EDITOR Robynne Healley DESIGNERS Alan Oliveira Tatum ART DIRECTOR Alan Oliveira WRITERS Tatum Bergen Nikolaus Charlton Daniela Diaz Lombardo Erin Kehler Rebecca Kirkham Olivia Knull Monet Lamphere Alan Oliveira Lillian Rene Jessica Robertson
THIS EDTION 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
FORGOTTEN PEOPLE Afonso I Malinche Pocahontas Ana Nzinga Sor Juana Signora Belinguere Madame Montour Phibbah Rachel Pringle Polgreen Nicholas Pocock
15 16 20 24 28 32 36 40
FORGOTTEN PLACES Campeche PotosÃ Salvador Luanda Port Royal Charleston Mapping the Atlantic World
COST OF SLAVES, 1770-1780
50 51 55 58 61
FORGOTTEN POLITICS Slaves & Politics The Iroquois Confederacy Acadian Expulsion Bourbon Reforms
64 65 68
FORGOTTEN POPULAR CULTURE Atlantic Apocalypse, Origins of the Zombie Piracy in Modern Culture
ENDNOTES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
FROM THE EDITOR References for each article are located at the end of the magazine. There you will find end notes that correspond to each of the sections of the magazines. In the case of articles without specific references, the sources on which they are based are located in the bibliography.
ROBYNNE HEALEY firstname.lastname@example.org
EDITORIAL Welcome to our digital magazine project! This project is a summative, collaborative undertaking of the students in the Spring 2020 course History 392/592 – Sugar, Slaves, Silver: The Atlantic World, 1450 – 1850. Atlantic history studies the interconnections between the geographic spaces around the Atlantic Ocean. It considers the Atlantic world as a unit of analysis. Historians generally periodize this world as beginning in the fifteenth century with the first interactions between Europeans, Africans, and Indigenous Americans and ending in the nineteenth century with western Atlantic independence movements, the end of the transatlantic slave trade, and the industrial revolution. Atlantic history explores the complex social, political, and economic interactions between the peoples of the Atlantic world over that time. While analyzed as a geographic unit, it was not an isolated one; as students here have learned, Atlantic history is best approached as a slice of world history. Our class selected “forgotten” aspects of the Atlantic world as the theme for this magazine. To that end, where Europe and Europeans appear, we have tried to adopt an Atlantic perspective that is not strictly European. In our exploration of forgotten people, place, politics, and popular culture, we have selected lesserknown topics. For more recognized, often romanticized topics, the focus is on the history behind invented pasts. In an effort to complicate historical narratives, we have purposefully highlighted non-European, non-white, and non-male perspectives. We have had to leave out more stories than we could ever include. Despite the magazine’s limitations, we hope that you will encounter new histories in these pages and see familiar stories in a different light.
This project was an experiment. It would not have been possible without the collective efforts of wonderful students who willingly ventured into an unknown learning experience. Their thoughtful and committed engagement throughout this process, despite the COVID-19 pandemic creating immense uncertainty and challenging logistics has been inspiring. Thank you to Queenie Rabanes for providing our headshots. A special note of gratitude must go to Alan Oliveira for willingly and cheerfully sharing his talents and skills in design to create this final product.
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY
FOR GOT PEOPLE A fonso I, the devastated African King
M alinche , the translator, guide, and advisor to conquistadors P ocahontas , the Powhatan peace symbol
A na N zinga , the formidable African Queen S or J uana , the Atlanticâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s creative feminist
S ignora B elinguere , the savvy Eurafrican businesswoman M adame M ontour , the interpretess who bridged nations
P hibbah , the feisty slave who became her masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s partner
R achel P ringle P roleen , the freed slave turned slave owner N icholas P ocock , the marine painter
AFONSO I THE DEVASTATED AFRICAN KING The history of King Afonso I (1456-1542/43) and the Kingdom of the Kongo is a tragic tale of the impact of European contact and greed. In 1483, the Kongo was the first kingdom in West Central Africa to come into contact with Europeans. When King Afonso I came to power in 1506, he was captivated by the sophistication of European life. He asked the Portuguese to support education, bring European influence, and convert Kongolese subjects to Christianity. Afonso himself converted to Christianity, and by all accounts had sincere faith. However, as European influence progressed, Kongo society fell apart. In a series of letters to King Joao III of Portugal, Afonso begged for help. He spoke of his inability to control the spread illegal goods in his kingdom brought by the Portuguese trade alliance, resulting in the loss of his authority. The greatest damage was depopulation due to disease and slavery. The Portuguese transported deadly diseases, and
Afonso pleaded with Joao to send physicians. Even more damaging were Portuguese slave traders who were kidnapping free Kongolese in broad daylight. Even Afonso’s own noblemen had been captured. In a final plea, Afonso emphasized, “[I]t is our will that in these Kingdoms there should not be any trade of slaves nor outlet for them.” It was too late. Afonso’s complaints were ignored because the Portuguese remaining in Kongo were no longer missionaries, nor government officials who had returned to Portugal. Those wreaking havoc on his kingdom were white slave traders who disregarded the authority of the Kongolese King. Afonso had welcomed European life into his kingdom, unwittingly leading to his kingdom’s demise. 1
TATUM BERGEN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
By Everett Historical
A 16th century king of Congo on a podium receives a retinue of Portuguese. Colored engraving based on a De Bry original.
MALINCHE HE TRANSLATOR, GUIDE, AND ADVISOR TO CONQUISTADORS Malinche (1500-1529) was an enslaved Nahua woman who served an integral role in the fall of the Aztec Empire. She was most notably known for the complex spaces she occupied, as a Nahua woman intimately linked to the Spanish conquistador who led the expedition that defeated the Aztec Empire. Also commonly referred to as Marina, Malintzin or Dona Marina, Malinche became both legend and myth. Enslaved to Hernan Cortes, Malinche served as his interpreter, guide, and advisor. She later became his mistress and gave birth to a son, one of the first Spanish-Nahua children in the Atlantic world. She facilitated the Spanish expedition and conquest of Tenochtitlan, present-day Mexico City. She is continually referred to as a pillar of trade expeditions due to her knowledge of the landscape and her translation abilities. Due to her prominence, there
JESSICA ROBERTSON MAIH STUDENT
BY HENRY SMITH | 1864
are a number of narratives written about Malinche. These narratives do not tell the same story, as Spaniards and Mexicans view Malinche differently. Surviving records reflect the complex social spaces that Malinche occupied during her tenure working with Cortes and his men. As a woman, she inhabited complex spaces and mediated between Spanish and Nahua societies. This mobility allowed Malinche a level of autonomy that was inaccessible to her in Nahua communities. Malinche is a source of pride for the Spanish, but a symbol of shame and treachery for Mexican citizens, who regard her as the betrayer of her own people.
POCAHONTAS THE POWHATAN PEACE SYMBOL The true story of Pocahontas (c. 1596-1617) has been warped by centuries of romanticization. Her life was, indeed, a tragic love story between herself, her father, and her nation. Pocahontas shared a deep bond with her father, Chief Wahunsenaca of the Powhatan people. English colonists landed at Jamestown in Spring 1607 when Pocahontas was ten years old. Settlers record Pocahontas as running around naked in the colony doing cartwheels with English boys. She was charismatic, joyful, and energetic. As the favourite daughter of the Chief, she accompanied him on visits to the colony as a peace symbol. This carefree young child contrasts starkly with Pocahontas’s fate. After coming of age, marrying a great warrior of her nation, Kocoum, and bearing a son, she was kidnapped by the English. This was a strategic plan to keep the Powhatan from attacking their colony in retribution
by Simon de Passe
for the injustices, such as rape and betrayal, English settlers were committing against the Powhatan. In captivity, Pocahontas was raped and bore a son, Thomas, causing her to fall into a deep depression. She was forcefully married to John Rolfe, a tobacco farmer, and, in June 1616, they travelled to England. Admired her good graces and sociability, the couple received an invitation to King James I’s Twelfth Night Masque in January 1617. Soon after, according to Mattaponi sacred oral history, she was poisoned. Other sources state that she fell ill with a respiratory disease. Pocahontas, the Powhatan peace symbol, died in March 1617 in England. Her father, Wahunsenaca, fell into a deep depression and died in 1618. There was no John Smith – Pocahontas love story, although their paths did cross several times. Rather, the romanticized tale is widely believed to have been a product of Smith’s own self-promotion. Pocahontas’s short life is significant as it represents many indigenous-settler interactions in the Atlantic World. TATUM BERGEN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
ANA NZINGA THE FORMIDABLE AFRICAN QUEEN Queen Ana Nzinga (1583-1663) of Ndongo and Matamba (modern day Angola) is among the most powerful and memorable rulers in African history, remembered for her formidable fight against European colonization in Africa. Nzinga was first assigned to peace negotiations between the Kingdom of Ndongo and the new Portuguese governor in 1621 where she made it known that hers was a powerful nation that would defend itself against European encroachment. Nzinga refused to pay tribute to the Portuguese King, arguing that Ndongo had not been conquered: “He who is born free should maintain himself in freedom, and not submit to others… [B]y paying tribute her king… would become [a] slave instead of free.” 4
In 1624, Nzinga succeeded to the throne as a strong leader whose priority was to ensure the independence of her kingdom, forming strategic alliances with Portugal that ended slave raiding in her kingdom and helped repel her African enemies. She later allied with the Dutch to drive out the Portuguese. To reinforce her military power, Nzinga offered sanctuary to runaway slaves and Portuguese-trained African soldiers, using kliombo, a military form where youths are raised in communal militias and renounce family ties. 5
In a well-known story revealing her character, eyewitness Giovanna Cavazzi recounts that Nzinga was refused a chair during negotiations with the Portuguese governor. Rather than sitting on the floor, she responded to this challenge of her authority and ordered her servant to crouch. Refusing humiliation and reasserting her status, Nzinga sat on the servant’s back, eye-level with the governor. Nzinga turned Matamba into a significant trading power, a legacy for which Angolans remember her today.
