (I). Chinese culture places the group such as family and team above the single unit of self. The fundamental knowledge according to the social expectation in Chinese culture is holistic but not individualistic. Kim (2006) pointed that one must become selfless (p. 411); the existence of one is strive to complete and achieve the family value and the social expectation without positioning the individual‟s needs and desire first. Chinese strong cultural value in harmonious style refers to the avoidance of conflict and acceptance in parental authority/hierarchy structure. The stress of harmony and value in Chinese culture results in one‟s lack of ability in the discourse of one-self but themselves. If the being does not follow the cultural norm such as girls wearing long hair in pink clothes (Wood & Reigh, 2006), what she encountered in Chinese culture would not be the direct confrontation but hidden reticence pressure from social others with higher hierarchical status. Van Dijk (2006) stated that critical discourse analysis (CDA) particularly interests in sociopolitical issue and the study of power abuse; not the actual text but the „environment‟ (context, the institutional constraint) influences her discourse. When gender identities have been taboo to speak out publicly in Taiwan, CDA may prevail certain unspeakable realities/ideologies. Liu and Ding (2008) further applied the reticence power of rhetorical gendered communication in Taiwan; they believed that the concept of „out-ofcloset‟ in Western culture does not apply well in the practice in 26


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Taiwan because there is no closet in Taiwan. When one wants to explore her socially inappropriate gender identity, there is no closet to come out of but the reticence from others or within herself which would enforce her to place herself in culturally accepted position. The idea of no closet coincides some scholars‟ „passing‟ (Rasmussen, 2004; Zimmerman & Geist-Martin, 2006). However, the powerful reticence in the gendered discourse in Chinese culture reveals the structural patterns of social hierarchy. Methodology consideration Highmore (2002) explained that little narrations in the everydayness may expose the symbolic truth(s) whether they fit in with the social truth. The rhetorical strategies in everyday conversation may disclose within the gendered discourse one applied with or without her conscious recognition. In the depiction of gender identities among the female collegian athletes, the researcher was looking for the hidden knowledge in their gendered rhetorical discourse. Roughly 100 questionnaires survey such as their relationship status and their training periods of particular sport category was sent out to female students in Taipei Physical Education College, the strategy was to encourage their further interests in in-depth interviews. Twenty-five respondents expressed their interests in one hour session of semiconstructed in-depth interviews from mid-season 2009 to the beginning of 2010. The researcher also applied the tactic of snow ball, having the prospect interviewees to refer their female peers in different sport categories so that the data may present more different aspects from female athletes as a whole but not excluding particular kind. In the selection of valid interviewees, the researcher only selected those female collegian athletes who received the sport training longer than 10 years in order to differ from non-athletes female collegian. The 23 valid in-depth interviewees spent their middle school, high school and partial college time in all female dormitories so the training could enforce more team spirit and result in success. These interviewees‟ categories in sport included tennis, softball, triathlon, cycling, canoeing, weight lifting, valley ball and table tennis; the wide range of the sport categories may provide the researcher unbiased and unlimited understandings in the analysis process. The researcher conducted the interviews in Mandarin Chinese due to the mother tongue among the interviewees are Mandarin. Some 27


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interviewees used Taiwanese dialect in slangs or mixed Taiwanese into their Mandarin. Ramlinger (2005) stressed that cultural ideology shapes, change, and challenge discourses; women speak accord their cultural influence such as pausing longer between sentences and using more “uh” to organize following sentences. If the „environment‟ element in the eyes of Van Dijk (2006) was to influence one‟s discourse and audiences‟ perception, gender identities which might not be stated clearly in the researcher objects‟ speech acts may be unfolded through CDA. Data analysis/Findings “I’m middle sexed” During the interview process, the analyzer asked the interviewees to consider whether women in sport experience the dichotomy characteristics between femininity and masculinity. Although many Western scholars (McGrath & Chananie-Hill, 2009; Ross & Shinew, 2007) pointed that female athletes presented more masculine characteristics both on and off the courts, theses Taiwanese female collegian athletes specified their gender characteristics is „zhong-xin-hua‟ (zhong-middle, xin-hua-sexed). E05, extract 40-50, 00:23:04-00:27:57 (R)43: women in sport, many people say you‟re masculine? 44: Oh, masculine, not really. (R)45: Give me an example. 46: It‟s like when the woman is looking like masculine, middle sexed, people would say, “Oh, you‟re like that, like that, like that”. You don‟t even know what we think. (R)47: What do you mean like that? 48: People call us more middle sex. My parents are like “woman don‟t look like woman, you look like this.” I just told them, “Ah, I‟m born like this, you gave me the birth looking not like a woman.” We‟re joking around. But we, the Taipei City Physical Education College women are more masculine. No, more middle sexed. I‟m putting myself in the middle. Middle sexed. (R)49: Not masculine, but middle sexed? 50: No, if masculine, should I go to the boy‟s room? Just because I have spiky hair and I like girls, I still go to the lady‟s room. The cleaning lady would say, “hey, it‟s lady‟s room”, and I would tell 28


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her that I‟m a girl. Even though I‟m middle sexed, you can tell by my voice so people can‟t say that I can‟t go to the lady‟s room. From the extract, the interviewee clearly positioned herself neither toward masculine side of characteristics nor the feminine side but in the middle. „Zhong-xin-hua‟ can be replaced to androgynous, or neutralized in English. One of the definitions of androgynous included hermaphroditic which stressed the physical organs of males and females, another definition in androgynous means both male and female (www.dictionary.reference.com); the focus of being both male and female in androgynous does not apply to the above interviewee‟s description. Also, neutralized was another translation possibility in the analyzer‟s consideration; however, its inactive usage in science experiment (cause to undergo neutralization; to make (something) ineffective; counteract; nullify: carelessness that neutralized our efforts. www.dictionary.reference.com) would not be able to show the significance in the interviewee‟s discourse. Therefore, the analyzer translated „Zhong-xin-hua‟ directly into „middle sexed‟ in the notion of the interviewees‟ original means. The same usage kept showing up in other interviews. A1 Extract 105-124, 00:40:25-00:48:02 (R)105: I‟m curious, people said that sport college women look like tomboys. 106: Maybe because of the short hair (R)107: Is that it? 108: Personality, too. (R)109: For example? 110: Ever since I started to touch the ball as kids it‟s been short hair. Going to the breakfast place people call me DiDi(boy/little brother), it‟s been called until now. (R)111: Still now? 112: Now it‟s like going to the bathroom, people would say, “Sir, it‟s lady‟s room”, like that. (R)113: And your reaction? 114: Ah, I‟m a woman Ah. (R)115: What‟s their reaction? 116: They‟ll be shocked, and “Oh”… Of course not men going to lady‟s room. (R)117: Whenever people tell you that, does that happen often? 118: Sort of. (R)119: How do you feel? 29


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120: I‟m used to it. (R)121: When do you first heard of it? 122: It‟s fine! I just felt, “ Argh, again.” (R)123: Do you feel being misinterpreted? 124: Uh…. Possibly because I dress more middle-sexed. Because short hair women are a lot, but if you dress lady-like you could tell, possibly because I dress more middle sexed. A01 did get the clear understanding about the tomboy in English though “T” has been used to describe lesbians in Taiwan. A01 did apply her short hair in the reply of tomboy. Being called “DiDi”(little brother, boy) in the breakfast place reminds her lack of feminine characteristics with her short hair. In the extract of 112-124, A01 provided the example of her lack of feminine characteristics resulted in misunderstanding when going to the restroom. In the extract of 124, she explained that short hair women can act like woman, but her middle sexed appearance misled others‟ to think she is a “DiDi” or a sir. Taiwanese female athletes with short, spiky hair like A01 tend to present themselves more as boys. They did not seem to care about being too masculine or not feminine enough, self-claimed lesbian athletes kept stressing that women understand each other better as they have gone through the same physical and mental experiences. C03 showed up in the interview through her romantic partner and presented herself as a lesbian. C03 Extract 17-18 00:03:12-00:04-01 (R)17: When do you know you prefer woman? 18: Probably high school. We‟re all T (tomboys). There are many of us in our environment, the sport environment. We‟re not like the intellectuals. They think men and women are normal. The intellectuals can‟t accept homosexuals. Although C03 did not specify her gender characteristics as middlesexed, her usage of “T” provided the clue of how she understood the athletes‟ contexts of being middle sexed in the field of sport. M21 considered herself as macho but felt comfortable being masculine; meanwhile, once she positioned herself in the category of macho, she degraded the men in sport. M21 Extract 30-51 00:29:04-00:34:23 From senior year in high school, I felt like girls could understand me more. 30


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Before, I didn‟t have thoughts to get a “girlfriend”… But if you date boys, you have to listen to what they say. They can‟t stand in your shoes, and girls‟ thoughts are different from boys at times. Girls tend to be thoughtful, boys don‟t. It‟s obvious, especially in sports, boys think with their penis. If they are with a girl, then she must have a beautiful face. They didn‟t really like the girl but the appearance. However, girls will not have this kinda thoughts. Being with girls…want to take care of her, after all, you are more masculine in this role-play. If being with guys, might be counting on him more. You‟re in the sport field, you gotta fight like guys. Thinking being more masculine… some people just do it… way way masculine. Although no direct „middle sexed‟ was applied, M21 used „girlfriend‟ to explain her sexual orientation. S29 further explained how female basketball players rationalized the role between masculine lesbian and feminine lesbian. S29 Extract 00:05:10-00:08:21 5: It‟s like a tradition in female basketball team. Almost all of them are like that. I tried to ask why would they be like this? They answered, “that‟s the trend, everybody does that.” Almost everyone on the female basketball team is like this. I actually don‟t know, look like they touch each other and be with each other in high school… all of them are girls. I am getting used to it. There are a lot of them. From their appearances, I can tell. I just know it. They are more middle-sexed. For example, they got a boy‟s hairstyle, wearing baggy pants and a very big T-shirt; never see them wear tight clothing or pants. If a girl looked more feminine, she might be with another girl on that team. (R)13: How to distinguish T from Po (feminine lesbian ) 14: Relatively middle-sexed one is T; the other is Po. S29 was the only interviewees who did not reveal her own gender identity in the extract and this was unfolded from her usage of the third persona, they instead of we or us to describe the basketball team and herself as I in the first persona. The first and third persona uses may explain her reluctance of depicting her gender identity. Don’t ask, don’t tell In the interview process, the researcher found that all the interviewees who claimed to be middle-sexed have been or were involved in the romantic relationship with other women whether the partners were athletes or not. These interviewees stressed that they 31


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either would not come out of the closet to their parents or would be married to heterosexual males so their parents would not find out their sexual orientation. The idea of passing in the belief of Zimmerman and Geist-Martin (2006) complied with the interviewees‟ refusal of confronting their sexualities. Moreover, the reason that they want to maintain the family value in heterosexual nature responded to the reticent power in the belief of Liu and Ding (2008). G7 Extract34-80, 00:26:56-00:37:47, Extract111-132, 00:45:5901:02:13 I was called looking like boys „cuase of the short, spiky hair. I don‟t really care what they said. Because I practice sport, it‟s more convenient cutting hair spiky. It‟s not just convenient, it‟s also announcing you like girls. Ever since I got into the basketball team in middle school, I just know I‟m… I‟m into girls since. But I can like boys I guess. I can go both way, I can be with T, and I can be with boys. But my parents don‟t know, they don‟t know. I think women understand better, like if you‟re with a woman, you understand each other better because you‟re both girls. You know when she‟s on the period, you‟ll be more tender during that time because you go through that yourself. Boys don‟t get that. But I will have to be with a boy in the future because of my family. If I don‟t have to think about my family, I want to be with girls, but I have to think about my family. I guess it‟s good that I can do both girls and boys. I mean, I really prefer to be with girls because girls understand girls. But I will be with a boy for my family. From both extract, G7 started to do the story telling about her own romantic relationship with women; yet, she ended both of her extracts into family. It was clearly to her that she is a lesbian (though never used the actual wording in the extract), but she would have to be kin under the family value and against her will to be with a heterosexual male. The following extract provided the real experience H8 encountered. She used her previous relationship with another female as the reason that she would hide her sexual orientation. H8 Extract 51-105, 00:43:08-00:59:42 (R)51: The one you are with, can you say if it‟s a boy or a girl? 52: girl. (R)53: Have you been with a boy? 54: Uh, yes, but not after the high school. After the high school, when boys get close to me, I want to run away, I don‟t know, just not comfortable. I think it‟s more like environment reason. I‟m very 32


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boyish so boys don‟t like me. So, I‟m with girls. Oh yeah, after the basketball team. After I got into the basketball team, girls in basketball would attract each other. It‟s pretty normal in girls basketball. (R)92: Do your family say that you‟re boyish? 93: Yeah, yeah. They would say, “how can you cut this kind of hair, why do you dress like a boy. like that”, or like, “ I can‟t recognize you no more, I thought our family has another boy.” Like that. (R)94: What‟s your response? 95: Embarrassed, I just laughed. I just told them cutting the hair spiky is easy to play the balls. (R)96: Would your family ask you? 97: One time in high school, my couch told my teacher that I‟m physically close with a girl in my class. My teacher told my parents that I‟m getting closed with a girl in my class, and being intimate. My parents were confused, and then came to my room. My mom directly told me that my teacher said so, and directly ask me, “are you homosexual?” (R)98: And? 99: And I didn‟t say anything, I just didn‟t say anything. (R)100: So, you didn‟t say anything, did she keep asking? 101: Yeah, Mom still said, “are you homosexual, are you, are you?” My dad said, don‟t ask. He said that I‟m not grown up yet, I wasn‟t grown up yet. He said that things change when growing up. My dad thinks I‟m still kinda like kids, so I don‟t know what is what. (R)102: So did you respond to that? 103: No, I just didn‟t say anything, and things just passed. They didn‟t keep asking. (R)104: What did you feel at the time? 105: Oh shit, busted! Because I was with that girl. I will never tell, EVER. I think my family won‟t take it. I think my dad probably can‟t take it in the beginning. My mom will probably be extremely against it, super against type. B2 who is involved with a female currently started to explain that the society is more tolerant with different sexualities. However, her understanding of being homosexual is wrong was rather contradictory with her own discourse. B2 Extract 150-159, 00:47:06-00:53:24 (R)150: Do you feel it‟s harder to be with a woman? 33


