ANNUAL REPORT 2012
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY ANNUAL REPRORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 1
The vision of the Danish Institute for Parties and Democracy is to contribute to the development of well functioning political parties and multiparty systems in a democratic culture, in support of the aspirations for freedom and human development of citizens in developing countries.
ANNUAL REPORT THE DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY
Lessons from countries struggling with democracy:
RESULTS REQUIRE TIME AND PATIENCE When we closed the door to 2012, DIPD was actively engaged with partners in 14 countries around the world. This was a doubling of partnerships compared to the end of 2011, which means that DIPD has entered the phase where “the rubber is hitting the road”. Half of the countries are in Africa, and this is not surprising. Africa has historically been the major partner continent for Danish development cooperation. This is where we have a strong pool of knowledge and contacts and where it is possible to ‘synergize’ DIPD investments in political parties in a democratic culture with other Danish investments in the area of governance. We knew from the outset that our mission was to work in countries where democratic principles, processes and culture may still be in a formative stage or under pressure. This means that none of the countries we are now working in are easy, although some are more difficult and challenging than others. Looking at the entire list of DIPD countries, the varieties and history of democratic processes become very clear. By organizing them in categories we run the risk of simplifying what is in fact a very complicated story for each country. But it is possible to group them into at least three categories. One category could be called countries in political transition, comprising countries like Egypt, Nepal, and Myanmar. Nepal has formally been in political transition since 2008, but in reality probably for much longer; Egypt certainly since the revolution in early 2011; and in Myanmar the openings for a new democratic dispensation have just emerged. For DIPD it has been a challenge to engage in these transitions in ways that address the differences in an appropriate and realistic manner. It once again highlights the truth in what we have mentioned in the 2011-2013 strategy: there is no magic bullet; there is no blue-print ready to be implemented; you cannot export or import democracy! But it is actually possible to support, facilitate and inspire. Our first steps in the partnerships established in the three transition countries indicate that our low-key and practical approach, combined with our willingness to listen carefully and ensure local leader- and ownership is the right one. This is not only true for countries in transition, but equally so for countries with a polarized environment, where a ‘winner takes it all’ mentality seems to dominate all political transactions. Kenya and Zimbabwe have already been mentioned, but Honduras, Bolivia, Swaziland and the Occupied Palestinian Territories belong to the same category. When we insist that a multi-party system needs a minimum level of democratic dialogue, we know we are involved in an uphill battle in many of these countries. Again we need to take the time necessary, to be extremely patient, to keep a long-term perspective, and to work with local institutions that have both capacity and credibility.
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Of course there are also some DIPD countries where the democratic ‘culture’ has seemingly been embraced by all and therefore can be termed countries with stable democracies. Ghana is such a country, and Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi and Bhutan also belong to this category. They may be stable democracies compared to the countries mentioned earlier, but it can also be argued that they are still not very strong multi-party democracies. This is where we believe that resources from DIPD, channeled through Danish political parties and the institute, can make a difference. If we take Myanmar and Ghana as examples, it is clear that what has brought about the positive developments and the hopes of ordinary citizens is not the support from DIPD or any other international institution working in the field of democracy. This must be credited to the internal forces of the country. This is not meant as an argument against the importance of international pressure, support to the forces inside the country, and inspiration from developments like the Arab Spring. It is just to state that democratization cannot be forced upon a country from the outside if citizens in the country are not at all interested. DIPD started its first partnerships in 2011. In 2012 we have seen the contours of what we can offer. One of the major challenges in 2013 will be that 7 of the 14 DIPD countries (Bhutan, Egypt, Honduras, Kenya, Nepal, Swaziland and Zimbabwe) will have one or more elections. This will test the capacity of our partners, as well as the capacity and maturity of the institutions of the political systems. Institutions like DIPD pull back during the campaigning and election period to ensure that we cannot be accused of interfering. Hopefully the capacity to manage an effective democratic party will also make a party successful at the polls, although this is not the primary purpose of what we do. But in a multiparty democracy it is as important to have democratic parties in the opposition as it is to have democratic parties in the government. Towards the end of 2013, elections for municipal and regional councils will take place in Denmark, and DIPD will use this as an opportunity to offer party representatives from several countries a first-hand experience of how this plays out. The purpose will not be to present what Denmark is doing as the ‘magic bullet’, but rather to offer some practical inspiration, in line with what we did with the parliamentary elections in 2011 and around the celebration of Constitution Day in 2012.
Henrik Bach Mortensen, Chairman Bjørn Førde, Director
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CHALLENGES TO PARTY ASSISTANCE
AN AGENDA FOR WOMEN IN POLITICS:
CHRISTIANSBORG SEMINAR 2012 PARTY-TO-PARTY PARTNERSHIPS:
DANISH PARTIES IN NEW TERRITORY
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COMPLEX AND CHAOTIC TRANSITIONS BUILDING AN INSTITUTION:
SMALL, FLEXIBLE AND EFFECTIVE
indicates country with party-to-party partnerships indicates country with multi-party partnerships ANNUAL REPORT 2010-2011 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 7
CHALLENGES TO PARTY ASSISTANCE International experts present some of the key challenges confronting the global community working to support political parties. DIPD is part of an international community trying to find practical solutions to difficult questions. Photo: Training session in a local branch of one of the parties in Nepal DIPD is working with.
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CHANGES IN PARTY ASSISTANCE International assistance for political party development in new or emerging democracies has been active since the mid-1970s. In the past 10 years, the field of such assistance has entered a period of important evolution. Major elements of this change include the following aspects.
NEW ACTORS, METHODS AND PLACES New actors: For many years international party assistance was primarily the domain of the large German political foundations, the U.S. political party institutes, and a few other Western political foundations, such as Swedenâ€™s Olof Palme Institute. During the last decade, however, quite a few new actors have joined the field. These are both national actors, like the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, DEMO Finland, the UK Department for International Development, and of course DIPD, and also multilateral ones, especially UNDP and International IDEA. Political party aid still remains a very modest part of the overall portfolio of international assistance, not more than 1 percent. But at least in some countries, multiple organizations are working with the local political parties. This sometimes raises issues of coordination and communication, and even competition among the different external actors. New methods: Party assistance was traditionally dominated by the fraternal party method, in which a Western party organization creates partnerships with ideological sister parties in developing or transitional countries. The multiparty method is becoming more common, however, in which a party assistance organization seeks to work with all of the major parties in a country, in order to ensure ideological neutrality or balance. A healthy, though sometimes acrimonious, debate exists in party circles about the relative advantages and disadvantages of the two methods. Both methods are legitimate. What is important is to figure out which method works best in what particular circumstances and why. New places: In the 1990s, party assistance mostly went to Central and Eastern Europe and Latin America. In more recent years, a big expansion has occurred of party assistance to non-Western regions, especially Africa, but also the Middle East and Asia. This wider geographic reach brings with it a host of challenging issues, such as working in countries where religion plays a major role in politics, tribal issues are paramount, civil war is endemic, and traditional Western ideological currents are not prevalent. Party aid providers are pushed to sharpen the thinking, be more adaptable, and avoid simplistic exportation of Western models.
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NEW PRESSURES AND QUESTIONS New pressures: A growing number of governments in different parts of the world are taking measures to limit or even prohibit the activities of external democracy supporters in their territory. Russia is a prime example, but there are quite a few others in multiple regions. This backlash reflects both greater assertiveness on the part of some governments suspicious of Western intentions, and the reaction to mass-based revolutions in various places, such as the Arab world. Party aid providers face the challenge of increasing understanding of their work, to overcome these growing political sensitivities, and in some cases modifying their methods to fit new limitations and restrictions. New questions: Like all areas of international assistance, party aid is being pressed to produce more rigorous evaluations in order to establish its utility. Yet the domain of party assistance does not fit easily into quantitative frameworks of evaluation and scientific style assessments of impact that might work for an agricultural or health program. Party aid providers have to some extent resisted this push on results measurement, but some are starting to take more seriously the need for good evaluations and to propose workable approaches. In short, international party assistance is in a dynamic state. Although some of the changes create pressures and problems, on the whole the pattern is one of positive change and growth. The greater mix of party aid actors stimulates all to try harder and do better, and it creates opportunities for greater learning from one another. It is up to all of us, to take advantage of that opportunity. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Thomas Carothers is Vice President for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and he is the author of numerous books and articles on democracy support, including the forthcoming book, co-authored with Diane de Gramont: â€œDevelopment Aid Confronts Politics: The Almost Revolutionâ€?.
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THE ‘WINNER TAKES IT ALL’ SYNDROME The year saw women organizations as well as political organizations in Kenya, like the Centre for Multi-Party Democracy, spend massive resources to lobby parliament and go to the courts to enact and interpret the Bill of Rights.
FIRST PAST THE POST These organizations were well aware of the reality: the electoral system in our constitution is a ‘winner takes it all’ First Past the Post system (FPTP). This system cannot deliver very well for women and other marginalized and minorities in the country. One advantage of the system is that it is easy to understand, because voters have a direct choice for their candidate and all they have to do is place a mark against the name or photo of that candidate. A major disadvantage is that it ‘wastes millions of votes because those cast for the loser, or for the winner, above the level they need to win the seat count for nothing’, as Andrew Pierce has expressed it. As feared, the FPTP system did not only not deliver for the women of Kenya the not more than two thirds threshold required by the constitution, but the system continues to fail even the persons with disability (PWDs), the youths, the workers and other minorities. In 2010, Kenyans promulgated a new constitution which clearly defines major gains for the marginalized and minorities. Articles 27 (6) and (8) are not only anchored in the Bill of Rights (the Bill of Rights cannot be amended except by a referendum), but as stated they aim to: “To give full effect to the realization of the rights guaranteed under the Article and expect the State to take legislative and other measures, including affirmative action programmes and policies designed to redress any disadvantage suffered by individuals or groups because of past discrimination. In addition to the measures contemplated in clause (6), the State is further expected to take legislative and other measures to implement the principle that not more than two-thirds of the members of elective or appointive bodies shall be of the same gender.”
ENSURING SEATS FOR WOMEN In 2012 political parties through the Centre for Multi-Party Democracy in Kenya enjoined in a case that sought to find a formula for the delivery of the two thirds gender principle in the constitution. They argued that the only way to adhere is by receiving a common formula that would allow them to nominate women into political offices.
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The twelve seats up for nomination in the National Assembly are a drop in the ocean (3.4%) in a house of 350 MPs. The seats constitutionally should have gone to the marginalized sector of society i.e. the PWDs, the youth or workers. The PWDs have gone to court over the matter and it is very likely they will have their day because the constitution is very clear: “Twelve members nominated by parliamentary political parties according to their proportion of members of the National Assembly in accordance with Article 90, to represent special interests including the youth, persons with disabilities and workers.” Although 16 women were elected in the single member constituencies (of the 290 constituencies) in addition to the women representative position with 47 women, the total number of women elected in the 2013 general election is 63, a mere 18% of the 350 seats in the National Assembly. Kenya’s election under the new constitution did not meet the two-thirds gender threshold. It is further a sad ordeal to note that no woman was elected as a Senator or a Governor in the 47 counties, although it should be mentioned that two petitions for Governor and Senator are pending. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Njeri Kabeberi is (since 2004) the Executive Director of the Centre for Multiparty Democracy in Kenya, which is a partner of the Danish Liberal Party. Before that she worked for Amnesty International. She has also served on the Board of the Kenya Human Rights Commission and is respected for her work on human rights, women’s participation in politics, and democracy in general.
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BEYOND ELITES – CITIZEN PARTICIPATION Is democracy responding to the demands of citizens around the world? In reflection on global events in 2012 and the second anniversary of the Arab uprisings, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that democracy can sometimes be a cosy cartel among elites which does not respond well to the needs of its citizens.
MONEY AND MOBILIZATION ARE KEY CHALLENGES Over the past year, the issue of citizen participation in politics has emerged as one of the major focus areas for supporting sustainable democracy. Around the world – from Santiago to Madrid and from Athens to Cairo - citizens clearly have expressed discontent with how democracy is delivering. The ecosystem of democracy, in which elected officials translate the aspirations of their voters into political delivery, is disrupted. The challenge of citizen participation faces mature and emerging democracies alike. In established democracies, unless democracy is to wither and die, it needs to evolve and constantly adapt to meet the needs of its citizens. In many longstanding democracies, citizen trust and confidence in political institutions have declined precipitously. When huge citizen movements spring up as a response to socio-economic crises across all continents, this is a clear call that ‘politics as usual’ needs to be re-examined.
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A profound challenge to participation in established democracies is that of money – how is politics financed, and is it financed in a way which leads to inclusion or exclusion? During 2012, there was a lot of discussion about the vast amounts of money spent in the recent US election – about 1 billion US dollars on each side of the campaign. This amounts to the annual GDP of a small country. When there is too much money in politics, political processes get captured by elites and citizens get excluded. Research has shown that citizen trust in electoral processes declines significantly when there is more money put into political campaigning. According to research quoted by the Global Commission on Elections, Democracy and Security, more than 75% of Americans believe that members of Congress are more likely to act in favour of an interest group which has funded their campaign than in the public interest.