TATUM BERGEN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
Statue of Queen Jinga in front of Sao Miguel fortress – Luanda, Angola
by Miguel Cabrera
SOR JUANA THE ATLANTIC’S CREATIVE FEMINIST Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz (1651-1695) was a poet, composer, philosopher, and self-taught scholar in New Spain. Born in 1651, Sor Juana was a bright young child. Sor Juana educated herself in a library left to her by her grandfather. She was almost entirely self-taught in the fields of literature and poetry. In 1667, at age fifteen, she wrote an exam that tested her knowledge of subjects including art, philosophy, theology and mathematics. Shortly thereafter, Sor Juana chose the religious life and entered a convent, allowing her the freedom to pursue literary opportunities, including poetry and fiction. Denied formal education as a girl, one of the interesting aspects of Sor Juana’s life is the way in which she bent expectations of her era. Her most famous work, The Answer, written in 1691, directly addressed the abundant opposition she faced as a 6
woman in the academy and defended women’s right to knowledge. Sor Juana’s work depicted women in a positive light. Unlike other writers in her era, she did not consider women inferior to men; rather, “she created female characters who were strong, brave, and clever”. Sor Juana has continued importance in Mexico’s religious and secular culture that extends into current social structure. In many ways, Sor Juana’s writing allows readers to explore new constructions of femininity in the Atlantic world. She is still read today because her writing style offers insights into the complexities of the seventeenth century Atlantic World. 8
JESSICA ROBERTSON MAIH STUDENT
SIGNORA BELINGUERE THE SAVVY EURAFRICAN BUSINESSWOMAN The life of Signora Belinguere (late 1600s) was a symbol of Atlantic life where cultures interacted, collided, and merged together. Signora Belinguere, a Eurafrican businesswoman, was among the most influential traders in lower Gambia, West Africa. She married several Luso-African traders and inherited their property through her father’s rights when they died. The records of Michel Jajolet de la Courbe, the director of the Compagnie de Senegal, who met her in 1686 in Juffure tell us that she was literate in French, Portuguese, and English. Her life was thoroughly Atlantic. She lived in a Portuguese-style home with white walls and a vestibule uncharacteristic in her area. De la Courbe described her as wearing a delicate man’s shirt with a small girdle in the Portuguese style, an African loincloth, and a delicate chiffon head tie. Signora Belinguere took ownership of each of her ethnicities and her interaction with different cultures, as displayed in her apparel, created a new cultural identity. In a world accustomed to male-dominated business, Atlantic Eurafrican businesswomen are remarkable. As a savvy businesswoman, Signora Belinguere gained commercial intelligence through a network of sources and could secure credit for non-affiliated traders. Another Frenchman said she was “the reef upon which many whites of several nations have foundered.” In a world that would soon be built on the divisions of race, Signora Belinguere was amongst the few that became prominent regardless of her mixed race and gender. She leveraged the nature of the Atlantic for her own success and created a new cultural identity. 9
TATUM BERGEN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
COLLECTION ABECASIS/Science SourceObitius
MADAME MONTOUR THE INTERPRETESS WHO BRIDGED NATIONS The Atlantic was a world of cultural encounters and it is in this setting that interpreters enabled interaction and negotiation between nations. Madame Montour (1685-1753) was an “Interpretess” in the early 1700s remembered for the extent of her skills to bridge nations. She took over her brother’s work as an interpreter when he was murdered by the French in 1709. Her fluency in several Indigenous languages, including Algonquian and Iroquoian linguistic groups, French, and English, enabled her to facilitate three-way interpretation between Ojibway-speaking Mississauga, Iroquois, and the English. This made her a valuable cultural interlocutor for whose service both the British and French vied. Yet, her skills extended beyond linguistics to understanding cultural customs and protocol: she was able to provide informed interaction between people groups. Even so, Madame Montour’s biography remains a mystery for scholars. She spun different narratives about her past to different people as she travelled, and because she was illiterate, she never documented her personal history. Even the major sources on her life contradict each other. Nevertheless, whether she was French-born and kidnapped at the age of ten and raised by the Iroquois, or whether she was born to a French father and Indigenous mother, the significance of her life is unaffected. Her diplomatic career as an interpreter and cultural broker between native leaders and colonial governments specifically in New York and Pennsylvania was vital to facilitating interaction and negotiations of starkly contrasting cultures and customs with different interests and concerns. From serving Iroquois leaders to New York governors, interpreters such as Madame Montour were the thread that tied the myriad of Atlantic nations together. 11
TATUM BERGEN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
THE FEISTY SLAVE WHO BECAME HER MASTER’S PARTNER Phibbah (c. 1730 – c. 1792) was a slave of Thomas Thistlewood’s, a Jamaican plantation owner, known for his diary that records the history of Jamaica in the eighteenth century. Phibbah is most notably known for her relationship with Thistlewood, which could be equated with a common-law relationship today. Phibbah was Thistlewood’s favourite slave and bore him one son: Mulatto John. At this time, it was unheard of to see a woman have such an intimate, marital relationship with her master. Interestingly, Thistlewood never married. However, he had a number of non-consensual relationships with slaves. Thistlewood’s diary describes Phibbah as very feisty, someone who often challenged him. One particular instance outlines an argument between the pair where Phibbah refused to speak to him for days; this suggests that Phibbah experienced a high level of autonomy in the relationship. When Thistlewood died, Phibbah inherited Thistlewood’s property. Thistlewood was notorious for being a cruel and demeaning slave-owner. In that context, 12
his treatment of Phibbah is notable. Though Phibbah was an enslaved woman, she had agency as a historical actor in that she became Thistlewood’s partner and co-owner of both plantation properties and slaves. Thistlewood’s diary includes extensive references to Phibbah. He detailed intimate aspects of her life, including her menstrual cycles and one occasion where she suffered a toothache. Phibbah’s life illustrates the complexity of race and relationships in the Atlantic world, especially those associated with slavery and family. Though much of the information historians have about Phibbah comes from Thistlewood’s diaries, Phibbah’s essence was not lost to the archive, as her fiery personality and agency are still intact in accounts of her life. Phibbah and Thistlewood’s common-law relationship exemplifies the complex and interconnected nature of family, slavery, and femininity in the Atlantic world.
JESSICA ROBERTSON MAIH STUDENT email@example.com
By Thomas Rowlandson
RACHEL PRINGLE POLGREEN THE FREED SLAVE TURNED SLAVE OWNER Rachel Pringle Polgreen (1753-1791) was an Afro-Barbadian freed slave and self-made hotelier, who owned a brothel in Bridgetown, Barbados. Born to William Lauder and his unnamed slave, Pringle Polgreenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s early years were marked by abuse at the hands of Lauder, who attempted to control her chastity. When Lauder demanded Polgreen be punished for her unwielding attitude, Joseph Rachell, a prominent merchant, purchased Polgreen and brought her to safety. As the wife of Joseph Rachell, Polgreen was routinely exposed to the mercantile life, which gave her access to various business opportunities. Not long after their marriage, Rachell purchased a house for Polgreen, which eventually became the base for her hotelier and brothel pursuits. Polgreen illustrates the potential for freed slaves, particularly freed women of colour to regain agency over their own narratives. According to Barbados historian Pedro Welsh, Polgreen exemplifies resistance, noting that her presence among white society speaks to the subversive nature of her own narrative. Mercantile efforts offered the most success for freed women of colour like Polgreen in this era. Polgreen gained her freedom, became a slaveowner herself, and ran one of the most successful brothels on record in Barbados. Unusual for her time, Polgreen had a will. This is a reflection of her wealth. Polgreenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mobility and success as a businesswoman illustrate that she frequently broke the stereotype of the enslaved woman. The privilege of owning slaves and advancing her own economic status through her hotelier efforts demonstrate the ways that Polgreen worked to overcome violence committed on the black female body in Caribbean social structure. Documents and pictorial representations of Polgreen in the historical record are evidence of the way she reclaimed power and agency over her own narrative. 15
JESSICA ROBERTSON MAIH STUDENT
NICHOLAS POCOCK THE MARINE PAINTER
by Edward Scriven, after Isaac Pocock
JESSICA ROBERTSON MAIH STUDENT
14Nicholas Pocock | Museo Nacional del Prado
Nicholas Pocock (1741-1821) was one of the most wellknown British marine painters of the nineteenth century. His depictions of British life at sea were unparalleled during his active years. Pocock’s depictions of famous historic events include representations of the Seven Years War (1756-63), the American War of Independence (1776-83), and the Glorious First of June (1794). He also had direct involvement in seafaring life and trade, including the slave trade. Most prominently, Pocock captained The Lloyd in 1768. Limited information about The Lloyd survives, but Pocock’s drawings provide one of the most realistic depictions of the ship to date. His records indicate that the main exports carried on the Lloyd were hemp, rice, and indigo. This provides the basis for some of what historians know of eighteenth-century seafaring life. Many British museums today house Pocock’s paintings, providing key insights into the life and quarters of the British seaman. Pocock’s direct involvement in trade and naval export, including his written and visual records, offer robust accounts that give us insight into the commercial andruel and
FOR GOT PLACES
C ampeche , a fortified commercial city in new Spain P otosí , the silver city that launched an empire
S alvador , the First City of the Portuguese Empire in the New World L uanda , Africa’s great slave “producer”
P ort R oyal , the pirate haven that sank into the sea
C harleston , the city with a diverse and dark history
CAMPECHE A FORTIFIED COMMERCIAL CITY IN NEW SPAIN The Atlantic shores of modern-day Mexico welcomed thousands of African slaves, commodities, and pirates. One of the most important settlements in the Spanish Empire was Campeche, a city that to this day reflects more than a thousand years of history through its Mayan ruins, colonial city walls, and diverse ethnic population. Campeche originated in the Mayan Empire, the most advanced pre-Columbian civilization. The Mayas are an ancient civilization that still inhabit parts of Southern Mexico and Central America; they are most famous for developing sophisticated pyramids, palaces, and systems of writing and astronomy. Bernal Diaz de Castillo recalls in 1576 that the first Spanish exploration group barely survived an encounter with Campeche’s inhabitants: “with great effort God wanted us to escape with our lives from those people. Once settled in our vessels, we discovered we were missing fifty soldiers.” Indeed, the first encounter between the Spanish and the Mayans in Campeche also marks the first defeat of Europeans in the Americas. 1
After that initial encounter, Spanish conquistadors came back armed and ready to conquer and colonize the land. On 22 March 1517, Francisco Hernandez de Cordova arrived at modern-day Campeche. Colonization brought European diseases and the death of thousands of Mayans. Locals were forced to pay tribute to Spain and alms and indulgences to the Catholic Church; the immense expense forced them into indebtedness. Most Mayans had no alternative but to work as servants and peasants in haciendas, large estates owned by Spaniards. Spanish settlers paid Mayans wages in the form of cotton blankets and wax, neither of which sufficed to allow Mayans to break free from their economic obligations. 3
Campeche was not wealthy like Potosí or Hispaniola, subsisting on cattle farming and maritime trade. However, the discovery of an unexpected
commodity made Campeche one of the richest ports in the Spanish Empire. A small, scrawny tree called Logwood yielded a purple dye, the most expensive dye color in Europe. The export of Logwood to Europe and other colonies brought immense wealth to the city. One account recalls that Campeche was “lined with fabulous mansions and churches full of gold and 5
silver and the finest Chinese porcelain.” Logwood attracted pirates and encouraged the African slave trade. 7
As the city’s wealth increased, pirate attacks became common. Campeche became the most fortified settlement in the West Indies. The most infamous attack occurred in 1663 when Dutch buccaneer Edward Mansvelt captured the city, seizing fourteen vessels, collecting riches, and taking 170 prisoners. In 1670 the governor of Campeche, don Frutos Delgado, sought help from the viceroy after Henry Morgan’s assaults, writing, “the enemy surrounds our coasts…he has put himself in front of the Campeche port with ten vessels.” Despite continuous attempts to protect the city with over 3,000 metres of fortified walls, Campeche was constantly raided by pirates. 8
The cultivation of logwood required African slaves since much of the Mayan population had disappeared. From 1580 to 1650 the increased demand for African slaves was fueled by a racist rationalization that Africans, compared to indigenous locals, had “superhuman strength” to withstand intense labour practices. The influx of African slaves into Mexico is not widely discussed in academic circles. Miscegenation, a mechanism of power used by the Spanish, encouraged diluting African heritage by promoting interracial relationships. However, Mexican-African heritage is still very much alive. Today, one of the most important religious events in the city is the celebration of Black Jesus founded in 1565 with the arrival of Black Jesus with African slaves. Furthermore, the Mexican 2020 census will recognize Afro-Mexicans in the country for the first time. 10
Like many Atlantic city ports, Campeche was shaped by European trade, the African slave trade, and piracy. Visiting Campeche, one glimpses the past by experiencing the present. Campeche’s gastronomy, like the food in much of the rest of the peninsula, is influenced by
traditional Maya cuisine combined with European flavors. Fish and seafood along with exotic fruits and herbs feature heavily in the local cuisine. There are hidden gems in the city, including virgin beaches forgotten by most foreigners due to the popularity of neighbouring destinations like Cancun and other Caribbean destinations. Campeche city is located nearby Mayan ruins, including the city of Calakmul, one of the richest archeological sites for Mayan culture. With a UNESCO Heritage designation, warm sub-humid climate and rich history, Campeche is a unique and appealing destination for discovery and travel.
DANIELA DIAZ LOMBARDO INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
POTOSÍ THE SILVER CITY THAT LAUNCHED AN EMPIRE In the late sixteenth century, Potosí became the economic heart – the jewel – of the Spanish empire. Potosi was, as Jack Weatherford states, “the first city of capitalism, for it supplied the primary ingredient of capitalism - money ...[it] made the money that irrevocably changed the economic complexion of the world.” Even though the discovery of the Potosí silver mine represents one of the most important events in American colonization, its history is commonly overlooked and it does not have a well-deserved place in the history of the Atlantic world. 11
“I am rich Potosí, the treasure of the world, the king of the mountains and the envy of kings.” These words were inscribed on the coat of arms granted by the Emperor Charles V to that fabled silver center of colonial Peru. The Imperial village of Potosí is located in the Andean highlands, 1,300 feet above sea level. It was part of the Viceroyalty of Peru in present-day Bolivia. The official documents describing the first centuries of Potosí’s history can be found in the manuscript, Historia de la Villa Imperial de Potosí (The History of the Potosí Imperial Village) by Bartolomé de Arzáns Orsúa y Vela. These documents were organized and published in the eighteenth century (1705-1736); the entire 1200-page manuscript has been transcribed and published by Brown University Press. In the official record, Potosí was discovered on 21 April 1545. However, there are several versions of the discovery of these mines. The best known storyis the one told by the Portuguese Antonio de Acosta.