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151: Now it‟s slowly getting better, I think. It‟s not like before so stereotypical, traditional. Now on the road are many middlesexed regardless men or woman. (R)152: Do your family know? 153: No, but I have 2 sisters, like me short hair. (R)154: But short hair doesn‟t mean…? 155: But one is homosexual, Yeah. (R)156: Do you think you‟ll finally talk to your family? 157: This thing is better not to say if you don‟t have to, I think. What if the parents can‟t accept; right now I don‟t think parents can accept it, why would I say it? Being with woman is better than friends, wanting to be living together. Something natural just happen, maybe even when it‟s not right. Maybe knowing that the society doesn‟t allow it, yes, that‟s it. Family reason. They said, “Don‟t be a homosexual”, they‟d imply. My mom saw many love letters women wrote me, but because women wrote them, my mom would think don‟t be a homosexual and told me that. I know it‟s not right because it‟s not right, haha. (R)158: This is kinda contradicted, huh? 159: The evil won. No, the contradiction feeling is because family reason, so there is guilt. I know that, I know my sexuality is wrong, my family haven‟t given me the pressure, but I‟m giving myself the pressure. I‟m the only kid, I‟d better continue the family root and reproduce. B2 used evil to describe her sexuality in the final conclusion, one assumed from the conversation extract that family reason—the value and lesbian identity—the evil can not co-exist although she justified that her sexuality is natural. The conflicting concepts of gender identity in the family communication kept showing up in other interviewees‟ rationalization. M21 and N24 both used story telling style to separate the realities at home with the social advancement in accepting various gender identities. M21 Extract 17-19, 00:06:39-00:43:55 17: Family didn‟t know yet. I am not gonna tell them right now. Because this concept in Taiwan…..just cannot get accepted… which means not that welcomed and open-minded! Old thoughts tell us men should marry women..and being together. But, girls don‟t have to like guys… they can still love girls. 19: According to the medical report, maybe there are some problems with nerves. It does say girls don‟t necessarily love guys. Uhmm, I 34


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think my family can‟t accept this idea yet though. I think I will be marriedwith a man one day. After all… girls are still girls…They finally will be married and have babies because of the family factors….. N24 Extract 33-35, 0019:27-0024:33 33: My family didn‟t know this. They just guess I supposed. They have asked if I were with girls… They asked quite often. But I just can‟t admit it…. I think my mom is gonna kill me. She is more conservative…. probably, can‟t get this. (R)34: What would you do if your mom asked you this? 35: Just avoid it…. If she can‟t get the answer, she won‟t ask anymore. I will tell them… I am just playing. Tell her don‟t worry about it. Yeah…that‟s it. I try to avoid as possible I could. M21 used the medial report to describe that the nerve problem caused the non-heterosexual behavior; from the perspective of critical discourse analysis, one may summarize that the interviewee means of physical condition can rationalize her deception of her gender identity. N24‟s word of her mother killing her if she knows her gender identity further supported B2 idea of non-heterosexual equaling evil. Discussion The discursive styles among the female athletes in the sport college in Northern Taiwan presented various rhetorical strategies in their gendered discourses. Chinese female athletes seemed to have different understandings from Western dichotomy of masculinity and femininity. The interviewees‟ avoidance of positioning themselves with masculine characteristics like E05 conflicted with the findings of Ross and Shinew (2007) in American female athletes‟ recognition of their masculine body images. Their identification with tomboy (T) in the extracts from A01, C03, and S29 positioned their gender identities in the middle ground instead of choosing either masculinity or femininity. Yet, the interpretation of tomboy and T need to be treated separately in the context of Chinese culture. Although T is abbreviated for tomboy and tomboy in English does not appoint to particular sexual orientation, the use of T in Chinese language does claim one‟s gender identity as lesbian. The linguistic use of partial meaning of tomboy in Taiwan was traced back to American military base in the 1970; the soldiers used tomboy to name those Taiwanese females who dressed masculine styles (Chao, 2008). The rhetorical strategies of the interviewees‟ uses of T may be attributed to their refusal of being labeled as a lesbian yet recognition of being a lesbian. 35


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The seemingly contradiction of identifying oneself toward masculine characteristics but categorize herself as a woman was explained in A01‟s DiDi (boy) naming, C03‟s „sir going to lady‟s room‟, and M21‟s comparison between males and female. M21 specified the difference of being with a male and a female. She signified that heterosexual males judged females by appearance; meanwhile, her role in the lesbian relationship as the caregiver rendered herself as masculine. The paradox to M21 was no longer between femininity and masculinity, but lesbian and heterosexual. The style of gendered discourse switch from characteristics to sexualities was performed in the eyes of Butler‟s performativity even though the practice was not achieved in the performative discourse. The similar comparison between lesbian and heterosexual binary was rationalized in C03‟s use of heterosexual as normal in intellectuals‟ eyes. S29 further pointed that lesbian sexual orientation has been the traditional trend of female basketball; her justification of female basketball players being T in the constant body contacts indeed prompted the stereotypical physical images of masculine female athletes. The researcher noticed the vital urgencies in the interpretation of the female athletes‟ linguistic choice in discursive gender identity. Their specification of „middle sexed‟ throughout the interviews strongly suggested that their resistance of traditional labels in femininity or masculinity. „Zhong-Xin-hua‟ can be translated as androgynous, neutralized, unisex, or intersex; however, both intersex and androgyny focus the physical characteristics and unisex‟ stress on one sex only while the nature of using neutralized has little relevance in their Chinese gendered discourse. The translation of „Zhong-Xinhua‟ to middle sexed may truly describe these female athletes‟ gendered rhetorical strategies. Also, when the interviewees used middle sexed to describe themselves or other female athletes, middle sexed is the same as T (S29), and T has the same equivalence as lesbian. The linguistic advantage in Chinese to these female athletes is that they can use middle sexed to explain their gender identity without having to clearly come out. This notion responded the concept of passing in Zimmerman and Geist-Martic (2006), and Rasmussen (2004). Middle sexed provides the space not the paradox between femininity and masculinity, and hetero-sexuality and queer sexualities. All the interviewees who claimed to be middle sexed appeared to have difficulty in coming out of closet in the context of family communication. The struggle of performing their gender identities 36


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illustrated what Ting-Toomey‟s (2006) emphasize of group identity above the individual identity; the female athletes‟ sexual orientation must be avoided when traditional family value and cultural ideologies in Taiwan praise for heterosexualites. If the agency of cultural racism (Hall, 1995) is reticently strong, the power of hetero-normativity would then maintain its cultural position in the field such as sport, the sociopolitical issue. The traditional female image described in the ideas of Wood and Reigh (2006) complied in the example H8 provided as her boyish appearance resulted in her family thinking of her as a son. The short, spiky hair style of H8, consisted with the description of S29 use the reason of the convenience of practicing sport with shirt hair as the rhetorical strategy when questioned of their gender identities by the family. When the interviewees‟ parents directly confronted their sexual orientation, the interviewees chose to avoid direct confrontation. H8 stressed twice about her not say anything (Extract 99) explicitly explained her fear of her parents. The characteristic of avoidance of conflict was explained as selfless by Kim (2006); the self positioning (Wei, Jia, 2006) in the family hierarchy clearly showed that the interviewees understood that their parents have more authority and they are the powerless one. The notion of hegemony means that the ones with power can only dictate the powerless in the corporation of the lower level. In the application of Gramsci‟s hegemony, these female athletes positioned themselves in the bottom of the family hierarchy. The perception of knowing herself in the bottom of the hierarchy was showed in G8‟s use of „embarrassed‟ (Extract 95). Even though some interviewees like B2 acknowledged that the society has more tolerance of nonheterosexual females, once the family was mentioned, B2, M21, and N24 all believed that their families do not accept their sexualities. The degree from social tolerance to family‟s refusal of accepting their daughters‟ gender identities further corresponded to Liu and Ding‟s (2008) belief in the ideological reticent power in Taiwan. When these female athletes were questioned of their gender identities, they appeared to be tame to the elements in collectivistic culture. Their subdued tolerance in compromising their gender identities were their way to find the most suitable way to fit in or to survive in the heterosexism culture. The idea of being selfless in collectivism can be interpreted that the ones may sacrifice their belief in order to maintain their membership status in the family, the society, and the culture. These 37


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female athletes clarified when their sexualities contradicts with the family value, they would be involved with heterosexual males. Since H8 was „busted‟ with her romantic partner (Extract 105), she normalized her gender identity in her discourse as „evil‟ (Extract 159). Even though H8 felt comfortable to be romantically involved with females, her stress of family value resulted in her future choice with heterosexual male to bare children. The rhetorical strategy of “Don‟t ask, don‟t tell” in the interviewees‟ discourse implicated their struggles of performing their gender identity. Their means of social intolerance in non-hetero sexualities enforced them to hide their gender identity. M21 even applied the medical report (Extract 19) to support that her sexuality is the physical condition. By using the professional proof, one may justify her speech acts. To apply the critical discourse analysis by Van Dijk (2006), the researcher may interpret that M21 intended to point to the medical professionals so her sexualities can be corrected. Whether N24‟s usage of her mothering going to kill her was literally or figuratively, her intentional avoidance in performing her gender identity further supported the factor of selfless in collectivistic society. Conclusion Women in sport are in need of creating masculine body structures to compete on courts/fields. The strong masculine physical images construct the gender identification choices to female athletes. The traditional binary between aggressive masculinity and nonathletic femininity concurrently stand on the opposite in sport culture. Female athletes with strong body structure and component in particularly sex inappropriate sports would be naturally considered as less feminine or as lesbians. The prominent paradox in between femininity and masculinity in Western culture has very little influence in gendered discourse in Taiwanese female athletes. The linguistic advantage in Mandarin Chinese of using middle-sexed prevents the female athletes to choose the binary characteristics; the middle ground is the space but not the paradox where the gender identity can be fluid and flow constructed by these females. In the depiction of the communication styles in the family setting, the reticent pressure of family value and social expectation has heavily influenced the ways these female athletes rhetorically selected their gendered discourse. The unique discursive styles of the female athletes presented the various possibilities of understanding gendered discourse in everyday 38


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lives. This study intends to encourage more close attentions in the research of the correlation of gender and sport in the global cultural contexts. Reference: ● Antaki, C., Billig, M. G., Edwards, D., & Potter, J. A. (2003). Discourse analysis means doing analysis: A critique of six analytic shortcomings. Discourse Analysis Online, 1(1), available online at http://www.shu.ac.uk/daol/articles/v1/n1/a1/antaki2002002paper.html ● Baxter, J. (2003). Positioning gender in discourse: A feminist methodology. Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. ● Bell, E. (2007). Performing “I do”: Weddings, pornography, and sex. In. K. E. Lovaas, & M. M. Jenkins (Eds.), Sexualities and communication in everyday life. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. ● Billing, M. (1999). Whose terms? Whose ordinariness? Rhetoric and ideology inconversation analysis. Discourse and society, 10(4), 543-558. ● Bolsø, A. (2001). When women take: Lesbians reworking concepts of sexuality. Sexualities, 4(4). 455-473. ● Bonito, J. A., & Sanders, R. E. (2002). Speakers‟ footing in a collaborative writingtask: A resource for addressing disagreement while avoiding conflict. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 35 (4), 481-514. ● Bourdieu, P. & Wacquant, L. (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology. (p. 97). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ● Bourdieu, P. (1991). Sport and social class. In C. Mukerji & M. Schudson (Eds.), Rethinking popular culture: Contemporary perspective in cultural studies. (pp.357-373). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ● Brown, M., Knopp, L., & Morrill, R. (2005). The culture wars and urban electoral politics: Sexuality, race, and class in Tacoma, Washington. Political Geography, 24, 267-291. ● Butler, J. (1999). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the subversion of identity. New York: Routledge. ● Carty, V. (2005). Textual portrayals of female athletes: Liberation or nuanced forms of patriarchy. Fronier, 26(2),132-155. ● Chao, A. (2008). Moving house: The relational-materialistic aspect of queer cultural Citizenship. In W. C. Chu (Ed.), Critical sexual 39


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46


U.A.S. Revista de Comunicare şi Marketing, anul I, numărul 1, septembrie 2010 I.S.S.N. 2069-0304 Pag. 47-54

Abstract Media improves the general and tehnical culture horizon it brings its contribution to artistic instruction, shoping the most different scientific-technical, professsional, artistic, ethical, legal, political, religious opinions, attitudes, beliefs and feelings. Yet, at the same time, some advertisements, obscene publications, movies for adults, TV programs violence can have extremely serious consequences especially in children and teenagers’ consciousness and behaviour, the most vulnerable social group, shaping thinking and behavioural patterns, adapted to constraint and prejudice free ethics, that will further on determine the shaping of certain social attitudes. Key words: social attitude, „good citizen”, social marketing, prejudices.