SOME BRIGHT SPOTS AS WELL In emerging democracies, the challenge is to bridge the gap between citizen mobilization, on the one hand, and meaningful engagement in democratic politics, on the other. In Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, citizen mobilization led to the toppling of regimes but the movements which opposed those regimes struggled with little success in the elections that followed. Citizen mobilization needs to be translated into real political participation – the election of representatives who will be political decision-makers. In this, political parties have a key function and the lack of trust in political parties must be overcome. In the Arab world, an equal role for women in democratic decision-making is also something which needs to be fought for, as can be seen in the ongoing discussions on new constitutions throughout the region. Against these formidable global challenges to popular participation, there are many bright spots on the horizon in individual countries. Remarkable progress continues to be made amidst many obstacles in Myanmar, where the National League for Democracy has entered Parliament and the thorny issues of peace, security, economic growth and diversity are beginning to be tackled. Although there is still a long way to go to achieve gender parity, Africa gained a second female President in 2012, with the accession of Joyce Banda in Malawi. In Senegal, the number of elected women almost doubled during 2012 thanks to new gender parity legislation. And in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, for all the political turbulence and security challenges, citizens continue to participate with remarkable vigour in new and evolving democratic processes in a way which would have been unthinkable only a couple of years ago. In the long term, this bodes well for more inclusive political institutions and processes to take hold.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR Vidar Helgesen has been the Secretary-General of International IDEA since January 2006. From 2001 to 2005, he was Norway’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, where his portfolio included human rights and democracy, refugee issues, peace and reconciliation processes, and UN policy. Vidar Helgesen was appointed a member of the Board of DIPD by the Danish Minister for Development Cooperation.
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Danish Institute for Parties and Democracy:
PART OF A GLOBAL COMMUNITY This was the year when DIPD for real joined the global community on political party democracy assistance and started tapping into the international knowledge pools and resource centers. Very exciting for a new institute!
SIMILAR AS WELL AS UNIQUE We discovered the wealth of experiences and lessons available, but also that a lot of experience continues to be silent wisdom not yet documented nor developed into coherent strategies or tested theories of change. DIPD therefore participated in the steering group of the so-called Wilton Park Group (comprising around 50 likeminded organisations), which aims at developing a global peer knowledge and practice platform to ensure more effective sharing of tools, innovative approaches and lessons learned. In this global community we also discovered joint visions and similar approaches with other organizations, such as the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy. This has resulted in the development of joint programmes in a number of countries including Myanmar, Egypt and Zimbabwe. Being part of a global community also means becoming more aware of our uniqueness and particularity. Many of our partners in Tanzania, Myanmar and Nepal have pointed to the fact that DIPD does not only promote multi-party platforms and dialogue, but that DIPD itself is a multi-party platform governed by all parties in the Danish parliament and representatives from academia and civil society. Our partners see this as a strength. Our combination of multi-party initiatives on the one hand and bilateral party-to-party democracy cooperation on the other is also unique compared to other international actors. Thus, it is our challenge to seek to combine the best of two worlds and to apply in practice some of the key lessons for change, namely working both at the party systems level generating drive for democratic reforms through multiparty dialogue and cross-party initiatives, while at the same time through bilateral party peer cooperation supporting political parties build their capacities to perform their democratic functions better. Our identity as a multiparty institution also attracted a lot of attention and questions when DIPD co-hosted a seminar for the ACP-AVS parliamentary delegation (during the Danish EU Presidency), with a focus on civil society approaches to democracy promotion and political participation.
A NORDIC COMMUNITY OF PRACTICE The combination of similarities and differences also became evident when DIPD in September 2012 (the day before the Christiansborg Seminar) took the
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initiative to gather – for the first time ever - the Nordic institutions working with political party democracy assistance. Discussions here paved the way for a Nordic community of practice, and also for the preparation of a first Alliance Project between a Danish, Swedish and three Palestinian political parties with a view to enhance youth participation in politics. DIPD also found a lot of inspiration in the Danish community working with democracy and governance. We have hosted seminars jointly with the Danish Institute for International Studies; we have benefitted from the expertise of Danish NGO’s working in countries where DIPD is also active; we have engaged in civil society networks; and in particular we have explored the inter-section between political and civil society. Increasingly DIPD is also seen as an institute with useful expertise, and we are therefore being requested to peer review strategies and policy papers in the Danish development community. Participation in the broader communities of practice is important for DIPD and enables us to act as a ‘knowledge bridge’ vis-à-vis the Danish political parties. Sharing concerns about issues like “clean politics”, voter apathy and inclusive politics at our quarterly democracy seminars for the political parties is important. Getting the opportunity to interact with an eminent expert like Thomas Carothers is equally refreshing and exciting. All of this helps DIPD navigate in a difficult territory at this early stage of our existence.
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An agenda for women in politics:
CHRISTIANSBORG SEMINAR 2012 This seminar was an important milestone for DIPD. It was the first time the institute had the opportunity to bring together representatives of all national and international partners after having started working with them in 2011. Photo: Former Minister for Development Ulla TĂ¸rnĂŚs presenting concluding remarks at Christiansborg.
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Women from 30 countries:
SHARING OF EXPERIENCES As stated in the 2010-2013 strategy on “Political parties in a democratic culture”, the Christiansborg Seminar is intended to be a regular event which can offer an opportunity for Danish political parties and NGOs to learn from other Nordic organizations as well as from partners in political parties and democracy organizations in Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America. We were extremely pleased that it was possible to bring representatives from all our partnerships to Copenhagen. When we say ‘our’ partners, we think of the partners of the Danish political parties working on a party-to-party basis in Kenya, Ghana, Tanzania, Bolivia, the Palestinian Territories, and Egypt, as well as the partners in the multi-party partnerships in countries like Bhutan, Nepal, Egypt, Tanzania, Malawi, Zimbabwe, and Myanmar. We were equally pleased that some Danish development organisations like Ibis, MS/ActionAid, and KVINFO decided to invite their own representatives from countries like Afghanistan, Tunisia, Mozambique, and Jordan, and that our sister institute in Finland, Demo Finland, decided to invite their partners from Nepal and Tanzania. This meant that the Christiansborg 2012 Seminar, in addition to the more than 100 Danish and Nordic participants, brought together more than 30 women from 25 countries, who generously shared their stories and experiences from being actively involved in politics in general and political party politics in particular. This made the seminar a great opportunity to share north-south as well as south-south. The participation of key personalities from the Danish government and parliament was also important, because DIPD needs the support from the political leadership of the political parties. Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Villy Søvndal, gave the opening speech – followed by the leader of the main opposition party and former Prime Minister, Mr. Lars Løkke Rasmussen. Keynote speakers included the Minister of International Cooperation in Zimbabwe, Ms. Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and the Director of Gender in UNDP, Ms. Winnie Byanyima (now the Executive Director of Oxfam International).
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The Christiansborg Statement:
A PLATFORM FOR FUTURE WORK The Christiansborg Seminar was driven by a search for ideas and experiences from different corners of the global village to inspire all of us in our different localities and to focus on political parties. The intention was not to search for the ‘one-size-fits-all’ magic bullet, which does not exist.
GENERALLY ON WOMEN IN POLITICS Increasing women’s political participation can only be achieved in a broader context of expanding women’s rights and advancing social justice. Investing in women’s organisations as platforms for building women’s transformative leadership is an important priority. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
Equal constitutional rights for women. Role of the electoral system. Use of quotas or reserved seats. Party rules for recruitment. Capacity development to strengthen skills. Rules and procedures in parliament.
WOMEN IN LOCAL POLITICS Local politics may not be a theme that clears the front pages every day, but it is of essential importance for people all over the world that their local politicians are able to understand and meet their needs. In most countries local level politics is about deciding on the use of local resources and as such of great importance for the daily lives of people all over the world. The lack of women in local politics is a global issue that has been debated for many years. Women’s involvement in decision- and policy-making processes is absolutely essential for changes in women’s political, social and economic status. As such women are seen as actors of change. Participants considered the following to be important: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
The culture of local politics. Economic and social empowerment. Capacity development and networking. Special legal measures. Money makes a difference in elections. Role of political parties.
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YOUNG WOMEN IN POLITICS Engaging youth and especially young women in politics is important, but also a challenge for all democracies. The importance of engaging youth is self-evident considering their majority status in many populations and the fact that the future belongs to the youth. To increase the number of young women political parties have to face a triple challenge: There is an overall decline in political participation and engagement in political parties; women overall have had challenging difficulties in fully participating in politics due to structural constraints; and research shows that young people tend to be more interested by informal political actions than formal political participation. Participants considered the following to be important: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
CHRISTIANSBORG SEMINAR 2012 STATEMENT ON SUPPORT TO Women in Politics
Principles, ideas and practices that can inspire COPENhAgEN, SEPTEMbER 11-12
danish institute for parties and democracy
The culture of local politics. Economic and social empowerment. Capacity development and networking. Special legal measures. Money makes a difference in elections. Role of political parties.
WOMEN IN TRANSITION COUNTRIES Women have played central roles in transition countries, on an equal footing with men. But women seem to be marginalized in the formal processes, and tend not to do well in decision making and post transition elections. Womenâ€™s interests are not taken into account in major reforms such as constitutional-, security sector- and judiciary reforms. Women tend to be left out of political space where future governance structures are negotiated. Participants considered the following to be important: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
A CHRISTIANSBORG SEMINAR 2012 BACKGROUND PAPER
WOMEN IN POLITICS DIVERSITY AND EQUALITY FOR A DEMOCRATIC CULTURE
Support for womenâ€™s autonomous organising. Agenda setting. Adoption and implementation of positive measures. Male advocates. Mobilisation of media support. Legal framework to protect women from gender based violence. DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY
WOMEN IN POLITICS DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 1
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A film about women in politics in Denmark and Bhutan
YES, MADAM PRIME MINISTER! “I firmly believe that the empowerment of women is one of the greatest challenges of our time. Women must have full and equal rights to influence society. There can be no true democracy without the full participation of women.”
THE DANISH MINISTER FOR GENDER EQUALITY The quote above is by Mr. Manu Sareen, the Danish Minister for Gender Equality, at the screening of the Bhutanese documentary film, “Yes,Madam Prime Minister” at the Christiansborg seminar. He also emphasized that governments must take responsibility to ensure the necessary basic rights and opportunities of women. Without opportunities, no empowerment! The Minister made it clear that women’s access to decision making positions on an equal footing with men did not come overnight. The continued rather uneven representation in local politics indicates that despite women’s empowerment and formal equal status - Denmark can still do better. Denmark is defined by having a large amount of civil voluntary associations and organisations. And women, as well as men, take part in these. They are involved in school boards, labour unions and grass roots organisations. This is an extremely important source of basic training in how decision-making works. According to the Minister, the responsibility of women hence builds on the will of women to exert influence; on changing the mind-set of people to allow women to take up the task; and on the training of women in basic decision making processes and democratic life through voluntary work. Only when these conditions are in place, can women truly take part in the democratic and political processes.
CHANGING THE MIND-SET Changing the mind-set is the primary goal of the documentary film by KCD Productions. Featuring two female parliamentarians from Bhutan, the film seeks to give an insight into life for women in politics. A key feature of the film is the meetings between one of the parliamentarians and prominent female Danish politicians and in Denmark in 2012. Although challenges remain as noted by the Minister, who is also fea-tured in the film, Denmark has made significant strides towards greater gender equality in politics: Today close to 40 percent of members of Parliament are women, and in 2011 Denmark elected its first female Prime Minister, Helle Thorning-Schmidt. In Bhutan, less than 14 percent of the members of Parliament are women. Through the insights offered into the life of female politicians in both Bhutan and Denmark, the film seeks to counter the view of women as “unsuited for politics” and encourage greater participation of women in the 2013 elections in Bhutan.
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THE MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT FROM BHUTAN Speaking after the screening of the film at the Christiansborg Seminar, one of the key personalities featured in the film, Ms. Sangay Zam, Member of the National Council (Upper House) of Bhutan spoke on the importance of the messages in the film in a country with a very young democracy, currently undertaking its first democratic steps in a political culture which is unique. She argued that gender equity is doable in Bhutan. Democracy is new in Bhutan and gender equity could ride the same wave of this new change. The first democratic elections in Bhutan took place in 2008 and the next elections will take place in 2013. This is a window of opportunity. The film project had raised a great deal of awareness. It had drawn much needed attention to the value of women – particularly value of women’s participation in politics. As more and more people got convinced, the magic question will hopefully begin to arise: What can we do to make women more forth coming? What can we do to make women want to be a part of the changing process of their own lives?
ABOUT THE FILM The film “Yes, Madam Prime Minister” (“La, Aum Lyonchhen”) was produced by KCD Productions in Thimphu, the capital of Bhutan, and funded by DIPD. It was created by Kesang Chuki Dorjee. In addition to the film, the project also included a radio drama series of 10 chapters and music spots on television. It was filmed on location in Bhutan and Denmark. The official launch in Bhutan took place on 1st of September 2012, and was attended by Her Royal Highness. It has been screened on national television several times and has sparked off a debate on the role of women, and compelled people to look through the gender lens and be aware of the gender gap.