By Jess Kraft
By Jenny / talesfromthelens.com
According to Acosta, an Indigenous man named Hualca went looking for his lost llama and ended up staying overnight in the Potosí mountain. When he woke up, he saw a shiny liquid -- silver melted by the fire he had lit to warm himself while he slept. Spanish authorities, already exploring the region for gold and precious stones, quickly took notice of the discovery. Under the command of Spanish captain Juan Villaroel, they organized the first metal extraction. 12
The silver mountain of Potosí – commonly known as Cerro Rico, or “rich hill” – was over 2,000 feet high. According to Weatherford, “this is the richest moutain ever discovered anywhere on Earth.” Beginning in 1545, this mountain produced silver for the treasuries of Europe at rate and volume unprecedend in human history. In an original document, Orsúa y Vela suggests that the amount of silver removed from Potosí could build a bridge from the village of Potosi to Spain! It produced so much silver ore and required the labour of so many Indigenous slaves that Potosí was, for decades, the largest city in the Americas. It was the first real city of the New World, reaching 120,000 inhabitants by 1573 and 160,000 by 1650. Potosí rivaled Old World cities such as London and Paris in size.
By Jenny / talesfromthelens.com
“For the powerful emperor, for the wise king, this lofty mountain of silver could conquer the world.” So read the engraving on an ornate shield sent by Spain’s King Felipe II in 1561 as a gift to the city of Potosí, in what is now southern Bolivia.
By Jenny / talesfromthelens.com
By Jenny / talesfromthelens.com
The official documents are unclear on production data, especially in the early years, when official records were often neglected. In addition, there is still confusion about the numbers and units of measurement used to record extracted silver. Even with these challenges, the historian Valentine Baldivieso estimates that, throughout the sixteenth century, Potosí produced 50% of the world silver. This explains why the name Potosí became a synonym for fabulous and inexhaustible wealth after Spanish writer Miguel Cervantes used the phrase vale um Potosí, “worth a Potosí,” in his famous novel Don Quixote de la Mancha. The expression was even used in English and it became the name of towns in Colorado and Nevada and another mine in Mexico. 17
In the twenty-first century, Cerro Rico continues to be explored. Another artificial mountain grows in the valley beside Cerro Rico, rising from the millions of tons of crushed rock, residue of four hundred years of uninterrupted exploration. Residents of Potosí call the artificial mountain Huakajchi – the mountain that cries. Huakajchi is now mined, or rather picked over, by people looking for “the crying,” the remnants of silver in the waste mountain of their ancestors. Today, the once-prosperous Potosí mountain is practically exhausted and no longerfamous. But, as Weatherford states, “[Potosí] stands today as the first and probably most important monunment to captalism and to the ensuing industrial revolution and the urban boom made possible by the new capitalist system.” Potosí supplied the silver that moved and revolutionized the economy of the colonial period, and, therefore, should not be forgotten or ignored when we study the history of the Atlantic world.
By Jenny / talesfromthelens.com
ALAN DE OLIVEIRA MAIH STUDENT
By Jenny / talesfromthelens.com
SALVADOR THE FIRST CITY OF THE PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN THE NEW WORLD Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo stand out as two of the most well-known Brazilian cities. Although both cities are very important in the history of Portuguese colonization in the Americas, Salvador, the first Portuguese city in the Americas has a notable history that deserves to be remembered! The “letter of Pêro Vaz de Caminha to the King Manuel I,” contains what many consider to be the most accurate account of the region around Salvador in 1500. Caminha details the natural beauty of the area. One of Pêro’s most famous descriptions, “Arvoredo Tanto, e tamanho, e tão basto, e de tanta folhagem, que não se pode calcular,” roughly translates “Such vastness of the enormous treeline, with abundant foliage, that is incalculable.” 19
A year later, in 1501, an expedition arrived to claim Portugal’s new conquest. They found a wide bay full of well-inhabited islands. In remembrance of that being the day the Catholic Church celebrated “the day of all Saints” (November 1), that region was called “Bahia de todos os Santos” (Bay of All Saints). King John III ordered the construction of a fort and a lighthouse, both called Santo Antonio da Barra. During these constructions, the village Bay of All Saints emerged. In 1549 this became the city of “São Salvador da Bahia de Todos os Santos” (Saint Savior of the Bay of All Saints), later called only Salvador (Savior). 21
The order for the development and expansion of a town in a city was a direct order of King John III. For about 50 years since its discovery, the colony of Brazil was not the main target of Portuguese exploration. According to the Brazilian historian Boris Fausto, during the 1550s, the revenue that was coming from Brazil represented only 2.5% of the Portuguese Crown’s incomes, while the trade with India corresponded to 26%. Therefore, the construction of the city of Salvador was designed with the objective of defending the ownership of the land and at the same time establishing a structure for the more intense exploration of the colony. 22
As Salvador was the first actual city in the colony of Brazil, it was strategically built to be the general capital of Portuguese lands in South America. After the city was founded, forts, churches, and other nearby villages began to emerge. City construction followed the rugged topography. Due to a very steep slope, of approximately 24
By R.M. Nunes
By Oscar Pereira da Silva, 1900
236 ft, which extends through the area, the city was divided into two levels – the “Cidade Alta” (Upper City), seat of civil and religious power, and the “Cidade Baixa” (Lower City), seat of maritime and commercial activities. The two parts of the city were connected by long staircases that presented a real challenge for the transportation of goods in and out of the city. Fausto reminds that “Salvador grew up with the arm of the captive Indian who carried the goods up and down the hill on his shoulders.” 23
wanted its wealth. In 1624, at war with Dutch invaders, Salvador became a battle zone. When hostilities ceased and the Dutch returned the city to the Portuguese in 1625, the city expanded. This began an era of building palaces, sanctuaries, and convents; intellectual life intensified with the foundation of Academies; the Diocese of Bahia was elevated to the category of Archbishopric, metropolitan of the State of Brazil. In 1763, for economic and political reasons, the seat of government moved to Rio de Janeiro. While this caused Salvador to lose political prominence, For almost three hundred years it was the most important Portuguese city in the Americas. 24
Sugarcane production made the city very wealthy and it consistently attracted the attention of pirates and privateers and other aggressors who
The Lacerda Elevator is a public urban elevator located in Salvador, Brazil, connecting the lower city to the upper city. The 236 ft elevator was built between 1869 and 1873
Santo Antônio da Barra Fort & Lighthouse, the first Portuguese fortification erected in Bahia. It was built in 1501.
Currently, with more than 2.8 million inhabitants, Salvador is the most populous municipality in the Northeast and the third in Brazil. It is the ninth largest Latin American city. The Historic Center of Salvador includes the public square Largo do Pelourinho (once the site of slave punishments); is known for its colonial architecture and monuments dating from the sixteenth to the beginning of the twentieth centuries. It was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1985. Stage of one of the largest carnivals in the world (largest street party in the world according to the Guinness Book), Salvador also stands out for its strong Catholic influence. The city has 372 historic churches, all built during the colonial period.
According to the historian Ricardo Carvalho, “the number of churches present in the capital is closely related to the history of the municipality. Built to be an extension of Portugal, Salvador is evidence of the extrapolation of the Catholic Church in the Iberian Peninsula.” Carvalho also says that construction of most of the churches in the capital was made possible by a colonial elite: “Each family financed these buildings. It was a form of expression of power.” The city has a rich heritage and holds a prominent place as one of the most important cities in Atlantic history. 26
ALAN DE OLIVEIRA MAIH STUDENT
São Francisco Church and Convent of Salvador. The ornate Church of the Third Order of Saint Francis sits adjacent to the convent. The friars of the Franciscan Order arrived in Salvador in 1587 and constructed a convent and church on the site. The construction of the church and convent began in 1708. The structure was completed in 1723. The interior was decorated by several artists during a great part of the 18th century. Most decoration of the church and convent were finished by 1755.
LUANDA AFRICA’S GREAT SLAVE “PRODUCER” When we think of the big cities in Atlantic history, we generally do not consider the importance of African cities like Luanda. According to the American Atlantic Slave Trade database, it is estimated that, between 1501 and 1866, almost 5.7 million slaves left Angola, mainly from the ports of its capital, Luanda. Luanda was, therefore, one of the largest source of slaves in the Atlantic world. 27
Luanda was founded by the Portuguese explorer Paulo Dias de Novais on 25 January 1576. Initially, the city was named “São Paulo da Assumpção de Loanda” (Saint Paul of the Assumption of Loanda). With the blessing of the Portuguese King João (John) III, Novais led the immigration of one hundred Portuguese families and four hundred soldiers. In 1618, the Portuguese built the Fortress of São Pedro da Barra, and they subsequently built two more: Fortress of São Miguel (1634) and Fortress de São Francisco do Penedo (1766). Of these, the Fortress of São Miguel is the best preserved. 28
The city served as the center of slave trade to Brazil from circa 1550 to 1836. According to historian Roquinaldo Ferreira, the number of slaves transported to Brazil grew as economic exploitation based on slave labour increased. Most of the slaves sold to Brazil worked on the sugarcane plantations in the northeast, where Salvador is located (16th17th centuries), in the mines of Minas Gerais in the southeast (17th-18th centuries), and on the coffee plantations in São Paulo in the southeast (19th century). Ferreira contends that many slaves brought from the ports of Luanda to Brazil were forced to work in the construction of the main cities such as Salvador (founded in 1549), Rio de Janeiro (founded in 1565), and São Paulo (founded in 1589). 29
By Fabian Plock
Slaves traded in the ports of Luanda were mostly prisoners of war from African wars of empire. Groups like Mbundu (from northeast of Angola) and Imbangala ( from central Angola) met the demand of the Portuguese by bringing prisoners to Luanda, where slaves were seen as a bargaining chip for European goods. In the seventeenth century, the Imbangala became the main rivals of the Mbundu in supplying slaves to the Luanda market. In the 1750s, between 5,000 and 10,000 slaves were sold annually in Luanda. 30
Like many of Portuguese colonial cities, Luanda was built following the topography of the region. Similar to Salvador, the first city of the Portuguese crown in Brazil, Luanda was divided into two parts, “Upper Luanda” and “Lower Luanda.” In Lower Luanda one finds one of the most striking places on the Slavery Route: the seventeenth-century Igreja do Carmo (Carmo Church). Joseph Miller notes that even the church participated in the sale of slaves: “After the abandonment of the zimbo, an old currency, they started using a live currency - humans, [...] The Church has not escaped this movement. Here [in Carmo church] there was a pcarmo.com
space for the sale of slaves. ”It was common that, before the slaves were taken on the ships heading for the Americas, they were taken to the church of Carmo to be baptized and forced to confess the Catholic faith. 31
In the nineteenth century while still under Portuguese rule, Luanda experienced a major economic revolution. The slave trade was abolished in 1836, and in 1844, Angola’s ports were opened to foreign shipping. By 1850, Luanda had become one of the greatest and most developed Portuguese cities in the vast Portuguese Empire outside continental
Portugal. It was full of trading companies that exported palm and peanut oil, wax, copal, timber, ivory, cotton, coffee, and cocoa, among many other products. Maize, tobacco, dried meat, and cassava flour are also produced locally. The Angolan bourgeoisie was born by this time. 32
Today, Luanda is a city of eight million inhabitants, one third of Angolaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population. Itremains the main city in Angola. Contrary to what many people think, Luanda, like many African cities, has an economic and historical wealth that must be recognized, especially when we talk about significant places in Atlantic history.