LE RÔLE DE LA COMMUNICATION MÉDIATIQUE DANS LA FORMATION DES ATTITUDES SOCIALES Lect.univ.dr. Cristina GELAN Lect.univ.dr. Elena PREDESCU Universitatea „Andrei Şaguna”, Constanţa Facultatea de Ştiinţele Comunicării şi Ştiinţe Politice


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La communication est propre à l’homme, à partir de son apparition et sur le trajet de toute son existence, dans toutes les activités où il s’est engagé. La recherche de la communication de masse a débuté vers le commencement du XXe siècle, stimulée par la préoccupation concernant l’influence politique des quotidiennes de grand tirage ainsi que les conséquences morale set sociales du cinématographe et de la radio. L’étude de la communication est née du désir de vérifier et d’augmenter son efficience et son influence dans les domaines de l’éducation, des télécommunications, de la publicité, des relations publiques et des relations interhumaines. On ne peut pas concevoir l’activité quotidienne en dehors du flux continu de messages qui circulent rapidement d’un bout à l’autre du monde. Mass média faisaient partie des éléments qu’on associaient, couramment, aux éléments de la démocratie, des droits fondamentaux de l’homme, des instruments de formation de l’opinion publique, de création du liant dans la société (souvent, on argumentait que le publique média cesse d’être une population où un audience, et devient bon citoyen à la suite de la consommation de presse). Les critiques du dernier temps de la presse met de même en lumière des éléments moins visibles (Bunescu, G. & Negreanu, E., 2005). Les mass média sont, avant tout, une industrie qui se comporte comme tel. Faute de subventions et dans les conditions de concurrence acerbe, ils se laissent entraînés par le jeu du profit et font de graves concessions au consumérisme. Dans la mesure où – sous la pression sociale - l’industrie retourne aux valeurs qui atténuent l’image d’utilisateur avide de ressources trouvées à la disposition de la société, les mass média aussi devraient avancer vers la prise de responsabilités concernant les idées jetées sur le marché. L’expansion extraordinaire des réseaux sociaux et le développement de la communication en dehors des canaux médiatiques classiques sont des phénomènes qui accentuent les précisions déjà faites. Pour ce motif, on ne peut pas attendre que la presse réagisse proportionnellement à l’importance des événements ou favorablement à tout prix aux campagnes de promotion du comportement responsable, étant donné que le marketing social soit 48


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nécessaire dans les rapports avec les institutions média tout comme il est nécessaire dans les relations avec n’importe quel autre type de partenaire social. (Fotiade & Popa, 2008) Le rôle des mass média dans la formation des attitudes sociales Dans une étude dédiée à l’analyse des rapports dans la presse roumaine concernant son implication sociale par des campagnes de responsabilité développées, Bunescu et Negreanu (2005) identifiaient quatre rôles possibles des mass média : 1. Réflexion des événements de pointe réalisée par des campagnes de ce genre, conformément à la perception des mass média en tant que miroir de la société. Mais, dans un tel positionnement, la presse suit ses propres règles professionnelles de sélection et ne s’occupera de campagne que dans une des situations suivantes: - Il existe un élément de nouveauté mais la presse cesse de suivre certains thèmes quand ceux-ci ont épuisé leur élément de nouveauté. Par exemple: le lancement du pousse-pousse utilisé comme taxi à Timisoara. - La campagne mobilise un grand nombre de participants ou elle a une envergure particulière. Exemple: « les rubans roses humains » dans le cadre de la campagne de conscientiser le dramatisme du cancer au sein (2006-2007). - Des vedettes ou des VIP promouvant les buts de la campagne. Exemple: l’émission de télévision « Sport, diète et une vedette ». - Il existe « des histoires de succès » certes. Exemple: Laila Onu – la promotion de l’idée « convoyeur d’une journée » pour les personnes aux déshabilités (promotion réalisée en 2008). 2. Fournisseur de support publicitaire. Conscients que la réflexion média n’est pas nécessairement convergente aux buts des campagnes déroulées, beaucoup de promoteurs font appel à l’acquisition d’espace publicitaire pour garantir l’encadrement des événements dans les formats désirés. Les faibles de ces formules sont que, à ce qu’on sait bien, l’espace publicitaire est assez cher. 3. Partenaire média. Quoi que la presse soit capricieuse et sensible, elle accepte le rôle de partenaire lorsque ses intérêts et ses buts convergent à ceux des promoteurs des campagnes. Exemple: La 49


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campagne des comportements désirables: l’abstention de polluer, de faire des gestes impolis en public, la gestion responsable des ordures etc. 4. Promoteur de campagnes propres. Dans des situations de dramatisme particulier, la presse réagit en ignorant ses intérêts de profit; par exemple, les émissions « Chapeau bas !» de la chaîne Pro Tv, « On veut du respect » de la chaîne Realitatea TV, ou bien, la présentation des gens qui ont réussi à l’étranger (sans être devenus des magnats ou des stars) – dans les journaux Gândul et Adevărul. Une étude du Conseil National de l’Audiovisuel montre que les valeurs fondamentales sont promues/formées dans la famille et à l’école tandis que la presse influence notamment en ce qui concerne les phénomènes moins désirable. Le public ne s’intéresse pas trop aux nouvelles de bonne qualité dans la presse, il repousse les messages au caractère éducatif trop accentué et il devient soupçonneux quand la démarche persuasive est trop forte. Pour cela, on peut affirmer que beaucoup de campagnes ont besoin de promotions mixtes, où mass média soit partenaire important mais pas le seul responsable de la diffusion des messages vers les masses. Aspects positifs de l’implication des mass média dans la formation des attitudes sociales Mass média contribue à l’enrichissement de l’horizon de culture générale et de spécialité, à l’éducation artistique, à la formation des concepts, des attitudes, des conviction et des sentiments des plus divers: scientifiques et techniques, professionnelles, culturelles et artistiques, éthiques, juridiques, politiques, religieuses. Ainsi, on peut apprécier qu’il s’agisse d’un facteur de l’éducation qui influence considérablement les attitudes de l’individu. Dans une société informatisée, on ne peut négliger l’éducation des jeunes, bien au contraire, elle doit être mieux soignée parce que, sans éducation, on ne pourrait distinguer entre les informations véridiques et les informations fausses, entre les valeurs et les non valeurs. Mass média est présente dans la société par des journaux, des revues, par la radio, la télévision et l’Internet (Coman, 1999). Même si l’information parvient par un de ces chaînes, elle doit être filtrée car il est possible qu’elle ne soit pas toujours véridique. 50


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A la suite d’une analyse soutenue, on peut dire que mass média ont les rôles positifs tels que: - informer c’est le plus important rôle ; - les média sont une source d’information économique ; - beaucoup de personnes peuvent facilement y avoir accès ; - les média contribuent à la formation des caractères bien plus forts en prenant des modèles offerts par les livres; - les média développent l’imagination; - ils peuvent perfectionner et divertir en même temps; - ils développent des aptitudes d’orientation dans le choix des informations utiles; - ils font augmenter la vitesse de réaction, déclanchent l’enthousiasme, la spontanéité; - les média développent l’esprit de compétition, d’organisation et la concentration de la vigilance; - ils contribuent à l’amplification de l’esprit moral et de la conduite sociale; - ils intensifient les relations interhumaines et ils se montrent un moyen efficace pour mieux comprendre les situations sociales; - les média font découvrir des aptitudes dans des divers domaines (littérature, jeu d’échec, sport, musique, art). L’Internet, en tant que réseau global d’ordinateurs interconnectés, fournit des informations qui sont stockées dans des milliers d’ordinateurs du monde entier. L’implémentation de l’Internet a déterminé un développement plus rapide de la société humaine. A présent, par l’intermédiaire de l’Internet, toute personne peut effectuer diverses opérations, à partir des achats jusqu’au payement de services, sans quitter sa maison. Un des plus importants aspects positifs de l’emploi de l’Internet c’est qu’on économise beaucoup de temps. Il est vrai que l’utilisation de l’Internet peut entraîner des aspects négatifs, tels le sédentarisme ou les fraudes informationnelles. Aspects négatifs de l’implication des mass média dans la formation des attitudes sociales Assez souvent, les mass média peuvent déformer le caractère des individus. Cela arrive lorsqu’on reste trop longtemps devant la télévision ou devant l’ordinateur. Des programmes à la télévision aussi bien que des informations accéssées par l’Internet peuvent fixer des idées ou des opinions subjectives ou même nocives, dans la 51


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mémoire consciente ou inconsciente, de l’individu. Par exemple, en étudiant l’impact du visionnement des programmes violents (McLuhan, 1997), le résultat le plus intéressant montre que les programmes au contenu élevé de violence sont visionnés par des individus jeunes qui trouvent cela très intéressant et s’appliquent à imiter ce qu’ils ont vu. En principe, les films d’action contiennent des scènes violentes car elles sont très spectaculaires. Pareilles productions attirent la jeune audience et le résultat c’est qu’on forme des individus à caractère violent, éventuellement, des personnes à basse culture. Un signal d’alarme devrait être donné dans le sens que les jeunes emploient beaucoup plus de temps pour visionner des films ou des programmes sur l’ordinateur que pour lire un livre (McLuhan, 1997). De même, on a remarqué que beaucoup d’enfants mal surveillés ont été influencés par la violence des programmes TV et, de plus, ils sont devenus des obèses, suite au sédentarisme. Ainsi, il est nécessaire de tenir compte que trop d’heures passées devant la télévision, même s’il s’agisse des émissions éducatives, peuvent nuire au développement physique et psychique de l’enfant. Par conséquence, l’individu dont le caractère est en traîne de se former doit être surveillé et ne pas lui permettre de voir certains programmes qui puissent empiéter à sa formation. Pour un enfant, il est préférable qu’on l’entraîne dans des activités spécifiques à son age, ensemble avec des autres enfants, ce qui développe les capacités interrelationnelles, stimule l’imagination et consomme le surplus d’énergie physique. Il ne faut pas oublier que la lecture est un impératif des enfants écoliers. La lecture ne peut être remplacée ni par la télévision, ni par l’ordinateur même si les deux offrent l’accès à l’information. L’ordinateur et l’enfant peuvent être de très bons amis mais il faut surveiller que cela ne devienne pas une relation de dépendance. Un autre aspect lié au monde de l’ordinateur et de l’Internet c’est le péril de la réalité virtuelle où on peut faire même des choses qu’on ne se permet pas dans la vie réelle. Malgré le désir de préserver les enfants des influences mass média, cela est impossible. Les réclames, les publications obscènes, les films pour les adultes, la violence des programmes Tv les entourent. Ce qui est vraiment important, c’est la manière dans laquelle l’enfant est aidé à comprendre ce qui lui arrive et comment répondre aux influences qui l’entourent. 52


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Une petite partie du public remarque des différences entre les informations données par mass média et cherche à les vérifier par d’autres sources. La plupart considère que les effets produits par mass média sont plutôt négatifs, notamment : - la violence de langage et d’attitude comme exemples négatifs ; - la présentation d’informations erronées ; - la négligence de l’école en faveur des sources média qui assurent le divertissement ; - la production sans efforts des infractions à la suite de la connaissance des données personnelles et leur utilisation dans des buts illégaux; - l’influence du vocabulaire général par l’usage des mots impropres ; - la création d’idoles qui puisse déterminer des états dépressifs, voire même des suicides ou des comportements violents ; - la provocation de la dépendance qui conduit à la fatigue, au stress et aux dépressions ; - le modelage de la personnalité dans un sens négatif. Les mass média propagent, avant tout, des valeurs morales grossières, hédonistes et utilitaristes : l’érotisme, l’égoïsme, la beauté physique féminine et masculine, la violence, la drogue, les scandales, le trafic de l’influence politique etc. c’est-à-dire tout ce qui excite l’intérêt du public (Randall, 1998). Ces réalités ont un impact plein de conséquences graves surtout dans la conscience et le comportement des enfants et des jeunes, catégorie sociale la plus facilement à conquérir dont on construit des matrices de pensée et de comportement adaptées à une éthique sans restrictions, sans préjugés. Mass média fournissent aux jeunes personnes des modèles à imiter et à suivre sans pour cela que ce soient les meilleurs modèles.

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Bibliographie: ● Bunescu, G. & Negreanu, E. (2005). Educţia informală şi massmedia. Bucureşti: Institutul de ştiinţe ale educaţiei, Teoria Educaţiei. ● Coman, M. (1999). Introducere in sistemul mass-media. Iaşi: Polirom. ● Fotiade, N. & Popa, M. (2008). Evaluarea nivelului de competenţă în mass media. Bucureşti: Active Watch – Agenţia de Monitorizare a Presei. ● McLuhan, M. (1997). The medium is the message. Bucureşti: Nemira. ● Randall, D. (1998). Jurnalistul universal, Iaşi: Polirom.

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U.A.S. Revista de Comunicare şi Marketing, anul I, numărul 1, septembrie 2010 I.S.S.N. 2069-0304 Pag. 55-72

Abstract The television saw a significant rise in the last two decades in the Romanian society. Nowadays, the television is no longer simply a means of communication, but a family member, an indispensable presence. Is therefore necessary studying the influence that television has on psychological, cognitive and behavioral development of the most vulnerable of viewers: the children. Since the beginning of the life, the television plays a fundamental role in the genesis of the concepts, development of the ideas, in structuring of the perception and thinking. The central objective of this research was to determine the children’s preferences for certain television programs and to determine the degree to which they influence children’s behavior. So, I identified the children’ favorite television programs and characters and I studied how television broadcasts occur as an socialized agent in their behavior. Key words: symbolical violence, behaviour, cartoons, media consumerism.