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DANISH PARTIES IN NEW TERRITORY By the end of 2011 most of the Danish political parties have decided on at least one partner to work with. The stories in this section are written by the Danish parties and offer a glimpse of how it is to enter this new territory. Photo: Constitution Day celebration of the Conservative Party with a guest from Maoist party in Nepal.
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A global overview:
WORKING WITH LIKE-MINDED PARTIES One pillar of DIPDs mandate – and half of the funding - is for political parties represented in the Danish Parliament to establish partnerships with like-minded political parties in a developing country. The focus should be on areas that will strengthen the capacities of political parties to perform their democratic functions, areas where the Danish party is able to offer ideas and experiences. At the end of the day this will contribute to a party’s ability to compete in elections, but this is not the primary objective of our work. Each political party will decide which country to work in and which party to partner with. The Board of DIPD approves all projects to ensure that the principles in the DIPD strategy on “Political Parties in a Democratic Culture” are followed. One important principle is that the objectives of a partnership must reflect what the partner needs, rather than what the Danish party thinks that the partner needs. The two parties must therefore spend time together to develop the programme, agreeing on both the areas of focus and the methods to be used in capacity building. The majority of Danish parties only have one partner at this point, and it is very likely that this partner will remain a partner for some years. This is in line with the thinking of the strategy, which highlights that it takes time to change the traditional ways of operating – ensuring democratic decision-making within the party, involving more women as well as youths, developing a proper programme for the party, etc. Initially DIPD used the term ‘sister party’ cooperation. This has now been changed to ‘party-to-party’ cooperation, simply because there are very few instances where it is possible to argue that the partner is actually a ‘sister’ from an ideological point of view. The important thing is that the partner is like-minded, so the two parties are comfortable working together and sharing experiences. In the following pages, the work of each Danish party will be presented in alphabetical order, following the letter which the party uses in elections. All the presentations have been written by the parties.
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List of partnerships initiated by the Danish political parties by end of 2012
NDC – National Democratic Congress
SWADEPA – Swazi Democratic Party
ESDP – Egyptian Social Democratic Party
[B] Social Liberal Party
CUF – Civic United Front
CHADEMA – Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo
[F] Socialist People’s Party
MAS – Movimiento al Socialismo
[I] Liberal Alliance
VERDES – Verdad y Democracia Social
CMD – Centre for Multiparty Democracy
NAREP – National Restoration Party
FNRP – Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular
PUDEMO – People’s United Democratic Movement
Youth Platform – DFLP, PPP and FIDA
[A] Social Democratic Party
[V] Danish Liberal Party
[Ø] Red-Green Alliance
HONDURAS KENYA GHANA
MYANMAR TANZANIA ZAMBIA
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The Social Democrats in Ghana:
COOPERATION OPENS NEW HORIZONS “It was a great experience to work with the shining Ghanaian women. They were obviously passionate about their society, but had all sorts of obstacles, economically and socially, preventing them from realizing their full political potential. Nevertheless they engage themselves in politics – it was pretty wild.”
SUSTAINABLE PARTNERSHIPS GOING FURTHER This is how Marie Borum Pedersen, a member of the Danish Social Democratic Youth and a party volunteer at the August training seminar of youth and women in Ghana’s capital, Accra, saw her first meeting with Ghana. She is one of several members who have engaged themselves in the cooperation between the Danish Social Democrats and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in 2012. The cooperation is highly appreciated by both parties. Although a lot can be said about Danish politicians and political parties, and some of it may be true, it is difficult to get around two basic facts: Firstly, that the parties consist of a bunch of engaged citizens, who have become politically active because they want to create a better society. And secondly, that the Danish parties have a long history with a large pool of experiences to share: on the conduct of day-to-day-politics; on drafting visionary, long-term policies; and on organizing a party internally. Adding to this, the Social Democratic Party of Denmark has international solidarity inherent in its DNA. The party was established in 1871 as a Danish branch of an internationalist movement and is still today a member of a global, social democratic family. Through the DIPD framework, we are not just conducting development assistance where consultants fly in to give theoretical lectures on how to conduct negotiations in parliament or on how to create a one-size-fits-all ideal party
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Simon David de Tusch-Lec
FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER: AMOUNT: OBJECTIVES:
National Democratic Congress (NDC). DKK 2,730,731 for two phases covering 2012 and 2013. Three objectives:  to improve the quality of NDCs policy development;  to improve communication between headquarter and local branches;  to strengthen the local level structures of the organisation. Seminars and workshops involving members of the leadership, parliamentary candidates, and party members to examine policy positions; seminars for party staff on communication strategies; training of polling agents in the Ashanti region.
structure, and then fly out again the day after. The Social Democrats are engaging in partnerships with parties that to a large extent share the same basic values and ideas for a society. Cooperation with NDC is such a partnership, through which engaged and knowledgeable party members meet and share best practices, for instance on advancing women in politics. Lea Wermelin is a party volunteer and she also participated in the August training of NDC women and youth. She says: ”We discussed their numerous good ideas on how to improve the position of women in NDC and in politics in Ghana in general, and they were very interested in knowing how we do it in Denmark. It brings a special equality in the cooperation, when you are sister parties. By sharing the basis, you can go further than other NGO’s would be able to do in cooperating with political parties. By having the social democratic values and specific experience, the partnership becomes much more sustainable, as both parties are gaining from the cooperation.”
ENSURING SEATS FOR WOMEN With the creation of DIPD, it is finally acknowledged, not just by paying lipservice but through concrete action in the Danish democracy assistance that political parties are of critical importance to democracy. No one is better at sharing best practice in a credible and pragmatic fashion on how to strengthen the contributions of parties to sustainable democracies, than the political parties themselves. They have politicians and party activists doing it on a daily basis. But as mentioned by Lea, the Social Democrats in Denmark are also gaining from the cooperation. The project activities provide a new opportunity to engage party volunteers in meaningful, international work. Meeting young parties initiate reflections on how we are organizing ourselves with structures established a century ago. And most important, the cooperation reminds us of our similarities, despite being situated in very different geographical, social, and cultural contexts. As expressed by Rasmus Horn Langhoff, Danish MP and participant in the ideology seminar in Accra in September: “It was great to meet hundreds of political activists, parliamentary candidates and mayors from NDC and to discover how much we actually have in common. It is important that we do not seal ourselves in a bell jar, but engage in international cooperation. That we inspire others and let us become inspired by others.”
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The Social Liberal party in Tanzania:
MATCHING EXPECTATIONS Denmark is one of the countries that has supported Tanzania right from the start of independence in the 1950s. Yet none of the projects are similar to the cooperation project discussed between the Social Liberals in Denmark and the Tanzanian opposition party called Civic United Front (CUF). MEETING IN DAR ES SALAAM The project is based on a shared vision to create sustainable, inclusive and democratic party structures at the local level. A shared vision that will be translated into a series of activities where local CUF party candidates, party members, civil society representatives and Danish party volunteers will be engaged and collaborating on reaching the common goals of the partnership. The partnership with CUF has been developing throughout 2012. After a first visit to Tanzania in the spring of 2012 it became clear that the two parties have a lot in common, and the Social Liberals considered CUF to be a reliable partner that shares the same beliefs and political ideas. A foundation for future cooperation was thus created, and the first steps towards agreeing on a draft project description were taken in writing. In November 2012 the process of initiating the project was moving very quickly. It was agreed that a visit to Dar es Salaam should be conducted as soon as possible in order for the partners to settle on several details of the project – and to be able to kick-off the project at the start of 2013. Contacts were established with the partner, the calendar of the party leader of CUF was consulted, flights were booked, vaccinations taken care of, foreign currency changed and visas issued. In the first week of a cold December month in Denmark, the project coordinator of the Social Liberals travelled away from the snow and had to get used to the burning sun in the heart of busy Dar es Salaam, the capital of Tanzania.
FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER: Civic United Front (CUF). AMOUNT: DKK 1,291,823 for the period October 2012 – December 2013. OBJECTIVES: Overall objective is to strengthen the local party organisation, in particular by improving the capacity to develop local policy agendas; enhancing the local organisation and democratic culture; improving the local electoral cycle management. ACTIVITIES: Town Hall meetings in selected districts will allow party members to discuss important themes with youth, women, opinion makers, etc.; and seminars will prepare the party members for these meetings. Volunteers from the Danish party will support selected local district party organisations in aspects of democratic culture. Seminars for regional and local candidates for local elections in Tanzania in 2014 – this will also include observation of the Danish municipal elections in November 2013.
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THE FOCUS OF THE PROJECT The effectiveness and flexibility of CUF in planning the visit from Denmark was remarkable, which was a strong signal of engagement and dedication towards the common project. The meeting with CUF was held in the party’s headquarters, which is a short drive away from the center of Dar. The meeting took place in the office of Ibrahim Lipumba, the national chairman of CUF, and a wide range of directors in CUF’s secretariat participated. The central aim was to create a match between the expectations each party had for implementing the project. The objectives of the proposed activities composing the project were discussed in detail. Many different dimensions of capacity building within CUF should be embraced through the cooperation: The local policies of CUF will be given new life by including hundreds of local civil society representatives, youth and women’s organizations and local party members in developing a new political manifesto for the party. The local branches of CUF will be given new tools and methods to become strong agenda-setters in the local communities of CUF and to create sustainable structures involving a greater number of volunteers in the local party work. Finally it was agreed that the party leadership will experience the planning and preparations of local electoral campaigns in Denmark in the autumn of 2013, and build on these experiences in developing a new strategy for local elections in Tanzania in 2014. A clear direction for the project was emerging when the meeting came to its end. The preparations had finally arrived to a place where both parties could imagine how the cooperation would look like in the long run. The beginning of a strong partnership was established.
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The Conservatives in Tanzania:
COULD THIS HAPPEN IN DENMARK? We were sitting in the courtyard of a hotel in Dar es Salaam, the largest city in Tanzania. We had already checked out. The waiter was serving a cup of coffee, and I was surfing the news on my iPad to find something about yesterday’s signing of the partnership agreement. GATHERING THOUSANDS OF PEOPLE ”Hey, stop!” the waiter said. “Go back to the previous page. You see this flag? This is the flag of CHADEMA, this is my party, I have a membership card.” “Nice,” I said. “We come from the Conservative People’s Party in Denmark, and we have just signed a cooperation agreement with CHADEMA.” “Oh, that is good. Dr. Slaa, Freeman Mbowe, and others, they will be the future leaders of our country.” A little later he came back. “I talked with one of my colleagues. He saw your picture in the newspapers together with Dr. Slaa, and you have even been in the television. When will you come back?” I told him we would be back in May. “I’m so glad. See you then. Peoples’ Power!” Democracy comes in many shapes and colors. You wouldn’t experience a conversation like the above in Denmark. For us, multi-party democracy has become such a natural thing that fewer and fewer are engaged in the political parties, and those who are, seldom tell other people about it, unless they want to be elected. We have only visited Tanzania twice, but we have experienced a lot of things that are unlikely to happen in an old multi-party democracy like the Danish. At our first visit we had a lunch meeting on a Sunday.
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FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER: AMOUNT:
Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA). DKK 114,500 for the appraisal in 2012. (A proposal for 2013 was approved by the Board in early 2013.) OBJECTIVES: Through consultations with a broad selection of experts both inside and outside Tanzania, the Conservative party has identified CHADEMA as a like-minded partner. Both parties are members of the international network of IDU. The appraisal process will identify the major challenges confronting CHADEMA as one of the key opposition parties and the specific areas where cooperation could take place.
“Let’s organize a rally in Kibaha on Thursday,” they said. “So you can see how we work.” We drove to Kibaha in CHADEMA cars with CHADEMA flags blowing in the wind. On the side of the cars it said M4C, meaning “Movement For Change”. During the 60 km stretch to Kibaha, people were waving at us, showing the V sign that CHADEMA uses as their logo. In Kibaha more than 2000 people were gathered at the football field, and for two hours they were listening to speeches from engaged CHADEMA politicians. No other entertainment, only political speeches, at 4 o’clock on a Thursday afternoon, in a small town, and almost two years to the next elections! Could that happen in Denmark?
MULTI-PARTY DEMOCRACY STILL A CHALLENGE We visited villages where the local branches had arranged meetings. Again people gathered, listened to speeches, and we were presented as their new partner. At one place they used the meeting to collect money for a project to build a new health center, and we got two baskets with fresh coconuts and pineapples as a gift. In another branch office there was a sewing machine, and we asked what they were using it for? “We make our own flags,” they told us, and they gave us a sample. In a street branch in Dar es Salaam, we were sitting in a small room that opened out to the street, and people gathered and asked questions about democracy, women’s rights, youth unemployment, police etc. The impression we got was that there are a lot of very engaged, enthusiastic people, who know from their own experience that you cannot take multi-party democracy for granted. We envy the dynamics in the Tanzanian democracy that we experienced first hand. But we do not envy them all of the dynamics that a young multiparty democracy also experience. Some people fear the changes and react in a less democratic way - a journalist is shot to death by the police at a political meeting; people experience that they cannot get a job because they are active members of an opposition party. So there are still lessons to be learned, and still a long way to go. We are convinced that we can play a positive role in that development and at the same time get inspiration to revive our own political engagement. “Peoples’ Power!”