ALAN DE OLIVEIRA MAIH STUDENT
PORT ROYAL THE PIRATE HAVEN THAT SANK INTO THE SEA The town of Port Royal was once the most prosperous commercial center in the English New World. Located in Jamaica, Port Royal’s origin dates back to the Taíno people, an established and selfsufficient community located throughout the Caribbean. By 1494 Christopher Columbus reached Jamaica and the Taínos’ generosity became their demise as Spaniards brought disease and colonization to the island. By 1519 a third of the aboriginal people had died of smallpox and the remaining population was forced into labour in mines and prevented from planting their own crops, which led to massive starvation. Despite their oppression, the influence of the Taíno is alive; from hammocks to tobacco, their heritage carries on. 33
and seek refuge in the port. With no British naval force to protect it, the island depended on privateers and pirates for defense. 36
Port Royal was inhabited by privateers and pirates who had great quantities of alcohol and wealth; however, the port’s population had no military force to regulate their behaviour. The city became known as the “wickedest city on earth.” Charles Leslie’s account details that, “The common Drink…[was] Madera Wine… ‘tis cheap…The greatest Moderation is necessary in using it, and could it be avoided altogether.” 37
By Peter Dunn
Spain dominated Jamaica’s early colonization, but the island was considered unimportant due to its lack of mineral resources. From England, Lord General Oliver Cromwell sent an expeditionary force to capture the Spanish island of Hispaniola, present day Haiti, in 1653. The English force was unable to seize Hispaniola and was forced to seek refuge in Jamaica, another Spanish island. After conquering Jamaica, the British empire officially sanctioned privateering in Port Royal from 1660 to 1672. Privatelyowned vessels commissioned by the British empire had permission to attack Spanish ships
Excesses were reversed under the Second Treaty of Madrid of 1670, which forced the British Empire to revoke privateering commissions. The treaty brought peace with Spain and increased trade and profits between colonies. The black market flourished. Smuggling slaves and manufactured goods became more profitable than privateering. The city became increasingly wealthy and a central port of trade for the new world. 39
Port Royal’s zenith came to a sudden end in 1692 when an earthquake and subsequent tidal wave killed two thousand people. An eyewitness account of the earthquake described the event: “the streets [with inhabitants] were swallowed up by the opening of the Earth, which then shutting upon them, squeezed the people to death. And in that manner, several were buried with their heads above ground.” In the weeks that followed, more than two thousand additional people died of disease and fever. Efforts to rebuild the port were undermined by new hurricanes, fires, and earthquakes. The British turned their focus to the development of Kingston, Jamaica’s capital, as an alternative naval and commercial base. 40
Port Royal is still mostly known for its pirate history. In fact, Disney’s Pirates of the Caribbean saga features the port numerous times. The execution of Calico Jack in Port Royal was incredibly controversial; during his trial it was revealed that two of his most ferocious crew members were pregnant women. In Port Royal, Mary Read and Anne Bonny became the most famous female pirates of history. Gallows Point was the scene of numerous pirate executions from 1680 to 1830.
Today much of Port Royal is underwater, and the city’s remains are still being explored. A longterm plan between the Jamaican government, archeological institutions, and universities seeks to restore the port for academic and tourist purposes. The Underwater City is on the UNESCO World Heritage Site’s tentative list, and although there have not been any treasures found, the port remains the “richest repository of historic shipwrecks anywhere.” Port Royal and the underwater city are open to the public. Indeed, the submerged remains of the port speak to the expansion of piracy, colonial trade and a relentless quest for wealth.
DANIELA DIAZ LOMBARDO
By James Hakewill 1875
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
CHARLESTON THE CITY WITH A DIVERSE AND DARK HISTORY Charleston was the entry point for nearly half the slaves brought to the United States. The history of Charleston reflects the consequences of European economic demands on African and indigenous people. Charleston originated with Kiawah settlements close to today’s Charleston Harbor. The Kiawah tribes belonged to the greater Cusabo alliance of First Nations. Scholars estimate that in 1600 there were approximately three thousand Kiawahs; by 1715 there were less than six hundred. In 1663, King Charles II of England, Scotland, and Ireland granted a charter for the Carolina territories to eight proprietors or noblemen. By 1670, the Lords Proprietors established a colony and named the first settlement Charles Town in honour of the king. Additional settlers came from Barbados and Bermuda, the earliest British colonies. 41
For its first thirty years the colony had limited economic success until the discovery that rice could be cultivated in its marshy low country, creating an economic boom. Colonists ultimately adopted a system of rice cultivation that drew heavily on the labour and knowledge of their African slaves. Most of the planters’ success came from importing slaves from the traditional rice-growing region of West Africa. Sixteenth-century newspapers reveal that South Carolina rice planters were willing to pay higher prices for slaves from the “Rice Coast.” Indigo and cotton also began to be cultivated throughout the region, making incredible fortunes for the landowners. By 1750, Charleston had become the hub of Atlantic trade for southern colonies. The incredible demand for rice, cotton, and indigo drove further demand for slaves, since production of each commodity was labour-intensive. 43
Charleston encouraged settler immigration in numerous ways. The Lords Proprietors had to secure Carolina against Spanish attacks from San Augustine in Florida. To do so they encouraged immigration by offering English settlers religious toleration, political representation, and tax exemptions. Charleston had already gained a reputation for religious tolerance, which 46
By Sean Pavone
helped to attract Quaker, Baptist, and Presbyterian colonists. John Lawson, a British explorer, wrote in the early 1700s that in Charleston, “the constitution of this government, allow[s] all parties of well-meaning Christians to enjoy a free toleration, and possess the same privileges.” However, the proprietors largely failed to protect the colonists from Spanish, French, indigenous and pirate attacks, leaving most colonists to their own devices. For instance, in 1718 the infamous Blackbeard besieged the town taking hostages and demanding medicine. 47
Colonists’ fears were amplified by the growing number of slaves; by 1708 half of the colony’s population were enslaved, with three out of four slaves being men. Scholar Kay Lewis argues that “the brutal violence directed toward
Charleston is a living testimony to the history of diverse groups of people. The city attracts tourists interested in history, culture and beautiful landscapes. In recent years, the town has been voted as the number one travel destination in the United States. Widespread desegregation of South Carolina public schools did not occur until the early 1970s; problems of racism and
Africans in America was not driven by the desire for land and conquest but by the need for labor, which the Atlantic slave trade facilitated.” Slaves usually came as captives from West African wars. Thus, slaves in the colony were not only skilled in agriculture, languages, and masonry; they were also militarily adept. To control the slave population, colonists used extreme violence and judicially sanctioned torture.
discrimination remain. Chronic flooding, racism, and hate crimes against African Americans are some of the issues Charleston faces today. However, there are signs of hope: Gadsdenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Wharf, the main location where thousands of Africans were auctioned off will now also be the location of the International African American Museum. This initiative seeks to emphasize the vast history of millions of Africans brought to the United States. Indeed, the recognition of Charlestonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s history and wrongdoings can lead the descendants of these various groups to reconciliation and a different future.
DANIELA DIAZ LOMBARDO INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
MAPPING THE ATLANTIC WORLD By the eighteenth century, the port cities of the Atlantic were truly interconnected. This had not always been the case. The map in Figure 1 (created circa 1507, published 1516, and based on a map created in 1500) is the first known document containing the name America. The world in this estimation was a small one, centered on Europe, with some awareness of Africa and Asia. America – the New World – had been on the European radar for about fifteen years. The Western edge of the thin sliver of land they called America was noted only as “incognita” – unknown. What lay beyond the waterways of the Eastern seaboard was a question not yet answered for the Europeans looking westward. 52
The maps excerpted in this section span from 1507 to 1797, a nearly three-hundred-year period wherein the Atlantic world became a region interconnected by economics, politics, and people. This 40
FIGURE 1 – Universalis Cosmographia, 1507, Public Domain
geography was understood distinctly by people of differing countries and time periods; it was riddled with myth, error, and political meaning. By considering the changing cartography and comparing it to previous and contemporary iterations, we can follow the understanding of the Atlantic world in the European imagination and politics. While much of the Atlantic world was peripheral to the machinations of Europe, these kingdoms and colonies became intrinsically tied to a world broader than themselves. This map is based on a map made in 1500 by Italian sailor and explorer Amerigo Vespucci, commissioned by the Medicis of Florence.
German mapmaker Martin Waldseemüller named America after Vespucci’s first name. The map is centered on Europe but includes detail on the kingdoms and rivers of Africa and Asia. The newly christened America is presented as essentially empty and seemingly unpopulated, encouraging European ambitions for colonisation. The Spanish Islands in the Caribbean are noted, but John Cabot’s 1497 encounter of North American shores are essentially absent, reflecting the lack of shared information between those encountering the Americas. 53
Figure 2 is the third printing of a Dutch map first published in 1608, more than one 41
FIGURE 2 – Nova Totius Terrarium, 1621, Public Domain
hundred years after Figure 1. In this time, the Americas have grown drastically from the earliest European conceptions of them. Perhaps most significant is the extensive colonisation of South America, evidenced by the detailed place names, rivers, and mountains. These markers are, in large part, still absent in the interior of North America. The Gulf of St Lawrence seems to run deeper into the continent, even connecting through to Hudson’s Bay, but New France, as well as Newfoundland and Labrador, are present. North America still includes no reference to Indigenous peoples but for a few place names. A canoe resting off the southeast coast of South America acknowledges the presence of Indigenous peoples on the continent, which by this time had fallen within the grasp of the Spanish and Portuguese. On the other side of the Atlantic, Africa’s interior has also become significantly more detailed and its sense of scale improved. 54
FIGURE 3 – Americae Descriptio Nova Impensis, 1652, Public Domain
This third map is an English map from 1652. The English did not have an official surveying agency until 1795, so English maps from this period were created by commercial mapmakers and then compiled by the government. In fact, this map precedes Charles II’s 1672 command to gather maps to create an authoritative picture of the American coast. This proclamation specifically called for detail about waterways and ports along the coast, for it was on the North American coast that English colonising efforts would focus. 55
The focal point of this map, however, is the Caribbean. Roanoke, which had been prominent on earlier maps, had fallen from significance in English cartography following the failure of Raleigh’s settlement; here it is relegated to a small label for Croatoan Island. As with the previous map, there is no indication of Indigenous presence in North America, which is largely dominated by the Spanish territory of New Mexico and Quivira – indeed the continent is labeled America Mexicana. Again similar to the previous map, South America does include indication of Indigenous peoples – a sketch of a small hut with two figures occupies the interior of Brazil. Another interesting feature of this map is the presentation of California (or New Albion) as an Island. California’s existence had originated as a mythical island populated by Amazons and griffins, but exploration soon established it as a real location and peninsula as it appears in Figure 2. By 1622, the misconception that California was an island had again spread to cartographers; this would not be cleared up until the eighteenth century. 58
Figures 4 & 5 are presented together for purposes of comparison: Figure 4 is a French map published in 1718; Figure 5 is an English map published a year later in 1719. Figure 4 is not a full map of the Americas like Figure 5, so the comparison is imperfect, but the detail of the Louisiana waterways is significant to Franco-British relations in this period.