IMPACTUL TELEVIZIUNII ASUPRA COPIILOR Asist. univ. Nicoleta CIACU Universitatea „Constantin Brâncoveanu”, Piteşti Facultatea de Ştiinţe Administrative şi ale Comunicării, Brăila


Anul I, nr. 1, septembrie 2010

Introducere Televiziunea a cunoscut o ascensiune semnificativă în ultimele două decenii în societatea românească, devenind una dintre cele mai menţionate opţiuni de petrecere a timpului liber. În aceste condiţii, este normal să ne întrebăm în ce fel televiziunea îi influenţează pe copii şi cât de legaţi sunt ei de acest mijloc de comunicare, cât din ceea ce gândesc copiii de astăzi este determinat de televiziune şi cât este rezultatul unor lecturi. Acestea sunt doar câteva dintre problemele ale căror răspunsuri pot fi îngrijorătoare sau chiar ar trebui să dea de gândit părinţilor, dar şi sistemului educaţional. Cercetarea efectelor televiziunii asupra copiilor datează încă din 1960, însă primele studii despre efectele vizionării filmelor asupra psihicului uman au apărut în Statele Unite ale Americii, o dată cu apariţia cinematografului, când s-a născut şi întrebarea dacă există o relaţie între conţinutul violent al filmelor şi delincvenţă. Asocierea termenului „televiziune” cu cel de „familie”, s-a produs încă din 1987, an în care sociologii Gunter şi Svennevig afirmau: „Televiziunea este astăzi o componentă indispensabilă a gospodăriei unei familii, aproape un alt membru al familiei” (Silverston, 1999, p. 44). Într-un articol publicat în „Dilema”, Alexandru Bălăşescu preciza că: „sistemul mediatic se constituie ca element central în viaţa familiei, astfel că reglajul interacţiunilor familiale se face şi prin intermediul ritualizării consumului tv” (Bălăşescu, 1997, p. 14). Televizorul este incontestabil, un instrument cu rol central în socializare, iar interzicerea accesului la anumite programe - o strategie în cadrul acestui proces. Un adevărat „clei“ ne leagă de televizor şi ne slăbeşte legăturile de comunicare cu ceilalţi (Dobrescu, Bârgăoanu, 2003, p. 101). Oamenii „sunt legaţi“ de televizor astfel încât se ajunge în situaţia de a nu mai avea comunicare cu ceilalţi, ci „comunicare individuală“ cu televizorul. „Televiziunea ne captează şi ne supune” (Dobrescu, Bârgăoanu, 2003, p. 102). Cu cât o emisiune sau programul în ansamblu exercită o mai mare seducţie, cu atât mai mult legăturile între membrii unui grup sau chiar ai unei familii se diminuează. 56


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Televiziunea, în calitatea sa de “membru al familiei” şi-a permis să modeleze subtil conştiinţa şi comportamentul tuturor. Cei mai vulnerabili la influenţele televiziunii sunt copiii. Tot mai mulţi părinţi au început să-şi lase copiii ore întregi în faţa televizorului, pentru a-i linişti sau pentru a scăpa de grija lor, fără să conştientizeze efectele negative. Care a fost rezultatul? Majoritatea copiilor - chiar şi cei mai mici de trei ani - au devenit dependenţi de televizor, iar, în prezent putem vorbi de o generaţie întreagă de copii crescuţi cu televizorul drept “baby-sitter”. Influenţa programelor tv asupra copiilor la nivel comportamental şi atitudinal nu poate fi negată. „Mass media cultivă opinii, concepţii, credinţe, la fel cum un agricultor îşi cultivă pământul sau la fel cum grădinarul îşi cultivă grădina“ (Drăgan, 1996, p. 216). Televiziunea aduce în fiecare casă un sistem relativ coerent de imagini şi mesaje. Acest sistem cultivă predispoziţiile şi preferinţele care odinioară erau formate de către sursele primare de socializare. În zilele noastre, televiziunea reprezintă principala sursă de socializare pentru mai multe categorii de public, în cazul copiilor fenomenul fiind sesizabil. Pentru a evalua dimensiunile reale ale influenţei programelor de televiziune asupra copiilor, am realizat o cercetare într-una din grădiniţele din Brăila. Mi-am propus astfel să identific programele şi personajele de televiziune preferate de copii şi să studiez modul în care emisiunile de televiziune intervin ca agent socializant în comportamentul acestora.

I. Descrierea metodei de cercetare Cercetarea a fost, din perspectivă metodologică, un interviu la care au participat 20 de preşcolari care frecventează grădiniţa nr. 61 “Bobocel” din Brăila, copii cu vârste cuprinse între 3 şi 7 ani şi din diferite clase sociale. Instrumentul de lucru utilizat a fost interviul structurat, limitat ca întindere la un sfert de oră, ţinând cont de vârsta copiilor şi de nerăbdarea specifică acestora. Grupurile studiate şi indivizii concreţi incluşi în eşantionul intervievat sunt desemnaţi prin prenume pentru a respecta condiţiile deontologice ale anonimatului sursei. Principalele teme abordate, cu referire la copii, au fost: accesul la mass-media, modalităţile de petrecere a timpului liber 57


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(tipurile de activităţi desfăşurate, frecvenţa lor, preferinţele copiilor), semnificaţiile asociate televiziunii, preferinţele de vizionare, motivaţii şi satisfacţii asociate vizionării programelor de televiziune, contextul social al vizionării, expunerea la programe cu potenţial negativ, libertatea copiilor în selecţia programelor şi emisiunilor, modificările induse de consumul TV. Fiind vorba despre un proiect de cercetare inductiv bazat, pe teorie – în care cadrul conceptual şi ipotetic a fost important – am efectuat o operaţie de „translaţie” a unor concepte şi obiective de cercetare. Am realizat prin urmare o cercetare inductivă „condusă de teorie” iar opţiunea metodologică principală a fost derivată din literatura etnografiilor audienţei, astfel încât observaţia a constituit fundamentul realizării obiectivelor generale de cercetare. Concret, pentru copiii incluşi în eşantion am utilizat observaţia sociologică a comportamentului comunicaţional manifest într-un anumit moment. Tehnica de înregistrare a datelor utilizate a fost nota de observaţie. Interviurile structurate au avut o durată de aproximativ un sfert de oră fiecare şi au fost înregistrate pe bandă audio. S-a utilizat interviul structurat – centrat, focalizat. Acesta constă în abordarea unei teme şi a unui set de ipoteze dinainte stabilite . Întrevederile cu copiii investigaţi au fost înregistrate în format mp3 şi au fost transcrise ulterior pentru a asigura un caracter cât mai valid datelor colectate prin intermediul acestei tehnici de cercetare. Rezultatele obţinute au fost extrem de diverse şi de dense şi comparabile într-o măsură extrem de ridicată. Am decis să utilizez o metodă simplă de selectare a membrilor eşantionului, astfel încât au răspuns întrebărilor mele din cei care erau prezenţi toţi cei care au vrut şi au putut să vorbească despre relaţia lor cu televiziunea. Aşadar, structura pe sexe şi pe vârste s-a realizat spontan. Proiectul de eşantion a fost flexibil şi a evoluat pe măsura dezvoltării studiului. În componenţa eşantionului au intrat copii din diferite familii cu diferite variabile demografice. Metoda pe care am ales-o a prezentat următorul dezavantaj: din alcătuirea eşantionului subiecţii de sex masculin care au reprezentat doar 35%, adică 7 băieţi, deşi în mod real populaţia investigată cuprinde un procentaj de 47% băieţi. Diferenţa produsă se explică prin faptul că băieţii absentează mai mult, unii se exprimă mai greu iar alţii nu s-au arătat dispuşi să coopereze. Cu toate acestea consider că această defecţiune nu poate influenţa major rezultatul cercetării. 58


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Eşantionul rămas în urma completării chestionarului cuprinde un număr de 7 băieţi şi 13 fete, grupaţi pe următoarele categorii de vârstă: Vâr

F

M

Tot

2 6 1 4 13

2 2 3 7

sta 3 – 4 ani 4 – 5 ani 5 – 6 ani 6 – 7 ani

al Tabelul nr. 1: Structura eşantionului pe sexe şi pe vârste I. 1. Obiectivele cercetării Obiectivul central al acestei cercetări a fost de a stabili preferinţele copiilor pentru anumite programe de televiziune, şi de a determina gradul în care acestea influenţează comportamentul copiilor. Alături de obiectivul central mi-am propus şi o serie de obiective secundare care au o importanţă mai mică, dar a căror realizare susţine ideile care stau la baza cercetării. Astfel obiectivele urmărite în această cercetare au fost:  stabilirea frecvenţei cu care copiii urmăresc programele de televiziune, a numărului de ore petrecute zilnic în faţa televizorului, şi a zilelor în care copii privesc mai mult la televizor;  investigarea preferinţelor pentru anumite emisiuni sau filme difuzate de televiziuni;  identificarea numărului de posturi de televiziune cunoscute de copii şi ierarhizarea preferinţelor acestora;  aflarea modului în care copii privesc de cele mai multe ori la televizor, respectiv singuri sau cu părinţii, bunicii;  identificarea filmului, desenului animat preferat de copii, şi a personajelor îndrăgite de aceştia;  cunoaşterea preocupărilor din timpul liber a copiilor, şi stabilirea locului pe care îl ocupă televizorul în această ierarhie;  determinarea efectelor directe ale vizionării de programe tv asupra copiilor, respectiv determinarea cantitativă a acestor efecte reprezentată prin numărul de copii care imită în mod frecvent

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personajele tv, şi a celor cărora li se întâmplă să viseze scene din filme şi să se sperie;  identificarea personajului, obiectului cu care copiii asociază televiziunea în mod frecvent. Sub-obiectivele urmărite în cercetare au fost:  identificarea funcţiilor utilizării televiziunii în grupul primar: utilitară, de control social, pragmatic-funcţională, de facilitare a interacţiunii sociale;  aprecierea influenţei exercitate de televiziune asupra opiniilor şi atitudinilor personale şi asupra celor ale altor membri din grupul primar.  aprecierea modului în care mijloacele de comunicare în masă şi mesajele transmise de ele au indus elemente atitudinale şi valorice noi în plan subiectiv şi inter-grupal;  definirea experienţelor personale şi de grup asociate expunerii şi consumului de programe de televiziune. Plecând de la existenţa acestui sistem de indicatori am formulat ulterior ipotezele de cercetare şi de lucru ale proiectului. Trebuie semnalat că acestea sunt derivate direct din literatura de specialitate şi că enunţul lor – a fost construit prin aplicarea „deducţiei” şi prin menţinerea în centrul de interes a unităţii cercetării. I. 2. Formularea ipotezelor Odată ce au fost stabilite obiectivele cercetării, am formulat o serie de ipoteze pe care le-am testat ulterior. Ipotezele referitoare la efectele televiziunii asupra copiilor au fost:  Programul de vizionare a emisiunilor TV de copii este influenţat de numărul de ore pe care părinţii îl petrec cu copii lor;  Preferinţele pentru anumite emisiuni sau filme, diferă în funcţie de sex, de vârstă, precum şi de numărul de ore petrecute în faţa televizorului;  Numărul de posturi de televiziune cunoscute de copii, depinde de frecvenţa cu care aceştia privesc la televizor;  Emisiunile şi filmele vizionate de copii nu sunt întotdeauna determinate de exprimarea dorinţei lor, ci de ceea ce doresc părinţii, bunicii sau fraţii mai mari să urmărească la televizor;  Jocurile practicate de copii în timpul liber sunt în mare măsură determinate de programele de la televizor (exemplu: joaca / bătaia gen Pokemon); 60


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 Cei mai mulţi copii cărora li s-a întâmplat să viseze scene din filme, obişnuiesc să stea seara până târziu la televizor şi au obiceiul de a se scula noaptea din somn şi de a deschide televizorul;  Personajul sau obiectul cu care copii asociază televiziunea este determinat de programele preferate;  Există o legătură directă între consumul media şi atitudinile copiilor;  Utilizarea televizorului creează noi atitudini, percepţii şi motivaţii la nivel inter-personal care se exprimă prin apariţia de comportamente sociale inedite. Stabilirea acestor ipoteze mi-a facilitat organizarea chestionarului şi a susţinut scopul general al cercetării. Exista, în acest moment, posibilitatea ca rezultatele cercetării să modifice în mod parţial aceste ipoteze, însă principiile de bază stabilite în această etapă nu s-au modificat semnificativ. I. 3. Colectivitatea cercetată Colectivitatea cercetată este reprezentată în acest caz de către colectivitatea copiilor brăileni de la gradiniţă. Această colectivitate este delimitată la numărul preşcolarilor care frecventează grădiniţele din Brăila. Prin urmare, copiii din grădiniţele brăilene vor constitui baza de eşantionare, iar rezultatele cercetării se vor putea extinde asupra tuturor preşcolarilor din oraş. I. 4. Unitatea de observare şi sondaj Unitatea de observare este unitatea care face obiectul investigaţiei, iar unitatea de sondaj, este cea despre care se culeg informaţiile. În cadrul acestei cercetări unitatea de observare este reprezentată de grădiniţa brăileană, în care s-a desfăşurat cercetarea, iar unitatea de sondaj este reprezentată de cei 20 de copiii care au fost chestionaţi. I. 5. Metoda de culegere a informaţiilor utilizată. Elaborarea chestionarului. Metoda de culegere a informaţiilor utilizată este chestionarul, în acest caz ţinându-se cont de vârsta subiecţilor întrebările au fost în majoritate deschise, iar răspunsurile la întrebări au fost înregistrate de operator, fiind vorba despre o anchetă orală, singura exprimare în scris a subiecţilor manifestându-se prin răspunsul la ultima întrebare la care le-am cerut copiilor să deseneze un ecran de 61