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The Socialist Peopleâ€™s Party in Bolivia:
FACING COMMON CHALLENGES There is a beautiful plaza in the center of La Paz, and right next to the plaza you will see the building housing Parliament as well as the Presidential Palace. Ten years ago very few representatives of the majority indigenous Indian population had ever been inside either of the buildings.
EVERYDAY POLITICS Much has changed in recent years. Today the indigenous majority is well represented both inside and outside the walls of the political power centers. And this is indeed easy to observe with the naked eye, because the Indians dress very differently and much more colorful than other groups in the population. Today it is common to meet women wearing the traditional bowler hats and with their black hair in long braids inside all the public institutions. However, on this particular day there are more construction hats than bowler hats in the city center. This indicates that the miners have come to town, and the reason is actually the same that we have for being here: We all want to listen to the President, Evo Morales, present a piece of legislation to members of parliament. Had it not been for the many colorful Indians and the miners, this could have been a day in the life of the Danish Parliament. We had been invited because of our cooperation with MAS-IPSP, the party of the President. Many of the Indians as well as the miners are most likely members of the party, which was established 12 years ago by some of the large movements mobilizing the Indians and the unions, including the miners. We find our seats and are anxious to hear about the new legislation. The President arrives, accompanied by his Minister of the Interior and the Chairman of the minersâ€™ union.
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The Minister of the Interior takes the lead. He explains that this is a new law, which has been negotiated with the miners. We are surprised to learn that the law will remove the ban on the right to strike. Of course this is something that we are in full agreement with, but looking at the everyday political life in La Paz we are surprised that going on strike is not already legal in Bolivia. When opening the Bolivia newspapers you get the impression that people spend more time being on strike than on working. The minister hands over the microphone to the chairman of the union, who explains why this law has been expected ever since 2005, when MAS took over the government in Bolivia. Compared to the Danish tradition it is obviously curious to see that a law is presented to Parliament by an organisation representing those who are the intended beneficiaries of the law. We find this very interesting as it underlines the influential role of Boliviaâ€™s popular organizations that gives the MAS-party its great legitimacy and strength, but at the same time poses severe challenges for governing the country.
SHAKING HANDS WITH THE PRESIDENT After the session in Parliament we are, as SF-representatives, given the chance to shake hands with President Morales. He welcomes us warmly and expresses his hopes for our parties to learn even more from each other. Meeting the president confirms the strong relations between our two parties - a contact that was established back in 2009 and strengthened within the framework of DIPD. Since 2011 our partnership has aimed at improving the organizational cohesion and accommodating capability of MAS. Our common project activities have therefore dealt with dialogue-based policy making and attentive leadership. How do we build political compromises? How do we manage internal conflicts? How do we organize and involve our local branches? These are challenges that SF has worked with for many years and which has proved to be of great importance for such a young party representing such a wide range of popular interests as MAS.
FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER:
The ruling party in Bolivia - Movimiento al Socialismo â€“ Instrumento Politico por la Soberainia de los Pueblos (MAS-IPSP). AMOUNT: DKK 753,639 DKK for 2012-2013. OBJECTIVES: One is to strengthen the political dialogue between the government, the party organisation and the social organizations. Another objective is to consolidate a youth branch within MAS that will empower youth participation at all levels of the decision making process. ACTIVITIES: Participation in SF Congress: MAS leadership, representatives of the regional departments and youth to attend and dialogue. Conflict Management Seminar: Two-day seminar on conflict management inside the party organization. Workshop on internal communication: First step to develop tools and strategies for a better information flow from the center to the local branches.
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The Liberal Alliance in Bolivia:
THE NEED FOR AN ALTERNATIVE The cooperation between Liberal Alliance and the Bolivian opposition party VERDES is only a few months old. In November 2012 a Danish delegation visited the party that had just set a new course that will take it from being a successful regional player to being a national contender in both future parliamentary and presidential elections. A MATCH BETWEEN TWO NEW PARTIES With the ambitious new course VERDES plans to fill a serious void in Bolivian politics. The multi-party system in the country has all but collapsed, and it is now time for a rebuilding process that can either turn out successfully or fail and leave Bolivia as a Cuban inspired one-party state. Unfortunately old parties have lost most of their political relevance with the MAS party, and president Evo Morales, climbing to power. Furthermore the opposition is fragmented - not least due to political traditions and culture in Bolivia. Hence the country lacks a credible nationwide alternative to MAS. The match between VERDES and Liberal Alliance is no coincidence. As a new party in Denmark, Liberal Alliance has recently developed a party structure and local organizational departments. This process has led to a widespread local presence, while maintaining a strong voice at the national level. This has been in spite of a large number of negative stereotypes associated with the party, resulting in the partyâ€™s message easily getting misunderstood. While visiting Bolivia the Danish delegation, led by Liberal Alliance Member of Parliament Mette Bock, met with the VERDES leader Ruben Costas and all central staff of the party. It was made very clear that VERDES will be facing two main challenges in order to successfully reach the goals it has set for itself. On the one hand VERDES needs to develop and maintain a local and national presence, and on the other hand it has to get a message across to the electorate in spite of negative stereotypes associated with the party.
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FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER: AMOUNT:
Verdad y Democracia Social (VERDES). DKK 115,000 for the appraisal phase. (A proposal for 2013 was approved by the Board in early 2013.) OBJECTIVES: To find out if VERDES is the right partner for the party and make an appraisal of the needs of the partner in order to formulate a project application. ACTIVITIES: A delegation to Bolivia and workshops with leading political party members of VERDES. A representative from VERDES also participated in the Christiansborg Seminar on “Women in Politics”.
It is not only organizational and communicational goals that unite the two parties. VERDES and Liberal Alliance have a lot in common. Both are new players in their respective national politics, both have strong commitment to local democracy and decisions being made close to the citizens, both value economic reforms, and both go the extra mile to reach new electoral groups – just to highlight a few examples.
VERDES IS ABLE TO DELIVER Precisely because of both parties being so recently established, the cooperation is of a special nature. Formal contacts might be new, but for both partners international cooperation of this character is endowed with new opportunities which require ‘out of the box’ thinking. So the partnership plays into the natural growth and development of the parties – even if Bolivia and Denmark have uniquely different political systems and traditions, and even if the economic circumstances in Bolivia are poles apart from those in Denmark. The Bolivian economy has been growing lately due to high prices on natural resources, but Bolivia nevertheless faces extreme economic hardship, and little has been done nationally to stimulate growth that can alleviate this. Examples of this are that the government has banned exports of soybeans, sugar, meat and corn, and that it has closed agreements that replaced domestic producers with those of Cuba and Venezuela. Yet VERDES has shown that it can deliver real political and economic results where government policies fail. The department of Santa Cruz, which is governed by VERDES, has experienced impressive growth rates that are pulling more and more Bolivians out of poverty. It will now be the first region in Bolivia where all citizens have access to clean drinking water. However, large barriers to a well-functioning pluralistic democratic system will have to be overcome before VERDES can enter the national arena. Widespread corruption is a major obstacle for all political and economic innovation - more than 40% of Bolivians answer “yes” when asked if a policeman or another public servant have required a bribe within the last year. There is also growing concern over the government stance on, and the general state of, freedom of speech in Bolivia. This is reflected by the pending prosecutions against the media outlets El Diario, Página Siete, and ANF news agency.
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The Liberal Party in Kenya:
INVESTING IN YOUTH Since September 2011, the Centre for Multiparty Democracy (CMD) in Kenya has partnered with the Danish Liberal Democracy Programme (DLDP) to implement a project focusing on two components – communication and youth participation in political parties in Kenya.
LOOKING FOR LEADERSHIP AND INTEGRITY The project has been successful, and it has been positive to observe how the political parties have responded to the activities that have been offered during the project period. The guideline ‘Creating Effective Party-based Communication’ was completed, launched and disseminated to 24 political parties. The dissemination of the guideline happened at a strategic time when political parties had benefited from various communication trainings and needed to put to practice their newly acquired knowledge as the campaign period for political party primary elections set in prior to the election in March 2013. In addition, six political parties have successfully developed their individual comprehensive communication strategies. Likewise, eleven political parties have set up communication teams comprising of party officials responsible for communication functions and representatives of various interests from the national executive committees.
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FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER: Centre for Multiparty Democracy (CMD) Kenya. AMOUNT: DKK 4,460,000 for the entire period from mid-2011 until end of 2013. OBJECTIVES: CMD is a platform reaching out to all political parties in Kenya. This partnership focuses on the enhancement of the institutional capacity of political parties in Kenya in areas of communication and youth development. ACTIVITIES: Training of elected leaders and party officials at both national and county levels on how to communicate the party manifesto most effectively; conferences including both government and opposition parties to discuss policies; workshops on how to mobilize, articulate and position youth aspirations in mainstream politics; development of separate youth programme within CMD.
The 8-12 member team in each party translated to over 100 individuals across 11 political parties who certainly will have a positive impact on both internal and external communication between the parties, as they have participated in various communication training workshops under this project. The county debates organized for the youths were well attended across the country, and significant impacts started to be felt. It was interesting to note the pro-active roles increasingly taken by youthful politicians who had actively participated in the debate in their respective counties, challenging practices that contradict basic tenets of democracy, and at the same time being reasonable enough to unequivocally support initiatives that point in a positive direction.
PREPARING FOR ELECTIONS IN 2013 It was a particularly important milestone to convene county debates in the conflict-stricken counties of Lamu and Tana River, thus contributing to calming tensions and discouraging young people from succumbing to political incitement to cause violent conflict. The county debates helped shape young peopleâ€™s understanding of leadership in the context of the new constitutional dispensation and the central role of political leadership in tackling societal problems. For instance, in the period heading into party primaries, discussions on various media channels depicted a positive drive where electorates emphasized more on the qualities, background and track record of the aspirant. The electorate was also increasingly looking for guidance in their choice of leader on the basis of the credibility of their policies and the leaderâ€™s integrity. There has been an immense interest in the project from stakeholders involved in youth empowerment, including the media. Through the National Youth Charter, which is another output of the county debates, CMD-Kenya was keen to encourage and firm up these interests into mainstreaming meaningful participation of young people ahead of the general elections in March 2013. Young people were active in the political discourse on various provisions in the Constitution, such as addressing gender parity in representation, devolution, and leadership and integrity. County debates provided the appropriate platform for the young people to ask questions and get the right answers on these subjects. They started making contacts and pondering about how to strategically position themselves and influence the final outcome on these matters.
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The Red-Green Alliance in Honduras:
RISKING YOUR LIFE FOR DEMOCRACY The political system suffers from fundamental weaknesses. The country has traditionally been dominated by the United States, and this has limited the room for genuine democratic developments, even since regular elections started taking place in the 1980’ies. It seems that the major function of the political parties has been to divide the riches they have looted from public coffers.
COMMON GROUND IN THE PARTNERSHIP It should therefore not come as a surprise that the incipient attempts at political reforms in 2009 were met with yet another coup. However, it was a surprise to most observers that the coup was met with large scale public protests, and this again made it possible to confront an extremely corrupt system with a democratic challenge . The system is also extremely violent. The number of political killings in Honduras is the largest in the world, and several members of our partner have lost their lives in the struggle for democracy. The broad resistance to the coup came together in a front, Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular (FNRP), which in 2011 started the preparations to also become a political party – LIBRE. After internal and primary elections in November 2012, LIBRE is now ready to challenge the old parties in the upcoming November 2013 elections, with Xiomara Castro running as the presidential candidate with strong support. On the occasion of the congress of the Red-Green Alliance and the 1st of May celebrations in 2012, Alexis Vallecillos representing FNRP as well as the Honduran Teachers’ Union visited Denmark. We later visited him in Honduras to find out what in particular made an impression during his visit. Alexis was impressed with the planning and organisation of his visit to Denmark, where he visited several local branches of the party, and he understood
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FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER:
Frente Nacional por Resistencia Popular (FNRP). The resistance movement is in the process of transforming into the political party “Liberty and Renewal” (LIBRE). AMOUNT: DKK 236,039. OBJECTIVES: To support FNRP in the development to becoming a political party and to support the movements’ participation in the constitutional process. ACTIVITIES: Facilitate workshops and public meetings with participation from persons involved in the constitutional processes in Ecuador and Bolivia. Two public meetings on the constitution process in Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula with the participation of 100 people in each meeting. Representatives from FNRP to visit Denmark and Enhedslisten’s congress in order to obtain insights about party structure.
Denmark as a society built on solidarity. He also found that LIBRE could benefit a lot from Red-Green Alliance’s experiences with building coalitions among political movements and establishing a single political party platform. The partnership initially took its point of departure in political training with the party members. The training should primarily be aimed at empowering the leading members of the party to take part in the constitutional process and sustain the call for a constitutional reform. However, both the internal challenges of a newly established party combined with the very difficult political situation in the country and the stalemate in the reform process implied that plans had to be reconsidered several times and emphasis is maintained on the training of party members and involvement of the diverse groups that the party represents. Among these groups the youth is one of the most important to engage in the future.