FIGURE 4 – Le Cours de Mississipi, Public Domain
FIGURE 5 – New Map of America from Latest Observations, Public Domain
The French defined their possession of Louisiana the way they had long claimed territory – through the breadth of river basins. The Mississippi River basin made the claiming of land simple and extensive and allowed the French to join the territories of New France and Louisiana in a display of domination over the continent. Of course, this trend threatened the now growing English settlements on the Atlantic coast, which were now surrounded by the enemy on one side and the ocean on the other. 62
It is for this reason that we see the that the English territories along the Atlantic seaboard – Nova Scotia to Carolina and the tip of modern day Florida -- are all connected as a single possession in Figure 5, while New France and Louisiana are noted separately. 64
America is populated by various indigenous peoples, represented in sketches throughout the region. This map captures a transitional period in French cartography of North America – it contains the detailed waterways characteristic of the eighteenth century, but has not yet moved to the representation of the land as open and free for the taking. Mid-eighteenth century French cartography would begin to eliminate the representations of the Indigenous populations to encourage exploration and settlement. 65
A final item of note on Figure 4 is the presence (and in parts, lack thereof ) of indigenous peoples. Compared to the maps previously examined in this article, Figure 4’s interior North
FIGURE 6 – Regni Mexicani, 1759, Public Domain
Much of this article has discussed the cartographic developments of North America, largely because the Spanish colonisation and mapping of South America occurred swiftly over the sixteenth century. Figure 6 is included to demonstrate the deeply complicated political landscape of the West Indies and the Caribbean alone. The territory of the Western Atlantic was subject to competing claims and changing sovereignty for centuries,
FIGURE 7 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Map of America or The New World, 1797, Public Domain
and Figure 6 (a German map dating to 1759) shows the variety of sovereignty over the Caribbean alone. It also shows the reasons for this ongoing conflict -- the illustrations on the right hand side indicate the immense wealth of the region. Also included are the sailing routes of Spanish galleons in the Gulf of Mexico. 67
Figure 7 is the final map included in this article. It is an English map published in 1797 by William Faden, geographer to King George III. It is the most similar to our modern day maps, featuring comprehensive and to-scale representations of both the East and Western coasts of the Americas. Indeed, even the continents have been divided into North and South America. What was New France has fallen under British rule, and the United States of America is independently represented. California is no longer depicted as an island, and the interior of North America is not populated by imagined lakes as in Figure 5. The political landscape is incomplete. The nineteenth century would see independence movements throughout South and Latin America, but, by the end of the eighteenth century, it is only the western interior of North America that has not yet been surveyed and represented cartographically. 68
REBECCA KIRKHAM HISTORY MAJOR
COST OF SLAVES South Carolina
FOR THE NEXT OWNER IN CURRENT USD How did human beings justify commodifying and selling one another during the slave trade? The answer is fairly simple and well known: money. A lot of money. Some might wonder, just how much money might slave traders have made? An analysis of slave trading records demonstrates that the slave trade was truly a get-rich-quick method for many people. Other than the costs associated with waging war against one another, Africans expended no money to collect their commodity. Then they sold their newly captured slaves to slave traders for various products equivalent to around $1000 current USD. European traders, the next link in the supply chain, purchased slaves at the aforementioned rate, paid an insurance cost in Europe, and set sail for the Western Atlantic. In Saint Vicent Saint Lucea the first leg of the triangle trade, these traders arrived in Africa from Europe with cargo Tobago including gunpowder, rice, linens, and rum. As the traders purchased slaves from the African coast, ship captains were careful Essequibo to choose healthy slaves who could withstand weeks on board the vessels while the British | Duch | French Guianas
~$11,500 – $14,000 ~$9,500 – $11,500 ~$7,500 – $9,500 ~$7,000 Higher Cost African Posts ~$1,000 – $3,500 ~$0 (Capture)
Atlantic Crossing (insurance) Sterra Leoune
traders navigated the coast of Africa, adding slaves a number at a time until the ship reached capacity, or close to capacity. Traders assessed slaves for their age, health, gender, and physical capabilities before they loaded them in close quarters on vessels.
Depending on where the vessel landed in the Western Atlantic, traders sold their slaves for anywhere between $7,000 (very low) and $11,000. The average sale price for a prime male during this time was $10,538.98 current USD. For a vessel of 150 slaves, assuming 120 slaves survived the passage (such as the Brig The Nelly) at $8,500 (adjusted since all would not be prime males), traders were making $1,020,000 (before paying the ship’s captain and surgeon).That is a profit of roughly $720,000. To understand this further, seamen working aboard the ship were paid about $275 current USD per month to scrub the putrid slave decks while the slaves were permitted above for fresh air. This map truly puts into perspective the grand scale of the transatlantic slave trade and the amount of money that circulated through its structures. This excludes the value of slaves to their final owners. Thus, while these observations do not justify the moral dimensions of the slave trade, they make clearer the motivations behind it and why so many people were willing to turn a blind eye to its horrors.
Bight of Benin
West Central Africa
COST OF SLAVES FOR THE NEXT OWNER IN CURRENT USD RESEARCH METHODS PULLOUT
Is there a way to represent the cost of a slave in a way that clarifies how much a slave was worth at every step of the way? That is the question that prompted this research project. I needed a visual representation easy for the average person to understand, something that could communicate the profit made by selling people, and the value people placed on a human life. The data for this project came from various primary sources within the slave trade records from Liverpool, 1754-1792 in the British Online Archives. These included invoices, accounts, letter books, papers, and other miscellaneous documents. I chose the timeframe 1770-1780 because there were many resources available for this decade. This period also included the incident of The Zong insurance scandal, which I was interested in investigating. While reading the Liverpool documents, I carefully recorded any values that I came across for the sale or purchase of a slave in an excel spreadsheet, including the amount sterling per head and the location of the transaction. Once I was satisfied that I had gathered as much information as possible from these primary sources, I moved to the online Slave Voyage Database. This database represents decades of individual and teamwork; it includes tens of thousands of primary sources. I downloaded all the data recorded between 1770 and 1780. I then isolated the columns that included data on the average sale price of a slave and location of the sale (although I knew it may be higher than the prices I recorded from the Liverpool records because this database represented only ‘prime males’). After comparing the data in this spreadsheet to the one I had created based upon the Liverpool slave trade database, I was confident that the results were 48
consistent. The only generalization I had to make was to assume that prices in the primary sources were often lower because they were not ‘prime male’ sales. Thus, I conceded that I would need to map a wide value range for each location to account for the fact that no transaction price was guaranteed, and sales could change according to demand/condition of the person. My next challenge was to establish the cost of a slave in Africa along the African coastline. In my understanding, most slaves sold to traders along the coast were prisoners of war or were captured in war. This means that the captors did not have an investment cost (aside from human life/weaponry/ etc., which is not recorded here). While reading the Liverpool documents, only one source mentioned the cost of a slave at 13 pounds sterling. This was not sufficient data. The data seen in
the map was derived from a journal called, â&#x20AC;&#x153;What did Africans Get for Their Slaves,â&#x20AC;? that used primary sources to record the various goods that were traded for slaves. I took these values (including about 200 pounds of gunpowder, 230 gallons of rum for a prime male, etc.) and crossreferenced them with accounts in the primary documents from the Liverpool records. The outcome varied significantly between 5 and 15 pounds sterling. I allowed this value to be general in my mapping. Finally, many shipping records and letters to captains recorded three locations at which slaves were stronger and worth more. These included St. Louis (Senegal), West Central Africa, and Wydah. While these locations did not have specific values, I deemed it important to note. Using research from The Zong, a well-researched incident where a captain ordered live slaves to be thrown overboard during a disease outbreak in order to claim insurance money, I established an approximate value for a slave during the crossing. Since this comes from one claim, it cannot be given too much importance. Nonetheless, it is consistent with the values recorded for slave sales that would encourage someone to take insurance money instead of a low sale. While it would have been possible to represent the quantities in pound sterling, I felt that the relevance would have been lost for contemporary audiences. Using a simple online conversion tool, I was given the conversion value in both CAD (1:316.3) and USD (1:236.3) on March 10, 2020. My choice to use USD was to make the map more globally relevant, as CAD loses its comparative relevance once the information crosses a border. For the mapping process, I had to work between generalization and precision, making sure that the data was not dangerously precise nor so general it lost its meaning. I drew wide polygons along the shoreline to make it easier for the reader to recognize the prices along the shorelines. Truly, trade was not happening many kilometers inland, as these buffers may suggest, but directly on the shoreline. However, I opted not to only colorize the shoreline for fear that the color would be too small to see. Unfortunately, the map is limited in scope because certain areas, without color, did not have data available for mapping. However, using a specific data frame that focused the area to the immediate Atlantic world reduced the visibility of these limitations. Representing the data in this manner satisfies my research question by representing the cost of a slave in a way that clarifies the financial value of a slave at every step of the way.
OLIVIA KNULL INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
FOR GOT POLITICS slaves
the political implications of the slave trade
the iroquois confederacy
acadian expulsion bourbon reforms
& the emergence of american democracy
the impact of wars of empire
the politics of a declining empire
R Detail of Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Narratio Regionum Indicarum. A Very True Account of the Destruction of the Indies by the Spanish, 1598, American Museum and Gardens, London, UK
SLAVES & POLITICS THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE SLAVE TRADE The era of the Atlantic slave trade marks one of the most infamous and shocking degradations of humanity the world has known. Over the course of four hundred years, from the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries, racially based justifications for the trade in humans became increasingly dominant. While the slave trade began out of a need for labour in European colonies of the Western Atlantic, greed, power, and ideologies of cultural superiority sustained it. Racial classification was ingrained into European legal, religious, and economic systems, severely reducing the political status of Africans in European societies and justifying the European ideologies of cultural dominance. The era of the slave trade symbolizes the emergence of European ethnocentrism in European-African relations.
Between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, European societies significantly expanded their wealth and their power, while African societies did not share in these growth trends to the same extent. Historians have proposed several reasons for Europe’s comparative political and economic growth in this era, with some attributing Africa’s lack of growth to the slave trade and others viewing the slave trade as a marginal factor. Certainly, the increase in labour for European colonies coupled with the decrease of labour in African societies widened the gap in their productivity levels. The challenge with accurately diagnosing comparative disadvantages in African societies resulting from the slave trade is that the copious historical records explaining the consequences of the slave trade are written from a European perspective; European contemporaries commonly stated that Africans lacked the “faculty for growing up”. These historical records give us an understanding of Europeans’ treatment of and ideologies toward Africans during the slave trade that affected the Atlantic political order. 1
intended to advance the rights of the indigenous peoples, Spanish lawmakers demonstrated ethnocentric superiority: “by nature [indigenous peoples] are inclined to idleness and vice, and have no manner of virtue or doctrine”. In 1542, the Spanish abolished indigenous slavery in the New Laws of the Indies, so that indigenous peoples would not work “against their own will and without their being paid,” but the enforcement of these laws proved to be challenging due to the distance between the metropole (Europe) and the periphery (the New World). 6
Dehumanizing ideologies permeated Europeanestablished slave codes. Code Noir, “The Black Code” of the French essentially forced the Christianization of slaves, requiring that “all the slaves who will be in our [French] Islands will be baptized and instructed in the Catholic, Apostolic,
In recounting the unjust treatment and racist views toward Africans, note that Europeans harboured racist views toward other ethnic groups during this period. Seymour Drescher comments that historical accounts of the eighteenth century “is a voyage through shades of contempt” in which European travelers remarked on the “unnatural” practices of natives of other regions and developed unfavourable stereotypes. Slavery was an established practice in Africa long before contact with Europeans, resulting in a European stereotype of West Africans as a degraded people who sold their “own”. 3
European treatment of indigenous peoples was a precedent for their mindset toward African slaves. The Spanish subjected indigenous peoples to perilous labour, forced their conversion to Catholicism, and inflicted unmentionable punishments upon the insubordinate. The Spanish Laws of Burgos in 1513 replaced the indigenous forced labour of the repartimiento system with a new form of centralized control in the encomienda system. Although the laws were 5
and Roman religion”. French priest Father Jean-Baptiste Labat called slaves “idolaters” and claimed most of the adult slaves to be sorcerers or familiar with magic, sorcery, and poison. In a similar condescending tone, British law in Barbados declared that Africans were “Barbarous, Wild, and Savage Natures, and such as renders them wholly unqualified to be governed by the Laws, Customs, and Practices of [British] Nations”. The British Laws of Barbados additionally provided plantation owners with the authority to chastise, whip, brand, lacerate, cripple, set slaves on fire, or murder them without negative consequences. The steady supply of African slaves to its colonies allowed the British to the view Africans as nothing more than expendable machine parts. The Virginia Slave Codes (1705) specified the nature of slavery and its connection to race: “slaves are the Negroes… they are call’d Slaves, in Respect of the Time of their Servitude, because it is for Life” Under the Virginia codes, a slave master could no longer be prosecuted regardless of 8
Plymouth Chapter of the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade, Stowage of the British slave ship Brookes under the regulated slave trade act of 1788. United States Library of Congress’s Prints and Photographs division
William Blake, The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade (1860), Internet Archive Book Images. Public Domain
the severity of their misdemeanors against their slaves. By instituting slave codes, each of these colonial powers sustained diabolical disparities between the societal roles and rights of the slave and the rights of the free individual. Undoubtedly, some Europeans challenged the morality of these systems. A Jesuit priest, Father Sandoval, wrote to his colleague Brother Luis Brandaon to inquire whether the slaves who had been sent to his region had been legally captured in Africa. Brandaon responded that the exportation of slaves from Africa had been investigated and approved by the Board of Conscience in Lisbon and by the bishops in São Tomé, Cape Verde, and Loando, “all learned and virtuous men”. The classification of the capture and sale of a human being as a “legal” action indicates an acceptance of slavery. Further, Brother Brandaon questioned the moral integrity of Africans slaves: “no negro will ever say he has been captured legally… they will always say that they were stolen and captured illegally, in the hope that they will be given their liberty”. Because those who were invested with authority to uphold justice and morality, religious and political leaders approved the slave trade, racist ideologies against slaves were able to progress. 14
Even white abolitionists could consider Africans as inferior. In William Wilberforce’s address to Parliament, he referred to African civilizations as “very imperfect” and implied that the rulers of these societies would naturally “be tempted by the pressing solicitations of appetite to acts of injustice or oppression. His address painted a negative picture of African societies, where individuals were kidnapped while in their fields or gardens. 16
Documents surviving from the Atlantic slave trade demonstrate a perceived moral, cultural, and religious superiority on the part of European societies. Such attitudes have survived beyond the era of the slave trade; this ideological inheritance has shaped the present political order. We find that when ethnocentrism remains unchecked – as seen in the documents of the Atlantic slave trade – even those with the best of humanitarian intentions are in danger of continuing subtle thoughts of superiority.