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televizor, în care să încadreze ceea ce le place cel mai mult să vadă la televizor. În elaborarea chestionarului am folosit un limbaj cât mai simplu pentru a putea fi înţeles de copii, iar întrebările au fost scurte. În planul chestionarului am utilizat o singură întrebare cu scală trihotomică pentru alternativele răspunsurilor şi la patru întrebări scale dihotomice. Am reconsiderat utilitatea lor în momentul în care am realizat ancheta pilot, şi am conştientizat faptul că astfel de scale îmi vor înlesni munca de prelucrare a răspunsurilor. La întrebarea numărul 3 „Povestiţi părinţilor, bunicilor, colegilor ce aţi văzut la televizor?”, pe lângă răspunsul direct, respectiv da sau nu, am dorit să aflu şi despre ce programe povestesc copiii familiei şi colegilor. Întrebările 8, 9 şi 10 au drept scop determinarea modului în care televiziunea îi influenţează pe copii, în mod direct şi indirect. Prin întrebarea cu numărul 9 „S-a întâmplat să visezi scene din filme şi să te sperii?” am dorit să observ efectele imediate ale programelor TV asupra copiilor, efecte materializate în vise sau coşmaruri. Planul chestionarului este tip pâlnie, astfel am pornit de la întrebări simple, au urmat întrebări mai complexe, iar ultima întrebare a solicitat copiilor să deseneze un ecran de televizor în care să încadreze ceea ce le place cel mai mult să urmărească la TV. Astfel, le-am dat posibilitatea celor mici să îşi exprime artistic concepţia lor despre televiziune. I. 6. Prelucrarea rezultatelor În urma prelucrării rezultatelor obţinute se poate preciza faptul că 90% dintre repondenţi privesc zilnic la televizor. Dacă raportez acest prim procent la rezultatele cercetării realizate de The Gallup Romania şi Metro Media Transilvania la solicitarea Consiliului Naţional al Audiovizualului, cercetare ce preciza că aproape 90% dintre copii se uită la televizor cel puţin 4 -5 zile pe săptămână dintre care 79% zilnic sau aproape zilnic, trebuie să remarc faptul că rezultatul cercetării pe care am întreprins-o se înscrie în trendul semnalat şi oficializat de CNA prin această anchetă (Metro Media Transilvania, 2007). Aceeaşi cercetare, la ale cărei rezultate mă voi raporta pe parcursul următoarelor pagini, preciza că în timpul săptămânii copiii se uită la televizor în medie 137 de minute zilnic iar în week-end 62


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timpul dedicat acestei activităţi creste cu circa o oră, ajungând la 201 minute (Metro Media Transilvania, 2007). Intenţia iniţială în cercetarea întreprinsă în Brăila, a fost de a cuantifica timpul alocat de către copii urmăririi programelor TV însă principalul obstacol pe care l-am întâmpinat a fost legat de incapacitatea copiilor de a evalua corect timpul. Chiar dacă repondenţii chestionarelor au o vârstă ce variază de la 3 la 7 ani nici unul dintre ei nu are bine fixată noţiunea de timp şi nu poate afirma exact cât timp stă în faţa televizorului zilnic. Cercetarea Metro Media Transilvania a putut identifica această cerinţă şi graţie faptului că au fost aplicate două rânduri de chestionare atât copiilor cât şi părinţilor care ştiu cel mai bine cât timp pierd copiii lor urmărind diverse programe la TV. Scopul întrebării numărul 2 a fost de a identifica modul cel mai frecvent în care copiii urmăresc emisiunile / filmele la tv, ceea ce mi-a permis să schiţez şi un program al comportamentului de vizionare al copiilor. Am observat astfel că 39% dintre fete şi 43% dintre băieţi urmăresc singuri programele de televiziune, ceea ce înseamnă per total un procent de 40% din eşantionul investigat. Raportul CNA avertiza că ponderea mare a celor care aleg varianta solitară de vizionare susţine ipoteza unei influenţe negative a televiziunii asupra calităţii (număr şi frecvenţă) interacţiunilor sociale ale telespectatorilor copii. Copiii care privesc la TV alături de familie totalizează un procent de 35%, iar cei care au declarat că privesc la televizor atât singuri cât şi alături de familie au constituit 25% din totalul eşantionului. Observăm astfel că fetele, începând cu vârsta de 4 –5 ani şi până la 6 – 7 ani şi băieţii mai ales cei de 5 – 6 ani, se uită singuri la tv, ceea ce denotă şi o încredere mai mare a părinţilor în copii, începând cu această vârstă. Copiii cuprinşi în acest interval de vârstă (de 4 până la 7 ani), se bucură şi de o libertate acordată de părinţi, care le permit să îşi aleagă singuri programele pe care doresc să le urmărească, cel puţin în intervalul orar în care nu sunt acasă sau, şi mai grav, atunci când, chiar dacă sunt acasă, copiii sunt lăsaţi nesupravegheaţi şi îşi organizează programul de vizionare aşa cum doresc. Prin întrebarea numărul 3 am vrut să aflu dacă copiii împărtăşesc sau nu şi celorlalţi ceea ce vizionează la TV. S-a constatat, în urma studiului întreprins, că ei nu au obiceiul de a discuta cu părinţii sau cu bunicii despre filmele sau emisiunile pe care le-au 63


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văzut la televizor şi nu reuşesc din cauza vârstei să interpreteze ceea ce au văzut, să discearnă între bine şi rău. Rezultă, aşadar, că în temele de discuţie predilecte ale băieţilor se întâlnesc ceva mai des subiectele promovate de televiziune, decât la fete, lucru explicabil şi prin faptul că fetele, la această vârstă, preferă mai mult să se joace cu păpuşile decât să se uite la televizor, aşa cum voi detalia şi la întrebarea nr. 6. Prin întrebarea numărul 4, mi-am propus să identific ce alte emisiuni sau filme, în afară de desenele animate, sunt urmărite de copii. Am aflat astfel, că 35% din eşantion (adică 7 copii, 3 fete şi 4 băieţi) au spus că se uită mai ales la filme, chiar dacă nu sunt toate adaptate vârstei lor. 15% copii au afirmat că, atunci când se uită la altceva în afară de desene animate, cel mai adesea se uită la muzică. Ponderea acestor opţiuni diferă în funcţie de grupa de vârstă. Tot un procent de 15% s-a obţinut şi prin cumularea răspunsurilor celor care nu se uită la nimic altceva în afară de desene animate. În ceea ce priveşte preferinţele copiilor pentru urmărirea de emisiuni, am remarcat că opţiunea pentru a-şi petrece timpul în faţa televizorului urmărind o emisiune a fost plasată, de cele mai multe ori, pe locul trei, după filme şi muzică. Răspunsurile care nu au concordat cu majoritatea au fost reduse cantitativ, de exemplu un singur copil de gen feminin a afirmat că se uită şi la telenovele împreună cu bunica ei. Am consemnat totodată şi următoarele opţiuni de vizionare: emisiunile „Cronica Cârcotaşilor” (plasată de patru ori pe primul loc), „Dansez pentru tine”, “Schimb de mame” cele difuzate de „Animal Planet” sau „Discovery”, muzică populară, „Ştirile ProTv” sau „Promotor”. Datele cercetării Metro Media Transilvania nu diferă prea mult de răspunsurile prezentate, astfel conform datelor furnizate de CNA, copiilor investigaţi le place cel mai mult să vadă la televizor desene animate (64%), filme (42%) şi muzică (25%). După ce am cunoscut opţiunile de vizionare am vrut să stabilesc prin întrebarea 5, numărul posturilor de televiziune româneşti şi străine pe care le cunosc copiii. Am formulat această întrebare cu gândul la relaţia tot mai strânsă existentă între copii şi televiziune şi cu scopul de a marca, încă o dată, prezenţa televiziunii ca factor socializant în formarea personalităţii copiilor. Răspunsurile acestora la întrebarea amintită au fost relativ similare, ele putând fi clasificate, din punct de vedere informativ, pe trei structuri: 64


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 răspunsuri complete cu denumiri de la 5 până la 8 posturi de televiziune aproximativ 70% din eşantion;  răspunsuri incomplete ce conţin doar denumirile posturilor de desene animate adică 25% din eşantion;  răspunsuri ce pot fi caracterizate ca non-răspunsuri: un singur copil a spus că nu cunoaşte numele nici unui post de televiziune, ceea ce reprezintă 5% din eşantion. Procentul de 70% al copiilor care cunosc un număr mai mare de posturi TV poate fi relaţionat cu cel de 90% al copiilor care privesc zilnic la televizor. Observăm, astfel, că se produce o diferenţă de circa 20 de procente între masa celor care vizionează zilnic programele TV şi a celor care cunosc numele posturilor de televiziune. Putem interpreta această diferenţă raportându-ne la neatenţia, nerăbdarea specifică vârstei, dar şi la modul de vizionare sau la discuţiile pe care copiii ar trebui să le aibă cu părinţii despre ceea ce văd la televizor. Ar mai trebui precizat că posturile de televiziune cu cea mai mare popularitate în rândul celor mici sunt, pe de o parte, posturile specializate pe desene animate: Cartoon Network, Minimax şi Disney Channel, iar pe de altă parte posturile generaliste Pro Tv plasat pe primul loc de 7 dintre copii, urmat de Acasă TV, Antena 1, Prima Tv, Kiss TV, OTV, B1 Tv, Taraf Tv, Animal Planet, Discovery şi HBO. Investigarea a urmărit şi identificarea preferinţelor de petrecere a timpului liber al copiilor. Acest obiectiv se regăseşte în întrebarea numărul 6. Astfel, 60% dintre copii au spus că atunci când nu merg la grădiniţă cel mai adesea se joacă, 20% dintre ei menţionează televizorul ca opţiune preferată de petrecere a timpului liber, şi precizează că vizionează în special desene animate şi filme, iar 15% au spus că preferă să se joace la calculator. Joaca şi privitul la televizor reprezintă prin urmare cele mai accesibile mijloace pentru a scăpa de plictiseală. Astfel un singur copil a spus că preferă ca în timpul liber să iasă la plimbare, şi tot un singur repondent a poziţionat fotbalul printre modalităţile de petrecere a timpului liber. Procentele pe care le-am obţinut sunt sensibil diferite de rezultatele cercetării realizate pentru CNA, care menţiona că aproape 30% dintre copiii investigaţi preferă ca în timpul liber să se uite mai ales la televizor şi arăta că vizionarea programelor de televiziune reprezintă cel mai frecvent mod de petrecere a timpului liber. Observăm astfel că ocupaţiile obişnuite, până nu demult, ale copiilor s-au modificat considerabil, cu efecte negative asupra dezvoltării lor ulterioare, mai ales dacă conştientizăm măcar, dacă nu 65


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reuşim să cuantificăm influenţele negative ale televiziunii asupra formării personalităţii copiilor. Un copil care obişnuieşte să petreacă cea mai mare parte a timpului în faţa televizorului, nu va fi atras, după ce va trece de la stadiul preşcolar la cel gimnazial, de perspectiva lecturării unei cărţi, dacă el s-a obişnuit să vadă toate poveştile la televizor. Totodată, el va avea acces la un număr tot mai mare de programe de televiziune, orarul lui de vizionare se va prelungi tot mai mult, iar de aici şi până la izolare nu mai este decât un pas. Trebuie semnalat şi faptul că modelele oferite de televiziune vor juca un rol determinant în desăvârşirea intelectuală şi comportamentală a celor mici. Ei se vor forma urmărind diverse filme sau programe adesea nerecomandate vârstei lor. Una dintre funcţiile televiziunii este de a furniza modele cu influenţe în socializarea anticipativă. Televiziunea este prima instanţă de socializare ce permite auto-selectarea conţinuturilor normativaxiologice (Metro Media Transilvania, 2007). Frecvent, auto-selecţia este intermediată/influenţată de vedetele preferate. Prin alegerea unui astfel de model şi prin raportare la el, copiii devin agenţi ai propriei socializări. Modelele pe care copiii şi le fixează în mod frecvent în special la această vârstă sunt reprezentate chiar de personajele din desenele animate urmărite cu o perseverenţă total neconstructivă. În acest sens, o parte semnificativă a cercetării întreprinse a făcut referire la preferinţele copiilor pentru filmele, desenele animate şi mai ales personajele îndrăgite. În topul preferinţelor în ceea ce priveşte filmul sau desenul animat se află “Tom şi Jerry” nume rostit de 25 % dintre copii. Consider că preferinţa copiilor investigaţi pentru acest serial poate fi interpretată ca fiind pozitivă, deoarece serialul în sine nu este conceput pentru a induce patternuri negative copiilor şi nici dinamica imaginilor nu este agresivă. Filmul „Niels Holgerson şi gâştele sălbatice” a fost preferatul a 10% dintre copii. „Prinţesa Sissi” este desenul favorit a 10%, „Misterele din Providence” este filmul preferat pentru alţi 10% din total. Lista răspunsurilor la întrebarea “Ce film sau desen animat v-a plăcut cel mai mult?” mai cuprinde: „Dexter” „Fantomele din jur”, „Marc şi Sevastoba”, „Cliford”, „Scarrie Moovie”, „Sharon Speeds”, „Odiseea virtuală”, „Povestiri din criptă” şi „Viaţa cu Louie”. 66


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În structurarea răspunsurilor, la întrebarea numărul 8, care urmărea identificarea personajelor îndrăgite, cu şanse reale de a se transforma în modele demne de urmat, am observat o delimitare clară în ceea ce priveşte modelele clasice şi cele moderne. Astfel, pot spune că în această privinţă, cercetarea nu surprinde un fapt inedit, ci unul deja ştiut: băieţii continuă să îşi dorească să devină poliţişti iar fetele vor să fie prinţese bune şi frumoase. Atunci când aceste idealuri converg cu caracteristicile eroilor de televiziune am consemnat ca răspuns nume precum Katia („pentru că este o fată bună, care are un magazin unde vinde lucruri – este personajul principal din desenul animat „Misterele din Providence”), Prinţesa Sissi, Niels Holgerson („pentru că este un desen frumos şi nu are urâţenii”), Cliford preferatul a doi dintre copii (Alexandra de 6 ani şi 5 luni care îşi motivează opţiunea spunând că „el primeşte mereu oase mari, poate să se ducă unde vrea, mereu îl plimbă cineva şi are şi o stăpână bună” şi David de aceiaşi vârstă cu Alexandra, care vrea să fie Cliford pentru că acesta „face numai lucruri frumoase, este un câine uriaş, roşu, foarte bun care îi ajută pe cei care au nevoie de ajutor”), Sharon Speeds (preferata Danielei pentru că „este o fată frumoasă care are mulţi prieteni”), sau Tom. În cazul în care eroii de televiziune nu au fost agreaţi de copii într-o măsură în care aceştia să se identifice cu ei, copiii mi-au răspuns că vor să devină poliţişti - 15% din total, procent reprezentat de 3 băieţi, motivaţiile acestora pentru răspuns fiind oarecum asemănătoare dar sugestive, fiecare dintre ele, prin simplitatea exprimării specifice vârstei. Astfel, George, de 4 ani, vrea să fie „un poliţist care să îi împuşte pe cei răi şi pe fantomele care îi bântuie pe oameni”, Leonard, de 5 ani, vrea să fie un poliţist dar “nu din ăia fraieri cum sunt la televizor ci unul deştept care să îi prindă pe hoţi” iar Alexandru, în vârstă de 6 ani, spune că vrea să fie „un poliţist care să prindă hoţi sau alţi oameni răi, să fie un om bun care să nu facă fapte rele şi să aibă armă” şi că el nu crede că „în realitate hoţii au curaj să se bată cu poliţiştii şi că asta este doar în filme”. Am întâlnit însă şi un caz atipic, unul dintre băieţii investigaţi a făcut o afirmaţie contrară celor de mai sus, afirmând că el îşi doreşte să devină hoţ. „Aş vrea să fiu un hoţ care să îi împuşte pe oamenii răi pentru că pe ăia bunii nu vreau să îi împuşc şi vreau să fur bijuterii pentru că aşa fac hoţii – dau bijuterii la fete. Am vorbit şi cu tata despre asta, şi el mi-a spus că aşa trebuie să facă bărbaţii să aducă bijuterii iubitelor”. 67