YOUTH FOR THE FUTURE Gustavo emphasizes that the youth inside FNRP and youth organisations around the country have valuable experiences that should be used. Most social and political organisations are led by a generation of leaders from the 1980’ies, and a generational shift is undoubtedly needed. Not only in order to change the content, but also to change the way of doing things – in fact the political culture as such. This could very well be an area where the experiences of how the Red-Green Alliance in Denmark was developed could be useful. The LIBRE party took the initiative to establish a youth wing in January 2013, and in March 2013 we funded a workshop with participation of people who have worked in FNRP and the new LIBRE youth organization. This was the first time young people themselves had an opportunity to share ideas and discuss future priorities. This could be an area which the Red-Green Alliance should highlight in 2014. But 2013 will also be devoted to strengthening the network of LIBRE in Europe, because this will be useful in the preparations for the elections at the end of the year. If LIBRE continues its progress in the months ahead, the violence unleashed by the old traditional parties will only increase. So far several candidates for mayor have been killed, and some well informed sources mention that a more systematic campaign against LIBRE and FNRP should be expected. So far this has not been high on the agenda of the international community.
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COMPLEX AND CHAOTIC TRANSITIONS Most of the countries chosen for multi-party cooperation are countries in transition or countries with a polarized political climate. The stories show that it takes a lot of flexibility, trust-building and patience to be able to make a difference. Photo: Members of one of the parties in Nepal DIPD is working with getting ready for a training session.
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A global overview:
REACHING ACROSS DIVIDES The other pillar of DIPDs mandate – and the other half of the funding - is to support multi-party platforms, think tanks, media organisations, democracy schools, etc. in a limited number of countries approved by the board. Most of the countries selected belong to the exclusive club of countries that have worked closely with Denmark for decades. They have all received some support in the area of democratic governance from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Danish NGO’s - like support for elections, capacity development of parliament, the judicial system, media development and civil society. With the presence of DIPD, some of these close partners of Denmark are now for the first time also receiving support for political parties and multiparty systems. The thematic focus, the methods, as well as the type of partners, differ from country to country depending on local circumstances. But in all activities there is a focus on fostering multi-party dialogue, and this is particularly true in countries with a polarized political climate. Moreover, attention is often brought to issues that are of concern to all parties or to the overall party system in the country. Some of the countries – like Nepal and Zimbabwe – have lived with a very difficult and polarized political environment for many years. This also means that it is very sensitive to work in such an environment. Getting the trust of the political parties is necessary if you want to make a difference; having a lot of patience is equally important. Countries like Egypt and Myanmar are also difficult, because they are still in the first phase of transition from dictatorship or authoritarianism towards some form of democratic governance. This makes it difficult to plan because of changes almost on a daily basis, but it also requires that you listen carefully to the needs expressed by the new parties emerging. In addition to the general focus mentioned above, Danish experiences in three areas have so far captured the interest of our partners: the role of women in national and local politics; the importance of engaging youths in the life of political parties; and the need for political parties to develop strong and democratic branches at the local level.
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LIST OF PARTNERSHIPS BY END OF 2012:
JOMPOPS – Joint Mechanism for Political Party Support (six political parties)
BNEW – Bhutan Network for Empowerment of Women
BCMD – Bhutan Centre for Media and Democracy CRI – Center for Research Initiatives KCD (Kesang Chuki Dorjee) Productions
Myanmar Multiparty Democracy Programme (with Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy)
Danish Egyptian Dialogue Institute and Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy
TCD – Tanzania Centre for Democracy
ZI – Zimbabwe Institute (with Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy)
CMD – Centre for Multiparty Democracy-Malawi
MYANMAR TANZANIA MALAWI
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DIPD in Nepal:
AIMING FOR THE SKY “When you reach for the sky you might be able to pick some low-hanging fruits from the tree.” These were the words of the Nepalese facilitator at a seminar on strengthening of local democracy. In this way he was underlining the challenge that Danish and Nepalese politicians are facing. LOCAL POLITICS IN NEPAL The seminar took place on the outskirts of Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal. It was the first seminar where Danish and Nepali party representatives met to exchange ideas. Later, they met again in Denmark at the time when Danes celebrated Constitution Day in June. The room was booming with activity when local politicians from Denmark met members from the six biggest parties in Nepal, their party cadres and two ministers who had decided to participate in the seminar. Asta Laxmi Shakya from the Communist party chaired the seminar, where the focus was on how Danish experiences could be used in a Nepali context. “CK, you have access to the big people in my party. Will you please tell them about our concerns?” The facilitator CK Lal quoted a local politician he had met in order to demonstrate the large gap between local and central level politicians in Nepal. Local party branches in Nepal are generally weak, and many branches consist of only a few party members. Furthermore, the locally elected governments have been dissolved since the Maoists started the armed struggle in 1999. Jette Aagard Madsen, local chairman from the liberal party Venstre, said after participating in the seminar: “I think that we have something to offer in an exchange of experiences with the Nepalese politicians. Especially on a local level we have a tradition of consensus decisions and multi-party cooperation. It is this tradition that creates stability in the Danish society, and which I hope can inspire the Nepalese politicians when they are to build up their own democratic institutions.”
FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER:
Joint Mechanism for Political Party Support (JOMPOPS) – consisting of six political parties: Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Unified Marxists-Leninists, Nepali Congress, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum-Democratic, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum-Nepal, Tarai Madesh Democratic Party. AMOUNT: DKK 4,149,000 for the period of May 2011 – December 2013. OBJECTIVES: To support the willingness and capability of the political parties to consolidate the multi-party system within a democratic culture, and with a particular focus on the involvement of women in the parties, and the organisational development of the party structures at the local level. ACTIVITIES: Joint seminars on Danish experiences with women in politics; study tour to Denmark to observe Constitution Day activities; development of a Guide on political parties at local level; local seminars of the various parties.
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DEVELOPING A GUIDE The first major challenge for DIPD in Nepal has been to develop the platform for training in the years to come. This platform will be in the form of a guide to local political party building and strengthening, based on the experience of Danish political parties. Work on the guide took place throughout 2012 and involved long meetings between Danish local politicians and experts in local politics from the whole spectrum of political parties. Participants openly exchanged ideas and experiences with each other and with a consultant, to ensure that the diversity of Danish parties was captured. Finally the guide went through a critical appraisal by the Nepalese steering committee consisting of the six biggest parties in Nepal in order to make sure that the chapters are both understandable and relevant in a Nepali context. Furthermore the guide went through an international external review. The aim is that the guide will be used to train politicians in order to strengthen their local branches. As part of the process, the members of the Steering Committee visited Denmark during Constitution Day, hosted by local branches of the parties. This resulted in a peculiar and almost historical ‘alliance’ between a representative from the Nepali Maoist party and the Danish Conservative party. The low hills were green and the sun was shining from a cloudy sky when the Conservative party held their Constitution Day celebration at “Svanninge Bakker” on the island of Fyn. People were sitting on white plastic chairs, enjoying the chilly summer day, waiting for the speakers – when suddenly a Nepalese Maoist took the podium! “On that day we created a new red-green alliance,” said former chair of Lyngby Taarbaek constituency, Rolf Aagaard-Svendsen, jokingly when giving a speech at the farewell dinner ending the delegation’s trip to Denmark. The visit to Denmark had offered the Nepalese visitors hands on experience with how an event such as the Constitution Day is celebrated at the local level, with the local party branches in charge of organising the event. An experience that has inspired some of the Nepali parties to do things the ‘Danish way’ when celebrating some of their own local festive events.
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DIPD in Bhutan:
THE BIRTH OF A PLATFORM On 16-17 March the first ever national meeting of women elected at local and national level took place at the Namsay Chholing Resort in Paro, funded by DIPD and UN Women, and supported by the National Commission of Women and Children and the Department of Local Governance. WOMEN WILLING TO PAY THE COST The meeting opened with a Buddhist prayer led by one of the few men in the hall, but quickly the 75 women joined in, and minute by minute the constant humming grew in strength and intensity, filling the room with a wonderful sense of common purpose and destiny that matched the glow in the eyes of the women who were gathering for the first time in the brief democratic history of their country. It was as if they were all aware that they were making history. And indeed they were! If all the elected women had been able to come to, the hall would have counted around 110 women. But some of the women elected at national level were engaged elsewhere, and for the locally elected women, participation in the meeting was not just a question of taking the train to town! Some women told us that they had travelled 5 days to get to the meeting, first two days on foot, and then three days by other means of transport. Knowing that after two days of meeting they would spend another 5 days going back. To have 75 of all those elected participate must therefore be considered very successful, and indeed a strong indication of the genuine wish and need for a nationwide network, which can offer the women their own platform for further learning and empowerment. When the formal meeting had finished on the second day, the women engaged in serious traditional singing and dancing, celebrating what they all felt had been a unique experience â€“ and looking forward to the next opportunity they would have to share and learn.
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FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER: AMOUNT: OBJECTIVES:
Bhutan Network for Empowerment of Women (BNEW). DKK 1,800,000 for the period of 2012-2013. To inspire more women to participate in political life, and to encourage more women to be elected to public office, both at the local and the national level. National platform meetings for women elected for local and national office; training seminars for women considering to run for elections in 2013 for National Council and National Assembly; and preparing to introduce a mentoring programme. DIPD is also supporting the Bhutan Centre for Media and Democracy; the Center for research Initiatives; and the film company KCD Productions. Total funding (including BNEW) for Bhutan 2012-2013 amounts to DKK 4,084,730.
DISCUSSING BARRIERS AND NEEDS We know quite a bit about the barriers that make it difficult for interested women to run for public office – and to win. These barriers are not different from what we see in other countries around the world – culture, the double and triple burdens being carried by women, social and economic constraints, stereotypes, etc. But allowing the women themselves to discuss and share and understand that they are not alone is important. On this occasion the women certainly seized the opportunity. They listened attentively to the speakers, noting down eagerly hour after hour. They enjoyed the opportunity to break into smaller groups to put it all down on paper and present in the plenary sessions. The fact that you live five days of travelling high in the mountains of northern and eastern Bhutan and have not had the benefit of years of higher education does not mean that you cannot present your case forcefully. Once they got started, these young and older women spoke eloquently and from their hearts. It was clear that they were proud of each other, and rightly so.
BNEW - BHUTAN NETWORK FOR EMPOWERING WOMEN In the concluding session there was no doubt that all the women wanted to be part of a network. It was also suggested and supported by all that not only elected candidates should be part of this, but also the many who had run unsuccessfully as candidates, and of course future candidates should be able to participate. An “Interim National Steering Committee” was elected, with two representatives from the National Assembly and the National Council, and women representing all regions of the country. This Committee will be responsible for the development of the organisational setup of the network, as well as the development of the first action plan and a budget. DIPD will be funding the next steps in the process towards an action plan and an organisational structure. Hopefully other international organisations will also come on board with funding and other forms of support. Judging from the enthusiasm and commitment – as well as the huge investment made by many women – there is no doubt that this initiative deserves the support of DIPD!
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DIPD in Myanmar:
TOWARDS DEMOCRATIC DIALOGUE It was a historic visit when Thura Shwe Mann, the Speaker of the Lower House of the Parliament of Myanmar, in May 2012 came to Denmark together with a parliamentary delegation. STARTING FROM SCRATCH At this point in time, Myanmar was undergoing a political transition process, which has taken the world by surprise. After the entrenched military dictatorship gave way to a quasi-civilian government, welcomed former foes into parliament and embarked on a peace process with the country’s many armed ethnic opposition groups, restrictions on freedom of expression have been lifted and many political parties have been formed. However, we should remember that more than half a decade of repression and neglect has left a deep legacy. Yet, it is clear that political parties have an unprecedented opportunity to shape the new Myanmar. The visit of Thura Shwe Mann came at a very opportune moment for DIPD, because the Board of DIPD had already decided that during 2012 the institute should explore if and how DIPD could be of inspiration and support in the transition process. We recognised that we were starting from scratch and therefore took a careful and process-oriented approach with emphasis on cooperation with local and international partners. Firstly, DanChurchAid in Yangon helped us find a strong local team. Then we invited the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD) to join us. And in line with our mandate and guiding principles of inclusivity we held as broad consultations as possible with political parties across the political rainbow, including members of parliament, chairs of parliamentary committees, presidential advisers, civil society organisations, think-tanks and finally also other donor organisations working with democracy issues. From old, cramped offices in downtown Yangon to grand party headquarters in the new capital Nay Pyi Taw, stakeholders shared their commitment to change, reform, and their aspirations for the future. We noticed a remarkable
FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER:
The Myanmar Multiparty Democracy Programme (MMDP) is open for all political parties. It is a joint programme with the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD). AMOUNT: DKK 2,500,000 for the period September 2012 – December 2013. OBJECTIVES: The general objective is to assist the democratic transition and facilitate the development of multi-party democracy. This involves strengthening of the multi-party dialogue processes; strengthening political parties to perform their democratic functions; and enhance engagement between parties, civil society and the media. ACTIVITIES: Debates among political parties on issues of national interest; establishment of online political parties knowledge facility; launching of the DIPD publication on “Political Parties in Democratic Transitions” in Burmese.