MONET LAMPHERE INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
THE IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY
& THE EMERGENCE OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY
In the 1980s and the 1990s, the parallels between the Iroquois Confederacy and the founding of the United States became a topic of debate among historians. The stakes for the debate are high: if the historical evidence points toward an Iroquois influence on the United States founding and Constitution, then American historical narratives must be rewritten to acknowledge the ingenuity of indigenous peoples and to accurately credit influences beyond those glorified in the “founding fathers.”
The Iroquois Confederacy emerged around 1142 (this date is subject to debate), when five nations living near the Great Lakes – the Mohawks, Onondaga, Seneca, Oneida, and Cayuga – united to create a centralized decision-making body for the autonomous tribes. Some scholars consider the claim of such early origins as a “legend,” suggesting that the oral histories recounting the beginnings of the Confederacy provide insufficient evidence for relating Iroquois principles to the foundations of the United States. William N. Fenton asserts that the “legend” of the Confederacy’s origins was fabricated and recorded by Iroquois nationalists seeking to use ancient laws to justify their own local government. These ethnocentric views dangerously minimize the legitimacy of information passed down through Keepers [oral historians], challenging the accuracy of indigenous methods of recording history and the origins of the Iroquois Confederacy. At the least, the Hiawatha Wampum Belt provides a visual record for the creation of the Iroquois Confederacy. 18
Who founded the United States? Those familiar with American history will cite the nation’s founding fathers such as Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson. It may come as a shock to hear that the ideological foundations of the American system of government include indigenous geniuses (try saying this five times fast). Indeed, tribes belonging to the Iroquois Confederacy lived in societies organized into a federalist system closely resembling the democratic thoughts entrenched in the American Constitution.
By AlbanyGroup Archive
The historical and ideological parallels between the Iroquois Constitution and the American Constitution demonstrate a connection between the Iroquois Confederacy and the aspirations of colonial political thinkers who sought an alternative political structure for the new nation. Terri Hansen outlines the Iroquois concepts which the Constitution adopted, including: Confederacy members could only hold one office in the Confederacy and would be removed for misdemeanors; the designation of two branches of legislature; and the balance of power in government. As a Confederacy, Iroquois tribes redefined themselves under a unified identity as “one extended cabin” or “one family” while maintaining local autonomy, much like the national identity that emerged with the uniting of the colonies. Colonial scholar and political leader Cadwallader Colden directly observed that the representative positions in the Confederacy were characterized by meritocracy, public consensus, and relative lack of wealth to ensure that political representation was used for the good of the people. Similarly, the U.S. Constitution aimed to establish appointed representatives for each of the colonies. 22
Some scholars argue that the connection between the U.S. Constitution and the Iroquois 56
By Matthew Pratt, 1772
Confederacy trivializes the influence of European exemplars such as Magna Carta and the Roman Republic. To this, Johansen responds that the Iroquois did not provide the singular model for the U.S. Constitution, but were one among several models that shaped the ideology of the innovative document. The Constitutional authors did not merely copy the Iroquois framework. Rather, their shared knowledge and perceptions of American indigenous societies influenced their drafting of the first documents. Contemporaries praised the efficacy of the Iroquois Confederacy; Colden maintained a detailed account outlining the complex governance of the Five Nations in order to convince the British toward an alliance. 25
into one republic was inﬂuenced by the political system developed by the Iroquois Confederacy as were many of the democratic principles which were incorporated into the constitution itself ”. Publicly acknowledging the Iroquois influence adjusts the U.S. historical national narrative to admit ideas borrowed from non-European cultures. 31
Iroquois leaders intermingled with the founding theorists of American democracy, including Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, who both preferred Iroquois egalitarian ideals over European principles of “hammer over anvil”. Franklin’s 1754 Albany Plan of Union was attended by Iroquois representatives and served dual purposes: to draft a plan for colonial union under a representative body using the same title as the Iroquois “Grand Council,” and to conduct business with indigenous nations. Johansen suggests that this assembly would have facilitated the exchange of ideas on governance. Grinde goes so far as to assert that the Iroquois provided the rebellious colonists with an alternative identity, providing the example of the Sons of Liberty who infamously disguised themselves as natives and dumped tea into the Boston harbor. 27
The deliberate parallels between the Iroquois Confederacy and the governance of the early United States appears infrequently in history textbooks. In 1988, the U.S. Senate passed a resolution accrediting the inspiration of the Iroquois. The resolution explicitly states: “The confederation of the original Thirteen Colonies
The Wampum Belt of the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois), also known as the Hiawatha Belt
As evidenced in primary documents and the work of historians, the Iroquois and the political thinkers in the emerging United States undoubtedly intermingled. The extent to which the Iroquois directly influenced early U.S. governance will remain unresolved due to the absence of irrefutable historical evidence. However, we can safely assume that the Iroquois are worthy of being recognized as contributors to the establishment of democratic principles in the United States. Recounting the political influence of the Iroquois upon the United States’ founders allows misconceptions of indigenous systems to be replaced with an appreciative understanding of the traditions, which impacted, to some degree, the political thought of a young nation whose governance persists under the Constitution today.
MONET LAMPHERE INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAJOR
THE IMPACT OF WARS OF EMPIRE
The Acadian Deportation/Le Grand Derangement (1755-1763), which began during the French and Indian War (1754-1763) -- the North American Theatre of the Seven Years War (1756-1763) -- epitomized the political rivalry of France and Great Britain. The history of the fight for this geographically important territory began with The Charter of Acadia (1603), given to Pierre de Gast by King Henri IV. It introduced loyal French settlers to what is now Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island. The peninsula where Acadia was established was geographically situated between two politically important colonies: New France, governed by France, and New England, governed by Britain. Acadians used farming skills learned in France to transform the landscape of Acadia and formed tightknit communities with traditional values. In particular, they used dykes to convert the swampy landscape into arable land. Researchers note that â&#x20AC;&#x153;the Acadians considered Acadia, not France, their homeland,â&#x20AC;? making 32
this population of Francophones distinct from the Francophone populations in New France. The inhabitants of Acadia made the territory their home through heavy labour. Acadians were effective farmers and their lands were abundant in livestock, orchards, and grains. They also mixed their customs with those of the local Indigenous Mi’kmaq people, all the while remaining loyal to their Catholic beliefs. The community was built upon the values of the indigenous peoples with principles informed by Catholic traditions. Altogether, this gave rise to the Acadians’ individual sense of identity connected to their homeland of Acadia, not France.
This identity meant that changes in territorial claims over Acadia resulting from the seventeenth and eighteenth-century wars of empire between France and Great Britain did not have a significant impact on the daily experience of Acadians. The Treaty of Ryswick (1697) outlined the geographic importance of the peninsula of Acadia, noting the strategic importance of the territory to competing empires, and recognized French control of the colony. The end of the War of Spanish Succession (1701-1714) and the signing of the Treaty of Utrecht (1713) saw control of Acadia pass from France to Britain and Acadia became Nova Scotia. The recorded Acadian population of Nova Scotia at the time of the treaty was estimated at 2,000 “French” neutral inhabitants. The Treaty of Utrecht demanded that the inhabitants of the peninsula swear loyalty to the British crown, a formality that the Acadians refused. While Acadians had their own sense of identity rooted in a connection to their homeland, their respected priests still taught loyalty to France. And, while they maintained they were a neutral people, the British considered them a military threat as long as they refused to swear loyalty to the British Crown.
The deportation of the Acadiens from Grand-Pré, Nova Scotia, by George Craig, 1893
The growing population of the Acadians threatened the British, whose relationship with the French empire remained tense; the British viewed the Acadians as representing the French. This is evident in the restrictions in the Treaty of Utrecht that required the Acadians to surrender their fishing rights, except along one designated coastline, and prohibited the construction of French fortresses. The British insistence on their authority over the livelihood of the Acadians threatened Acadian neutrality. They prized their autonomy and their ability to live in good relationship with their English neighbours. They maintained, however, that they were unwilling to swear allegiance to one sovereign, either French or British.
This sense of distrust was a two-way street. The British authorities, concerned about the trustworthiness of the Acadians in such a strategic location, especially after the War of the Austrian Succession (1744-48), began to insist 59
that the Acadians sign an unconditional oath of allegiance to Britain. Mistrust based on decades of refusal to swear allegiance to Britain was amplified in 1754 and 1755 as Britain and France became embroiled in of yet another war of empire in North America. This solidified the British decision to expel a population viewed as a security threat. In 1755, the year the expulsion began, the recorded number of Acadians living in Nova Scotia was approximately 12,000, a number the British considered overwhelming. Nova Scotia Governor Charles Lawerence issued the deportation order on 11 August 1755. In a letter of instruction to Lieutenant Colonel Winslow, Lawerence documented the colonies to which the British were to transport the Acadians: 500+ Acadians were banished to North Carolina, 1,000 were transported Virginia, and between 500 and 2,000 were resettled in Maryland. The British army was ordered to secure Nova Scotia as a British strongpoint against New France. In the process, soldiers forcibly removed Acadians from 36
their homes and burned their homes and crops. Between 1755 and 1763, approximately 10,000 Acadians were deported from Nova Scotia. They were shipped around the Atlantic; some escaped to Cape Breton and New France; many perished from drowning and disease. Vacated lands were then settled by colonists from New England, known as the New England Planters, who solidified British authority over the territory. In 1764, when Acadians were permitted to return, they settled far from their former homes. Many remained in far-flung parts of the Atlantic world. Despite their dispersal and the cruel treatment they endured, Acadians retained their unique identity. Le Grand DĂŠrangement remains an example of the lengths European powers would go in their battle for empire.