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„Alba ca Zăpada” a întrunit 10% dintre răspunsuri având ca fan două dintre fetiţele întrebate, care şi-au motivat simplu şi specific vârstei admiraţia „este o fată frumoasă, bună şi cuminte”. „Cenuşăreasa” este, în continuare, preferata fetelor dar singura care şiar dori să fie în pielea acestui personaj a fost Irina, de 6 ani, care mi-a spus că ea se pregăteşte să devină o Cenuşăreasă frumoasă pentru piesa pe care o vor monta la grădiniţă pentru serbarea de final de an. Bineînţeles că am înregistrat şi răspunsuri negative la această întrebare în proporţie de 15%, ceea ce înseamnă că trei dintre copiii investigaţi nu s-au identificat cu nici unul dintre personajele de la televizor, fapt ce poate fi interpretat ca pozitiv dacă privim situaţia din perspectiva efectelor urmăririi programelor tv. Este posibil ca aceşti copii să îşi caute modelele în poveştile citite de părinţi sau bunici, varianta cea mai fericită sau, pur şi simplu, să dispună de un sistem propriu de valorizare care să le permită să fie apatici, să nu se lase seduşi de imaginile eroilor de televiziune, dar această ipoteză nu poate fi confirmată acum. Următoarea întrebare din chestionar a avut drept scop măsurarea efectelor directe şi imediate ale urmăririi programelor de televiziune asupra copiilor. Am vrut să stabilesc, astfel, dacă vizionarea unor scene mai violente are efecte la nivel inconştient asupra copiilor, dacă acestora li s-a întâmplat să viseze secvenţe din filme şi dacă aceste vise i-au speriat. Acolo unde copiii au răspuns afirmativ am continuat cu întrebările şi i-am rugat să îşi amintească ce anume au visat şi să îmi povestească. Această întrebare a stârnit imaginaţia copiilor, astfel că majoritatea au răspuns că au visat secvenţe din filmele văzute la televizor, în procente aceasta însemnând 65%, numai 35% afirmând că nu li s-a întâmplat să viseze aşa ceva. Cea mai mare parte a răspunsurilor constituie nişte aspiraţii ascunse ale copiilor de identificare cu eroii preferaţi, de participare la aventurile acestora, şi de sanctificare, prin vis, a statutelor de eroi preferaţi sau din spaimele lor obişnuite legate de existenţa unor personaje misterioase de genul vampirilor sau extratereştrilor. Relevant pentru sublinierea efectelor negative ale urmăririi în exces a programelor TV este răspunsul Oanei care mi-a dat următoarea replică: „Am visat ceva ciudat : eram în faţa televizorului şi era o lumină de alb şi negru şi mă deranjau ochii – nu mi se dezlipeau de televizor şi nu puteam să dorm”. Deşi sunt nostime şi chiar credibile, aceste răspunsuri nu pot fi evaluate ca adevărate în totalitate, ele pot fi distorsionate din cauza 68


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faptului că, la această vârstă, copiii sunt deseori depăşiţi în efortul lor de înţelegere şi trec în fantastic, fabulează cu o seninătate şi o persuasiune demne de invidiat de orice actor. Pentru a finaliza schema orarului obişnuit de vizionare al copiilor investigaţi, am plasat la sfârşitul chestionarului o întrebare care să permită cunoaşterea aspectelor încă ascunse ale relaţiei copil – televiziune. Am aflat astfel câţi dintre copii obişnuiesc să se trezească noaptea şi să deschidă televizorul, şi câţi nu au acest obicei, pentru câţi dintre ei privitul la televizor este permis chiar şi în timpul nopţii şi pentru câţi nu este admis. 70% dintre copii nu au obiceiul de a deschide noaptea televizorul din diferite cauze: nu le dau voie părinţii, nu ştiu să deschidă televizorul sau televizorul nu se află în camera lor, sau pur şi simplu pentru că nu li se întâmplă să se trezească noaptea. Restul de 30% dintre copiii care deschid noaptea televizorul spun că cel mai des se uită la filme, la muzică sau la reclame. Observăm astfel că 60% dintre fete nu deschid televizorul noaptea pe când în cazul băieţilor situaţia este cu totul alta, astfel 71% dintre băieţi obişnuiesc să se uite la televizor şi noaptea. Singura fată care a răspuns pozitiv la această întrebare a completat răspunsul spunând că, în general, se uită noaptea la televizor doar cu fratele ei şi niciodată singură. Şi în măsurarea răspunsurilor la această întrebare pot apărea distorsiuni, factorii perturbatori în acest caz fiind pe de o parte faptul că nu toţi copiii au noţiunea timpului şi unii dintre ei chiar nu ştiu exact ce înseamnă noapte, iar pe de altă parte, poate interveni jena acestora în a recunoaşte că uneori se mai uită la televizor noaptea atunci când pe unele posturi se difuzează reclame sau filme porno. Ca o completare a răspunsurilor de la întrebările 7 şi 8 din chestionar, şi totodată pentru a întregi rezultatele cercetării cu o secţiune demonstrativă şi artistică, în acelaşi timp, le-am propus, spre final, celor mici să deseneze personajul / personajele sau reprezentările acestora aşa cum le-au perceput ei, pentru a consolida, încă o dată preferinţele pentru eroii cu care cei mici doresc să se identifice. În concordanţă cu răspunsurile la întrebările amintite anterior, personajele predilecte întâlnite în desenele copiilor au fost: Tom şi Jerry desenaţi de 4 copii de fiecare dată în alt mod, în funcţie de preferinţele pentru Tom sau pentru Jerry, şi în diferite ipostaze pe care şi le-a amintit fiecare în momentul respectiv. Asociat desenelor cu Tom şi Jerry, s-au regăsit în lucrările copiilor vrăjitoare hidoase 69


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călare pe mături, monştri înfricoşători „cu baticul legat într-o parte şi cu corpul roşu”, personaje dintr-un desen animat numit Haubergrow cum sunt: un profesor cu părul vâlvoi şi cu inima albastră însoţit de trei personaje despre care Minodora susţine că sunt fata roşie, fata albastră şi fata verde. Cea verde pare a fi o algă, cea albastră seamănă cu un pitic (are un fes pe cap) iar cea despre care spune că este fata roşie, cu două corniţe şi o privire înfricoşătoare. Am mai cules reprezentări ale unor personaje precum Oscar şi Katia care au în dreptul pieptului o inimă roşie care simbolizează dragostea dintre cei doi, Emily Elizabeth – stăpâna câinelui numit Cliford, Prinţesa Sissi, Sharon Speeds, Dexter sau Louie împreună cu familia lui. O categorie aparte de desene ce se remarcă prin simplitate, cuminţenie şi echilibru sunt cele în care au fost reprezentate personaje clasice precum Alba ca Zăpada, Păpuşa Barbie, ori Omul de Zăpadă – pe care l-a desenat Valentin care mi-a vorbit despre cu totul altceva dar care mi-a precizat că nu prea ştie să deseneze altfel. Tot ca un element singular, în colecţia acestor desene, se încadrează şi profilul realizat de Irina, fan a Paulei Seling, pe care s-a străduit să o deseneze într-o reprezentare cât mai apropiată de realitate, gingaşă şi nostimă chiar demnă de apreciat. Semnificative pentru susţinerea tezei şi ca o reconfirmare a validităţii teoriei conform căreia vizionarea de programe violente influenţează în sens negativ comportamentul şi atitudinile copiilor, sunt desenele din categoria “grea” în care sunt redate secvenţe din filmele văzute de copii la televizor, una mai nocivă decât alta. Astfel, Valentina, în vârstă de 3 ani, l-a desenat pe „Scarrie Moovie” care omoară o fetiţă care culegea flori. Întrebată fiind de ce i-a plăcut acest film şi de ce l-a desenat a răspuns că singurul fapt care îi place la Scarrie Moovie este că poate să omoare oameni. Fetiţa a mai spus că se uită la acest film împreună cu părinţii, şi că „ mama mi-a zis să nu mă mai uit pentru că nu e bine dar tata nu a vrut să schimbe programul. Din acest film mi-a plăcut doar de « Scarrie Movie » care avea o mască neagră şi care omora oameni”. Seninătatea cu care Valentina a povestit toate acestea demonstrează, încă o dată, teza desensibilizării copiilor care urmăresc filme violente la televizor, şi poate fi explicată şi prin lipsa discuţiilor cu părinţii şi mai ales a explicaţiilor acestora care ar trebui să îi orienteze în delimitarea faptelor bune de cele rele şi în preluarea modelelor de comportament. 70


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Leonard, de 5 ani, a desenat o secvenţă dintr-un film văzut la ProTv, în care un hoţ jefuieşte o “maşină plină cu bani”, precizează că acesta nu este un hoţ oarecare ci unul “deştept”, pe care poliţia îl urmăreşte dar nu reuşeşte să îl prindă, şi mai spune că i-a plăcut secvenţa din acest film în care hoţul şi-a cumpărat cu banii furaţi multă mâncare şi haine. A înţeles când a văzut filmul că ceea ce a făcut hoţul nu era bine, a şi vorbit cu părinţii lui despre aceasta, motiv pentru care la întrebarea 8 a răspuns prompt spunând că îşi doreşte să devină poliţist pentru a-i prinde pe răufăcători. Un alt personaj al cărui profil se regăseşte în desenul lui Mihăiţă, în vârstă de 7 ani, este “Vampirul morţilor” despre care spune că l-a văzut într-un film şi i s-a întâmplat chiar să îl viseze, era vorba despre un vampir care „sugea sângele la un om (reprezentat în desen cu un pistol în mână), dar omul nu murea pentru că devenea şi el vampir”. Copiii au mai desenat diferite ipostaze ale extratereştrilor care coboară din navetele spaţiale, se luptă cu oamenii sau distrug pur şi simplu planeta Pământ. Reprezentarea grafică a acestora pare a fi desprinsă din revistele de benzi desenate: extratereştrii au adesea câte două - trei capete, câte opt picioare, nişte tentacule uriaşe cu ajutorul cărora bombardează cu uşurinţă Pământul, ochi sticloşi, cozi enorme, etc. Băieţii care au realizat aceste desene sunt “pasionaţi de extratereştri” şi nu pierd nici un episod din serialele precum “Odiseea virtuală”. Concluzii Privite în ansamblu, rezultatele cercetării au atins obiectivele propuse iniţial şi au validat teoriile prezentate în prima parte a lucrării. Obiectivele lucrării au fost doar în mică măsură modificate, în primul rând, din cauza incapacităţii copiilor de a evalua şi preciza corect timpul pe care şi-l petrec urmărind programele TV, iar, în al doilea rând, din cauza necunoaşterii de către copii şi neînţelegerii exacte a termenului de imitaţie - iniţial mi-am propus să identific câţi dintre copii imită ceea ce văd la televizor. Cu toate acestea consider că informaţiile obţinute sunt convingătoare pentru susţinerea obiectivului cercetării. Ipotezele anunţate au fost, de asemenea, confirmate, şi cu toate că intenţia iniţială nu era realizarea unei investigaţii riguroase, pentru că obiectivele urmărite nu vizau o întemeiere ştiinţifică a 71


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studiului, rezultatele obţinute, prelucrate statistic, s-au încadrat în trendul indicat în cercetarea CNA.