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willingness and ability to look forward in an accommodative and conciliatory way, rather than looking backwards at the wrongdoings of the past. There is certainly also a keen interest in knowing more about the workings of multi-party platforms, and of course a great need for strengthening the political parties after years of having been banned. After several rounds of consultations, the contours of a joint DIPD-NIMD Multi-party Democracy Programme emerged with focus on the facilitation of multi-party dialogue across party lines; knowledge to be available in resource centers; cross-party capacity development; and supporting constructive relationships between political parties and civil society and the media.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS Among the many priority topics identified by the political parties a common interest was noted in discussing the role of political parties in democratic transitions. How to build a party organisation from scratch or how to adapt an old party to the new political environment? How to respond to voters’ expectations in the field of representation and delivery in social and economic progress? How to enter dialogue with other political parties on reform agendas? Accepting this challenge, we decided to focus all our efforts in the preparation of a multi-party seminar to be held early 2013 on this topic in Yangon. This would bring together, for the first time ever, all the political parties. It would draw on experiences from other transition countries, as presented in the DIPD Reader “Political Parties in Democratic Transitions”, which was translated into the local language. Another immediate response has been the establishment of a ‘political party knowledge facility’, which on demand makes information available in local language – i.e. in regards to party financing, election monitoring, party membership. Most importantly, however, is the continuous consultations and trustbuilding between the political parties. A multi-party dialogue will only flourish in a safe, neutral and conducive environment, where the political parties jointly decide on the pace and next steps.
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DIPD in Egypt:
BRIDGING THE POLITICAL DIVIDES “This is one of our most important mandates: to create a space where all the very different people of Egypt can stay in the same room and listen to each other’s opinions.” TURNING ENEMIES INTO FRIENDS The words come from Mr. Mohamed Fodaly from the Egyptian Democracy Academy (EDA). The first year following the Egyptian uprisings has led to deep polarisation on the political scene. Islamists and secularists who stood side by side on Tahrir Square in early 2011 to demand the fall of a dictator have been divided after the parliamentary and presidential election and the constitutional process. ”Actually the first session was horrible. They were all yelling at each other. They all wanted to defend themselves and attack each other.” This is how Ahmed Mahmoud from EDA describes the first session in the civic educational programme that DIPD financed together with the Netherlands Institute for Parties and Democracy (NIMD) and the Danish Egyptian Dialogue Institute (DEDI). EDA had recruited participants from different political parties with very different ideologies. Both Islamists, liberals and leftists were represented. They were all there for the same reason: to develop and deepen their know-how and knowledge of democracy. To ensure dialogue, people were not allowed to interrupt each other. They were forced to listen to each other’s opinions, and they were forced to express themselves briefly to make sure that everybody would get time to speak. Ahmed Mahmoud from EDA explains: “After only very few sessions we saw Islamists and liberals establishing friendships and joking with each other during the breaks.” Dr. Abdullah Shehata (who was later appointed Deputy Minister of Finance) was one of the teachers. When asked why he would spend his whole weekend teaching young people about the Egyptian national budget, he said: “This kind of education is important for building up democratic institutions in Egypt. If people do not understand the budget they are not able to hold the government accountable.”
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FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER:
Danish Egyptian Dialogue Institute (DEDI), Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies (ACPSS), the Netherlands’ Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD) and all the Egyptian political parties who wish to be part of the program. AMOUNT: DKK 3,355,000 for June 2011 – June 2013. OBJECTIVES: To support new and emerging political parties to become strong, effective and democratic partners in the new multiparty democracy of Egypt. ACTIVITIES: There are 4 activity areas:  Building a knowledge base of voter preferences to inform the electoral strategy of political parties and help them formulate programmes;  Learn from different global transition experiences through the DIPD Reader on Political Parties in Democratic Transitions;  Supporting and empowering Egyptian youth politicians through training based on the youth guide How to Build a Youth Wing based on the experiences of the Danish political youth wings;  Establishment of so-called ‘Democracy Schools’.
LEARNING FROM INDONESIA The concept of ‘democracy schools’ is not new. NIMD has worked with this in several countries for almost a decade. When DIPD in early 2011 suggested that this could be part of our programme in Egypt, we suggested that NIMD should join. We then agreed that a study tour to Indonesia could be an appropriate starting point. Why was Indonesia chosen? One reason is that in 1998 Indonesia had a dramatic transition from military dictatorship to a new multiparty democracy, and although there are many differences between Egypt and Indonesia there are also similarities with regard to the importance of the military and the influence of Islam; the other reason is that NIMD has supported a local organization in implementing a large democracy school programme for almost ten years, so it is possible to get a realistic idea of what the major challenges are if you want to introduce this concept in Egypt. Two Egyptian NGOs were identified to be part of the study tour, based on the activities they were already undertaking in the field of democracy. One NGO had a particular focus on youth, another had a more academic perspective. Both were committed to reaching constituencies outside Cairo. This is precisely what has been achieved in Indonesia over a period of ten years. It started in the capital Djakarta, but schools have now spread across the provinces. All schools teach basic democratic principles, but they also link the principles to the realities on the ground, and these realities vary from one part of the country to the other. Returning from the study tour, the two NGO’s were asked to develop a proposal for a pilot phase, which will run until the early part of 2013. Then it will be decided how to support the schools on a permanent basis. In a sense these could also be called long term civic education programmes, where young Egyptians from the whole political spectrum, civil society, the public sector and the private sector will use all of their weekends in six months to go through a massive curriculum that the NGO’s have developed about democracy, local government, national budgets and many other themes that will prepare them to be even more engaged as critical citizens and political activists in the Egyptian transition process.
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DIPD in Tanzania
BRAKING AN OLD HEGEMONY On 20 April 2012 the Tanzania Centre for Democracy joined the growing list of DIPD partners when they signed a two year cooperation agreement. The general objective of the agreement is to contribute to entrenching multiparty democracy in Tanzania through the strengthening of multi-party dialogue. PARTICIPATION IN THE CONSTITUTION MAKING PROCESS Reform of the constitution has been a priority for opposition parties, civil society and activists since the country reverted to multiparty democracy in 1992. The present constitution was not sufficiently realigned to cater for the demands of multiparty democracy. Finally the government listened, and in April 2012 the president formed a commission to collect views on the constitution. Through DIPD support, TCD organized live talk shows on radios and TV involving political parties, civil society and private citizens on different themes related to the constitution. TCD also submitted cross-party recommendations to the Commission after discussions and approval by governing organs. These were arrived at after commissioning expert papers on key issues like what would be the best electoral system; what would an independent Electoral Commission look like; how to safeguard local government; and how to promote gender equity, media freedom and natural resource management. “Participants in the discussions were of the view that the current constitution is undemocratic in most of its articles, and this was inherited from the time when Tanzania was a single party state. With the introduction of multipartism in Tanzania we therefore desire of having a constitution that is citizen driven and that would be democratic in nature.”
FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER: AMOUNT:
Tanzania Centre for Democracy (TCD). DKK 2,236,948 for the period of January 2012 – December 2013. OBJECTIVES: The project has three goals:  strengthening of the multiparty dialogue process, which TCD has worked on for some years;  strengthening all of the parties included in the TCD to perform their democratic functions;  enhance engagement between political parties and civil society. ACTIVITIES: Political dialogue meetings; providing concerted input to the constitutional review process, radio and TV broadcasting on constitutional issues; cross-party training, women mentoring; holding local level dialogue meetings; high level conflict mediation.
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LOCAL LEVEL INTERPARTY DIALOGUE PLATFORMS Through DIPD support, a study was conducted to identify local areas for selection in a project for introducing local level interparty dialogue platforms. These are to be introduced to address rising levels of political intolerance among supporters of competing political parties, especially in areas of intense political competition. Piloting will commence February 2013. A workshop to validate a study on institutionalizing local level dialogue was held on 26 September 2012. One of the sensitive issues was the participation of women. The report states: “A concern was raised with regard to the gender balance in the platform. The entrenchment of patriarchy in Tanzania’s political system suggests that there is a possibility that many representatives from political party, civil society and government will be males. Thus, the representation of women may be limited. The participants suggested that there must be a provision that requires a certain level of participation of women. It was also suggested that the criteria used to suggest categories to be represented in the platform should include as many members as possible, but without distorting the reasonable size of the forum for its effective engagement and management.” The project also supports capacity development of political parties and providing the training programmes for mentoring and coaching of women to commence in 2013 after undertaking needs assessment studies and the development of training materials. “Women of Tanzania, regardless of their political ideologies, need mentoring and coaching training, to help them build their confidence, and capacities to compete for public office. For years, women participation has been minimal, and they have been left behind. Even in elections of Women Wings, men are always there to interfere, and sometimes they fight because they want to impose their interest on the women’s organization.”
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DIPD in Zimbabwe:
ENEMIES STRIKING A DEAL For decades, Zimbabwe was effectively a one-party state dominated by President Robert Mugabe and his party. This changed in 2008, when the Movement for Democratic Change formed in 1999 under the leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai gained a majority in Parliament. A GLOBAL POLITICAL AGREEMENT In the Presidential race, the leader of MDC-T, Morgan Tsvangirai, gained a majority in the first round, though not by sufficient votes to avoid a second run-off against Mugabe. Tsvangirai eventually withdrew following attacks on MDC supporters, and Mugabe was sworn in for another term. What most people probably considered impossible, and many had very little confidence in to begin with, became a reality in 2009: a power-sharing deal between ZANU-PF and its main rival MDC, consisting of an inclusive government with Robert Mugabe as President and Morgan Tsvangirai as the Prime Minister. It did not come about voluntarily, but after strong pressure from the international community, and with a significant role being played by South African President Thabo Mbeki and the regional organization SADC. The migration of hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans to neighboring countries is a burden on the economies of several countries. The political instability is not conducive for attracting investments to the region. The power sharing deal â€“ or the Global Political Agreement (GPA) as it is called - sparked hope of a positive (re)turn for democracy in Zimbabwe. In a meeting in Copenhagen in early 2012, Finance Minister Tendai Biti from the large MDC-T party said:
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FACTS ABOUT THE PROJECT PARTNER: AMOUNT:
Zimbabwe Institute (ZI). DKK 3,500,000. The project runs until the end of 2013 and is undertaken in close cooperation with the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy. A partnership with Zimbabwe Institute beyond 2013 is, however, envisioned. OBJECTIVES: The project seeks to facilitate dialogue between the three political parties in the Inclusive Government, thereby supporting a culture of multi-partyism. ACTIVITIES: Activities include dialogue workshops between the political parties, peace indabas in all provinces, south-south exchange visits to enable sharing of best practices in democracy, workshops bringing together political parties and civil society, training programmes for party leaders, and research and advocacy. There will also be a focus on youth and women in the three parties working together.
â€œFor the first time dialogue between ZANU-PF and MDC is possible. This gives renewed hope for Zimbabwe.â€? But Biti made it clear that major challenges remained. A number of reforms were necessary for Zimbabwe to embark on a path towards democratization, and he highlighted that Zimbabwe must hold elections no later than June 2013; a referendum on the constitution was crucial when all parties had agreed; media reform was needed to ensure access to independent information; and a reform of the security sector also had to take place.
WHAT ROLE FOR EXTERNAL ORGANISATIONS? For DIPD the statement from Tendai Biti was important, because it indicated to us that it was worthwhile to support activities that would offer the three political parties in the new government a platform for dialogue. Not only is Tendai Biti responsible for the finances of the country (and they have improved greatly since 2009), but he is also part of the leadership in his party and therefore a key player in what happens behind closed doors. Meetings in Zimbabwe in the course of 2012 with key representatives of all the parties confirmed what Biti had said. There may still not be a lot of trust between the three parties, and they continue to use very strong language about each other in the media. But they nevertheless talk to each other! Zimbabwe has traditionally been an important partner for Danish development cooperation. However, when land invasions started in the late 1990s, Denmark like other donors started to pull back and cut down. This was changed by the political agreement, and since 2009 Denmark has played an important role in supporting the peace process. Having looked into different options, DIPD decided to support the facilitation of dialogue between the political parties managed by Zimbabwe Institute (ZI). This is an NGO established in 2002 to facilitate dialogue between the political parties and work for democracy, peace, tolerance, and human rights in Zimbabwe. ZI has for a number of years been supported by the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD), which is also a close partner of DIPD in countries like Egypt and Myanmar. Considering the sensitivities involved in this type of work, we believe that working together like this makes sense.
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Building a new institution:
SMALL, FLEXIBLE AND EFFECTIVE At the end of the day, DIPD will be judged by the results from our partnerships around the world. But to achieve results you also need an institution that is able to manage resources and knowledge in a flexible and effective manner. Photo: Citizens in a village in Bhutan far from the capital getting ready to vote in the election for parliament.