BOURBON REFORMS THE POLITICS OF A DECLINING EMPIRE
The long eighteenth century introduced new modes of thinking into the Atlantic world, impacting the political systems of the Spanish Empire. Enlightenment rationalism and absolutism encouraged several essential reforms in the Spanish Empire’s Latin American colonies. These changes have become known as the Bourbon Reforms (approx. 1700-1803). A drastic power shift induced by the Bourbon reforms led to the creation of new viceroyalties, provinces, and intendancies through which the crown asserted stricter authority over its colonies. Greater political control enhanced the crown’s economic power; this was extended by the expulsion of religious orders that the crown considered threatening to the empire’s political and financial stability. While the reforms increased colonial revenue, they also challenged existing ways of life and the identities of Spanish settlers and Indigenous Americans. In order to strengthen its authority over its colonies, especially the colonial elites, Spain implemented a number of administrative reforms to centralize government. In 1717, King Phillip V (1683-1746) began with the creation of the Viceroyalty of New Granada in northern South America. To promote and protect the uniformity of political and fiscal affairs, the Spanish crown also created provinces within its viceroyalties including Guatemala, Mexico, and Paraguay.Simple administrative Prince Philip of France, Duke of Anjou, grandson of King Louis IV of France, and future King Philip V of Spain. By Joseph Vivien, c. 1700, Louvre Museum, Public domain changes, such as the appointment of new Spanish governors, changed the political nature of the states and broke down the sense of civic identity within communities. The reorganization helped to address the revenue that the Spanish monarchy had been losing in the area that became New Granada. The district was notorious for its high levels of contraband commerce that benefitted merchants but not the administration. Administered from Bogotá, the creation of New Granada facilitated faster communications, streamlined bureaucracy, and buttressed mercantilism to secure the empire’s trade authority and to solidify political unity between the jurisdiction and Spain. To preserve the wealth and economic stability of its colonies, the provincial governors implemented rigid legal training, tax-increases, and created colonial militias for defence. 38
The most notable feature of the reign of King Carlos (Charles) III (1716-1788) of Spain was his successful legislation of economic reform. During his reign, the royal coffers increased annually, bringing comprehensive success to the metropole. To compensate for previous inadequate Hapsburg monarchs, the Bourbon rulers initiated new processes of recruiting and training civil officials. These civil officials served as viceroyalty intendants, governors, and presidents, overseeing uniform tax reforms in the provinces such as the establishment of the alcabala or sales tax in 1728. Within the 17291730 fiscal year, Guatemalaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s revenue from the alcabala was recorded as 24,302 pesos. It steadily increased; by 1761-1762, the yearly alcabala was 38, 892 pesos. Economic reforms significantly improved financial prosperity and stability. After further changes in 1758, Spain received an annual payment averaging 18,500 pesos, and colonial inhabitants saw the increase of manufacturing jobs to combat poverty. Governing officials wanted to ensure a steady production of goods, such as sugar and they frowned upon supplemental aid for those in poverty. 41
A significant reform began on 5 April 1777 when King Carlos III ordered the banishment of the Society of Jesus from Spanish Latin America. The Jesuit missionaries were considered too independent and a threat to the authority of the Viceregal offices within the provinces, disrupting unity gained by the reforms and threatening economic progress. By promoting religious beliefs that were different from secular authorities, the crown believed that the Jesuits undermined Spanish rule and had incited riots. The royal decree ordered the expulsion of Jesuits from the Viceroyalties of Peru, New Spain, and New Granada. The goal of the removal was â&#x20AC;&#x153;to maintain insubordination, tranquillity, and justice my peoples and urgent, necessary justices that I serve in my Royal spirit by using the supreme economic authority which the Almighty has given me to protect my subjects.â&#x20AC;? The expulsion of the Jesuits from Spanish America had long-lasting economic effects, particularly 43
where Jesuit missions or reductions had become prominent in indigenous communities. For instance, the dissolution of the reductions led to the dispersal and enslavement of Guaranis, who lived and worked at Jesuit missions. The political dominance of the Spanish Empire was dependent on its Latin American colonies, which funded the expansion of the empire in the seventeenth century and the wars of empire in the eighteenth century. Against the backdrop of the Enlightenment, the Spanish crown
implemented the Bourbon Reforms to tighten political and administrative control of its empire. Economic reforms worked to extract more money from colonists and colonial commodities; in turn, these funds helped to expand and fortify colonial frontiers. Politically re-organized viceroyalties, provinces, and intendancies exemplify the importance of centralization to Bourbon rulers. By replacing creole officials at every level with peninsulares (Spanish-born men), Bourbon monarchs hoped to ensure greater loyalty and obedience from officials in the colonies. They did not foresee the resentments their reforms would generate among those for whom the western Atlantic colonies had always been home.
LILLIAN RENE HISTORY MAJOR Felipe V de EspaĂąa e Isabel de Farnesio, reyes de EspaĂąa, 1743 (King Philip V of Spain and his wife Isabel), by Louis-Michel van Loo, Public Domain
FOR GOT POPULAR CULTURE atlantic apocalypse
origins of the “zombie”
piracy in modern culture
real or romantic historical figures?
The Walking TV Show
ATLANTIC APOCALYPSE ORIGINS OF THE “ZOMBIE” The entertainment industry is an important element in the ways people interact with one another today. Pop culture dominates the ways we understand our past and present. While this can expose consumers to interesting and unknown historical narratives, it can also disseminate misunderstandings of cultural icons. Consider the modern adaptation and idea of the ghouling zombie, so popular in film and television today. Few people understand the very real history of zombies and the crucial role they played in the Atlantic world of slaves and slave masters. The idea of the zombie emerged in Saint Domingue (present-day Haiti). The brutality of slavery on the sugar plantations in the French colony had resulted in high suicide rates among slaves. Slave owners and slave traders began to ask, “What sort of ‘fear-factor’ can we establish to cease this behaviour?” What developed was the idea behind the undead, brain-eating monsters 1
that we see in films and television programs today. The slave owners of Saint Domingue used zombies as a fear tactic to scare slaves away from escaping slavery through suicide. The idea originally emerged within Saint Domingue voodoo culture. It was believed that vodoun practitioners called “Bokors” could transform a slave who had ended their life into a brainless undead creature, without soul or mind, who would be forced to obey the Bokor’s every command. The severing of the body from its soul was called “zombification,” and the resulting creature was called “Zonbi’’ or “Zombi.” Severed souls were believed to be stored within bottles and kept safe by the Bokor. The Bokor also controlled the only way for the Zombi to be freed – by breaking the bottle holding the soul. The threat of such an existence had the desired effect of reducing suicide rates among slaves. 2
Filmmakers began to be obsessed with the possibility of a soulless creature that would obey its makerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s every command. The idea of the modern day zombie first appeared in the 1921 German film Das Cabinet des Dr. Caligari, in English known as The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari, directed by Robert Wiene. The zombies within this film exhibited the basic characteristics of the original myth: a unique lumbering gait, lack of higher cognitive ability, and a devout obedience to another individual. This idea of the obedient, brain-dead creature gained popularity in the film industry as a result of Dr. Caligari. As it developed, the concept lost a connection to its origins and history. Other early films such as The Night of the Living Dead (1968) made it clear that these creatures were the undead â&#x20AC;&#x201C; individuals who had once been living, but had lost their souls and would forever roam as mere physical entities rather than spiritual ones. 4
The idea of the Zombie snowballed, gaining fictional characteristics over time. Cannibalism became a popular and key component of the Zombie. Many began to see racial and cultural changes, such as the shift of the Zombie from its Haitain centred myth to the Zombie as a North American creature. In this shift, Zombies became racially white. Though the original myth and representation accurately followed its Haitiain origins, Western culture claimed this idea as their own. 5
The American film industry became fascinated with this notion of the undead, and Zombies took their place alongside other famous, (or infamous,) horror figures like the Vampire or Werewolf. As time progressed, film directors, television program producers, and video game developers integrated their own concepts and interpretations of the character. Warm Bodies (2013) presented Zombies as the same cannibalistic 6
by David Walter
Nicole Arbour Walking Dead Special FX Makeup Tutorial
The Walking Dead Comics
and brainless creatures presented in Night of the Living Dead, however, they were now also given human characteristics and the ability to revert to “undead-ness” and come back to life. The Walking Dead (2010) portrayed these creatures as more animal-like rather than undead or human-like. And, in the 2014 story based game, The Last of Us, Zombies were depicted as “infected,” humans who were not actually dead, but possessed by a “zombie parasite,” a virus that grew as a fungus on the brain and took over the physical body. Zombies have also been used as an apocalyptic response to current-day struggles. In many cases, different narratives use Zombies or a Zombie apocalypse to explain history, political struggles, and even social epidemics. 7
Though this important cultural narrative has undergone extensive editing and generations of reimagination, the idea of the Zombie, both past and present, is an important element in raising awareness for public health. Melissa Nasiruddin shows that Zombies in pop culture have recently been utilized to increase awareness of public health. One way the idea of the zombie has become dramatically transformed is seen within a few recently developed video game concepts, such as The Last of Us where zombies are simply the result of a pandemic. A very similar concept is
also seen in I Am Legend (2007), where the focus of the film is the journey towards discovering a vaccine to cure the infected zombiism. Nasiruddin argues that these concepts are helpful to allow us to consider urgent public health issues and how we should react to them. 8
Changing characteristics and narratives reflect the way that History is written as narratives are often defined by those with the most powerful voices. The history of the Zombie and its portrayal from platform to platform reflects the different ways historical events are told based on those who hold the power to tell them. Many elements of pop culture today are rooted in historical events connected to an overriding concept of power. In much the same way that Haitian slaves were dominated by white slave-owners obsessed with instilling fear through myths, articles of pop culture are today dominated by a seemingly superior white American culture. American pop culture has erased the history of slavery from Zombies; understanding Zombies within the context of slavery in the Atlantic world world helps us to restore this forgotten history.
ERIN KEHLER HISTORY MAJOR
Consider the modern adaptation and idea of the ghouling zombie, so popular in film and television today. Few people understand the very real history of zombies and the crucial role they played in the Atlantic world of slaves and slave masters. The idea of the zombie emerged in Saint Domingue (present-day Haiti). The brutality of slavery on the sugar plantations in the French colony had resulted in high suicide rates among slaves. Slave owners and slave traders began to ask, “What sort of ‘fear-factor’ can we establish to cease this behaviour?” What developed was the idea behind the undead, brain-eating mon
Advertising Image: Pirates of the Caribbean – Movie
The entertainment industry is an important element in the ways people interact with one another today. Pop culture dominates the ways we understand our past and present. While this can expose consumers to interesting and unknown historical narratives, it can also disseminate misunderstandings of cultural icons.
Pirates of the Caribbean: twentieth highest grossing franchise in hollywood, with an accumulated worldwide box office of $ 4.5 billion dollars
PIRACY IN MODERN CULTURE REAL OR ROMANTIC HISTORICAL FIGURES? INTRODUCTION AND POPULAR MEDIA
The romanticization of modern pirates is no surprise. Who doesn’t like swashbuckling men and women standing up to the establishment, having a jolly good time pillaging and raiding? With popular movie series Pirates of the Caribbean to classic animated movies like Peter Pan or the Japanese animated series One Piece, with well over 900 episodes, it is obvious that people are fascinated with pirates. Modern pirates are viewed as terrorists. Why are ‘Golden Age’ pirates from the 1690s to 1720s romanticized and glorified for entertainment? What images seen in modern pirate movies are an extrapolation of myths or facts, recast from the pirates of the past? Historical pirates have been transformed into the cultural phenomena portrayed in popular culture today through the meshing together of fact and fiction, creating the adventure-seeking pirates we know so well today.