Bibliografie: ● Bălăşescu A. (1997). Privindu-i pe telespectatori. Dilema, 227, 14. ● Dobrescu, P. & Bârgăoanu, A. (2003). Mass media şi societatea. Bucureşti: Comunicare.ro. ● Drăgan I. (1996). Paradigme ale comunicării de masă. Bucureşti: Casa de Editură şi Presă „Şansa“ S.R.L. ● Silverstone, R. (1999). Televiziunea în viaţa cotidiană. Iaşi: Polirom. ● Metro Media Transilvania (septembrie 2007). Expunerea copiilor la programele TV şi radio (modele culturale ale comportamentului de consum). Accesat la data de 10 septembrie 2010, la http://www.cna.ro/IMG/pdf/ExpCopii_CNA2007.pdf

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U.A.S. Revista de Comunicare şi Marketing, anul I, numărul 1, septembrie 2010 I.S.S.N. 2069-0304 Pag. 73-92

Abstract: The purpose of this investigational debate is analyzing the different way of acting of the political actors nationally and locally within the electoral campaign for the presidential elections from 2009, in Constanta. The results shows that in Constanta there was a fracture between local and national elements of the political campaign, lacking common elements and was predominantly a negative one and mostly consisted of street messages and posters The candidateship of a weak leader imposed to a strong party organization the attempt to find some substitution stratagems, using other image vectors, adopting a “closed” type strategy. Key words: marketing strategies, 2009 presidential elections, communication and electoral marketing

ELEMENTS OF STRATEGY, COMMUNICATION AND ELECTORAL MARKETING IN THE 2009 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN - CASE STUDY: CONSTANTA COUNTY Conf.univ.dr. Andra SECELEANU Universitatea „Andrei Şaguna”, Constanţa Facultatea de Ştiinţele Comunicării şi Ştiinţe Politice


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Introduction The decisional scheme concerning elections is very complex, being conditioned not only by the rational/affectionate factor, but also by several other elements of this process-researches make appeal to the value-attitude features, perceptions, objective expectations determined by the level of common knowledge as well as the subjective ones, which are conditioned affectively and value conceptions regarding the process of voting and the regulations concerning the election system. If we should take into account the fact that the elector “is not only a passive subject that takes anything proposed for granted, but he processes information and reconstructs the received messages” (Ricolfi, 1995, p. 1044), turns obvious the difficulty of exhaustively appreciating the role of mass-media within the election campaigns and the inadvertency of an univocal answer to the questions related to the media mechanisms of the electoral influences. The election campaigns prove that the political and media environment starts to be overwhelmed more and more by the political marketing, meaning a complex of actions promoting the political “product” through mass-media: the objective of the political marketing resides in getting an „agreement‟ between „the producers‟ of the political images and their “consumers”, in maximizing the offer demand balance and it does not have, according to Philippe Maarek (1995, p.51), “nothing in common to increasing the political participation and civic attitude of the electors”, being more pragmatic and real, centred upon ensuring the influence upon the electoral options of the auditorium. According the marketing laws, as shown by Vance Packard (2005), in his reference paperwork I persuasori oculti (the Italian version), the elector, entering the vote booth, hesitates as if in a drugstore, where he has to choose between two types of toothpaste. Eventually he would choose the one he heard more. The cited line already reflects a general truth: the voters‟ opinion upon the electoral candidates depends a lot on the information offered by the media. We can have as a result the idea of congruency of the promoted electoral action together with the media practice and the communicational fluxes are extremely marked by the political marketing. 74


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The purpose of this investigational debate is analyzing the different way of acting of the political actors nationally and locally within the electoral campaign for the presidential elections from 2009, in Constanta. The approach is justified by the sporadic existence of some studies concerning the presidential electoral campaign strategies locally because the analysis of this type of campaign refers to the strategy of the campaign staff of the candidate or of the party from the national point of view and does not approach the way these strategies are used locally. Electoral Campaign and Media Practice In the past three years, Romania underwent several electoral fluxes, with less and less people coming to vote, this disinterest being shown to the offer of the political parties also through the emotional vote that most citizens practiced when coming to the urns. The electoral campaigns for the Euro parliament elections in 2007 and in 2009, for the local and parliament elections in 2008 showed a preference for general, vast political messages emphasizing some image leaders overshadowing other opinion leaders that could consolidate the communicational relation between candidate and its electorate (Stromback, Seceleanu et all, 2009). The lack of direct interaction between political field and citizen, interaction led by the media in the few years, is proven by the spectacular raise of the publicity resources (if, for instance, we compare the local elections from 2004 with the ones from 2008 we can notice that a study made by the Institute for Public Policy – IPP, shows the explosive increase of the costs comparing it with the previous local elections. The increase of the costs only in the domain of the publicity in the press was over 250%: 8.686.950 euros, compared with 3.460.936 euros). Analyzing the specific of the political communication within the actual media environment in Romania, we can extract the following characteristics (Seceleanu, 2008): ● Political communication is very personalized. The success depends on the qualities and the personal image, than the represented political body; ● Political agenda is more distinctive than that of the population. The lack of direct and efficient mechanisms of communication makes the interest for politics to be dependent of the media influence; 75


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● Lately, mass-media have become a proactive actor on the political scene, implying debates and conflicts for power distribution; ● Mass-media have changed from a simply intermediate channel to a part of the power system. The media authority is accepted even by the political class, the latter trying to develop collaboration with media; ● Mass-media have become a mediator between the politicians and the electors, and also a disruption form for direct communication. That is why the political class departed the electors, and the latter seem to be represented by media than the political class. Based on the politician‟s obsession to make an Image, the TV tends to become the substitute of the parliamentary debate and to conquer the entire public space. So, as we can easily notice, the debate takes place only on television and the government acts seem to be generated only by the TV journalists. Without a TV camera, it seems there is no reality, because without television there is no public space. In the minds of both audience and politicians was inoculated the idea that only opinions transmitted by the mass-media represent the real interlocutor for the government. For the first it was suggested that they do not need to form an opinion anymore and for the later, that they don‟t have a choice. So, the trinomial “Press-Society-Political class”, which is mandatory for a normal modern society, has transformed into the unbalanced formula “Press-Political class”, from which the society, as a legitimate source of the public opinion, was eliminated. Mediatic practice proves the importance of at least two elements that condition the success of a political message transmitted through mass media channels, able to produce the wanted electoral effect: its concordance with the expectations of the electorate, in the first place, and its adjustment according to the mediatic demands. Precisely, the observance of these conditions determines the candidates‟ eligibility. Lately, the adjustment of mediatic practices within electoral campaigns involves more and more the so-called dirty technologies (or grey, black) of manipulation of public opinion, quite efficient, as the results of elections show. Manipulation must be related to communicator‟s intentions, but also to the methods through which communication takes place. Verbal and non-verbal means through which manipulation can be made are numerous. Because of the complexity of the processes of 76


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communication and the subjective nature of the relationships between those that communicate, it is very hard to distinguish between persuasion and manipulation. (Pop, 1996). It cannot be clearly stated that persuasion can address only to reason, while manipulation only to the sensitiveness of the manipulated one, who would be subjugated to the purposes of the manipulator. Manipulations produces effects, at different levels, on the individual or on the groups, because people have the capacity to verify, appreciate, interpret and evaluate what it is transmitted to them, passing the information through their own critical filter. It is this filter that enables the success of manipulation. Given the facts, the action against manipulation must address to, on the one hand, the manipulators; discouraging them through sanctions and limiting their maneuver space through adequate rules of social conduit- and on the other hand, to the potential victims of manipulation, strengthening their critical spirit, through information and education (Seceleanu, 2009). Manipulation and its techniques are mostly noticed within electoral campaigns. Through manipulation, the decision is transferred from the zone of rationality of comparative type, in that of the emotionality and absolute subjectivity. The relative short period of electoral campaign determines politicians to launch in complex interdependent strategies, having as a final purpose receiving, at any costs, as many votes as possible, giving the impression to the elector that he/she arrives to a decision without being influenced. Political manipulation has many chances of succeeding in electoral campaign because the electorate is more attentive to political information and manifests a bigger interest towards political actors. Also, during electoral campaigns, contradictory messages issued by politicians easily create confusion because of a large amount of political information that is projected into communicational space and disposes of a short period in order to be verified. The expansion of mediatic logic within political process has determined the proliferation in the contemporary society of the phenomenon of political publicity, another essential element of mediatic cover within electoral campaigns. In a traditional way, the denomination of political publicity is attributed to a certain type of electoral propaganda, based on the use of methods and of publicity techniques during the period before the elections (Zaharia, 2000). The propagandistic electoral message of the political subject carries the 77


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formal signs of the proper publicity, including the broadcasting through means of mass communication, orientation of the content towards the favorable attitudes of a political doctrine, of a party or candidate, of an electoral program, the clear and explicit identification of the message as a publicity action, etc. During the presidential campaign in 2009, the Romanian media started behaving like at wartime, the opponents being the parties and their candidates. This situation radically changes the media discourse. The media pretended to have a certain autonomy they did not have before, but at the same time, through their attitude and behaviour, they are the most vulnerable and most unpredictable institutions. Across the electoral campaigns for the two scrutinise, the televisions did not ensure a proper environment to debate and face the candidates‟ political programmes. The public agenda was replaced with the electoral agenda of the candidates that might have turned successful and there were a lot of rumours concerning the campaign staff. The analysis of the electoral planks was replaced by discourse analysis, non-verbal or ethical language. The aggressive replies between the participants from debates were exaggerated at prime-time and fuelled by journalists themselves. The audience was constantly informed about the behinds of the electoral campaign and there were two alternatives: the political stage was lacking candidates or it was crowded with common political analysts, journalists and politicians. Another feature of mass media during the political campaign was the obvious favouring of the mass media and audiovisual for one or the other political candidate. It was the first campaign where the press tycoons interfered directly, making more credible Basescu‟s messages against them. The most of the publications and televisions did not respect the deontological standards through which journalists were supposed to offer correct, balanced and multiple points of view to the population. Electoral Campaign for the Presidential Elections from 2009 – National Framework This is the first campaign to elect a president which, because of the duration of the president‟s mandate (five years) and the parliament members‟ mandate could not be at the same date as the campaign for the Parliament elections. This involved a massive effort from the 78


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candidates, who had to concentrate the force of their political parties when they were not actually engaged within their own campaign. This is the reason why the campaign for the presidential elections which should have proven a unitary, national conception was fractured locally with different electoral strategies trying to reunite the different interests of the electoral groups, taking into account different topics, using a certain language and finding particular solutions for every group which eventually led to coherence and credibility issues. The electoral campaign for the president election did not involve, as far as image was concerned, the appearance and constraint of an alternative to Traian Basescu, the consequence being a division of people against Basescu according to the candidate they felt closer. During the campaign, the message transmitted by Basescu‟s contestants was that Basescu did not have to win another mandate and that five years with Basescu would be a disaster for Romania, but they did not give any common clear alternative proposed to the electorate, according to Liviu Dadacus (2009). As long as the image strategy is concerned Basescu‟s campaign was built up on two elements: one positive, helped by the slogan “Basescu for Romania‟ and one negative with the slogan: “Come to the referendum! They will not escape what they fear!” This strategy was built according to the concept “The Romanians and I” against any interest group, party interests and press tycoons‟ interests”. On the other hand, the president of the Senate, the second statesman, Mircea Geoana imposed and consolidated the Occident diplomat image, a good politician with external links that could have offered Romania a good representation worldwide. Unexpectedly, the campaign did not have a communication, main topic, like it happened in the other campaigns when “Corruption” or “The Fight against Communism” was main topics present to any debating presentations. There have been launched among false communication topics, personal attacks and diabolical image of the political opposites, appealing to primary emotions of the electorate. According to Paul Aparaschivei (2009), the campaign had the following features: - reunion around the common enemy Traian Basescu; - reunion around providential solution - Johannis project;

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- Parliament reunion: everything that meant party or political group was headed against the Boc government and the PDL parliament groups; - message unity: concerning the messengers of the political field, but also the media. Presidential Campaign Strategy in PSD County Constanta Branch Many times during the electoral campaigns at local level the slogan ”Think globally, acts locally” is not applied as a stratagem, encountering situations where the local party organizations (without asking at the command centre or simply relying upon empirical observations) modify the electoral strategy according to the action possibilities or to their electorate needs. At the presidential elections we speak about a double legitimacy of the candidate, legitimacy appearing from his capacity to undergo a formal duality (he represents the party and depends on the importance that the electorate gives to the ideological political platform and admitting him within the electorate and on the other hand the party relies on the candidate who, through his personal achievements and his “importance” is representative for the party itself). In the city of Constanta, there has been a very interesting event starting from this duality of the candidate: the image and the position of the PSD group were extremely powerful, resulting from the past outcomes of the elections but also by the trend of the polls that have not showed major modifications in the percent of the population accepting this group, whereas the image of the candidate Mircea Geoana was almost inexistent. This great unbalance was emphasized by the political campaign, the PSD organization from Constanta continuing the promotion of the party image and of the „Mazare Team‟. On the other hand, PDL also faced a major unbalance locally but in this case the percentage was in favour of the candidate Traian Basescu and not in favor of his the party, the final results proving that between a strong party and the image of a powerful leader, the voters chose the leader.