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A multi-party Board:
BUILDING ON DIVERSITY The Board of DIPD consists of 15 members nominated by the Danish Parliament and appointed by the Minister for Development Cooperation. Of the 15 members, 9 members represent the Danish political parties in Parliament and 5 members represent various stakeholders the field of democracy (youth organisations, development NGOs, the academic world). One member is appointed personally by the Minister for Development. The Board makes up the management of DIPD together with the Director, who is appointed by the Board. Other staff in the secretariat is appointed by the Director. In 2012, the Board held 5 meetings, where a wide range of strategic and managerial issues were debated and proposals approved. This includes the following issues: A communication strategy, which defines how we should use the website, and how we cooperate with the political parties. An action plan for the secretariat, which details how resour足ces will be used in the course of the year. An annual report for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which explains the achievements of the previous year. A paper on lessons learned during the first phase, to ensure that we move forward in line with the strategy. A concept note for the Christiansborg Seminar 2012, which was the basis for the structure of the seminar. In addition the Board has taken a number of decisions on project proposals from both the political parties and the secretariat. A full overview of the proposals discussed and approved by the Board in 2012 is presented in the section on the budget (see pages 66-69). From a self-evaluation made by the Board it is interesting to note that members feel that discussions have been conducted in a positive and trusted atmosphere, with all members trying to find common ground despite the obvious political and ideological differences. While the representatives of the political parties act in their personal capacity when discussions take place and decisions are taken, they do play an important role in linking DIPD to the party system. Having the broad support from all parties is important.
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BOARD MEMBERS NOMINATED BY PARLIAMENT Henrik Bach Mortensen, Chairman
Venstre (Danish Liberal Party)
Jeppe Kofod, Vice Chairman
Socialdemokraterne (Social Democrats)
Karsten Lauritzen, Vice Chairman
Venstre (Danish Liberal Party)
Aia Rebecca Fog
Dansk Folkeparti (Danish People’s Party)
Ann Sofie Orth
Konservative Folkeparti (Conservative Party)
Liberal Alliance (Liberal Alliance)
Jane Alrø Sørensen
Socialistisk Folkeparti (Socialist People’s Party)
Radikale Venstre (Social Liberal Party)
Enhedslisten (Red-Green Alliance)
BOARD MEMBERS NOMINATED BY ORGANISATIONS Anne Paulin
DUF (Danish Youth Council)
DUF (Danish Youth Council)
Rektorkollegiet (Danish Universities)
NGO Forum (NGO Forum)
IMR (Danish Institute for Human Rights)
BOARD MEMBER NOMINATED BY THE MINISTER FOR DEVELOPMENT Vidar Helgesen
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Managing the budget:
IDEAS REQUIRE MONEY DIPD was created as a Danish public and independent institution by law in May 2010. Parliament committed an appropriation of DKK 75 million for 2010-2013 from the development cooperation budget managed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This means on average DKK 25 million per year.
TWO FUNDING WINDOWS During the period of three years approximately DKK 15 million – DKK 5 million per year - will be allocated to the running of the Secretariat. This includes salaries for staff (who will actually be spending most of their time on programme issues rather than traditional administrative issues), rent for offices, IT services, project preparation, etc. The remaining DKK 60 million will be divided equally between Party-toParty funding and Multi-Party funding. This means DKK 20 million per year – or DKK 10 million per year for each of the two types of funding.
ADMINISTRATION AND SECRETARIAT The 2012 budget of the secretariat reflects the fact that this was the first year where all staff posts have been filled throughout the year. This means 5 full time staff plus a part-time student. It is therefore no surprise that 67% of the total administration budget of DKK 5.2 million is allocated for salaries. While the full amount of salaries in this budget is categorized as “administration”, effectively the major part should be understood as “programming”. Both the director, the senior adviser and the two project officers are responsible for certain administrative matters, but most of their time is dedicated to programme advice for the political parties, programme planning for the multiparty activities, monitoring of progress in projects, etc. The opposite is the case for the administrator of DIPD.
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The second largest budget item is the 8% spent on moving the office at the end of 2012. The amount is less the result of the physical move from one part of the city to another, than a consequence of the need to establish a very different financial management set-up for DIPD. This has required the use of external consultants. Board meetings account for 5% of the budget. This covers the honorarium paid to the Chairman, the two Deputy Chairs as well as the 12 ordinary members of the Board. Members are paid according to the rules and regulations set by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and they are paid only for the meetings and hours they actually participate in. OTHER COSTS 3%
INFORMATION 4% BOARD MEETINGS 5%
SALARIES 67% ADMIN SERVICES 6%
OFFICE RENT 7%
MOVING OFFICE 8%
DISTRIBUTION OF PARTY-TO-PARTY FUNDING As stated in the law, the political parties represented in Parliament will be allocated funds according to the following principles: 1/3 of the total amount will be divided equally among the 8 parties – around DKK 400,.000 per party; 2/3 of the amount will be divided according to number of seats in Parliament. The election results from September 2011 gave the political parties the following number of seats: Party
Social Democrats (Socialdemokraterne)
Social Liberal Party (Det Radikale Venstre)
Conservative Party (Det Konservative Folkeparti)
Socialist People’s Party (Socialistisk Folkeparti)
Liberal Alliance (Liberal Alliance)
Danish Peoples Party (Dansk Folkeparti)
Danish Liberal Party (Venstre)
Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten)
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When the election results are translated into funds available to the party in 2012, the picture looks like this (with parties presented according to the letter they are known by in elections):
It is important to emphasize that while each political party has a certain amount of funds available, funds will only be released after the Board has discussed and approved a specific proposal.
PARTY PROPOSALS APPROVED BY THE BOARD IN 2012 By the end of 2012, the Board had approved a total amount of DKK 16.3 million for project proposals from the political parties. This includes both appraisal proposals (proposals for preparatory activities, including meetings with the partner to develop a final proposal) and actual project proposals. Such proposals can cover several years, so the amount mentioned here also includes funding that will be spent in 2013. Looking at decisions taken by the Board in 2012 only, a total amount of almost DKK 12 million was approved. This covers the following proposals (with parties mentioned in alphabetical order after the letter used in elections):
Socialdemokraterne (Danish Social Democratic Party)
National Democratic Congress (NDC) of Ghana.
DKK 1,320,594 for phase 1 covering 2012 + DKK 1,410,137 for phase 2 covering 2013.
Three objectives:  to improve the quality of NDCs policy development;  to improve communication between headquarter and local branches;  to strengthen the local level structures of the organisation.
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 66
Socialdemokraterne (Danish Social Democratic Party)
Swazi Democratic Party (SWADEPA) of Swaziland.
DKK 109,230 for the appraisal + DKK 1,409,252 for the period of November 2012 – December 2013.
Three objectives:  improving the organizational capacity of party cadres through leadership training;  strengthening external communication and campaigning;  creating initiatives to increase the political awareness of Swazis in general.
Socialdemokraterne (Danish Social Democratic Party)
Egyptian Social Democratic Party (ESDP) of Egypt.
DKK 731,666 for phase 1 covering part of 2012 + DKK 1,766,166 covering all of 2013.
Supporting a process of organisational change, through the strengthening of the internal party education in ESDP, and developing the party’s platform amongst young people.
Radikale Venstre (Social Liberal Party)
Civic United Front (CUF) of Tanzania.
DKK 1,291,823 for the period October 2012 – December 2013.
Overall objective is to strengthen the local party organisation, in particular by improving the capacity to develop local policy agendas; enhancing the local organisation and democratic cultures; improving the local electoral cycle management.
Det Konservative Folkeparti (Conservative Party)
Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) of Tanzania.
DKK 114,500 for the appraisal.
The appraisal process will identify the major challenges confronting CHADEMA as one of the key opposition parties, and the specific areas where cooperation could take place.
Liberal Alliance (Liberal Alliance)
Verdad y Democracia Social (VERDES) of Bolivia.
DKK 115,000 for the appraisal.
VERDES was started as a regional party and is now in the process of establishing itself at the national level. The two parties seem to be like-minded. The Liberal Alliance is itself a newly established party, which allows it to offer lessons learned for the process VERDES is planning.
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 67
Venstre (Danish Liberal Party)
National Restoration Party (NAREP) of Zambia
DKK 114,490 for the appraisal + DKK 1,667,276 for the period covering January – December 2013.
To support NAREP to become a relevant and effective opposition party, with a strong presence both at national and local levels. This includes setting up internal operating procedures as an emerging modern party.
Venstre (Danish Liberal Party)
Free Egyptians of Egypt
DKK 114,811 for the appraisal.
Several of the new political parties in Egypt consider themselves to be liberal in outlook. Meetings with some of these will result in the development of a partnership with one or more parties.
Venstre (Danish Liberal Party)
Centre for Multiparty Democracy (CMD) of Kenya
DKK 1,662,000 for phase 2 covering March – December 2013.
CMD is a platform reaching out to all the political parties. This partnership focuses on the enhancement of the institutional capacity of political parties in Kenya in the areas of communication and youth development.
Enhedslisten (Red Green Alliance)
People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) of Swaziland.
DKK 77,040 for the appraisal.
The parties have been in touch with each other for several years, and PUDEMO has presented a number of areas where support is needed. The appraisal will clarify what will be possible.
Enhedslisten (Red Green Alliance)
Democratic Front for Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), Palestinian People’s Party (PPP) and Palestinian Democratic Union (FIDA).
DKK 70,085 for the appraisal.
The parties know each other very well. They would like to develop a proposal focusing on the cooperation for involvement of youth, and using the youth platform to strengthen cooperation in general.
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 68
MULTI-PARTY PROPOSALS APPROVED BY THE BOARD IN 2012 By the end of 2012, the Board had approved a total amount of DKK 20.7 million for multi-party project proposals. Such proposals can cover several years, so the amount mentioned here also includes funding that will be spent in 2013. Looking at decisions taken by the Board in 2012 only, a total amount of DKK 8,7 million was approved. This covers the following proposals:
Tanzania Centre for Democracy (TCD)
Support to multiparty dialogue processes and strengthening of political parties in Tanzania.
DKK 2.236.948 for the period of January 2012 – December 2013.
The project has three goals:  strengthening of the multiparty dialogue process, which TCD has worked on for some years;  strengthening all of the parties included in the TCD to perform their democratic functions;  enhance engagement between political parties and civil society.
Malawi Centre for Democracy (CMD)
Women’s active participation in political leadership and decision-making in political parties in Malawi.
DKK 500.000 for the year of 2013.
Overall objective is to strengthen the inclusion and meaningful participation of women in leadership and decision making. Part of this will involve the introduction of a mentoring programme.
Zimbabwe Institute (ZI) and Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD)
Zimbabwe Political Parties Dialogue, implemented in cooperation with the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy.
DKK 3,500,000 for the period of June 2012 – December 2013.
The project seeks to facilitate dialogue between the three political parties in the Inclusive Government, thereby supporting a culture of multi-partyism.
Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD) and Nyein Foundation, Myanmar
The Myanmar Multiparty Democracy Programme (MMDP), implemented with the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy.
DKK 2,500,000 for the period September 2012 – December 2013.
The general objective is to assist the democratic transition and facilitate the development of multi-party democracy. This involves strengthening of the multi-party dialogue processes; strengthening political parties to perform their democratic functions; and enhance engagement between parties, civil society and the media.
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 69
Missions, meetings and messages:
CREATING A DIPD BRAND While 2011 had a focus on getting the logistics of a new institute up and running, 2012 had a stronger focus on developing partnerships, as well as developing platforms of knowledge in particular areas as the basis for training for capacity development. The following are some of the highlights.
BUILDING PARTNERSHIPS Both the political parties and the secretariat have been busy identifying partners, and once this first step had been taken we have been busy establishing a trusted relationship with the partner. The approach has been to move forward slowly and with caution, to be as flexible as our administrative rules allow, and to make sure that the â€˜Danishâ€™ dimension is visible, although not dominating. All of the political parties have met regularly with their partners, both in the appraisal phase and in the programme phase, when training sessions take place. In some cases meetings have taken place in Denmark, because it has been important to learn directly from party officials and members.
EVENTS INVOLVING PARTNERS In 2012, the Christiansborg Seminar became the major opportunity to bring both party-to-party and multi-party partners together, and this time from all of the countries of our global network. But there were also smaller seminars, focusing on a particular event or a theme, and involving participants from one country. The following is a sample of such seminars, organized by the secretariat.
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 70
Youth Guide in Cairo [march] The youth guide was developed by a consultant working with a group of representatives from most youth wings in Denmark. When the first draft was ready, it was presented to and discussed with a group of Egyptian youths from both civil society and political parties. It made an important contribution to the final version.
Local Guide in Kathmandu [april] The guide was developed by a consultant working with a group of representatives from most of the political parties in Denmark. When the first draft was ready, it was presented to and discussed with the 6 political parties in Nepal DIPD is working with. The seminar made an important contribution to the final version.
Nepal delegation for Constitution Day [june] Since 2008, Nepal has been in the process of negotiating a new constitution, and until this has been agreed things are difficult. The 6 political parties DIPD work with were invited to observe Denmark’s Constitution Day celebrations at local level in Denmark, being hosted by local branches of the political parties.