There are three texts that had a major impact on our understanding of pirates:The Buccaneers of America (1678), The King of Pirates (1719), and A General History of the Pirates (1724). The last is arguably the most notable. A General History of the Pirates was written by Captain Charles Johnson, whose identity remains a mystery. While there is speculation that Johnson was an alias of Daniel Defoe, the author of the fictional The King of Pirates, we may never know for certain. Whoever he was, Captain Johnson released a subsequent book full of glorious accounts of piracy; most of these accounts were straight fiction. These books and stories became wildly popular throughout the Atlantic world. All of them were partly fictional; some were purely fictional. How do we now differentiate fact from fiction? Records continue to surface validating claims of some, while disproving others. 9
LITERATURE BETWEEN GOLDEN AGE AND MODERN AGE
One thing we know for certain is that the books and stories written during the golden age of piracy (1650-1720) were not purely
fiction. They were written in the era of pirates, still making them some of the most accurate accounts we can find about the life of a pirate about three-hundred years ago. There are many truths in these accounts of life upon pirate ships; pirate society was not as utopian as some authors make it out to be (particularly Johnson). In some cases life was better on a pirate ship than on a Royal Navy ship, but it also came with a higher risk. No matter who you served, pay was often meager and living conditions abhorrent; life expectancy was short and much of the crew was in their twenties or early thirties. While pirate stories continued to pop up over time (such as The Corsair in 1814), no tale had an impact similar to Treasure Island published in 1883. It was directly influenced by A General History of the Pirates. The immense popularity of this fictional novel sparked the surge of the pirate media and literature we see today. Treasure Island introduced peg legs, treasure maps, and talking parrots, all features of portrayals of pirates today. The novel overturned nineteenth-century depictions of pirates as treacherous, homicidal alcoholics, offering jollier, more family-friendly pirates. 14
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INTRO TO PRIMARY SOURCES
BEGINNING OF MODERN FILMS AND VISUAL STEREOTYPES
As the era of film began (early 1900s), pirates appeared on the big screen, often in that familyfriendly form. In the stages of silent film, Charles Stanton Ogle, created the image of a pirate we have today, playing the pirate in the lost film Treasure Island (1920). As sound was added, so too were the famous sounds we associate with pirates. The actor Robert Newton, who appeared in several of these early pirate films (best known for Blackbeard the Pirate  and Disney’s Treasure Island released 1950), is responsible for stereotypical pirate talk like “aarrr.” Screenplays transitioned over the decades. Where the pirate in Treasure Island (1883) is a complex villain, film adaptations began portraying pirates more as rosy-cheeked, mischief-makers that sailed around
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Blackbeard, historical character, in the movie Pirates of the Caribbean
Blackbeard, historical character, in the movie Pan
in search for treasure, often being cunning when needed, but often foolish or inept. This shift in presentation made pirates appealing to multiple audiences, especially children and teenagers, as seen in Disney’s sequel to Treasure Island (1950), Long John Silver (1954), and the miniseries spinoff, The Adventures of Long John Silver (1954) viewed on children’s afternoon television. All in all, dozens of movies and TV adaptations have been made based on the plot of the original Treasure Island. MODERN TELEVISION AND MEDIA
In the span of roughly one hundred years, the evil pirate out for blood had become a handsome, daring, funny, and mysterious pirate, as seen in movies such as The Princess Bride (1987). 70
Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s pirate programs focus on the fun, adventurous, and free aspects of pirates, as seen in in Veggie Tales, Muppets, and Tinkerbell specials and the television series Jake and the Neverland Pirates. For teens and adults, the Pirates of the Caribbean franchise washed away many of the objectionable qualities (alongside many historical truths) of pirates to appropriate them into our conventional structures today. That said, popular fiction such as this has spurred on continued research into the true pirates throughout the ages. 18
The pirates we see reflected in popular culture today are not the pirates of the Atlantic world. The attraction of the mythical pirate is understandable. Seventeenth and eighteenth-century pirates as represented in popular culture today are adventurers living outside oppressive state systems. They live the dream with unrestrained liberty, making them appear as the cornerstone for rebellion, especially for younger audiences. Historical pirates chose between the devil and the deep blue sea, a life of piracy that was dangerous and short, but free of oppression by the state, merchant ships, or the Royal Navy. The modernly romanticized pirate may be more fiction than fact, but the idea that such people lived such a unique way of life on the high seas is fascinating to ponder. 19
ENDNOTES PEOPLE Nzinga Mbembe, “Letters to the King of Portugal,” in The Human Record: Sources of Global History, volume II, Since 1500, ed. Alfred J. Andrea and James H. Overfield (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2012), 82. 2 Frances Karttunen, “Rethinking Malinche,” in Indian Women of Early Mexico, ed. Susan Schroeder, Stephanie Wood, and Robert Haskett (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), 291 – 312. 3 Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, 1517-1521, trans. A. P. (1585; repr.,New York: Noonday Press, 1965), chapters 22-23. 4 Linda M. Heywood, Njinga of Angola: Africa’s Warrior Queen (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017), 51. 5 Alexander I. Bortolot, “Women Leaders in African History: Ana Nzinga, Queen of Ndongo.” Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, October 2003. https://www.metmuseum.org/ toah/hd/pwmn_2/hd_pwmn_2.htm. 6 Matthew Wills, “Sor Juana: Founding Mother of Mexican Literature,” JSTOR Daily. 28 June 2019. Retrieved from: https://daily.jstor.org/sor-juana-founding-mother-of-mexican-literature/. 7 Stephanie Merrim, “Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz,” Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/ biography/Sor-Juana-Ines-de-la-Cruz. 8 Center for Latin American Studies, Vanderbilt University, “Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz.” 27 March 2020, https://cdn.vanderbilt.edu/vu-wp0/wp-content/uploads/sites/99/2017/06/09201228/Sor-Juana-Ines-de-laCruz.pdf. 9 Avonelle Pauline Remy, “Infiltrating the colonial city through the imaginaries of Metissage: Saint-Louis (Senegal), Saint-Pierre (Martinique) and Jeremie (Haiti).” (PhD thesis: University of Iowa, 2015), 84. 10 Donald R. Wright, The World and a Very Small Place in Africa: A History of Globalization in Niumi, the Gambia (London: Routledge, 2018), 106. 11 Alison D. Hirsch, “The Celebrated Madame Montour: Interpretess Across Early American Frontiers,” Explorations in Early American Culture 4 (2000): 82. 12 “Thomas Thistlewood Papers,” James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. https://archives.yale.edu/repositories/11/resources/1050 13 Polovna Jean-Baptiste, “To Have and to Own Until Death do Us Part.”https://scholar.library.miami.edu/ slaves/womens_resistance/individual_essays/polovna.html 14 Jean-Baptiste, “To Have and to Own Until Death do Us Part.”. 15 Marisa Fuentes, “Power and Historical Figuring: Rachael Pringle Polgreen’s Troubled Archive,” Gender and History 22, no. 3 (2010): 564-584. 16 Marisa Fuentes, Dispossessed Lives: Enslaved Women, Violence and the Archive. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016). 17 Arthur Huff Fauset, “Negro Folk Tales from the South (Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana).” The Journal of American Folklore 40, no. 157 (1927): 213-303. 18 Royal Museums Greenwich. “Nicholas Pocock Collection: 1740-1821.” Retrieved from: https://www. rmg.co.uk/discover/behind-the-scenes/blog/collections-online-nicholas-pocock-1740-1821. 19 Walter E. Minchinton, “Richard Champion, Nicholas Pocock, and the Carolina Trade,” The South Carolina Historical Magazine 65, no. 2 (1964): 87-97. www.jstor.org/stable/27566511. 1
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2019), jornaldeangola.sapo.ao/economia/luanda-velha-cria-roteiro-turistico 28 Roquinaldo Amaral Ferreira, Cross-Cultural Exchange in the Atlantic World Angola and Brazil during the Era of the Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 32-46. 29 Joseph Miller, Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), 25. 30 Onwuka N. Njoku, Mbundu: African People (New York: Rosen Publishing Group, 1997), 38-39. 31 Miller, Way of Death, 22-25. 32 José C. Curto, Álcool e Escravos: O Comércio Luso-Brasileiro do Álcool em Mpinda, Luanda e Benguela durante o Tráfico Atlântico de Escravos (c. 1480-1830) e o Seu Impacto nas Sociedades da África Central Ocidental (Lisbon: Editora Vulgada, 2002), 143-147. 33 D.L. Hamilton and Robyn Woodward, “A Sunken 17th-century City: Port Royal, Jamaica,” Archaeological Institute of America 37, no. 1 (1984): 41. 34 Robert M. Poole, “What Became of the Taíno?” Smithsonian Magazine, October 2011, (Accessed April 1st, 2020). https://www.smithsonianmag.com/travel/what-became-of-the-taino-73824867/ 35 Poole, “What Became of the Taíno?” 36 Hamilton and Woodward, “A Sunken 17th-century City,” 41. 37 UNESCO, “The Underwater City of Port Royal”, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, March 2, 2009, https://whc.unesco.org/en/tentativelists/5430/ 38 Charles Leslie. A New and Exact History of Jamaica,1739. Web format. Reproduction of original from British Library, Digital Archive provided by McMaster University Library, 37. (Accessed April 1st, 2020). http://digitalarchive.mcmaster.ca/islandora/object/macrepo%3A27067#page/22/mode/2up 39 Hamilton and Woodward, “A Sunken 17th-century City,” 42. 40 British Gazette, “An Account of EARTHQUAKES: A Description of a dreadful Earthquake, that happened at PORT ROYAL in JAMAICA, on June the 7th, 1692”. March 6, 1756. Jamaica Port Royal, Fiwi Roots Project. (Accessed April 1st, 2020). https://fiwiroots.com/portroyal/newspaper.html 41 Julie Jersyk, “Cusabo,” Gale Encyclopedia of Native American Tribes. Vol. 1. (Detroit: Gale Research, 1998), 425. 42 Courtney Danforth, “A Charleston Love Story,” American Studies Program, University of Virginia, December 1997. (Accessed March 20th, 2020). 43 Joseph A. Opala, “The Gullah: Rice, Slavery, and the Sierra Leone-American Connection,” The Gilder Lehrman Center for the Study of Slavery, Resistance, and Abolition, Yale University, September 2014. (Accessed March 15th 2020). 44 Neal D. Polhemus. “Settlement, Trade, and Conflicts in Colonial South Carolina,” Lowcountry Digital History Initiative, University of South Carolina, June 2014 (Accessed March 16th, 2020). 45 J.D Lewis, “A History of Charles Town, South Carolina,” Charleston Public Library. 46 Danforth, “A Charleston Love Story.” 47 Jennie Fant Holton, The Travelers’ Charleston: Accounts of Charleston and Lowcountry, South Carolina, 1666-1861 (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 2016). 48 Lindsay S. Butler, “Blackbeard,” South Carolina Encyclopedia. University of South Carolina, Institute for Southern Studies. May 17th, 2016, (Accessed March 16th, 2020). 49 Emma Hart, “Charleston,” Oxford Bibliographies. August 26, 2013. (Accessed March 15th 2020). 50 Kay Lewis, A Curse Upon the Nation: Race, Freedom, and Extermination in America and the Atlantic World (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2017), 53. 51 Opala, “The Gullah.” 52 Waldseemüller, Martin. Universalis cosmographia secundum Ptholomaei traditionem et Americi Vespucii aliorumque lustrationes. (Strasbourg, 1507). Map. https://www.loc.gov/item/2003626426/. 53 William Boelhower. “Cartographic Practices: Depicting the Mundus Novus and the New Oceanic
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POLITICS William Hardy, “Riches & Misery: The Consequences of The Atlantic Slave Trade,” Open University, last modified 1 March 2019, https://www.open.edu/openlearn/history-the-arts/history/riches-misery-theconsequences-the-atlantic-slave-trade. 2 Basil Davidson, The African Slave Trade (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1980), 25-26. 3 Seymour Drescher, “The Ending of the Slave Trade and the Evolution of European Scientific Racism,” in The Atlantic Slave Trade Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe, eds. Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman (Durham: Duke University Press, 1992), 365. 4 Drescher, “The Ending of the Slave Trade,” 365. 5 Francisco Macías, “The Laws of Burgos: 500 Years of Human Rights,” Library of Congress, last modified 27 December 2012, https://blogs.loc.gov/law/2012/12/the-laws-of-burgos-500-years-of-human-rights/. 6 The Laws of Burgos 1512-1513, accessed 2 April 2020 from http://faculty.smu.edu/bakewell/ BAKEWELL/texts/burgoslaws.html. 7 New Laws of the Indies for the Good Treatment and Preservation of the Indians, 1542, accessed 2 April 2020, https://faculty.chass.ncsu.edu/slatta/hi216/documents/newlaws.htm. 8 Code Noir, 1685, “Le Code Noir ou recueil des reglements rendus jusqu’a present” (Paris: Prault, 1767), 1
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POPULAR CULTURE History.com Editors, “Zombies,” https://www.history.com/topics/folklore/history-of-zombies. Accessed March 11, 2020. 2 Melissa Nasiruddin et al., “Zombies--A Pop Culture Resource for Public Health Awareness,” Emerging Infectious Diseases 19 (2013): 809. 3 Nasiruddin, “Zombies - A Pop Culture Resource,” 809. 4 Nasiruddin, “Zombies - A Pop Culture Resource,” 809. 5 Elizabeth McAlister, “Slaves, Cannibals, and Infected Hyper-Whites: The Race and Religion of Zombies,” Anthropological Quarterly 85 (2012): 469. 6 McAlister, “Slaves, Cannibals, and Infected Hyper-Whites,” 473. 7 Sarah Juliet Lauro, The Transatlantic Zombie: Slavery, Rebellion, and Living Death (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2015), 115. 8 Nasiruddin “Zombies—A Pop Culture Resource,” 813. 9 A. O. [Alexandre Oliver] Exquemelin, History of the Buccaneers of America (Bucaniers of America) (London: Printed for William Crooke, 1684), Text Creation Partnership. http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ A39081.0001.001. 10 Daniel Defoe, The King of Pirates: Being an Account of the Famous Enterprises of Captain Avery, the Mock King of Madagascar (W. Boreham in Pater-Noster Row, 1720), https://www.gutenberg.org/ 1
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