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Returning to the beginning of the electoral campaign, in the city of Constanta, the parties that sustained the main candidates were entering for the final race with the following resources: ● PSD or PSD-the Mazare Team as rebranded even from 2004 this organization. They were the team: the way of organizing and communication takes you to a feudal model, accompanied by the slogan used in the Parliament elections, too “New PSD-Mazare Team”, slogan a little disturbing by that time for the central PSD leaders. ● PSD Constanta had won everything during the past years elections, the mayor Radu Mazare had been re-elected in 2008 by more than 60% of the people in Constanta while a tough campaign was led against him (Radu Stefan Mazare was elected for a 2nd mandate: coalition against one single man finally leading to victimization and winning the voters‟ sympathy). ● PNL and PDL Constanta used to represent weak agencies of the party with bad results in the past elections, with leaders that had no impact to people and with internal problems of organization (PDL Constanta was troubled long ago after the local elections from 2008 by the fights for supremacy that media put on the front page and due to Elena Udrea‟s implications that worsened the scandal). Figure 1. Election for mayor in Constanta (2008) - differentiated by candidates and parties

11,6

13,6

63,7

Radu Mazare - PSD

Victor Manea - PNL Dorel Onaca - PDL

Source: Survey and Socio-Human Investigation Centre “Andrei Şaguna”, rapport research 2009, based of www.beclocale2008.ro

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Synopsis of the identity resources of the candidates at the beginning of the electoral campaign shows a president running for a second mandate, next to two at the opponents that were better positioned (regarding the political past, the public image and the trends in polls). Mircea Geoana and Crin Antonescu entered the campaign united by the Johannis project and were perceived as a coalition, shafting a common goal and a common future in the event of winning. Although Mircea Geoana should have positioned himself as a leader (even an informal one) of this “coalition�, he did not manage to impose himself as a leader of coalition. Table 1. Identity resources by candidates

Identity resources Political past

The political role of the candidate

Share in polls

Mircea Traian Geoana Basescu

conflicting and/or questionable at power in one party in several parties Party leader Coalition leader

Crin Antonescu

x x

x x

x

x

x

x

Symbolical leader of party independent Dominant Competitive

x

Ascending

x

Regressive

x

Stable defeating

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Public image

acknowledged in development

x x

redefined

x

Source: Survey and Socio-Human Investigation Centre “Andrei Şaguna”, December 2009

Crin Antonescu who offered pleasant surprises even if he was sustained by the least competitive party (referring to the first three positions), did not have a past as an opinion or image leader, managed to impose the Johannis project (taken by PSD, too) and had a share of positive and consolidating image all across the campaign. Traian Basescu is the candidate who already had a public image and theoretically could not offer any surprise, everything was known about him whether positive or negative, things that Basescu the man and Basescu the president has never tried to hide (actually his enemies strategy meant ruining the winner and all mighty image that he had with all his shortcomings and imperfections). The candidate that had to permanently transform his image (publicly labelled as “dummy boy” from 2004) was Geoana. The one who had to consolidate his image of powerful diplomat with influential external links, that could offer Romania a good representation internationally as this was the only image that could play. The study, realized in Constanta County in the interval 28 October - 5 November 2009, on 1860 people shows the way candidates were perceived. Mircea Geoana was considered to be a good diplomat and professional due to the actions taken by PSDConstanta (aggressive actions regarding the image campaign) but also corroborated with the omnipresence of the PSD leader in the media. He was perceived by the people of Constanta is the most active of all candidates. Crin Antonescu, overall, was the best perceived by the people of Constanta, which considered him the most democratic, the most honest, the most attractive and sophisticated. Although his profile was closest to a charismatic one, he obtained in the first round (in the Constanta County) only 16, 5% of the votes (only 2% over the score of the party at the parliamentary elections in 2008. This was due to a 83


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loch of a strong party apparatus but also due to the discrepancies between the candidates profile and the electorate‟s necessity. Traian Basescu was perceived by the people of Constanta, according to the slogan used by the party: “he is one of us” (but with reference just of his birth place). Basescu was considered friendly, powerful, unsophisticated and having all human defects: aggressive, lacking diplomacy, dishonest, defects that he does not even try to hide. Figure 2. Candidate’s profile 30,00

20,00

10,00

0,00

-10,00

-20,00

-30,00 QualifiedUnqualified

Sophisticated Unsophisticat ed

Honest -

Believable -

Attractive -

Friendly-

Sincere-

Calm -

Aggressive -

Strong -

Democrat-

Inactive -

Dishonest

Unbelievable

Unattractive

Unfriendly

Insincere

Excitable

Unaggressive

Weak

Dictator

Active

Diplomacy Lacking of diplomacy

BASESCU

8,60

-10,10

-10,30

-3,60

-13,40

25,40

-10,30

1,70

-17,20

19,90

12,70

-14,70

10,30

GEOANA

13,9

3,3

-1,4

-0,1

4,1

12,3

-3,4

12,9

-21,8

4,8

19,4

-25,2

26,1

ANTONESCU

13,4

1,4

8,9

6

14,4

15,8

7

17,5

-24,8

4,6

24,8

-17,6

21,2

BASESCU

GEOANA

ANTONESCU

Source: Survey and Socio-Human Investigation Centre “Andrei Şaguna”, November 2009 (by Lynda Lee Kaid scale, 1995)

In Constanta, the Mazare team faced the need to bring a candidate perceived as weak by the people living in this area and who had not been representative for the party, being conditioned by great identity differences: PSD the Mazare Team was a successful organization with quantifying, clear and realizable objectives while the candidate Mircea Geoana was coming with a discourse and image that did not suit PSD Constanta. Trying to reunite these two patterns led to the election of a different strategy from the national one and the use of an image substitute for Geoana, whose image was not too well sold in Constanta, making appeal to the idea that Mazare was the warrant for Geoana‟s success. 84


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That is why PSD Constanta chose a strategy based on the antiBasescu message taking into consideration his faithful audience (estimated according to the preceding results and polls at about 50% figure 2) appreciating it enough to ensure victory. Imposing Basescu as the public enemy no 1 without any solid reasons and only using the motivation that Radu Mazare said so made the aggressive message cause a powerful emotional reaction, making the public vote for Basescu in the 2nd round. Figure 3. Election results in Constanta County in 2008 - at local and parliamentary elections

60

54,8

51,37

47,8

50

43,2 40

30

20

25,3 18,7 14,2

26,14

28,52

PSD PDL

18,4

14,86

14,88

PNL

10

0

Local council County Council

Deputy Chamber

Senat

Source: Survey and Socio-Human Investigation Center “Andrei Şaguna”, raport reserch 2009, based of www.beclocale2008.ro, www.bec2008.ro

The presidential campaign from Constanta was mainly a negative one as far as PSD is concerned but which turned manifest through outdoor messages - space belonging almost exclusively to PSD, any street posters or messages being changed at least three times during the 1st round and once in the 2nd round. The PSD campaign looked even unjust as the other parties PDL and PNL had a decent space for posters and banners and followed the initial national plan. Mircea Geoana, the PSD candidate did not appear in the outdoor posters while the candidate Basescu could have been found outdoor. Next to national messages there appeared the local reinforcement of the national campaign “Basescu is with us!”.

85


Anul I, nr. 1, septembrie 2010

Within the electoral communication belonging to PSD – Constanta branch, we identified faulty discursive ways and manipulative communication strategies in order to make messages more credibles and to determine certain behaviours, attitudes and options in his favour. These are the identified aspects: 1. Ad verecundiam arguments There have been used for manipulative purposes, to make messages more credible, by replacing specific intrinsic arguments with opinions expressed by personalities - from the present or the historical past-with a high notorious level and respected within the public society. This method resides in the idea that if ”X asserted one thing, we the ones who are not good at it have to believe the same”. The only personality that appears on people‟s mind is Radu Stefan Mazare, something that was perceived as dictatorial, a message imposed from one single leader. It is interesting that one of the attempts to slander Traian Basescu was using arguments as his image of a dictator but people did not perceive him like that. (see Basescu‟ profile in Figure 1). 2. Manipulation through appeal to collective affectivity It is a manipulative strategy appealing to the cognitive dissonance of the individuals and to their instinctive fear of strangers, solitude and isolation. Such method exploits the attraction that has on people the comfort of resemblance, familiarity and solidarity. The strong messages used by PSD Constanta were: “Choose who goes away: Me or Basescu!” “Do you still want more of this? I don‟t!” “Do you live a good life? We don‟t!” The first two slogans has as major participant Radu Mazare who pushed these messages to the borders of his relations with people of Constanta. Basically, he imposed a negative message inviting the citizens to choose one of them to leave, hurting somehow the other candidate and punishing him not choosing the one to come, so choosing for their future. The attempt to force on people the negative vote led to his instability among his own electoral public and mobilized the undecided people. Secondly, the type “whether/or” elections are a wrong movement in any sort of negotiation concerning relationships: professional as well as personal making the one that loses in front of a one way road forcing him to step back and think 86


REVISTA DE COMUNICARE ŞI MARKETING

once again this strategy (this what really happened in the end after the elections when Mazare asserted “For now, we‟ll turn invisible!”). Figure 4. Sample of Electoral Material Campaign

Source: www.ziuadeconstanta.ro

The second slogan is taken from the national level with the question “Do you have a good life?” being encountered in every big city, this question reminding Traian Basescu‟s wishing for his people from 2004 “A very good life to all Romanians!”. The Mazare team gave this question a personal feature by replying “We don‟t!, using images of the retired poor people of Constanta on different posters and banners considering the impact they had upon these categories of population (the ones that the mayor constantly supported across the years). 3. Manipulation through polls The polls influence the electors, favoring the winner but also the loser and obviously that the way in which the results were 87


Anul I, nr. 1, septembrie 2010

presented have been used as electoral weapons in this campaign. Locally, the polls realized on groups of people from Constanta were not made public even if they were done by parties preferring to use the results for own electoral strategies. Journalists and media institutions deliberately infringed the legal regulations prohibiting the publications of poll on the day of voting. Broadcasting intermediary exit-polls was mainly done on the internet, but also on TV. It is hard to understand the motivation of this editorial decision unless they were looking to influence peopleâ€&#x;s vote. While the major role of the polls is to inform the voters about the political campaign, in the voting day they turn into manipulation instruments. It is a fact that the electors from Constanta were influenced by the different local polls and intensively commented by press. Figure 5. The tendencies in the electors’ options concerning the main four candidates in the race to become the president of Romania between October-November 2009. 40 37 35

35 33,4

30

31

31,1

28,5

22

15

31 30

30 29

31

20 18

22

18

32 30

32,5

34 31

34 32

32 31

31

26

24

23,6 21,7 20

14,5

34

28 26

25 20

34 32

33 31

23 22

21,5 19

19 17

16

19

17

18

18 16

13

14

10 5

C C SB In ,2 so -3 m .1 ar 0 ,8 C -1 C 1. SB 10 10 -1 C C SB 1.1 0 ,7 -1 BC 3. 10 S In 15 so -1 m 9 ar .1 ,1 0 5 C SO -18 .1 P 0 16 C -1 U 8. R 1 S 0 12 -2 C 2. SB 10 24 C SO 25. Av 10 P an 21 ga -2 rd 4. 10 e 24 C -2 C 7. IN S 10 B SO 29 M -3 AR 0. 10 G 29 AL .1 LU 01. P 11 31 C .1 C 0SB 2. 11 29 .1 0G 3 . al 11 lu p In 5so 8. 11 m ar 6C 9. C 11 SB 711 .1 1

0

Traian Basescu

Mircea Geoana

Crin Antonescu

Source: www.infomina.ro

Derulation of an aggressive and negative campaign in Constanta county, corroborated with the victimization of the president Traian Basescu on national TV and also with the mistakes of Mircea Geoana in the second round, have also made the presence at the vote to be higher (61,4% as opposed to 55,54% in the first round). 88


REVISTA DE COMUNICARE ŞI MARKETING

The 3% gap from the first round (between Basescu and Geoana) and expecting a significant part of Crin Antonescu‟s electorate to turn to his official ally, have made that PSD Constanta did not change its strategy. On the contrary, they pushed harder on the emotional blackmail. Figure 6. Results obtained by the candidates in the first and second round of elections in Constanta County

60

53,5 46,5

50

40

36,85 33,36

30

16,5

20

10

0

Traian Basescu

Mircea Geoana

turul II

Crin Antonescu

turul 1

Source: Survey and Socio-Human Investigation Centre “Andrei Şaguna”, rapport research 2009, based of www.bec2009P.ro

Conclusion ● In Constanta there was a fracture between local and national elements of the political campaign lacking common elements. ● The candidateship of a weak leader imposed to a strong party organization the attempt to find some substitution stratagems, using other image vectors. ● Mircea Geoana was the candidate that needed the most guarantees: starting with local leaders with successful images like Vanghelie, Mazare or the national ones like Iliescu, Hrebenciuc; even in his political TV presentation his staff felt to offer more proofs with insertions of some pictures belonging to Mircea Geoana next to personalities met by this one during his diplomat career and ending 89


Anul I, nr. 1, septembrie 2010

with media guaranteeing that Geoana will be the final winner, the one defeating Basescu. ● The adopted strategy was a closed one, centered on Radu Stefan Mazare who in Constanta turned into a sort of hero. His discourse included topics considered important by his team and offered desirable solutions, the campaign tending to transform into an open competition, with the purpose to have Geoana as a winner, this vendetta being kept alive by the mayors‟ statements from the past years (“Basescu‟s people are constantly attacking me!”, “Basescu‟s attitude towards me has personal features!”). ● The campaign was predominantly a negative one and mostly consisted of street messages and posters.

References: Journal article ● Kaid, L. (1995). Measuring Candidate Images with Semantic Differentials, Candidate Images in Presidential Election Campaign, ed. Kenneth Hacker, Westport, CT: Praeger, 131-134. ● Ricolfi, L. (1994). Elezioni e mass media. Quanti voti ha spostato la tv. Il Mulino, a. XLIII n. 356. ● Seceleanu, A. (2009). Mediatization of political life in conditions of electoral campaign – a retrospection of the elections in Romania, Central European Journal of Communication, 3, 267-279. ● Stromback, J., Seceleanu, A. et al. (2009). The Mediatization of european election News Coverage, „Campaignnig for Europe 2009”, Landau. Book ● Maarek, P. (1995). Political Marketing and Communication. London: John Libbey., ● Packard, V. (1998). I persuasori occulti. Einaudi. ● Pop, D (2000). Mass-media and politics. Iaşi: Institutul European. ● Seceleanu, A. (2008). Political comunication in mediatic space – analyze of electoral campaign, Constanţa: Fundaţia „Andrei Şaguna”. ● Zaharia, R. (2006). Social-politic marketing. Bucureşti: ASE. Online document ● Aparaschivei, P. (2009). Characteristic of presidential campaign, Accesed 15.12.2009, from http://www.masteratpolitic.ro/analizapolitica/sa-nu-uiti-darie%e2%80%a6i/ 90


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● Dadacus, L. (2009), Predisential campaign. Accesed 26.12.2009, from http://www.mediafax.ro/main-story/campania-prezidentiala-a-fostanosta-lipsita-de-creativitate-si-emotie-5120739/ ● Moraru, A., Ercu, L. & Miron, R. (2008). Alegerile locale 2008 prin ochii societăţii civile. Accesed 05.01.2010, from http://www.ipp.ro/pagini/alegerile-locale-2008-prin-ochii-societ.php ● Sondaje alegeri prezidentiale 2009. Accesed 26.12.2009, from http://www.infomina.ro/index.php?location=news_details&id=20&lan g=EN

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Communication and Marketing Journal no. 1  

Communication and Marketing Journal no. 1 - Andrei Saguna University of Constanta, Romania

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