Nordic meeting [september] The guide was developed by a consultant working with a group of representatives from most of the political parties in Denmark. When the first draft was ready, it was presented to and discussed with the 6 political parties in Nepal DIPD is working with. The seminar made an important contribution to the final version.
Christiansborg Seminar 2012 [september] The DIPD strategy has indicated this seminar as a flagship event for DIPD. This time the Board had decided to focus on the role of “Women in Politics”. There were participants from 25 countries, including all of the countries where DIPD has started working with both party-to-party and multiparty activities.
Launch of Youth Guide [october] Together with the Danish Youth Council and the Danish Egyptian Dialogue Institute, DIPD hosted a launch event in Copenhagen when the English edition of this guide was published. Representatives from a number of Egyptian political party youth wings participated. Following the launch a two-day seminar took place with external facilitators and representatives from the Danish youth wings.
INTERNAL SEMINARS FOR POLITICAL PARTIES Danish political parties have to varying degrees been involved in international networking for many years. Some are even members of networks like the Socialist International and the Liberal International. But this is very different from engaging in a partnership with a specific objective to help build capacity in certain areas. This requires particular skills, as well as capacity within the Danish party to manage funds, develop training programmes, monitor progress, etc. To support the capacity of the parties, the secretariat convenes meetings in Parliament on a regular basis, hosted by the parties on a rotational basis, and with a focus on themes the parties find relevant. In 2012 the following was on the agenda: Youth in politics, DIPD communication strategy, how to do capacity development.
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 71
Elections in Egypt [january] To many observers the results of the elections have come as a surprise, with the two major Islamist parties getting the majority of the seats in the Peopleâ€™s Assembly. To analyze these developments, the Danish Institute for International Studies, the Danish-Egyptian Dialogue Institute and DIPD organized a conference, with both Danish and Egyptian experts presenting their views.
Democratic developments in Tanzania [april] Three representatives from Tanzania Centre for Democracy visited Denmark as part of the new cooperation between DIPD and the centre in Tanzania. The seminar was organized in cooperation with the Danish Institute for International Studies.
EU-ACP seminar in Aarhus [may] During the EU Presidency in the first part of 2012, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs asked DIPD to help organize a seminar for the ACP parliamentarians coming to Denmark. We did this in cooperation with MS/Actionaid Denmark, International Media Support and CISU â€“ focusing on the different types of support for democracy offered by different Danish civil society organisations.
Launch of Reader on Transition [september] This publication was part of the programme in Egypt. Unfortunately it was not possible to launch it in Cairo, so this took place in Copenhagen, with speakers from some of the political parties and some key civil society voices as well, all addressing the challenges facing Egypt at this point of the transition process. The Arabic version will be launched in Cairo in 2013.
Elections in Kenya in 2013 [september] The Danish Liberal Democracy Programme (DLDP) and DIPD invited to a seminar, where Director of Centre for Multiparty Democracy in Kenya, Njeri Kabeberi, talked about the expectations for the 2013 elections and democratic developments in Kenya in general.
Opportunities and challenges in democracy support [november] What should be the role of explicitly political actors in democracy support today? What opportunities and challenges are these types of actors faced with today? These and several other key questions were discussed by the Danish Minister for Development Christian Friis Bach and international experts like Thomas Carothers from Carnegie, Professor Milja Kurki from Aberystwyth University, Roel von Meijenfeldt from the European Partnership for Democracy, Andrea Ostheimer from Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung and Steen Christensen from the Danish Social Democrats. The seminar was organized with the Danish Institute for International Studies and Aberystwyth University.
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 72
DIPD PUBLICATIONS Unlike some other members of the democracy community, DIPD is not in the business of producing knowledge for distribution globally. But in a few areas where the Danish political parties and their partners as well as the multi-party partners can benefit, we have decided to invest in the production of knowledge which can be useful for training and seminars. In the case of the DIPD guides, the idea has been to offer some ideas for inspiration from the Danish way of doing things. Typically this will involve representatives from all or most of the Danish parties, working together with a consultant, and communicating closely with a reference group in a particular country. The purpose of this is not to ‘export’ the Danish model, but to build on what the Danish parties know best – for inspiration! In 2012 the following knowledge products were published (they are all available on the DIPD website: www.dipd.dk/dipdpublications):
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY
STRANDGADE 56 1401 COPENHAGEN K DENMARK TEL.: +45 32 69 89 89 MAIL: DIPD@DIPD.DK WEB: WWW.DIPD.DK
A CHRISTIANSBORG SEMINAR 2012 BACKGROUND PAPER
WOMEN IN POLITICS DIVERSITY AND EQUALITY FOR A DEMOCRATIC CULTURE
— DIVERSITY AND EQUALITY FOR A DEMOCRATIC CULTURE
The ’Christiansborg Seminar’ is an annual event, bringing DIPD partners and colleagues from around the world together to share ideas and practices on a specific theme. The seminar offers a unique opportunity for Danish political parties and NGOs to learn from other Nordic organisations as well as from partners in political parties and democracy organisations in Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America.
The document brings together some of the existing knowledge in the three themes of the seminar: women in local politics; young women in politics; women in transition countries. It offers a number of recommendations, which was part of the basis for discussion in workshops and contributed to the “Christiansborg Statement”. Some key arguments: getting more young women into politics can only be achieved if action is being taken from the household level; female participation in local politics cannot be overstated in terms of deepening democracy; women face particular difficulties to raise their voice in transitional processes; the Danish story of women’s rights is what you could call the ‘slow-track model’.
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY
tel.: +45 32 69 89 89 mail: email@example.com web: www.dipd.dk
DAnISh InSTITuTE fOR PARTIES AnD DEMOCRACy
Strandgade 56 1401 Copenhagen K denmarK
POLITICAL PARTIES In DEMOCRATIC TRAnSITIOnS A DIPD READER
Political Parties in Democratic Transitions A DIPD reader (94 pages)
pOlitiCal paRtieS in demOCRatiC tRanSitiOnS —
The Reader forms part of DIPDs multi-party engagement in Egypt and is a response to the request from a delegation of cross party politicians visiting Denmark in 2011 to learn from other transitional experiences. There are many transitions to choose among, but DIPD settled on Serbia, South Africa, Turkey and Indonesia. In their contributions, the writers trace a journey aimed at building democracies and bringing people to the center of power. We accompany the political activist, the political scientist, and the political party chief on the journey they have taken, and they generously share with us the challenges, dilemmas, choices and victories that they encountered on the transition road.
a dipd ReadeR
danish institute for parties and democracy
danish institute for parties and democracy
How to Build a Youth Wing
A JOINT DIPD-DUF-DEDI GUIDE
A JOINT DIPD-DUF-DEDI GUIDE
HOW TO BUILD A YOUTH WING
HOW TO BUILD A YOUTH WING
A DIPD-DEDI-DUF guide (58 pages, illustrated)
30 TOPICS TO DEBATE AND CONSIDER
— 30 TOPICS TO DEBATE AND CONSIDER
Young peoples’ cry for democracy has overturned former dictatorships throughout the Middle East and North Africa. But after a revolution, new challenges emerge. Of critical importance in particular is the building of a new democratic state and the shaping of new democratic parties. This inspirational guide, covering 30 topics to debate and consider when building up political youth wings, is a joint greeting from Danish youth politicians and activists to all young people working with politics in countries in transition. The guide has its starting point in the rich diversity of Danish experiences of how to build up and run political youth wings which is one way of securing youth inﬂuence on national politics and on the public debate in a democratic society. The guide is directed at anyone interested in the development of political parties and the involvement of youth. The guide seeks to give inspiration on how to engage and act democratically oneself, within the party, in the co-operation with others and in the building up of a democratic society after the revolution. The guide is organised in six chapters with ﬁve diﬀerent topics to consider and debate. It also includes 11 interviews with leading Egyptian and Danish youth politicians, who share their experiences of working within democratic parties.
A Christiansborg Seminar 2012 Background Document (61 pages, illustrated)
WOMEN IN POLITICS
Women in Politics
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY
The Danish Youth Council
While very different in ideological outlook and organizational structure, all eight parties in the Danish Parliament have a youth wing and today it would be inconceivable for a political party in Denmark not to have a youth wing. This inspirational guide, covering 30 topics to debate and consider when building up political youth wings, is a joint greeting from Danish and Egyptian youth politicians and activists to all young people working with politics in countries in transition. The guide is divided into six chapters, focusing on the building up of a youth wing, development of political positions, how to recruit members, the relationship to the mother party, campaigning and working with others.
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 73
SMALL AND FLEXIBLE DIPD remained at its ‘old’ premises for most of 2012, but on 1 December we moved from Strandgade 56 to Jemtelandsgade 1, one stop closer to the airport on the Metro, but still fairly close to the Danish Parliament where the political parties are situated. We knew that this move was necessary for reasons beyond our control, and we knew that the move was about more than office space. It would also require an administrative set-up very different from what we had established in 2011, and we therefore spent most of 2012 looking into how we could do this as effectively as possible, considering our small size. Most staff members were recruited towards the end of 2011, and 2012 was therefore the first year where DIPD had all staff positions filled. It is a small team, being able to operate in a flexible manner. This is obviously useful especially in this early stage of the institute, where we are still developing our approach and our brand. The secretariat is fully responsible for all of the multiparty partnerships. In each country the set-up is different, and in most cases DIPD operates through partners rather than having its own office. The exceptions are Nepal and Myanmar, where DIPD has recruited a local representative, and they are therefore included in the staff list below.
Staff working for DIPD in 2012 Bjørn Førde
Hanne Lund Madsen
Ulla Gade Bisgaard
DIPD Representative in Nepal
Khin Tazin Myint
Programme Coordinator in Myanmar
Rune Lindegaard Andersen
Student (starting August 2012)
Student (ending July 2012)
Marie Skov Madsen
Project Coordinator (June-December 2012)
ANNUAL REPORT 2012 DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY PAGE 74
© DIPD Danish Institute for Parties and Democracy Jemtelandsgade 1 2300 Copenhagen S Denmark Tel: +45 38 40 28 00 Email: firstname.lastname@example.org
Edited by Bjørn Førde, Director, DIPD. Contributions by: Simon Redder Thomsen, Socialdemokraterne, page 30-31. Anemone Birkebæk, Det Radikale Venstre, page 32-33. Rolf Aagaard-Svendsen, Konservative Folkeparti, page 34-35. Hanne Agersnap and Dea Donkin, Socialistisk Folkeparti, page 36-37. Jonathan Nielsen, Liberal Alliance, page 38-39. Birgitte Rasmussen, Venstre/DLPD, page 40-41. Hans Aalborg, Enhedslisten, page 42-43. Hanne Lund Madsen, Ulla Gade Bisgaard, Line Holmung, Karina Pultz, Bjørn Førde, DIPD, page 48-59. Photo list: Cover photo: Political party training in Nepal (DIPD). Page 8-9: Training session in local branch in Nepal (DIPD). Page 11: Minister for Development and Thomas Carothers (DIPD). Page 13: Njeri Kabeberi and Ulla Tørnæs, MP (DLDP). Page 14: Woman voting in Timor Leste (UN Photo). Page 17: Nordic meeting in Copenhagen (DIPD). Page 18-19: Ulla Tørnæs, MP, at Christiansborg (Lars Schmidt). Page 21: Christiansborg Seminar 2012 (Lars Schmidt). Page 25: Sangay Zam from Bhutan (Lars Schmidt). Page 26-27: Constitution day celebration (Rolf Aaagaard Svendsen. Page 30: Ghana delegation meeting the Speaker of Parliament (Social Democrats). Page 33: CUF on the wall in Zanzibar (Flickr, Jon Wiley). Page 34: Helle Sjelle from Conservatives in Tanzania (Conservatives). Page 36: Guests from Bolivia in Danish Parliament (SF). Page 38: Danish delegation with VERDES in Bolivia (Liberal Alliance). Page 40: Danish delegation in Kenya with CMD (Liberal Party/DLPD). Page 42: Supporters of FNRP demonstrating (Red-Green Alliance). Page 44-45: Training in the mountains (DIPD). Page 49: Nepali delegation in Denmark on Constitution Day (DIPD). Page 50: Steering Committee of BNEW (DIPD). Page 53: Delegation from Myanmar in Danish Parliament (Hasse Ferrold). Page 54: Egyptian delegation in Indonesia (DIPD). Page 57: Seminar on Tanzania in Copenhagen (DIPD). Page 58: Zimbabwe is still struggling with the economy (DIPD). Page 60-61: Voting in Bhutan (KCD Productions). Page 63: Minister of Foreign Affairs and DIPD Chairman (Lars Schmidt). Page 70: Workshop at Christiansborg Seminar 2012 (Lars Schmidt). Page 72: DIPD supports training at local level in Nepal (DIPD). Page 74: Shrishti Rana, DIPD Representative in Nepal (DIPD). Design: detusch&luba Print: Handy-Print ISBN print 978-87-92796-20-2 ISBN web 978-87-92796-21-9 Published in May 2013
JEMTELANDSGADE 1 2300 COPENHAGEN S DENMARK TEL.: +45 38 40 28 00 MAIL: DIPD@DIPD.DK WEB: WWW.DIPD.DK
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY