Page 1

An undergraduate student journal – Volume 2

Edited by Fiona Handley and Nicole McNab

Table of Contents 2 Foreword Yaz El-Hakim, Director of Learning and Teaching


ALFRED: The Students’ Perspective

22 Why has the Solid Democratic South become the Solid Republican South?

Martin Carter

3 Editorial

27 The Influence of Neoconservativism on the George W. Bush Administration’s Policies towards Iraq

Seb Miell, Winchester Student Union President

Fiona J. L. Handley

Reports 5  Conference Report: The International Student Conference, Riga, Latvia, 18th21st May 2010.

Harriet Bellotte, Rachel Moore and Lucy Fox

7 The Archaeology of an Oxfordshire Village: An interim report

David Ashby

12 It’s a WRAP! Students experience the reality of research Vanessa Harbour with Joanna Longden, Hannah Golanski, Matt Elphick, Hugo Griffiths, Cara Wilson and Caroline Wraw

Papers 17 Does the Election of Barack Obama Signal the Success of the Civil Rights Movement?

Cherie Easter

Caterina Perlini

32 Jesus the Posterboy? Healthy models for masculinity in the 21st century

Stacie Eriksson

37  The Influence of Employment Equity Legislation on Human Resource Management in South Africa

Kimberley Fotheringham

43 How Appropriate is it for a Coach to Provide Sport Psychology Support to Athletes?

Ellen Shepherd

48  Mapping the British Isles with ‘Heart’ and ‘Head’: Exploring the relationship between children’s emotions and their maps

Octavia Chave

53  A Case Study of the Amnesty International UK Campaign, ‘No Recourse’: No Safety, 2008/9

Andrew Pilley


Preface It is clear that the University of Winchester has quality embedded within all its faculties, departments and services. However, the unsung heroes of the institution’s quality are the students. Students, who have been inspired by their lecturers, subject or research and have gone on to produce innovative or excellent pieces of work. The dissemination of this work has gone on within programmes to differing extents for some time, but ALFRED draws on all faculties of the University to create a community of practice, where research on different subjects by people of different backgrounds can be brought together.

Clarke, William Sheward, Carol Smith and Keith Wilkinson) who nominated their students’ work. Finally, congratulations again to Dr Fiona Handley (University Research and Teaching Fellow) and Nicole McNab (Student Researcher), for all their hard work in compiling and editing another fantastic edition of ALFRED.

Ultimately, the philosophy of ALFRED is to acknowledge good quality and hard work by celebrating it to student peers and staff from across the University. The high standard of work in this second edition means that I am confident that those students who have worked so hard to get papers included will be exceptionally pleased with the result. It should also be noted that although pieces had to be selected in line with the journal’s aims all the work submitted was of a very high standard, and all those who sent in papers in should feel justifiably proud.

ALFRED: The Students’ perspective

It is a pleasure and a privilege to publish not only the excellent examples of research, but also the work of students who have won national writing awards, have been accepted to present the findings of their work at international student conferences or have run their own research projects. It is exactly these experiences which help individuals grow and develop their academic skills.

I encourage all students to strive to the best of their abilities, and to continue to make use of the opportunity of showcasing their work to the whole student body and to potential employers, giving themselves a head start in this competitive current market.

I would like to thank all the students who contributed to ALFRED 2, including those whose work we could not publish, and those members of staff (Audrey Chamberlain, Helen


Yaz El Hakim Director of Learning and Teaching

This undergraduate student journal represents the high quality of work that University of Winchester students continue to produce. Following on from last year’s publication, these students have every right to be proud of the work that they have achieved. The Student Union recognises ALFRED as a model for new and existing students seeking top marks in their assessments and as an example of the resources and expertise that the University provides to help produce work of this calibre.

A big thank you to those who have made it possible for the consistent success of this project and long may it continue! Seb Miell, Winchester Student Union President

Editorial Fiona Handley

ALFRED 2 is the second edition of the University of Winchester’s undergraduate student journal, which celebrates and disseminates the excellent work of our students. The shared pursuit of scholarly goals is core to the ethos of the University, and nurturing the research community here is one way of making sure that research and teaching have a healthy symbiotic relationship. Giving students the opportunity to participate in that process through publishing their own work encourages them to join that community. ALFRED supports many of the concepts of the ‘student as scholar’; it demonstrates the value of students’ work beyond module assessment, allows them to contribute to a university-wide scholarly environment, nurtures self confidence and aspirations, and encourages them to see excellence as an attainable goal. It also demonstrates the effectiveness of research informed teaching, as the research interests of teachers are reflected in students’ work. Most importantly, it repositions students as the producers, rather than just the consumers of knowledge, and in the process gradually changes the dynamic between teacher and learner. This year’s edition has been particularly exciting to edit. We have had a wide range of submissions to choose from, and so for the first time the journal is divided into Reports and Papers. There are three reports, the first a conference review detailing the experiences of a group of Education students at a conference in Latvia, the second a report on an archaeological fieldwork project run by David Ashby, an archaeology student, and third a report from the coordinator of a group of students who participated in the Winchester Research Apprenticeship Scheme (WRAP). Speaking at conferences and creating and completing your own research projects are all obviously key skills for scholars, and these represent important stages in personal development of the students involved. WRAP –

where students work alongside staff on their research projects – has been very successful, and has this year been rolled out across all faculties of the University, demonstrating how Winchester students have been developing research skills in their respective fields, and we are proud to be able to share the results with the wider world. In terms of papers, we are especially proud to be publishing the winner of a national essay writing competition. Cherie Easter’s paper on the implications of Barack Obama’s election as American President won Best Undergraduate Essay of the Year 2010, organised by the British Association for American Studies, against stiff competition from students across the country. Cherie’s paper is the first of three on American topics; Martin Carter investigates the shift in the American South from Democrat to Republican during the course of the 20th century, and Caterina Perlini looks at the influence of Neoconservativism on US policy towards Iraq. This is followed by Stacie Eriksson’s paper which takes a theoretical approach to discussing representations of Jesus in the light of liberation theology. Two papers from the Faculty of Business, Law and Sport show the range of interests in that faculty, Ellen Shepherd’s paper on the role of the coach-psychologist in sport is followed by Kimberley Fotheringham’s discussion of employment equity legislation in South Africa. Finally, there are two papers from the Faculty of Education, Health and Social Care, one, by Octavia Chave, on how children’s map making reflects their understanding of the world, and the second on an Amnesty International campaign by Andrew Pilley. This edition represents the diversity of teaching that goes on at the University of Winchester. The reviews and papers published here come from all the faculties, and include


work from both Foundation (FdA) and Bachelor degree programmes, and from students based at our Chute House campus in Basingstoke, as well as our West Downs and King Alfred campuses in Winchester. It goes without saying that we think that ALFRED should continue fulfilling that role of bringing together people and ideas from students of all backgrounds and interests, and as the journal gains an increasingly high profile both within the University and beyond, we look forward to celebrating another cohort of students’ work in 2011. If you are interesting in being published in the next edition please contact Fiona.handley@ Electronic copies of this and the first volume, as well as further information can be found at www.


Conference Report: The International Student Conference, Riga, Latvia, 18th-21st May 2010. Harriet Bellotte, Rachel Moore and Lucy Fox

In May 2010 four undergraduate students (Harriet Bellotte, Rachel Moore, Lucy Fox and Mark Harris) from the University of Winchester’s Faculty of Education, Health and Social Care travelled to Riga in Latvia to present the findings of their FYP research at a conference, accompanied by two members of staff from the faculty, Emma Morley and Honor Houghton. This was an opportunity for these undergraduates to participate in the international arena and take part in discourses about education, learn about the global dimensions of pedagogical thinking and debate, and to raise the profile of student research in the Faculty.

eleven year olds. The project involved a class of 28 children participating in a dragon hunt role play, and there was also a case study group which critically examined the writing produced. The aim was to explore children’s attitudes and enjoyment of writing as a result of role play and to consider the attainment achieved.

Rachel Moore presented a paper that explored the question “What are the most valuable activities for assessing the scientific concept development of second language learners?” This focused on a case study of an 11 year old girl of Kurdish origin, involving the child taking part in two linked scientific investigations with three other English speaking children in the same class.

Review of, and reflections on, the conference Our main emotion on being given the opportunity to present papers at this conference was excitement; about meeting students from other cultures and finding out about education in other countries. However our anticipation was tempered by nerves – we all felt anxious about the prospect of presenting the individual findings of our FYP research in front of an audience of non-English speakers, with some parts of the presentations having to be translated. Our nerves settled after speaking for a few minutes, and the pleasure and satisfaction of sharing our enthusiasm and interest in our research projects took over. The presentations lasted about 15 minutes each, followed by questions. The experience turned out to be not as daunting as we thought, as the audience was smaller than expected, most of the students spoke fluent English and many showed their interest in the research through their questions at the end of the papers. In fact the comments and questions were really appreciated, they showed that the audience had really engaged with our ideas, and this took forward our understanding of our work. The conference was attended by people of nine nationalities which meant that many of the ideas we discussed were new to the audience.

Harriet Bellotte’s presentation was entitled “An Exploration of Role Play and Talk to Support Writing”, which discussed the role of talk to support a piece of writing by ten and

There were several noteworthy presentations given at the conference. Speakers who were students from Austria were very informative about their education system which

The presentations Lauren Fox presented a paper on “Multisensory Story Bags: An examination of making Storysacks®”. The aim of the research was to explore whether children gained confidence in oral storytelling, rather than story writing, using story bags. In the research children made their own multisensory story bags to use while telling their story, and were then interviewed after telling their stories in order to determine their thoughts on the storytelling process and what they learnt.


highlighted the differences between our system and others’. They discussed an Austrian school that allowed the children to create their own behavioural policy and to implement their own award and punishment system. There are many parallels between this school and English schools in terms of handing ownership to children, and the teacher as a facilitator of learning. We were also challenged by a presentation from a Russian student about the structure of the English language, and humbled by the fact that we did not have such a deep understanding of our own language. One thought-provoking presentation was given by a Hungarian teacher who presented a session about second language learning and identity. The value of having to create a new identity for each language learnt was very explicit and gave us all sorts of ideas for the practice of Modern Foreign Languages in Primary schools in the UK, which will soon be entering the curriculum. While we were aware of the need to understand the culture of each new language learnt, this paper really emphasized that this understanding needs to be lived by language learners and they need to immerse a new language within a new identity. All of us were struck by the level of the fluency of the English spoken by the students and how interested they were in finding out about English culture, and perhaps felt slight pangs of guilt about having been lazy when visiting other countries in the past, expecting them to speak English rather than making an attempt to learn their language. This, as much as the excellent presentations, really brought home the importance of educating children in different languages and giving them an awareness of other cultures, and has given us an added impetus to apply this to our teaching. As one of us said, “The experience has encouraged me to start to learn French in preparation for teaching…in my first job in September”. For those of us going into multicultural schools, the conference has brought home the challenges faced by children with a variety of cultural and linguistic backgrounds, especially in terms of supporting children with English as an Additional Language. With these factors in mind, maintaining and valuing international links seems really important, and we will keep the contacts that we made at the conference so that the children that we teach can write letters and emails to them and find out about other cultures.


Going to the conference has made us very aware of the value of sharing practice with other people. This was on an international level, but conferences could take place between staff members at one school, between schools in a county or local area or on the more typical national levels. We would be very interested to see such shared practice and feel that new ideas could be expanded and make a real difference to teaching and learning. The chance to share a passion or an enthusiasm was an excellent experience as a student, and now a qualifying, teacher. We would like to offer the chance to children in our classes to conference their ideas, perhaps after project work or a home learning project. Our experience made us feel valued within a new and transient community of people, and such a sense of value could really support children in their self confidence and in the development of social and life skills. In summary, we enjoyed ourselves, learnt a lot and made some new friends and contacts that will shape our entry into our teaching careers. The trip was invaluable in terms of learning about other cultures both from visiting another country and talking to other students from all over Europe. It was also very interesting to gain insights into other education systems and to learn from each other through our presentations and questions. We found that the other students allowed us to think from another perspective about our own research and about the way that we teach. The experience affirms your own knowledge and understanding and gives you the confidence to discuss your work at a higher level. You get to meet people from around the world who are interested in education and share your experiences with them. We all felt a strong sense of achievement, especially when considering our academic progression from the end of the second year to the end of fourth year when the presentations took place, and has given us the confidence to consider doing further studies at Masters level. We would thoroughly recommend the experience of taking part in an international conference; it is difficult for other undergraduates to understand an international experience without having one, so if the opportunity arises, grasp it.

The Archaeology of an Oxfordshire Village: An interim report David Ashby

Introduction This interim report will state the archaeological work which was carried out during 2008 and 2009 as part of the Stanford in the Vale archaeological research project, on farmland at Stanford in the Vale, Oxfordshire. The report will outline the methodology of the project and describe and interpret the findings of the archaeological work. Lastly the report will outline the proposed work to be carried out during the 2010 season. From the work which has been carried out during 2008 and 2009, and also the ongoing work, a hypothesis has been proposed. This states that Stanford in the Vale was planned as a medieval market town, with a 10 acre planned town, which had failed by the end of the medieval period. At this point Stanford in the Vale retracted in size to a village. This theory has been proposed following discussions with Oxfordshire’s County Archaeologist (Paul Smith), and via the work which is being carried out on the site. The ongoing project may in time help to either prove or disprove this theory. Methodology The methodologies for the work carried out on the site are split into two main areas, that of the geophysical survey, carried out in 2008, and that of the excavation work, carried out in both 2008 and 2009. Geophysical survey (magnetometer) The geophysical survey of the site was completed using a magnetometer. This is due to the environmental conditions of the site, as about 60% of it is marshy. The survey occurred within a set of 30 m x 30 m grid squares, located using a hand held GPS, at least 5 m away from all the field boundaries

and large metal objects. The grids were surveyed as fully as possible with dummy readings being inserted where it was not possible to survey full grid squares. The magnetometer used was a Bartington Instrument GRAD601 gradiometer with a single magnetometer tube and set to a scale of 100nT with a sensitivity of 0.1nT (Bartington Instruments, 2010). Each grid was then surveyed by walking in a clockwise ‘zigzag’ pattern, with traverses being spaced at 1 m intervals. The readings were automatically taken four times every metre, giving a resolution of 3,600 readings per 30 m x 30 m square. Once the geophysical survey was completed the data was transferred onto a desktop PC for processing and interpretation. The data from the results was processed using Archeosurveyor software. The results were than displayed as a block-shaded image using a grey-scale, which is laid upon an Ordnance Survey 1:10,000 scale map to provide scale and orientation to the results. Excavations The methodology for the excavation work carried out is as follows. The top soil and turf was first removed by hand. The trenches were then mainly trowelled so that the maximum information could be recovered. Where necessary, due to the compaction of the ground, mattocks were used to remove the deposits. When suitable archaeological deposits were found environmental samples were taken. For each sample two large finds bags were filled with soil. The sample was then floated and the flot and residues were recovered for further analysis (English Heritage, 2002). During the excavation period all archaeological features and remains were recorded in three main ways. The first was through the use of the single context recording system. The


second was that of all features being recorded using both plan and section drawings. These drawings were either drawn at a scale of 1:20 or 1:10 depending on the size of the area drawn and the complexity of the archaeological remains. During the post-excavation period the plan and section drawings were reproduced digitally using Arc GIS software (ESRI, 2009). The third method used to record the archaeological features was photography, using both colour slide and digital cameras. All archaeological artefacts recovered were related to the contexts from which they originated. Once the artefacts had been recovered they were cleaned and labelled using an accession number which was that of SF/ (year). Also, all small finds were located, to gain 3-D coordinates for its location. This was done by using a hand held GPS, with an accuracy of 2 m, to locate the material on the national grid and a dumpy level was used to gain a height above sea level, accurate to 1 cm. Following the completion of each year of fieldwork, a Grey Literature Report was written detailing the findings and interpretation of all the archaeological work which had been carried out during that year’s season. Copies of the report were sent to the land owner, local SMR and copies were retained. Also after each season an abridged version of the report was published in the Council for British Archaeology’s Journal South Midland Archaeology (Ashby, 2009). 2008 excavation results During the 2008 excavation season seven test pits (trenches 1-5, 7-8) and one trench (trench 6) were dug. Also a magnetometry survey of a section of the field was completed. Magnetometry survey During the 2008 excavation season a magnetomatry survey was completed and has been interpreted as showing many different archaeological features. An image of the survey results can be seen in figure 1. The main feature which can be seen on the survey are that of a large dark area in the south east square of the survey. This feature has been interpreted, and shown to be, a dump of 20th century metal working slag. This is due to the material being both low and high in the magnetic spectrum and so means that the slag masks the underlying, and earlier, archaeology. The interpretation


Figure 1: Results of the magnetometry survey which took place in 2008. of the high magnetic area, to the north of the last feature discussed is that of it being part of an area of a cobbled surface discovered in trench 6 and 9, discussed below. One of the possible reasons why the cobbled surface has shown as being highly magnetic is because the archaeology in this area is extremely shallow. The other features shown on the geophysical survey are that of a large curving ditch which stops just short of trench 6, possibly prehistoric in date; one large straight ditch which runs down the north side of the field, which is interpreted

as a medieval boundary. Also a large solid surface, which is located within the north east corner of the survey, is shown. This is interpreted as a cobbled track, which was proved by test pit 8 (discussed below). Also a scatter of both high and low magmatic spots can also be seen across the survey. These are thought to either be modern material or pit features. Test pits 1-5 and 7-8 The test pits excavated were 1 m². Test pits 1 and 2 were found to contain no archaeological deposits or material and went straight down on the natural geology. Test pit 3 was shown to contain part of a large pit which was found to contain pottery material which dated from both the late Saxon period and to the 11th to 14th centuries. Also the pit contained butchered animal bone and two pieces of possible worked flint. Due to the material and colour of the pit fill, a dark, greyish brown soil, it has been interpreted that this is most likely to be the fill of a rubbish pit. Test pit 5 contained an unidentifiable stone feature, which may be interpreted as part of a stone building. The finds within this test pit were medieval pottery and animal bone. Test pits 4 and 7 will be discussed and interpreted below as part of trench 6. Test pit 8 was excavated over a strong anomaly, shown on the magnetometry survey located at the north west corner. This test pit was found to contain a cobbled track, which was previously unknown. The track is estimated to be at least 6 m wide and is cambered. The track seems to run down the northern edge of the field, but at present its date is unknown. Trench 6 The findings of test pit 4 and 7, and trench 6 are as follows. The reason why these test pits and the trenches are grouped together is that as test pit 4 was extended to become trench 6 and test pit 7 was dug directly next to trench 6. The size of trench 6 measured 1.5 m by 2 m. The excavations within this area have shown that there is a large cobbled surface, which is estimated to measure about 15 m wide. Through the pottery types found it is thought that the surface dates from the 12th – 14th centuries. The other main features found within trench 6 were two post holes which measured 0.20 m² by 0.15 m deep,

these are also thought to date from the same period as the cobbled surface or earlier. The other finds contained within trench 6 were flint material from both the Bronze Age and Mesolithic periods, and animal bone and metal working slag. 2009 excavation results During the 2009 excavation two trenches were dug, trench 9 and trench 11. Due to unexpected circumstances trench 10 was not excavated, and it is proposed that it will be dug during the 2010 season. Trench 9 Trench 9 was dug to examine a large magnetic anomaly shown on the 2008 geophysical survey. The trench measured 10 m by 2 m. The survey anomaly was found to be a dump of 19th or 20th century metal working slag and building material, though other earlier features, which were not shown on the survey, were found below this layer. The features which were found below the modern material were that of: a section of the large cobbled surface ((0905) (0909)), which was also found in trench 6 of the 2008 excavations; one post hole (cut [0907]) which was located at the edge of the cobbled surface; a possible timber slot (cut [0913]) and also the corner of a large stone building (partly robbed) ([0914]), and building interior (0937), which was found at the southern end of the trench. The date of these features has been shown, by pottery evidence, to be between the 12th and 14th centuries. Also found within the trench were two Late Anglo Saxon features. One is a pit (cut [0925]) which had been truncated by the timber slot, which contained a section of pot handle which has been dated to the Late Anglo Saxon period, and the second is a stone wall [0923] (0.52 m wide) and also a thin gravelled surface (0922) which butts up to it (0.40 m wide). It has been suggested that this wall is also Late Anglo Saxon in date as it was found beneath the cobbled surface and is therefore possibly contemporary with the truncated pit, though no artefacts were found within it. A plan of the features found within Trench 9 can be seen in figure 2. Residual finds from trench 9 include a few pieces of well travelled Roman pot, a Bronze Age thumb scraper and other worked flints.


bedded onto, the natural bedrock. Due to the construction of this wall it has been suggested that this is a very substantial building, possibly of two storeys. Also found within this trench was the robber trench for the south east return of the wall. The finds material which was found within the robber trench included worked flint, 19th to 20th century pottery and also an iron knife with a flat ‘scale’ bone handle which has been dated to the 14th century. From the finds it has been suggested that this section of wall was robbed in the 19th or 20th century, but the building itself has been dated to the 14th century. Also found within this trench was a small section of the interior of the building (1104). This was shown to be a sandy gravely layer, with no finds material found within or on it. A post excavation plan of the trench can be seen in figure 3. Conclusion to date The work which was carried out during both the 2008 and 2009 excavation seasons has concluded that during the medieval period Stanford in Vale was likely to be larger in size than at present. This has been shown by the possible medieval buildings and the cobbled surface which were discovered during the last two excavation seasons. It has also been shown that this area of Stanford in the Vale was out of use by the end of the 14th century, as there are very few pottery fragments found that post date this. Therefore, at present it has not been proven that Stanford in the Vale was a medieval town, although further archaeological work may, in the future, prove or disprove this theory. Figure 2: Plan of features in trench 9 overlaid on magnetometry results. Trench 11 Trench 11 was excavated to examine a wall feature which is situated within the hedge of the southern field boundary. Within the hedge the wall can be seen to be about 10 m in length. Trench 11 was excavated over the south east corner of this feature. The trench was 2 m by 1.5 m in size. The dimensions of the wall [1105] within the trench have been shown to be 1.70 m long, by 0.90 m wide by 1.10 m high. The construction of the wall has been shown to be roughlyfaced limestone blocks on both the interior and exterior faces, with a rubble core. The foundations were dug down to, and


The 2010 excavations Further work is being carried out during 2010 to look at some of the areas which were excavated during 2009, using five different types of survey. The proposed geophysical work is that of a magnetometry survey (of the area of the field which was not surveyed during 2008), resistivity survey (of the area which was surveyed using magnetometry during the 2008 season), and a Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) survey of the western area of the field. The non geophysical survey techniques which are proposed are a topographical survey of the whole of the field, and an auger survey of specific areas of the field. It is also proposed that a full elevation drawing will be made of the 10 m long wall section which trench 11 excavated.

Bartington Instruments (2010) Grad601 Single Axis Gradiometer Grad601singleaxisgradiometer.cfm (Accessed July 2010). English Heritage (2002) Centre for Archaeology Guidelines, Environmental Archaeology. uk/upload/pdf/cfa_environmental.pdf?1256313860 (Accessed October 23, 2009). ESRI (2009) What’s New in Arc GIS 9.3.1. Retrieved, from ERSI’s website: (Accessed October 23, 2009).

Figure 3: Plan of trench 11 Acknowledgements I would like to thank the Thorneycrofts for letting the archaeological work take place on their land and also I would like to thank the lecturers of the Department of Archaeology at the University of Winchester, Paul Smith (Oxfordshire County Archaeologist), William Walton (geophysicist), and Ross Harrison, for supporting the excavation and post excavation work carried out during the project. Bibliography Ashby, D. (2009) Stanford in the Vale, Priors Farm field. South Midlands Archaeology, 2009, 33-34.


It’s a WRAP! Students experience the reality of Research Vanessa Harbour with Joanna Longden, Hannah Golanski, Matt Elphick, Hugo Griffiths, Cara Wilson and Caroline Wraw

The Faculty of Arts has an ethos of innovative research driven by curiosity, an ethos that we like to encourage our students to embrace. We see this research as central to their learning experience and wanted to find a way to extend their participation in it. One example of this was the pilot project that was run in 2009 entitled the Winchester Research Apprenticeship Programme (WRAP). This was funded by a University’s L&T fellowship grant and the Faculty. The aim of the project was to provide an opportunity for students to work alongside academics on ‘live’ research projects. There were seven projects from across the Faculty, which involved eight students. It was hoped that the project would benefit the students by providing them with a further opportunity to develop both transferable skills plus give them a taster of academic research. The following overviews have been written by six of the students involved in WRAP and give a taste of their experience and the benefits they felt they gained in taking part. Joanna Longden worked with Carol Smith, Director of American Studies, on the project ‘The Role of the American First Lady and the Significance of Michelle Obama’. From the outset this was a research project that would define itself by the direction in which we found ourselves drawn, rather than being a project which had a predetermined goal. Having no theory to prove or disprove, but rather an intellectual concept to interrogate, meant that the research brief required confidence, initiative and the ability to know when to change direction. Our task was to assess the impact of Michelle Obama’s arrival as the First Lady of the United States and the alterations that she would


bring to the role as a consequence of her cultural heritage and colour. The project leader Carol Smith outlined the direction she had planned to take the project in. She wanted to look at the media coverage of Michelle Obama before, during and after the election, and at the relevance of her physical appearance and to what extent it reflected the cultural norms of a white, western world. We wanted to examine the discourse around Michelle Obama’s role as First Lady, to what extent it was a predefined job and to what extent – and how – she would make it her own. Within that analysis we expected to find a body of opinion that would reveal whether or not the wider society of America had moved significantly away from its racially dominated past. My first task was to create a database of press and journal coverage, through reading back issues of journals, newspapers and television coverage and organising the material I found into date order, into groups reflecting similar opinions, and by reliability. I also collected academic material on Michelle Obama, including published work, and I rang and spoke to her past professors, colleagues and fellow students in the USA. I also contacted and interviewed (by telephone and email) politicians and academics with acknowledged expertise on both the role of First Lady and on African American and African Caribbean issues. Their insights were interestingly divided and many will be interviewed by Carol in the future. Finally, I approached the relevance of Michelle Obama’s position within the contextualising framework of African American history. From this aspect of the research we were also able to isolate the critical differences of opinion between modern America and the rest of the world, especially the UK.

In brief, our research to date demonstrates that modern American racial attitudes are still largely defined, and polarised, by the country’s history of slavery. We will continue to examine what is revealed about these deep rooted prejudices from the spotlight shone on Michelle Obama, rather than her Kenyan American husband. Can she be a force for good, change and true equality? Or will she ultimately be defeated by the dogma and prejudice of a nation that cloaks its racism in clothes of seemingly unconnected political issues? This WRAP project is ongoing and ‘research’, I have discovered, is addictive. Hannah Golanski worked with Carol Smith, Director of American Studies on the project ‘Sex and the City and American Feminism’. When WRAP was first advertised I read through what was involved and thought it sounded like a great opportunity. The research project which I applied to take part in was working alongside Carol Smith in an investigation into the way the film Sex and the City (released in 2008) reflected contemporary American feminisms. I had recently completed a module entitled Women and Film, and already knew that I wanted to write a dissertation dealing with representations of women on television and in film, so I felt that I could bring my knowledge and enthusiasm to the project. The project required me to collate reviews and articles about the film from both America and the United Kingdom, which I accessed online. I gathered the links and information about each piece and compiled a bibliography using Microsoft Excel. The project also involved the preparation of a questionnaire on Sex and the City which will be completed by students at the University taking related modules. At the time the research project took place the film was still very recent and I found that few academic pieces had been written about it. As Carol and I had initially agreed that the project would be ongoing, I found that more relevant articles appeared later, particularly with the release of the film Sex and the City 2. Due to my continued interest in the area and in light of the release of the second film I have continued

collecting reviews and articles for the case study. I fully expected that the opportunity to work with an academic on a research project such as this would be a hugely beneficial experience and it has definitely fulfilled my expectations. Due to my time working on the project, I have more confidence in my academic abilities and find researching for assignments to be a much simpler task. I even found the application process really useful, as it gave me experience in writing a cover letter which I now use in applying for jobs. I am certain that the skills I have gained from taking part will be transferable to any career. Matt Elphick worked with Vanessa Harbour, RIT Project Officer, on the ‘Creating a Wiki’ project. Our WRAP project did not get off to the smoothest of starts. Our original idea, that of a multi-purpose writing wiki, was hindered by University website protocol and the fact that a similar venture had been uploaded to the Creative Writing Learning Network page only days before we started. Being three days in and without a project to work on was not the exciting start that either of us had imagined. But if a writer needs to have anything it is perseverance, and it was over a cup of coffee and a break from brainstorming that a new project was decided upon. I, like many other students on my course, had very little idea what I would do when I graduated. The innocent dreams of becoming a published author had been worn away by the reality that this was unlikely to happen and I was unsure as to which career paths were open to me. What a perfect opportunity then, to educate myself and my peers and to create a (hopefully) helpful document to aid Creative Writing students once they have completed their degree. It was our aim with ‘Writing in the Real World’ to create a guide for those attempting to get published and to the possible careers within which a writer could find employment. It would have been incredibly easy for such a guide to come across as patronising and as this document was written by students for students, the last thing we wanted was to annoy


our target audience by coming across as having superiority complexes. As such we used my often sarcastic, tonguein-cheek writing style to create a document that is not just informative, but fun to read, a welcome break from the many dry, academic texts that are the norm.

and phonetic spellings, for example. Some of the fields of study were my own suggestion, for example, the analysis of the use of the letter ‘x’ to represent a kiss led to me posting on an academic emailing list, which resulted in international correspondence on the subject.

As a research apprenticeship, it is unsurprising to discover that we undertook a lot of research to support the guide. However, what surprised me the most about this aspect of the project was that I actually enjoyed researching. Up until this point in my degree I had viewed research alongside such annoyances as washing the dishes; it was an inevitable task, but I felt that my time could be better spent elsewhere. What an enjoyable discovery then that I found myself relishing the task at hand, finding pleasure in searching through journals and interviewing people by phone.

During the course of our investigations, we learnt many things. People rarely seem to use abbreviations in their texts, there was a marked difference in tone of message dependent upon to whom the message was sent, furthermore, the level of comprehensibility present in the majority of messages was very high. Many of these factors contradicted what would seem to be the popular perceptions of text messaging today, and to be able to contribute to a growing pool of research in a relatively new field was an exciting endeavour. Furthermore, our research has been taken up by an MSc student in America who saw my posting on the academic emailing list and voiced a desire to be privy to our data. Such a sharing of information and the knowledge that our project will continue to be used and referenced is a highly fulfilling prospect.

The discovery that research could be enjoyable is one of the biggest assets I gained from the project and one that has helped me forge a plan for my future. At the time of writing, I am one week away from an MPhil interview and, if I’m accepted, it is my hope to later go on and upgrade to PhD. Not only has the WRAP been a welcome addition to my CV, but it has helped me realise my ambitions as a writer and for that alone this experience has been invaluable. Hugo Griffiths worked with Carolin Esser, Programme Leader in English Language Studies, on the project ‘Texting: How we do it’. I did not find the promotional material for my WRAP project – it found me; several of my friends had independently approached me with a flyer for what would become my field of investigation, and by the time the second person had brought the subject to my attention, I had already applied. The project was to examine the linguistic facets of text message (SMS) communication, examining how people conversed with each other using text messaging. Having gathered hundreds of sample texts with the help of the English Project, ITV Fixers, inter-university promotion and a Facebook group, we set about analysing them, looking to see how often people would use abbreviations, emoticons


My involvement in this apprenticeship was an opportunity I am very grateful to have been given. The subject matter was highly interesting, our findings were pertinent, and the project seems to be something that will continue to be useful to others. The supervision I received afforded both guidance and independence throughout, and I will take away from the experience a genuine gratitude for the chance to work on such a scheme, as well as an increased confidence in my abilities when conducting research, and operating within an involved and professional strata. Cara Wilson worked with Paul Manning, Lecturer in Media and Film Studies, on the ‘Substance Images and Meaning’ project. Taking part in the WRAP project has been a very rewarding experience and has provided me with the chance to work alongside Dr Paul Manning who is an expert in my field of interest; drugs and popular culture. His guidance, advice and knowledge have helped me to explore this subject in great depth and create an interesting final year project.

This project focussed on how the representation and images of drug use and substance misuse are received and ‘processed’ by young people (aged between eighteen and twenty five). This research was based upon qualitative and ethnographic methodologies, and it was part of my role to be involved in these various processes. One issue is that we had to ensure that our research questions were different so that our research didn’t overlap. I had previously done research into how the media represents drug taking amongst youths and my interest then developed into what young people thought about their drug education and the law. This worked out well as we were able to combine our data gathering by asking a combination of questions to focus groups which gave us results for both topics. It provided me with some very interesting results. In brief, these were some key points.

during interviews where I have had to make judgements on how much I should prompt interviewees to say more. This, and the need to phrase questions correctly and place in the correct order is something that can be difficult, and these are essential skills needed for my subject of study, journalism. This project will help my CV stand out to future employers, it demonstrates that I have commitment, good research skills and that I am willing to take on new projects. It was an eye opening experience and taught me many essential skills.

All participants agreed that the classification system was very confusing, particularly in relation to the various punishments that related to the various drugs, as well as the categorisation of certain drugs such as cannabis with LSD which were seen to be two very different drugs in term of harm. However they did state that they thought that Class A drugs were extremely dangerous and would therefore avoid these.

The project entailed researching the attitudes and behaviours of different religious traditions towards imminent death and coping with bereavement, on behalf of the South Central Ambulance Service (SCAS). The background to this project is the Ambulance Service’s need for a formal course on religions and bereavement, and in the first instance they required a five point summary of approaches to dealing with death and bereavement for each of the religions represented within Southern England.

A lot of the participants agreed that they had very little education on drugs, that they could barely remember what they had had, and that it had very little effect on shaping their views of drugs. All of the participants said that the law was a minor or secondary worry to the possible health effects that could occur when consuming drugs. It was obvious that the media had a strong role in shaping their views. Most referred to the Leah Betts case when discussing ecstasy and believed that death was a definite or likely result that would happen if they consumed the drug. They ignored the presentation of scientific fact that ecstasy was a much less harmful drug than alcohol and tobacco – drugs which they often consume. All confirmed that they knew several people who smoked cannabis or had indeed smoked it themselves. However nobody knew people who consumed harder drugs. The project has had many benefits. It has helped me develop my interviewing technique, as there were several occasions

Caroline Wraw worked with Christina Welch, Programme Leader for the MA: Religion (Rhetoric & Rituals of Death) on the project ‘Religions, Death and Bereavement in the South Central Ambulance Service: assessing existing training and exploring appropriate provision’.

During the initial research stage it became apparent that there are many similarities between Zoroastrian, Jewish, Islamic, Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist behaviours towards medically treated dead bodies, as well as some important differences. Furthermore, within the Christian tradition there is a lack of comprehensive instructions on how to treat the dead, due to historical schisms within the tradition. However, we successfully managed to produce a summary for each that was in keeping with the existing procedures which the SCAS frontline staff are required to follow. The second stage involved working with staff at SCAS to develop a questionnaire and undertake interviews to fully understand the requirements of the proposed course. The results demonstrated that although the majority did not feel that religions were important, they did feel that their training


lacked methods through which they themselves could cope with bereavement, and also to enable others to positively begin the process. In addition, the participants required a better understanding of the structures through which death is dealt with officially, in order to be able to guide the relatives of those who died in their care through the process. The final stage involved our own reflections on the progress of the project, both its achievements and also failures, or rather the errors in the mediums through which the research was conducted. In brief, out of the 2000 staff at SCAS only nine responded to our initial questionnaire, which was distributed through the online hub of SCAS. However, this was not necessarily a negative experience, as it has made me consider the mediums through which I will conduct my own research for my Master’s dissertation. Furthermore the project has enabled me to draw on wider areas of research than I would have previously used, due to the extent of lateral thinking required and also the levels of multitasking involved. Conclusion The WRAP project in the academic year 09/10 worked very well and several of the students have gone on to undertake post-graduate work. We received a huge amount of positive feedback from both the students and the academics involved. As a result of the positive experience the programme has now been rolled out University-wide in various formats. Within the Faculty of Arts, the response from academics has once again been excellent with six projects involving seven students. This year it has been funded both by the University’s L&T fund plus research monies (relating to Unit of Assessment 66 ‘communication, cultural and media studies’) – again emphasising the symbiotic relationship between learning, teaching and research in the Faculty. It is hoped that the programme will become an established part of the Faculty’s timetable and offer a distinctive opportunity to prospective students.


Does the Election of Barack Obama Signal the Success of the Civil Rights Movement? Cherie Easter

Abstract In the decades since ratification of the American Civil Rights (1964) and Voting Rights (1965) Acts that outlawed racial discrimination and restored universal suffrage in the Southern United States, the black Civil Rights Movement has become less visible as a political force within mainstream, American society. Although organisations such as the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) continue to champion policies which seek to address racial socio-economic inequality, race-specific issues have become subsumed within the generalist mandates of civil rights organisations such as the ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union) and LCCR (Leadership Conference on Civil Rights). However, America’s problematic racial history signals that the election of Barack Obama, the nation’s first non-white president, is both an historic, political landmark, and the legacy of social change catalysed primarily by the efforts of 20th centuary black civil rights activists. Race and the American electorate Beneath the self-congratulatory response to Obama’s election (Barnes and Shear, 2008; Montanaro, 2008), lie contradictions between the mainstream perception of postracial universalism, and the specificity of the individual’s experience within a still-racialised society. Writing before the election in 2008, Princeton academic Paul Krugman declared racial polarisation as a diminishing force in political discourse (Krugman, 2008). A few months earlier, National Public Radio’s (NPR) senior analyst Daniel Schorr speculated on the electoral impact of “‘color-blurred’ voters” (Schorr, nd). Both proved atypical commentaries in a year in which Obama’s race was, ironically, of consummate interest within Krugman’s “different and better (non-racist) country” (Krugman, 2008).

However, as an analysis of the 2008 presidential election results indicates (Lopez and Taylor, nd; McAdam, 2009), voter demographics belie the ideological tone of racial unity portrayed by the media (Barnes and Shear, nd; Nagourney, 2008). Confronted for the first time in their history with presidential candidates of different races, for the American electorate racial identity proved a significant influence on voting behaviour (Lopez and Taylor, nd). Although minority groups have been a bulwark of the Democratic Party since the 1940s, the record turnout amongst the black community (up by two million on 2004) (ibid.), is more indicative of racial preference than was suggested by Obama’s high (95%) proportion of the black vote (ibid.). For a group who are disproportionately represented amongst the economically disadvantaged (US Census Bureau, nd), and historically underrepresented in the electoral process (Lopez and Taylor, nd), such a high level of participation is difficult to reconcile with Obama’s mainstream, middle-class image other than on racial grounds. Amongst whites, demographic differences were more nuanced and factors such as class, gender, age and region, in addition to race, provided a balance of influences on voter behaviour (ibid.). The support of independent and moderate whites proved a key factor in a result less decisive when measured by the ‘popular vote’ (US Electoral College, nd), than the result of the Electoral College would suggest (ibid.). However, the 43% of whites who favoured Obama (Lopez and Taylor, nd) – overrepresented by younger age groups and those who shared his northern, urban, middle-class and educated profile remained in the minority (Kohut, 2008). Given the extent, and timing, of the 2008 global financial crisis, the American public’s mounting concern regarding Middle Eastern issues,


and the historic unpopularity, and party affiliation, of the outgoing president, George W. Bush (2001-2009), the backlash against Republican John McCain proved more muted than some political analysts anticipated (ibid.). The swing toward the Republicans by older Southerners, and the older workingclass of all regions (ibid.), in particular suggests the extent to which race remains an issue of contestation within some sectors of the white population. The mixed response from the white community in no way detracts from the ideological significance of Obama’s election. Signalling both full political enfranchisement of the black community, and the creation of a socio-political environment from which a suitable black candidate could emerge, Obama’s election is a testament to the collective initiatives of black civil rights activists throughout the 20th century. However, beneath the media hyperbole are the socio-economic indicators which illustrate the reality of current racial experience (Hossfeld, nd). Every such indicator demonstrates that racial inequality remains endemic within the United States of America (US Census Bureau, nd). In 1976, in The Declining Significance of Race (Wilson, 1980), William Julius Wilson argued that the African American community was splitting in two, with middle-class blacks improving their position relative to whites, and poor blacks becoming ever more marginalised. Wilson’s relatively optimistic outlook for the black middle class, the result of legislative gains made by civil rights activists in the 1960s, was further endorsed by studies in the 1980s which suggested that, consistent with whites, class background for African Americans was becoming more important in determining occupational status than was evidenced by race (Hout, 1984 p.1370-1409). However, these trends did not extend beyond the early 1980s and, in 1996, Melvin Oliver and Thomas Shapiro identified intergenerational accumulation of assets as a key factor in the ability to pass on privileged class status (Oliver and Shapiro, 2006). In 2004, in a review of his earlier work Oliver noted that a typical African American family earned 66% of a corresponding white family’s income, and owned only a fraction (7%) of the corresponding assets (ibid.). It is on such research that organisations such as the NAACP justify their


argument for financial reparations for slavery. However, the domestic political, social and legal controversy surrounding this issue is such that civil rights organisations have resorted, so far unsuccessfully, to the international courts in an attempt to bypass House Resolution bill 40 – stalled in Congress since its introduction in 1989 – which aims to provide a forum for political discussion on the impact of slavery (Powers, nd). A post-racial society? The lack of relative material, and educational, progress within the African-American community over the last three decades has coincided with the mood of the American public moving against the principle of affirmative action (Hossfled, nd). Encouraged by the conservative administration of Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), the perception of the egalitarian aims of affirmative action policies has disconnected from the perceived pro-minority bias of the outcomes. Following Supreme Court decisions such as Hopwood v Texas (1996), Gratz v Bollinger (2003) and the 2007 ‘Parents Involved’ (see Supreme Court of the United States, nd), verdict, the race-biased specificity necessary to effect affirmative action policies has been largely defined as unconstitutional and replaced by a principle of discretionary affirmative action. According to civil rights expert Professor John Powell (Powell, 2008), the emphasis on ‘universality’ in these rulings is a consequence of a “conservative mode of race blindness… a principle purportedly embraced in the ‘dream’ of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr…. the good American can claim that, to the extent that others share his blindness, race does not matter” (ibid.). The disputed interpretation of the words of iconic civil rights figures such as King is therefore exploited in support of a post-racial ideology which, by denying racialisation, suppresses the debate, policies and initiatives necessary to address it. The dynamic inherent in rulings such as ‘Parents Involved’ emphasises that the legality of unequal outcomes will be measured by the extent to which they meet the needs of American social diversity – and signals a reversal of the specificity required to overcome the peculiarity of African American historiology. In a culture of post-racialism the black Civil Rights Movement is but one node within a network of human rights organisations, and black issues are subsumed

within a universal civil rights mandate encompassing gender, age, ethnicity, sexual orientation and race. One explanation for the popularity of post-racialism is identified by Max Freidman (Freidman, 2009 p. 341-356), in his examination of the 2008 presidential election. Freidman’s analysis applies Baudrillard’s theory of the simulacra (ibid, p. 346) – the representations which precede reality in postmodern societies – to the hyper-reality created by the Obama campaign’s manipulation of the mass media. For Freidman, the 2008 election is therefore characterised as the “sumulacobama” – the “mediated spectacle whose message is that the United States is a post-racial, or post-racist, society” (ibid.). In a similar vein, writer Paul Street (2008) observes that Obama risks becoming an Oval Office version of talkshow host Oprah Winfrey (Street, 2008), or former Secretary of State Colin Powell – African American figures whose popularity allows some white Americans to congratulate themselves for not being racist (Krugman, 2008). As Street states, “They’re cited as proof that racism is no longer a significant barrier to black advancement and interracial equality” (ibid., p.7). Such commentaries suggest that Obama’s electoral win may be the result of support, exploited skilfully by his campaign, of a racialised white population for whom he is more representative of avoidance (of race issues) than of acceptance (of racial identity). In the contradiction between the post-racial universalism advocated by Obama’s campaign, and the racialised reality of contemporary American society, lie risks that an Obama presidency may inadvertently inhibit, rather than enhance, the socio-economic prospects for the black community. Given the willingness of the mass media to profligate the ideological message of post-racial America in preference to the realism of racialised America (ibid.), and given that the election of Obama provides the perfect opportunity for them to do so, the visibility of black inequality could diminish with an associated deprioritisation of policies necessary to address such inequality. Obama thus faces the paradox that by acknowledging the ongoing need for policies aimed at addressing the socio-economic inequities of minorities, he risks dispelling the post-racial mythology adopted by white America – upon whose support his presidency depends.

It would appear from his recent proposals for state-supported healthcare (Obama, nd), that Obama endorses Professor Powell’s pragmatic approach of “targeted universalism” (Powell, 2008), as the “good politics” that he signalled prior to his election. In his 2006 text Audacity of Hope (Obama, 2007), Obama describes universal healthcare as a policy which, due to the over-representation of minorities amongst the poorest social groups, “would do more to eliminate health disparities between whites and minorities than any race-specific programs we might design” (ibid., p.247). This pragmatism of ‘good politics’ has been characteristic of both Obama’s campaign and his infant presidency. In the weeks following his inauguration, the extent to which Obama has pragmatically accepted post-racism as a de facto constraint on his presidency, has been suggested by the United States boycott of the 2009 United Nations World Conference Against Racism. The ill-fated Durban II conference – the first such conference since Durban I which had immediately preceded the 2001 ‘9/11’ attacks on the United States – became the focus of expression for the political divide between Muslim and Judeo-Christian nations. The conference, hijacked by the tensions invoked by the 2009 Israeli-Palestinian conflict, made any meaningful contribution to racial inequity untenable. In an August 2009 article for Harper’s magazine writer Naomi Klein expressed her view of the consequences of the boycott for black civil rights (Klein, 2009). According to Klein, the boycott, promoted by American Israeli supporters, allowed Western countries to avoid such issues as reparations for slavery, and the correction of other historical imbalances resulting from colonialism and racism. The American Civil Liberties Union responded with a statement condemning the White House for focusing on projects which are ‘race neutral’ and failing to act on United Nations recommendations to end policies, such as racial profiling, which unfairly disadvantage minority constituencies and immigrants (American Civil Liberties Union, 2009). It is through examples of such diplomacy which seek to address inequality in a way that is “less likely to arouse the flames of racial resentment” (Powell, 2008), that Obama is not addressing, but reinforcing, the ‘colour-blind’ ideology which makes such subterfuge necessary – with all the inherent dangers for racial equality which the ‘Parents Involved’ ruling,


and United Nations opinion suggest (Supreme Court, nd; United Nations, nd). The recent controversy surrounding the Obama healthcare plan indicates that attempts to circumvent colour-blind ideology by adopting policies of targeted universalism will be hindered by the neoconservative right playing to the anti-collectivist mainstream’s fear of socialism (Obama, nd). In an interview at the National Press Club in July 2009, Republican Party chairman Michael Steele launched a series of Republican-sponsored, anti-plan television advertisements by labelling the healthcare review as both “socialist” and “a risky experiment” (CBS News, 2009). It is a testament to Obama’s intelligence, oratory skill and commitment to the advancement of equality that, in November 2009, the healthcare system review narrowly passed the House of Representatives (Hulse and Pear, 2009). However, the difficulty of enacting such sweeping policy changes, within the ideological framework of civic universalism to which he owes his presidency, may ultimately prove impractical to reconcile with the heightened expectations of the black community. Organisations such as the NAACP, the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (N’COBRA) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) remain a collective voice advocating financial restitution for the legacy of material racial inequality bequeathed to post-emancipation generations. However, the persistence of such inequality, regardless of the ideological significance of Obama’s election, suggests that success for the black Civil Rights Movement cannot be claimed until race-affinity is no longer a factor in voting behaviour, and when America can statistically claim economic and social, as well as political, equality for all her citizens. References American Civil Liberties Union 2009 U.N. Human Rights Body Issues Decisive Observations On Racial Discrimination in U.S. (Accessed 8th October 2009). Barnes, R. and Shear, M. (2008) Obama Makes History. The Washington Post. (Accessed 10th November 2009).


CBS News 2009 Steele Calls Obama Healthcare Plan ‘Socialism’. CBS News. (Accessed 10th November 2009). Freidman, M. (2009) Simulacobama: The mediated election of 2008. Journal of American Studies, 43, 341-356. Hossfeld, L. (nd) African American Progress Report: 19702000. University of North Carolina Eastern Poverty Research. (Accessed 9th November 2009). Hout, M. (1984) Status, Autonomy and Training in Occupational Mobility. American Journal of Sociology, 89, 1370-1409. Hulse, C. and Pear, R. (2009) Sweeping Health Care Plan Passes House. The New York Times. (Accessed 10th November 2009). Klein, N. (2009) Minority Death Match: Jews, blacks and the post-racial presidency. Harper’s Magazine archive/2009/09/0082642 (Accessed 10th November 2009). Kohut, A. (2008) Post-Election Perspectives. Pew Research Center, (Accessed 10th November 2009). Krugman, P. (2008) It’s a Different Country. The New York Times. (Accessed 10th November 2009). Lopez, M. and Taylor, P. (2009) Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in History. Pew Research Center. www. (Accessed 10th November 2009). McAdam, T. (2009) Presidential Election Demographics. National Examiner. (Accessed 10th November 2009). Montanaro, D. (2008) Obama Wins. Microsoft News Network (Accessed 10th November 2009).

Nagourney, A. (2008) Obama Wins Election; McCain Loses as Bush Legacy is Rejected. The New York Times. www.nytimes. com (Accessed 10th November 2009). Obama, B. (2007) Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on reclaiming the American Dream. Edinburgh: Canongate Books Ltd. Obama, B. (nd) The Obama Plan. Barack Obama Online (Accessed 9th November 2009). Oliver, M. and Shapiro, T. (2006) Black Wealth, White Wealth: A new perspective. New York: Routledge. Powell, J. (2008) Post-Racialism or Targeted Universalism? Denver University Law Review, 86, Special Issue. (Accessed 12th October 2009). Powers, K. (2009) The Globalization of Reparations Movements. NAACP., (Accessed 9th November 2009). Schorr, D. (2008) A New, ‘Post-Racial’ Political Era in America. National Public Radio. (Accessed 10th November 2009). Street, P. (2008) Barack Obama and the Future of American Politics. New York: Paradigm. Supreme Court of the United States (nd) Parents Involved in Community Schools v Seattle School District No 1. www. (Accessed 10th November 2009). U.S. Census Bureau (nd) USA QuickFacts. www.quickfacts. (Accessed 10th November 2009). U.S. Electoral College (2008) Presidential Election. www. (Accessed 9th November 2009). Wilson, W. (1980) The Declining Significance of Race. Chicago: Chicago University Press.


Why has the Solid Democratic South become the Solid Republican South? Martin Carter

Abstract This paper will examine the perceived shift in voter loyalty in the American South from Democratic to Republican during the course of the latter part of the 20th century. Using a variety of documentary resources and focussing on the case studies of Alabama and North Carolina, it will examine in detail the concept of a Solid Republican South, and question whether this can really be identified. Introduction Upon signing the Civil Rights Act of 1964, President Lyndon Johnson turned to an aide and said, “We have lost the South for a generation” (Blumenthal, 2007). The Act brought an end to racial segregation in the South. With liberal Republican support garnered to override the Southern Democratic veto in the Senate, traditional Southern loyalty to the Democrats was broken by an act, in their eyes, of betrayal. The South, which for the purposes of this paper will be the eleven former states of the Confederacy, thus went under a generational shift which led to the rise of a Republican bastion of support by the 1970s. This paper will assess how the South’s presidential loyalties changed, by looking at the Democratic Party’s embrace of civil rights and the rise of a Southern middle class. Furthermore, it will compare Alabama and North Carolina, to see if the swing from Democrats to Republicans at presidential elections has manifested itself at gubernatorial and state legislature levels. Though the two states have their differences, they will provide enough evidence to show that a Solid Republican South is a misleading statement, and also serves as a good method of comparing other Southern states. This essay will then conclude on the point that the Solid Republican South


exists merely at presidential level, and that the scene is more nuanced at gubernatorial and state government levels. The Solid Democratic South To understand why the South moved away from its solid Democratic roots, it is necessary to look at how the Democratic Party changed during what would eventually be a tumultuous upheaval in Southern politics. To do this, this paper will examine why the Democrats were so strong up to the 1948 election where, by looking at the results below, the situation started to change, therefore leading to the rise of the Republican party in the South. Year












1936 Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem 1940 Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem 1944 Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem 1948 Other Dem Dem Dem Other Other Dem Other Dem Dem Dem 1952 Dem Dem


Dem Dem Dem Dem Dem




1956 Dem Dem



Dem Dem Dem




1960 Other Dem


Dem Dem Other Dem Dem







Dem Dem Dem

1968 Other Other Rep Other Other Other Rep













Dem Dem










Figure 1: Results of Presidential Elections across the Southern States 1936-1972. (Source:The American Presidency Project, nd). Key: Dem = Democrat, Rep = Republican, AL = Alabama, AR = Arkansas, FL = Florida, GA = Georgia, LA = Louisiana, MS = Mississippi, NC = North Carolina, SC = South Carolina, TN = Tennessee, TX = Texas, VA = Virginia

Figure 1 shows that the Democrats were extremely dominant up to 1948. This is, among other things, because the memory of the Republican’s responsibility in Reconstruction was still strong. As Earl and Merle Black have written, the Civil War and Reconstruction, “Produced indelible personal experiences that made sectional thinking second nature” for subsequent generations (Black and Black, 2002 p. 14). As a result of this dominance, the term ‘Solid South’ appeared, which Nicol Rae describes as the time between the end of Reconstruction and the signing of the Voting Rights Act in 1965 (Rae, 1994 p. 27). During this period, Democrats in the South, “Achieved such a degree of political dominance over the entire region that it became identified by both its followers and its opponents as the ‘party of the South’” (ibid.). Reasons for this perception are clear. The Republican tactic of relying on “aligning the more numerous free states of the North against the slave states of the South” marginalised the Southern states (Black and Black, 2002 p. 13), contributing to the anti-Northern psyche across the region. Coupling this with the Republican Party’s industrial and pro-business positions, which were a polar opposite to the agricultural and populist tradition in the South, it is unsurprising that Southerners solidified the region for the Democrats at all levels. Franklin D. Roosevelt was immensely popular in the South, with sweeping successes in the four elections he ran in (1932, 1936, 1940 and 1944), but he was the last Democrat to achieve this at Presidential level. The main reason for this success was the New Deal, a federal relief program designed to aid the South during the Great Depression. Southerners rejected Herbert Hoover (and the Republican Party as a whole), “a man (and party) philosophically opposed to the use of the national government to direct the country’s economic and social affairs” (Lamis, 1984 p. 21). Southerners thus turned to Roosevelt and supported “his efforts to use the national government either to return prosperity or to ameliorate the effects of the hard times’ (ibid.). Dewey Grantham concurs by saying that “the lure of federal assistance was irresistible” (Grantham, 1988 p. 104). Simply put, as long as federal relief poured into the South, then Southerners would return the favour by keeping the South solidly Democratic.

From 1948, however, things started to change. As a result of “social and demographic changes within the Democratic Party’s national coalition” (Rae, 1994 p. 40), the delicate New Deal coalition that Franklin Roosevelt had created – a coalition of white Southerners, northern urban liberals, and minorities – started to slowly disintegrate. With new supporters of the Democratic Party came new ideas for it. Hubert Humphrey, Mayor of Minneapolis, future VicePresident and perhaps the best personification of this new Democratic Party, addressed the 1948 Democratic National Convention by declaring that it was time for “the Democratic Party to get out of the shadow of States’ Rights and to walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights” (Lamis, 1984 p. 9). This embrace of civil rights caused a chasm in the Democratic Party and upset the balance that “in return for southern acquiescence in a radical expansion of the national government’s economic powers, the northern Democrats…would refrain from using national authority to reform southern racial practices” (Galston, 1985 p. 17). Though Harry Truman would be successful in the 1948 election, Strom Thurmond’s third-party segregationist effort split the ‘Solid South’ and left the door open for a Republican insurgency in the region. The 1964 election would be pivotal, as some states of the ‘Solid South’ voted Republican for the first time since Reconstruction. Lyndon Johnson, who had used the government to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964, had shown that the “Democratic Party’s ideological realignment was unquestioned” (Kentleton, 2002 p. 138). As Hubert Humphrey had asked of the party in 1948, Democrats had followed; the states’ rights policies were gone, replaced with more compassionate aims of ensuring equality among racial and social parts of life. Such realignment can be seen from the results above. Republican nominee Barry Goldwater’s opposition to the Civil Rights Act, though dictated by his libertarianism rather than any maliciousness, resonated in the Deep South. Goldwater succeeded where all his nonDemocratic predecessors had failed: he broke the ‘Solid South’. And as both parties were changing in their direction, the Southern electorate too was changing, as “blacks [became] all but unanimous in supporting Democratic


presidential candidates, while Southern whites [became] the most Republican part of the white electorate” (Lawrence, 1997 p. 55). The Democrats were now faced with a difficult challenge in the South, as subsequent elections would show. The 1968 election would witness the collapse of the ‘Solid South’. The Democratic Party had changed, with little hope of reverting back to the states’ rights position. As one Georgia Democrat put it, “I have about given up hopes of really reforming the Democratic Party…we have to live with it as it is” (Grantham, 1988 p. 173). Hubert Humphrey, Democratic nominee and a leader of this ‘new’ Democratic Party had “shouldered the full brunt of the Southern reaction to the national party’s abandonment of the white South” (Lamis, 1984 p. 28). This sense of abandonment was rooted in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The former, which outlawed segregation, and the latter, which made racial disenfranchisement illegal, severely disrupted the traditionalist Southern society. They therefore turned to Republican nominee Richard Nixon and American Independent Party candidate George Wallace, marginalising Humphrey across the whole South, as the results above show. Four years later, Nixon would sweep the South, because “with Wallace out of the picture in 1972, his supporters flocked to Nixon and a Republican landslide resulted” (Archer and Taylor, 1981 p. 159-160). At presidential level, the ‘Solid South’ was broken. A Solid Republican South? This paper has focused on how the Democratic Party changed, in particular regarding race and their policy towards Civil Rights. As has been seen, the Democratic Party’s embrace of Civil Rights cost it key electoral support throughout the South. However, it is inaccurate to say that the Party’s stance on Civil Rights was the sole reason for its loss of support in the South. After all, as David Lawrence states, “one should not attribute the white southern desertion of the Democrats solely on race” (Lawrence, 1997 p. 67). It is therefore necessary to look at another key reason for Democratic erosion of support, namely demographics, and the economic growth and differing political thought that goes with it.


Following the end of the Second World War, the South as a region changed demographically and economically. Thanks to both the New Deal and an economic boom because of the war, a shift in “the numerical balance between those receiving and those paying for social welfare benefits… undermined the electoral appeal of the party of the underdog” (Lawrence, 1997 p. 35). In effect, because of the Southern economic boom, a growing Southern middle class were on the wrong end of the benefits of the New Deal. This led to a reversal of “the economic and electoral logic of the New Deal, ‘taxing the many on behalf of the few’ rather than ‘taxing the few for the benefit of the many’” (ibid., p. 36). Naturally then, these voters started to look to a party that was sympathetic to their economic concerns. These were voters, “with substantial incomes subject to substantial federal and state taxation [and those]… wanting to keep the lion’s share of their earnings, [and therefore] view[ed] the Republicans as far more sympathetic than the Democrats to their economic interests and aspirations” (Black and Black, 2002, p. 5) This new Southern middle class, then, started voting for Republicans over Democrats, which furthered the breakdown of the ‘Solid South’. They were a reliable base of support, perhaps evident in the 1952 and 1956 presidential elections, when Dwight Eisenhower managed to carry states such as Virginia and Florida, states attractive to the whitecollar professional who would generally vote Republican (Rae, 1994 p. 42). And if that was not enough to cause problems for the Democrats, this was coupled with the race issue that, as was shown earlier in this paper, was also responsible for the erosion of Democratic support. Thus, the two fundamental reasons for the collapse of the ‘Solid South’ at presidential level are apparent: race and economics of demographic change. So far, this paper has presumed that the shift from Democratic to Republican has been uniform across all states and at all political levels. However, the examples of Alabama and North Carolina demonstrate that this is not the case.

Alabama Democrat (1975-1979) Democrat (1979-1983) Democrat (1983-1987) Republican (1987-1991) Republican/Democrat* (1991-1995) Republican (1995-1999) Democrat (1999-2003) Republican (2003-2007) Republican (2007-2011)

North Carolina Republican (1973-1977) Democrat (1977-1981) Democrat (1981-1985) Republican (1985-1989) Republican (1989-1993) Democrat (1993-1997) Democrat (1997-2001) Democrat (2001-2005) Democrat (2005-2009) Democrat (2009-2013)

Figure 2: Governors in Alabama and North Carolina, 1973present. (Sources: National Governors Association, nd; Office of Governor Bev Perdue, nd). *Alabama had a Republican governor from 1991 – 1993 who was then removed from office.The Democratic lieutenant governor became governor for the rest of the term, 1993 – 1995.

At gubernatorial level, as can be seen in figure 2, the idea that the South is solidly Republican is disputable. In Alabama, for instance, the presence of George Wallace was so profound that Republican growth in the state was stunted; after all, as Alexander Lamis has said, Wallace’s stance on social issues “goes a long way toward explaining why the Republican party had such a difficult time in the state” (Lamis, 1984 p. 76). Wallace successively hijacked the social platform that the Republicans endorsed, a platform that appealed to “white, working-class discontent with the civil rights, abortion-rights and gay rights movements” (Black and Black, 2002 p. 106). Wallace’s appeal, and the subsequent strength of the state

Democratic Party that came with it, led to one Alabama Republican saying that “there’s no big bad Republican Party” in the state (Cotter and Gordon, 1999 p. 223). As a result, whilst the South was becoming solidly Republican at presidential level, the Democratic embrace of Republican social policy kept Alabama state politics competitive. It was not until 1987 that the Republicans began their dominance of the governor’s mansion – more than twenty years after the Republicans became dominant at presidential level. At state legislature level, to suggest Alabama is solidly Republican would be incredibly misleading. The combined chambers of the state legislature include eighty-four Democrats and fifty-six Republicans, resulting in Democratic control of both chambers (Alabama State Senate, nd). If Alabama were ever to become solidly Republican, it appears it may be the result of a slow trickling down of support. If Alabama is steadily becoming solidly Republican, the same cannot be said about North Carolina. When Democratic support in the state collapsed, state politics became immediately competitive due to the “mountain counties… where Republicanism can be traced to the Civil War” (Lamis, 1984 p. 131). The Republicans grew in the state by enacting the same strategy that Wallace had used in Alabama; by expressing “many of the racial, social and economic viewpoints characteristics of Old South Democrats” (Black and Black, 2002 p. 103). The Republicans had taken the social platform away from the Democrats. However, in recent years, the Democratic Party has become ultra-competitive in the state. As figure 2 shows, the Democrats have controlled the governorship since 1993, and the current legislature figures stand at 98 Democrats and 72 Republicans (General Assembly of North Carolina, nd). Coupling this with Barack Obama becoming the first Democrat since Jimmy Carter to carry the state at a presidential election, it is clear that the ‘Solid South’ does not exist in the state. Conclusion In conclusion, this essay has attempted to assess the South’s transition from Democratic Solid South to supposed Solid Republican South. By focusing on the key themes of race and demographic change, this essay has found that Republicans


succeeded in recognising the agenda of a region that was disappointed with the Democratic Party’s embrace of Civil Rights. As well as this, a rising Southern middle class felt further alienated by a Democratic Party that was not sensitive to their economic interests. However, it is apparent that the shift from Democratic to Republican support is strongest at presidential level. Using the case studies of Alabama and North Carolina, it has become apparent that there is genuine two-party competitiveness in the South; in the case of North Carolina, the so-called Solid Republican South is reversing to strong Democratic control. Strom Thurmond, upon leaving the Democrats, said, “[the] Party has forsaken the people” (Applebome, 1997 p. 105). It is apparent that Southerners are yet to wholly agree with him.

General Assembly of North Carolina (2007) North Carolina House of Representatives, and North Carolina House Senate, General Assembly of North Carolina House/House.html and html (Accessed 27th July 2010). Grantham, D.W. (1988) The Life and Death of the Solid South: A Political History. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. Kentleton, J. (2002) President & Nation: The Making of Modern America. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

References Alabama State Senate (nd) Roster for the Alabama House of Representatives and Roster for Alabama State Senate http:// (Accessed 27th July 2010).

Lamis, A. P. (1984) The Two-Party South. New York: Oxford University Press.

Applebome, P. (1997) Dixie Rising: How the South is shaping American values, politics, and culture. San Diego: Harvest.

Lawrence, D. G. (1997) The Collapse of the Democratic Presidential Majority: Realignment, dealignment, and electoral change from Franklin Roosevelt to Bill Clinton. Oxford: Westview Press.

Archer, J.C. and Taylor, P. J. (1981) Section and Part: A political geography of American Presidential elections, from Andrew Jackson to Ronald Reagan. Chichester: Research Studies Press. Black, E. and Black, M. (2002) The Rise of Southern Republicans. London: Belknap. Blumenthal, S. (2007), A Southern and Liberal Lady. Salon bird/ (Accessed 10th August 2010). Cotter, P. R. and Gordon, T. (1999) Alabama: The GOP rises in the heart of Dixie. In Lamis A.P. (ed.) Southern Politics in the 1990s. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University. Galston, W. A. (1985) The Future of the Democratic Party. The Brookings Review, 3, 16- 24.


General Assembly of North Carolina (nd) General Assembly of North Carolina (Accessed 27th July 2010).

National Governors Association, (nd) Governors http://www. 10501010a0?submit=Submit&State=AL (Accessed 10th August 2010) Office of Governor Bev Perdue (nd) Governors of North Carolina Governors/ (Accessed 10th August 2010). Rae N.C. (1994) Southern Democrats. Oxford: Oxford University Press. The American Presidency Project (nd) Presidential Elections Data (Accessed 10th August 2010).

The Influence of Neoconservativism on the George W. Bush Administration’s Policies towards Iraq Caterina Perlini

Abstract Much has been written about the influence of neoconservatism on the George W. Bush administration in the aftermath of the 9/11 bombings. This paper examines the rise of neoconservatism, both before the events of 2001 and after, and assesses its impact on decision making in the lead up to the invasion of Iraq in 2003. In particular it examines other potential influences on policy making during this time period, suggesting that neoconservatism is not the dominant force it is often purported to be. Introduction As instability continues to prevail in Iraq and the entire Gulf region, academics, politicians and the informed public are seeking an explanation as to why George W. Bush’s administration decided to venture down the road of regime change in Baghdad. This has given rise to close scrutiny of the initial rationale for war, with increasing focus on the role and influence of neoconservatives, who have become a cause célèbre in American and international politics. There is a flood of literature illustrating how, after the attacks of 11 September 2001, neoconservatives manipulated the United States’ response to terrorism in order to push through their agenda for regime change in Iraq. However, this paper argues that the conservative nationalist character of the principle members of the Bush administration actually played a much greater role in decisions than these commentators on neoconservatism have presumed. Neoconservatism The complex character of neoconservatism has been suggested by Halper and Clarke who state that there is no absolute divide “between who is and who isn’t a

neoconservative” (Halper and Clarke, 2004 p. 10), and that the word ‘movement’, often used to describe it, may overstate its academic cohesion (ibid., p. 10-11). Analysis of the origins of neoconservativism have been the focus of many detailed studies (see Ehrman, 1995; Heilbrunn, 2008; Steinfels 1979), with continuing interest in its ideas and impacts (Fukuyama, 2006; Halper and Clarke, 2004; Kristol and Kagan, 2000). Fukuyama singles out three core principles that characterise neoconservatism’s approach to foreign policy. Firstly, neoconservatives advocate that a democratic regime founded on an idea of equality permeates the conduct and beliefs of its citizens, and that regimes that treat their own citizens unjustly are expected to act in a similar way towards foreigners. The second characteristic is the belief that “American power has been and could be used for moral purposes and that the US needs to remain engaged in international affairs”, and finally, a deep scepticism about “the legitimacy and effectiveness of international law and institutions to achieve either security or justice” (Fukuyama, 2006 p. 48-49). Neoconservatism developed within the context of the end of the Cold War, which left the United States seeking to define its role as the world’s preeminent power within a new international environment. The neoconservatives sought a solution by lobbying for a foreign policy agenda involving concepts like unipolarity, preemption, regime change, benevolent hegemony and American exceptionalism. For example, Pulitzer Prize-winning syndicated columnist Charles Krauthammer urged the US to seize its position as the leader of the international order and embrace the virtues of preemptive military action (the elimination of a threat before it materialises, based on incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent), in order to impose its priorities on


the world. The argument for a muscular and interventionist foreign policy that would actively promote democracy abroad and deter rogue regimes from threatening American security is a continuous theme throughout neoconservative literature. The ousting of the Iraqi army from Kuwait during the 1990-1 Gulf War was generally considered a successful operation as it was short, with few casualties (Santella, 2004 p. 4-16). However, in line with its interventionist foreign policy, neoconservatives criticised the administration’s decision to allow Saddam Hussein to remain in power, instead of overthrowing his government in Baghdad, characterising it as “unfinished business” (Project for the New American Century, 1998a). As a consequence, in 1992 the then Under Secretary for Policy at the Pentagon, Paul Wolfowitz, outlined a grand strategy of US supremacy in a leaked five year draft Defence Planning Guidance paper. It outlined several scenarios for possible future foreign conflicts involving the US, presenting seven case studies including one set in Iraq (Tyler, 1992). However, under the Clinton administration, the neoconservative vision for a strong US military presence reshaping the world in the American image was quickly disappointed. In an effort to push through their agenda in Washington, the neoconservative think tank called the Project for the New American Century (PNAC) was founded in 1997 to rally support for a policy of “American international involvement” (Kristol, 1997). In January 1998 the PNAC sent an open letter to President Clinton advocating the removal of Saddam Hussein and his regime from power, stating that this “now needs to become the aim of American foreign policy” (Project for the New American Century, 1998b). By this point, the PNAC was a key organisation in a growing neoconservative alliance that included intellectuals, Government officials, media figures and political advisers, all calling for increased military spending, unilateralism instead of multilateral institutions and agreements, and an era of American supremacy. This coalition regularly published articles in major newspapers, spoke at congressional hearings and was increasingly present in the media (Halper and Clarke, 2004 p. 48-49).


Despite this, foreign policy was initially low in the George W. Bush administration’s priorities. However, the 9/11 terrorist attacks opened a window of opportunity for the neoconservatives who were finally able to push through their foreign policy agenda that had been articulated over the course of preceding decades. Only a few days after the attacks, the events were being treated not as a crime, but as an act of war (George W. Bush quoted in Frontline, 2003), perpetrated by states, not individuals. For the neoconservatives, the climate of fear in the White House following 9/11 presented an opportunity to push through their agenda, especially toward Iraq. The neoconservatives’ advantage was that in a time of chaos, they were ready with a detailed plan for the nation’s response that enabled them to propel the administration toward state-on-state conflict with Iraq. Bush’s 2002 State of the Union Address demonstrated a shift in policy as a result of this influence, stating that the first goal of the war on terror was to invade Afghanistan, and that the second was to “prevent regimes that sponsor terror from threatening America… with weapons of mass destruction” (ibid.). This defined the situation as an unavoidable battle against specific states and advanced the neoconservative vision of a war against a morally degenerate enemy to maintain virtue at home. A large increase in defence spending was announced, corresponding to the PNAC’s September 2000 report Rebuilding America’s Defences, and the rhetoric of the speech indicated that the preemptive use of force was envisaged. The publication of the National Security Strategy of the United States (NSS) in September 2002 further laid the groundwork for preemption and an invasion of Iraq. The NSS used neoconservative language and reflected many of the views of the PNAC’s 1997 Statement of Principles. In particular, three of the core values of modern neoconservatism had entered the Bush administration’s policy agenda; preemption, unilateralism and regime change in Iraq. In the run up to the war, it became increasingly evident that the rationale behind the invasion coincided with the neoconservative idea of America’s responsibility to shape the global security environment. On March 19, 2003 Bush declared war against Iraq.

Given the character of the Bush administration’s rhetoric it appears that neoconservatism provided the intellectual framework and political rhetoric that served as a guideline for American foreign policy toward Iraq after 9/11. However, the idea that the decision to use military intervention in the case of Iraq was purely the product of neoconservative ideology glosses over a much more complex reality. Iraq - a war of national interest This paper argues that what emerged was a re-invigorated conservative nationalism which was a reaction to the attack on the American homeland. Its primary aim was to reassert American supremacy, and while the administration used the neo-conservative language of pre-emption, defending freedom, promoting democracy and American values, this was because that language, rather than the ideas behind it, resonated with conservative nationalist Americans. The limits of the neoconservative influence can be evaluated in several ways. None of the Bush administration’s top tier were known as neoconservatives (David, 2005 p. 614-641; Fukuyama, 2006 p. 1-12), and both Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld (both signatories to the PNAC’s 1997 Statement of Principles) are more often portrayed as Jacksonian conservative nationalists, tending to take a security-related view of American national interests, distrusting multilateralism and, in their most extreme form, inclining toward nativism and isolationism (Lindsay, 2003; Mead, 2002 p. 241-336). The conservative nationalist imperative to ensure America’s security is fundamentally different to the neoconservative grand vision of a democratic Middle East, and defining the administration’s character has been the subject of much intense debate (see Kingdon, 2003; Lieven, 2005; Mearsheimer, 2003). The Jacksonian nationalist approach to international relations is a form of realism, which purports that states are the key actors in international politics and they operate in an anarchic system (Grieco, 1988 p. 485-507; Waltz, 1979 p. 330-331). The security of America demands, foremost, the defeat of its enemies and the elimination of the threats they pose. Therefore, Jacksonian nationalists argue that the American military’s mission should be purely defensive and should not be used for the expansion of liberal democracy

(Mead, 2002 p. 247; Nau, 2002 p. 46-48). However, post-9/11, Cheney became one the chief advocates of the potential for democracy in the Middle East, “Regime change in Iraq would bring about a number of benefits to the region” including, “A chance to promote the values that can bring lasting peace” (Cheney, 2002). The logic of the US government was that in order to permanently remove the terrorist networks operating in the Middle East, it had to preemptively fight rogue regimes that were susceptible of harbouring and supporting these unlawful groups. As this suggests, the argument for preemptive warfare is not a neoconservative invention. The concept has been frequently advanced in American foreign policy (e.g. the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 and the 1904 Roosevelt Corollary) and demonstrates the sense of vulnerability that emerged among Jacksonian nationalists as a result of 9/11. Preemptive warfare breaks out primarily because the attacker feels that it will itself be the target of a military attack in the short term. The essence of preemption, then, is that it is motivated by fear, not by greed. 9/11 changed the sense of America’s vulnerability. The hardline defensive reaction of the administration’s nationalists and the imperative to avoid the worst case struck a chord with the language neoconservatives had been using since the end of the Cold War. The assertive nationalists and the neoconservatives, though different in their willingness to forcefully promote democracy and engage in nation-building missions, shared a common concern about Iraq. The rhetoric for war was therefore shaped by an automatic defensive realist reaction that was combined with the neoconservative utopian argument for democracy. While nationalists and neoconservatives both agreed on regime change in Baghdad, they did so for different reasons, and ultimately, the ideological precepts of neoconservatism were decidedly secondary. Conclusion Neoconservatism has too often been labelled as a secret cabal trying to hijack American foreign policy in order to advance its assertive agenda for a Pax Americana. It has become linked


to concepts like preemption, unilateralism, regime change and benevolent hegemony. The Bush administration advanced a foreign policy largely built upon these principles and put them into practice when it attacked Iraq in 2003 as part of a preemptive and unilateral foreign policy, aiming to police Saddam Hussein’s weapons programme and secure American interests in the Gulf. However, branding the Iraq war as purely a product of neoconservative ideology is too simplistic. The Bush administration was not known as neoconservative before the American venture of regime change in Iraq. In fact, neoconservatives were not largely represented in the top tier of the Bush Cabinet. The 2003 Iraq war’s main advocates were actually known as Jacksonian nationalists, who did not adhere to the neoconservative grand vision for a liberal and democratic Middle East. The administration’s key concern was defending the American national interest and security by preventing dictators from acquiring weapons of mass destruction. Thus, the invasion of Iraq was not the result of a neoconservative hijack of the Bush administration as part of a grand plan to promote democracy in the Middle East. The war is best understood as a conservative nationalist war driven by defensive realism as a consequence of 9/11. References Cheney, D. (2002) Full Text of Dick Cheney’s Speech. The Guardian. usa.iraq (Accessed March 2010). David, C.P. (2005) Au Sein de La Maison Blanche: La Formulation de la Politique Étrangère des Etats-Unis. SaintNicolas: Presses de L’Universite Laval. Ehrman, J. (1995) Neoconservatism: Intellectuals and Foreign Affairs 1945-1994. Ann Arbor: Yale University.


Grieco, J (1988) Anarchy and the Limits of Cooperation: A Realist Critique of the Newest Liberal Institutionalism. International Organisation. 43, 485 – 507. Halper, S. and Clarke, J. (2004) American Alone: The Neoconservatism and the Global Order. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Heilbrunn, J. (2008) They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons. New York: Doubleday. Kingdon J.W. (2003) Agenda, Alternatives and Public Policies. Boston: Little Brown. Kristol, W. and Kagan, R. (2000) Present Dangers: Crisis and Opportunity in American Foreign and Defence Policy. San Francisco: Encounter. Kristol, W. (1997) Statement of Principles. Project for the New American Century statementofprinciple s.htm (Accessed 10th February 2010). Kristol, I. (1983) Reflections of a Neoconservative. New York: Basic Books. Lieven, A. 2009 Pers. Comm. to C. Perlini during interview October 28th 2009. Lieven, A. (2005) America Right Or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism. London: Harper Collins. Lindsay, J. (2003) Bush’s Priority in Iraq is Not Democracy. Council on Foreign Relations publication/6517/bushs_prioirty _in_iraq_is_not_democracy. html (Accessed April 2010).

Frontline (2003) The War Behind Closed Doors. http://www. (Accessed 28th March 2010).

Mead, W.R. (2002) Special Providence: American foreign policy and how it changed the world. London: Routledge.

Fukuyama, F. (2006) After the Neocons: America at the Crossroads. London: Profile Books.

Mearsheimer, J. J. (2003) The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.

Nau, H.R. (2002) At Home Abroad: Identity and power in American foreign policy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Project for the New American Century (1998a) How to Attack Iraq. Project for the New American Century http://www.,98.pdf (Accessed April 2010). Project for the New American Century (1998b) Letter to President Clinton. Project for the New American Century iraqmiddleeast2000-1997.htm (Accessed 10th February 2010). Santella, A. (2004) The Persian Gulf War. Minneapolis: Compass Point Books. Steinfels, P. (1979) The Neoconservatives: The men who are changing America’s politics. New York: Touchstone. Tyler P. E. (1992) U.S. Strategy Plan Calls for Insuring No Rivals Develop: A One Super Power World. The New York Times (Accessed 28th March 2010). Waltz, K. (1979) Theory of International Politics. New York: Random House.


Jesus the Posterboy? Healthy Models for Masculinity in the 21st Century Stacie Eriksson

Abstract This paper examines the state of 21st century masculinities and investigates the role of the Church and the Church’s historical model of Christ in terms of gender, bodies, and masculinity. Using this as a starting point the paper looks at the potential for contemporary theological writings to reconstruct Christ to allow Him to become a role model for all, and to contribute to solving some of the issues of 21st century masculinities. Background When examining the theological possibilities for masculinity we must look closely at men in 21st century society. Men are more likely than women to indulge in dangerous pastimes, such as drug taking and joyriding (Stanhope and Lancaster, 2004 p. 693). Crime is “almost always committed by men” (Newburn and Stanko, 1995 p. 1), and men are statistically more likely to become a victim of violent crime (Ibid p. 56). While it is clear that men are more violent than women, it is important to note that not all men behave violently, however all men are involved in paying for the violent deeds of the men who behave in this way. 21st century males are trying to adapt to a rapidly changing world in which they are mostly considered to be villains to both women and children. Patriarchal, capitalist society has created generations of men who harm others for their own gratification, more often than not without even realising they are doing so. Beverley Lanzetta described passionately how patriarchy “prohibits men from finding their true freedom, a freedom that is not dependent on the subjugation of women or feminine consciousness” (Lanzetta, 2005 p. 10) and it is easy to see her point. This particular brand of hegemonic masculinity or macho masculinity as it is often called, is the


most prevalent brand available for men today. The effects of this hegemonic masculinity have been examined by writers such as Phillip Culbertson (Culbertson, 1994) and Samuel Osherson (Osherson, 1986 p. 18) and both writers point to the development of boys and the relationship with their mothers and fathers as key moments where gender behaviours are moulded. Young boys who have recently individuated from their mothers, at around age three, begin to suffer what Samuel Osherson describes as “symbiosis anxiety” (Osherson, 1986 p.18) which is a subconscious fear of becoming female by over-identifying with women. When boys turn away from the mother they look toward the father and whatever close male role models are available, if any at all. Those who have present fathers are often at no advantage to other boys whose fathers are absent, because even physically present fathers are often emotionally unavailable. The truly distressing thing about this is that these fathers believe they are being a good parent by working as much as they can and earning lots of money to give their child material things. In turn, young boys are given the impression that to be a man one must be absent and rejecting of others – an unfortunate misinterpretation of the father’s intentions (Culbertson, 1994 p.189). The issues with masculinity mentioned here are not inclusive, but they clearly suggest that something is amiss in terms of 21st century masculinity. Men are broken, and the denigration and abuse inflicted upon women and non-alpha males by hegemonic males is a symptom of this brokenness. Is there any hope of healing the male soul? This question has notably been answered by the Catholic Church, who have urged the masses to embrace Christ as the answer to this debauched and worrying pandemic of male brokenness. Chris is the perfect man; theologically speaking from a Catholic perspective,

He has the potential to be a universal role model. However, before we turn to Christ to solve these issues, I would urge anyone to ask this question first-where has this brokenness originated? The history of the Church suggests that use of Christ as a role model for modern masculinities may be problematic. The Roman Catholic Church has been instrumental in augmenting and perpetuating the differences between men and women, in order to control and manipulate their congregations. This theological control began with the historical remodelling of Jesus by early Church fathers to create a distinctly heterosexual, slim, white male. This fabricated Jesus was God incarnate, therefore he was the perfect human being. People of colour, homosexuals and women begin to look distinctly imperfect, and therefore subordinate, within the narrow and simplistic Christology propagated by the Church. Mary Daly succinctly described this problem when she wrote, “If God is male, male is God” (Daly, 1986 p. 19). It is evident that the macho brand of masculinity is a reiteration of early Church values, ‘a cornerstone of racism, sexism and militarism’ (Dalbey, 2003 p. xiii), hardly the kind of basis for modern masculinity to thrive and benefit all. The Roman Catholic Church’s Jesus is a poor basis for modern masculinity, however He certainly liked women and challenged their inferior roles. He has even been described as the “most female of men” which illustrates perfectly how Christ was not the poster boy for macho masculinity until he was remodelled as such by the Church (Irigaray, 1985 p. 199). He spoke with women on many occasions in the Bible, for example in the case of the Samaritan woman at the well (John 4: 7-26 KJV). He showed this woman respect, despite hostile relations between Jews and Samaritans at the time (Ranke-Heinemann, 1990 p.119). Christ ‘was a friend of women’ (Ibid p. 119). He spoke openly with them and invited them to ask questions, something totally unprecedented in his day. Christ also never advocated a sexless life, despite what has been misinterpreted by early Church theology, especially in the work of Saint Augustine, who played a crucial role in forming opinions about sex and sexuality. His work almost single-handedly shaped the ideal of Christian piety, which

was sexless and removed all enjoyment from the body in favour of joys of the spirit. As a result of Augustine’s work, Christ was remodelled in contrast to the example set by Christ himself (Ibid p.121). Christ became a man who shunned the body and bodily desires, a man who wanted his followers to actively disengage from their bodies in every way. It is my belief that these ideas have filtered through Christianity into wider patriarchal society through generations of men passing these values from father to son, in some cases decisively and in others entirely unconsciously. Indeed, if God is the Father, he has taught men everything he knows about parenting, that is, how to be absent when your children need you most. Thomas Szasz wrote that, “The moral aim of Christianity is to foster identification with Jesus as a model” (Szasz, 1972 p. 262). However, when one seeks answers from the New Testament as to the example set by Christ to men, we find a Christ who is unrecognisable as the role model given to the people by Augustine and the Catholic Church. It seems strange that these authorities have used their power to form unhealthy opinions and we the wider public have accepted them but Christ himself challenged authority; He questioned doctors and learned men in the temple (Luke 2:45-49 KJV). If we listen to the Christ of the Gospel, we are truly painted a very different Christ to that meek and mild Christ given to the people by the Church. For example, Jesus used aggressive means to make His message heard, usually in fits of anger (e.g. John 2:15-16 KJV; Mark 3:5 KJV). This distinction, between the Church’s Christ and the New Testament Christ, whether either are historically factual or not, are enough to ensure Christ is an extremely problematic role-model for modern men. According to most feminist theologians, the biblical Christ cannot be a role model simply because he is male (Daly, 1986 p. 72). Some opposing writers of differing theological backgrounds, such as Marc Pryce (Pryce, 2003) and Jacquelyn Grant (Grant, 1988 p. 217), would urge believers to accept Christ’s humanity above his physical anatomy in order to move past hegemonic masculinity and heteropatriarchy to find the liberative dimension of Christ. However, the assumption of male superiority may be too ingrained in our society to


change the focus of the masses to the humanity of Christ now. Many Christians would argue that the example of Christ has been misused and twisted, and Mary Daly points out that this clearly indicates “some inherent deficiency in the symbol itself” (Daly, 1986 p. 72). However, there have been many advances since Daly wrote this statement; Christ is now available as a symbol for liberation and acceptance of all bodies thanks to reworking of images of Christ within liberation theology.

in a struggle for liberation (Cone, 1987 p. 119). While a change in skin colour is still very controversial, a change in physical shape, sexuality or sex is unthinkable for evangelical Christians and when any of these changes have occurred within the modern art movement there has been what can only be described as uproar (Catholic backlash has affected many artists in recent times such as Edwina Sandys and Cosimo Cavalleri who both depicted Christ in controversial bodily terms).

Liberation theology and the perfect body The body is generally considered separate and somehow subordinate to the essence of our personhood in Western culture. Western culture was built upon Christian foundations and although the Cartesian body/mind dualism is not essentially rooted in Christian thought, it has been fervently adopted by the Church, allowing the Church to promote celibacy as the most holy lifestyle, leading Christians to believe their bodily urges are significantly less important than their spiritual progress. St Paul’s position on sexuality is clear, “the flesh lusteth against the spirit, and the spirit against the flesh, and these are contrary the one to the other: so that ye cannot do the things that ye would” (Galatians 5: 17 KJV) and most traditional evangelical churches would tell their congregation that sex is sin, unless it is within marriage and only for the creation of new life. New developments within body theology aims to dispel this dualism and create an overall more holistic approach to Christianity where acceptance and love of the body as a Divine creation is of equal importance alongside spiritual development.

In theory, men should have an easier task of relating to Christ because they obviously have something bodily in common with Christ, as he too was a man. Melissa Raphael wrote that Judeo-Christian culture has approved male sacrality and embodiment because the incarnation of God was male and he “redeemed the world through his bodily pain” (Raphael, 1996 p. 78). However, this theory is over-simplified. Christ’s identity as a male with all the appropriate genitalia of a man has been hidden by centuries of artists who do not depict the penis of Christ, except as a child (Steinberg, 1983 ps. 109 and 327). Christ is never seen in his complete masculinity, therefore He is not an easy role model for modern men to follow and admire especially to generations of men who equate their masculinity almost solely with their penis. They may use the moral and ethical values of Jesus as shown in the Bible, but from their point of view He is unavailable for comment on how to be a man.

Some examples of body theology making changes to the symbolic Christ can be readily seen in modern churches and theological books. Christ is traditionally presented as having the ‘perfect body’ within traditional Christian doctrine, because he was begotten without sin (Raphael, 1996 p. 98) and that perfect body is invariably slim, white and male. This presentation of Christ has excluded many people, so to challenge this exclusion and reclaim Christ, many churches from a black liberation theological background depict the perfect body of Jesus with black skin (Wilson, 2007). For James Cone, Christ is symbolically black for black people


The fact that the adult Christ’s penis has been hidden from generations of men who consider their masculinity synonymous with their penis means Christ is rarely regarded as male in the way most men would consider themselves male, therefore Christ is not an easy role model for men to follow and admire. Christianity has made men ashamed of their penises. It is my belief that men have rejected their true bodily existence as a result of the Cartesian dualism adopted by the early Church. They forsake the majority of their bodies and focus interest on one particular body part, the penis, in order to know their masculinity and this comes with a whole host of problems of its own- from the deprivation and purposeful self-harm of the male body (both in private and in public via dangerous sports) to the inability to become close

with others (both in relation to symbiosis anxiety and fear of being considered to be homosexual). Theological work that has focused on the bodies of women has begun the process of healing and accepting the female form as infinitely more than a simple ‘absence’ of penis (Ragland-Sullivan, 1985 p.286). Despite my admiration for this work, many body-affirming feminists, both male and female, ignore the penis as they are keenly aware of the wounds caused by phallic violence (Nelson, 1994 p. 196). I understand such anxieties but to choose not to affirm male bodies because of the actions of the minority is not a helpful choice. I believe there is a lot to be said in the area of body theology about men, not as an optional extra when speaking of the bodies of women but as an integral facet of developing an embodied theology. Phallic violence is a cyclical occurrence; to defeat it we must address and encourage men to accept themselves, their bodies and their divinity. Investigating the bodies of men is a way of delving further into embodiment as an alternative to heteropatriarchy and the current macho mode of masculinity. It is evident that most men value their penis as the sole expression of their masculinity as a result of the cultural fetishization of the phallus (Irigaray, 1985 p. 117), causing men to use their penis as both a figurative and literal weapon against anyone who threatens their masculine rights to power, be that person female or male. Nelson perceives that one of the major problems with modern genitalised masculinity is that it has left the rest of the body “lifeless and deprived of eros” (Nelson, 1994 p. 196) which is just one more problem to add to the growing list in relation to hegemonic masculinity. An incarnational faith, as proposed by James Nelson, I believe would bring humanity closer to a holistic approach to sexuality and the body. Although incarnational faith is established within a Christian framework of creation and divinity, it is unlike the traditional Christian theologies. It resists the draw to be institutional, to make bold sweeping statements about people, their lives and their bodies. Within an incarnational approach, men would consider their bodies sacred, and would undoubtedly feel more embodied, more

inclined to love themselves without the constant shame of their bodily desires, free from social pressure to be a macho man. Gay men and black men would be free to express their desires without feeling coerced into an acceptable male stereotype. Women would be more able to express their masculinity without ridicule or judgement. When male sexuality is de-stigmatized, it will cease to objectify the objects of its desires and sexual difference will become less of an issue. When any person accepts themselves, they no longer desire to persecute others because, with the realisation of oneself as divine, one also realises the divinity of others. An incarnational faith would bid farewell to persecution the ‘other’ would be rendered null and void. We would be levelled in our species but still special and unique in our separate ways. Conclusion The paper ends on a positive note. Change is already underway. Liberation theology presents an array of feminist Christ-images to substantiate every kind of person. Jesus is anyone who has been marginalised (Isherwood and McEwan, 2001 p. 149-150), anyone who thinks they are worthless and somehow other. The symbol of Christ is powerful and can still be useful in the fight for healthy, embodied and unified faith. An incarnational setting would allow a symbolic Christ for all, alongside other images of divinity and self-recognition. This would allow non-Christian figures and practices to guide and comfort people if they desire them; when Christianity is removed from Christ there comes an opening for all manner of possibilities for belief. References Cone, J. (1987) A Black Theology of Liberation. New York: Mary Knoll. Culberston, P. (1994) Explaining Men. In Nelson, J.B. & Longfellow, S.P. (eds.) Sexuality and the Sacred: Sources for theological reflection. London: Westminster John Knox Press. Daly, M. (1986) Beyond God the Father: Towards a philosophy of Women’s Liberalism. London: The Women’s Press.


Dalbey, G. 2003 Healing the Masculine Soul. USA: Thomas Nelson Publishers.

Stanhope, M. & Lancaster, J. (2004) Community and Public Health Nursing. St Louis, USA: Mosby.

Grant, J. (1988) White Women’s Christ, Black Women’s Jesus: Feminist Christology and womanist response. Atlanta: Scholar’s Press.

Steinberg, L. (1983) The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion. Illinois: University of Chicago Press.

Irigaray, L. 1985 Speculum of the Other Woman. Gillian C. Gill trans. New York: Cornell University Press. Isherwood, L. & McEwan, D. (2001) Introducing Feminist Theology. London: Continuum International Publishing Group. Lanzetta, B.J. (2005) Radical Wisdom: A feminist mystical theology. Minneapolis: Fortress Press. Nelson, J. (1994) Embracing Masculinity. In Nelson, J. & Longfellow S.P. (eds.), Sexuality and Sacred: Sources for theological reflection. London: Westminster John Knox Press. Newburn, T. & Stanko, A.E. (1995) Just Boys Doing Business? Men, Masculinities and Crime. London: Routledge. Osherson, S. (1986) Finding Our Fathers: The unfinished business of manhood. New York: Free Press. Pryce, M. (2003) Masculinity. In Holden J. L. (ed.) Jesus in History, Thought and Culture: an encyclopaedia. Santa Barbara, USA: ABC CLIO. Ragland-Sullivan, E. (1985) Jacques Lacan and the Philosophy of Psychoanalysis. New York: Routledge. Ranke-Heinemann, U. (1990) Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven: women, sexuality and the Catholic Church. Peter Heinegg trans. New York: Penguin. Raphael, M. (1996) Theology and Embodiment: The postpatriarchal reconstruction of female sacrality. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.


Szasz, T. (1972) The Manufacture of Madness. New York: Doubleday. Wilson, J.M. (2007) From Pews to Polling Places: Faith and politics in the American religious mosaic. Washington: Georgetown University Press.

The Influence of Employment Equity Legislation on Human Resource Management in South Africa Kimberley Fotheringham

Abstract This paper examines the background to, and introduction of employment equity legislation in South Africa, and explores the effect this has had on the demographic profile of the country, and assesses how effective it has been. This paper will analyse how equality has become important in legislation in South Africa, and investigates the problems that arise for Human Resource Managment in balancing the implementation of the legislation and retaining key staff. Introduction Countries around the world have to deal with problems stemming from economic, social and workforce issues within their labour markets, and each tries to prevent labour problems developing by implementing national responses such as e.g. Equal Pay, Sex Discrimination, and Race Relations Acts. The focus of this paper will be the approach taken by South Africa, especially the impact that the Employment Equity Act (EEA) has had in trying to regulate the workforce in terms of race relations (Jain, 1999). In essence the EEA is a regulation put into place to create a fair workforce, but this has had a knock-on effect on how human resource management controls such legislation, and also raises issues regarding the fairness of restricting certain race/gender groups from entering the workplace. Managing the execution of legislation in a diverse society with a long history of racial tension is problematic. Whether it is unfair treatment or under representation of groups, this quintessentially results in an unequal labour market, and implementing change is complex and needs to be supported on both macro and micro levels. Throughout the report it is recognised that this implementation of the legislation can create diversity within the workforce and

thus create a competitive advantage for many organisations if implemented effectively. Statistics on employment demographics taken from the Commissions for Employment Equity (CEE) which investigated employment equity in South Africa from 2003-2008 provide an in-depth look into the changing workforce. The legacy of apartheid The end of apartheid played a big part in the introduction of the EEA. Apartheid was a set of legal systems imposed by the National Party that enforced racial segregation, lasting between about 1948 until 1990. During apartheid, education, health and other public services were racially segregated. When Nelson Mandela became South Africa’s first democratically elected black president in 1994, he helped see in the EEA which became law in 1998. The Act promotes the end of “discriminatory laws and practices” through promoting “right and equality through true democracy”. It aims to introduce a “diverse workforce” and “eliminate unfair discrimination in employment” (Labour Department: Republic of South Africa, 2009). The EEA identifies individuals within the designated group as black people, white females and the physically disadvantaged, and defines ‘black people’ as including “Africans, Coloureds and Indians” (ibid.). South Africa has used employment equity to transform and dismantle the legacy of apartheid by trying to enforce core values and a fairer culture onto South African organisations and society. This in return has helped to aid equal access to resources, opportunities and skills (Esterhuyse, 2003). The introduction of employment equity legislation was imperative to help with this transformation, and thus came the Constitution of South Africa in 1996 and the EEA in


1998. Both sought to promote the opportunity of equality in the South African workplace, the EEA aimed to rule out previous favouritism and preferable treatment to white males and improve treatment to designated group members. It was South Africa’s aim to rule out any discrepancies in job distribution that were the result of apartheid, and to create a fairer workforce at all occupational levels. Diversity and Human Resources Management Globally, companies have been striving to create a more diverse workplace since it became a buzzword in the 1970s (Argos and Burr, 1996; Coussey and Jackson, 1991). However, more recently the concept of diversity has led to legislation relating to affirmative action (especially in the USA) and employment equity. While these two concepts are broadly comparable, the concept of employment equity can be defined as “...changing how we do things, how we behave and how one’s organisation looks. It means that more women, ethnic minorities and disabled applicants and employees will be given the same chance to take part, progress and succeed as white males.” Coussey and Jackson (1991) Criticisms have been levelled at affirmative action, focussing on its ‘hiring by numbers’ technique, ‘tick box’ criteria and its overuse of terms such as racism and discrimination, so much to the point where it no longer reflects the true importance of these issues (Bamforth, Malik and O’Cinneide, 2008; Cahn, 1995; Mosley and Capaldi, 1996). The result of this on HRM is that institutions not only struggle to implement it, but if they themselves lack faith in it, this has a de-motivational effect on the workforce. Legislation means that Human Resources Management (HRM) has had to adapt to recruiting the right people for the right job within the new criteria, and also must seek to retain key employees through these changes. HRM may find itself in a position of being restrained by legislation, and employees will be aware of these very issues. With diversity in the workplace on the increase, HRM must rise to the challenge of having good communication with all members of staff, and be aware of the arguments behind the advantages and disadvantages of


having a diverse workplace. South Africa’s EEA states that a company employing more than 50 people needs to have a demographically representative workforce, which includes black people, women and people with disabilities. Even the “wording of job advertisements, application forms, psychometric testing and types of questions asked in an interview” needs to be acceptable to the EEA standard (Taggar, 2003). To further complicate matters, the idea of someone being suitably qualified for the job has little relevance as the EEA states that if a designated group member is un-qualified this is no reason to rule that person out. This kind of pressure on employment is what leads companies to seek extra help in HRM just to stay within these complicated laws, putting extra strain on this department. South Africa’s employment demographics It is important to analyse the demographics of South Africa to investigate just how employment equity is being implemented and if the legislation is being implemented effectively. Bodies such as the Commission for Employment Equity (CEE) have produced facts and figures to help explore the relationship between the EEA and current workforce statistics. The general population, according to the 2001 census, is nearly 45 million, 52.2% female and 47.8% male (Commission for Employment Equity, 2008, see table 1).





National Population





Economically Active Population





Table 1 Profile of the South African Population by race and economic activity (Source CEE 2008).

These figures can be broken down into Economically Active Population, and the categories mentioned in the Employment Equity Act (African, Coloured, Indian and White). The largest group are Africans, followed by Whites, Coloureds and lastly Indians. This ordering is reflected in the percentages of people who are economically active.

African Coloured

Indian White Foreign

Top Management






Senior Management






Middle Management






Skilled Workers






Non Permanent






Table 2 Profile of the percentage distribution of race groups in measured occupational levels (Source CEE 2008). However, relating these to the percentage distribution of race within certain occupational levels clearly shows that in the top three positions (top management, senior management and middle management), the group that featured the most are whites, who are not covered by the EEA, with the exception of white women. As this suggests, and as Ross and Schneider argue, in general, employers have embraced the letter, not the spirit, of the law (Ross and Schneider, 1992), by filling quotas by hiring from designated groups and putting them into lower positions. This suggestion is supported by Laurent and Adler’s research in which they asked international managers to identify both advantages and disadvantages of diversity in their organisations. The results showed that whereas 100 per cent of the respondents could identify disadvantages, fewer than 30 per cent could identify any advantages (Joynt and Morton, 1999). The HRM debate about resourcing the right people for the right job will always be present when

discussing equality, the main argument being that the person suitable for the job should be of a particular skill level rather than being part of a particular group. It is important that organisations consider ability, and are not overwhelmed by pressures for HRM to employ from designated groups. The idea that trying to create a ‘fair’ advantage for one individual, when singling out race, sex and physical condition, leads to the question of what this then means for the individual on the other side of that legislation. Situational analysis The 7S Framework is a management tool which measures excellence within a company (Know This, 2009). While the model was developed for analysing one single organisation, it has been slightly adapted here and applied to the implementation of the EEA in South Africa as a whole. All of the 7 elements with the model are interdependent and thus the breakdown of one will have a knock-on effect to the others (see figure 1). The main principle of using the framework is that each element needs to be explored in order to find the weaknesses within that organisation. This exploration is detailed here. Strategy The strategy of implementing employment equity into South Africa’s culture and workforce caused organisations to rethink their employment practices and structure. A strong HRM strategy helped support the changes.

Structure Strategy

Systems Shared Values


Style Staff

Figure 1 The 7S framework. (Redrawn from Know This 2009). Kimberley Fotheringham


Structure Demographic statistics demonstrate that there is a clear divide. Whites dominate the top three levels of management with 68% representation in top management, 65% in senior management and 57% in middle management roles. Coloureds and Indians seem to have little representation in any positions but the majority is in senior and middle management and skilled work. However coloureds have a 10.6% representation within non permanent work, their second highest rank in overall positions, whereas Africans have the biggest majority in non permanent positions with a very high 71% followed by 44% in skilled work. However, they occupy nearly 19% in top management and 18% in senior management which makes them the second highest race group, behind whites, to represent in them areas. This could suggest slight change in the structures of South Africa’s organisations. Systems Another key element of the EEA was promoting equal opportunities through recruitment, training and promotion schemes, therefore figures relating to these are important in discovering if the EAA has made an impact on organisations’ day-to-day systems. If we examine the training figures a trend seems to appear. The white working population dominate the top three management positions with 67% in top, 61% in senior and 47% in middle management whereas Africans can be seen dominating the bottom three with 79% in unskilled, 45% in skilled and 33% in middle management. Coloureds and Indians followed the same trends as above. So what does this mean for the employment demographics? If we look at this with a more investigatory eye then the figures should not be surprising as Africans should have the highest training figures in the bottom three occupational levels because that is where they are mostly represented. The same goes for Coloureds, Indians and White. The figures only represent where the majority can be trained. However this is a promising sign that organisations are training individuals in lower occupations, so that one day they can move up and therefore in the future we might see a more diverse representation within the top three occupations. Promotion tells the same story with percentage distribution and connotes a promising trend. Whereas Whites dominate


the top three positions again, we start to see an increasing number throughout the whole scale for Africans who still dominate the bottom three occupations, but we can see 32% promotion into middle management, 21% into senior and 16% into top management. With the same kind of statistics for both Coloureds and Indians these indicate a healthy change and a step towards achieving the equity that South Africa strives for. Style/Culture One of the effects of such big culture changes is a breakdown in communication between employer and employee which then leads to bigger problems. However, the changes that are taking place connote a positive change for the overall working environment, and although HRM might have to combat motivational struggles, the overall aim needs to be met to create a more diverse workforce, and the movement that is being shown in the occupational levels would suggest positive outcomes. Staff Staff within these organisations are the key components in the change towards a more diverse workforce. Therefore it is important to take into account all areas that affect them from how HRM is/have implemented the change strategy, the change in day-to-day running of their organisations, and if the core values are being met. Skills Although from the outset all the figures presented seem to indicate one story with Whites controlling the higher occupational levels, leaving Africans, Coloureds and Indians to the lower levels there is also proof to suggest this might be changing. At the moment the designated groups do dominate the lower occupations and this is a reflection of the injustices that has been caused by the apartheid and other discriminatory laws. However, figures would suggest that these discrepancies are being dealt with as training/ promotion is prevalent through the organisations measured within the CEE, connoting positive changes, and suggesting that the ‘quota filling’ problems seen with affirmative action are not relevant.

Shared Values It is fair to say that the implementation of the EAA has raised many issues and problems that organisations have had to address. However, the core indications seem to have been applied and this is reflected in overall change in regards to opportunities for designated groups to move between occupational levels. This is supported by figures in which comparative change between 2003 and 2007 is analysed. These figures demonstrate the movement of people within organisations, and also suggest that a more diverse workforce may be emerging for South Africa. The drop in percentage of Whites in top management is especially noticeable.


Top Management

Senior Management






















Table 3 Comparative change in occupational levels 2003-2007. (Source CEE 2008).

This was one of the biggest problems in South Africa where resentment was felt towards the number of white men in the highest positions. So although small steps are being taken, this could suggest positive change as Wocke and Sutherland state, “The legislation has played a positive role in kick-starting the transformation of South African workplaces by altering the power distance between the social groups but will require a refinement to overcome the negative consequences of the three social identities in the long run to build a truly nonracial and non-discriminatory society” (Wocke and Sutherland, 2008).

Conclusion As would be expected, employment equity has had a wide ranging impact, especially in regards to motivation. Keeping staff motivated in a changing environment is key to creating a competitive advantage through implementing diversity into the workforce and should not be seen as just quota filling. Nelson Mandela, who helped see in the EEA, had a huge influence on the voting population and reminded the crowds at a rally of the ANC’s historic purpose. He stated that “we must remember our primary task. It is to eradicate poverty and ensure a better life for all. The ANC has the historic responsibility to help build a united, non-racial society” (Nelson Mandela cited in Clayton, 2009). The implementation of the EEA is still top of the agenda in South Africa, and instrumental in the ANC’s re-election in 2009. As Jacobson suggests “the party’s credentials for ending white minority rule were more important for many voters than its doubtful record on fighting poverty, violent crime and Aids” (Jacobson, 2009 page no). However, the bigger question, of whether these changes are just the result of legislation or whether South Africa is moving towards being a fairer nation both within the workforce and culturally, remains unanswered. References Argos, C. and Burr, C. (1996) Employment Equity, Affirmative Action and Managing Diversity: Assessing the differences. London: Commission for Racial Equality. Bamforth, N., Malik, M. and O’Cinneide, C. (2008) Discrimination Law: Theory and context. London: Sweet & Maxswell. Cahn, S. (1995) The Affirmative Action Debate. New York: Routledge. Clayton, J. (2009) Mandela’s seal of approval rounds off show of unity. The Times. 20th April 2009, 3. Coussey, M. and Jackson, H. (1991) Making Equal Opportunities Work. London: Pitman Publishing. Cowan, J. (1995) The Affirmative Action Debate. New York:


Routledge. Commission for Employment Equity (2008) The Commission for Employment Equity Report (Annual Report 2007-2008). Pretoria: Gvn Printers. Esterhuyse, W.P. (2003) The Challenge of Transformation: Breaking the barriers. South African Journal of Business Management. 34, 1-8. Jacobson, C. (2009) ANC holds on to power but its share of vote is reduced. The Independent on Sunday. 26th April 2009, p.37. Jain, H. (1999) Foreword in Achieving Employment Equity: A guide to effective strategies, developing the fabric of organizations. South Africa: Knowledge Resources Ltd. Joynt, P. and Morton, B. (1999) The Global HR Manager: Creating the seamless organisation. Oxford: CIPD Publishing. Cahn, S. (1995) The Affirmative Action Debate. New York: Routledge. Know This (2009) Managing External Forces http://www. managing-external-forces/2.htm (Accessed 3rd April 2009). Labour Department: Republic of South Africa (2009) Employment Equity Act and Amendments za/legislation/acts/employment-equity/employment-equity-actand-amendents (Accessed 4th November 2008). Mosley, A. and Capaldi, N. (1996) Affirmative Action: Social justice or unfair preference. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Ross, R. and Schneider, R. (1992) From Equity To Diversity: A business case for equal opportunities. London: Pitman Publishing. Storey, J. (2001) Human Resource Management: A critical text. London: Routledge.


Taggar, S. (2003) Employment Equity and Affirmative Action: An international comparison. Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe. Wocke, A. and Sutherland, M. (2008) The Impact of Employment Regulations on Psychological Contracts in South Africa. International Journal of Human Resource Management, 19, 528-542.

How Appropriate is it for a Coach to Provide Sport Psychology Support to Athletes? Ellen Shepherd

Abstract The role of a sports coach includes instruction, clarification and reinforcement of technical aspects of sport. However, this role has dramatically developed in recent years. The focus of this paper is to debate the appropriateness of the coach providing sports psychology support to an athlete, examining the advantages and drawbacks of this dual role of coachpsychologist. While throughout the duration of a sporting career it is inevitable that athletes will require varying levels of psychological support, the appropriate source of this is discussed. The role of the coach-psychologist It is apparent that to achieve maximum potential both in training and competition the coach must provide psychological support to the athlete, this is referred to as educational as opposed to clinical support (Brewer, 2000; Burke and Johnson, 1992; Hardy et al, 2005; Jowett et al, 2005; Salmela and Moraes, 2003; Smith, 1992; Wadey and Hanton, 2007). Interpretations of educational psychology include coaches providing relevant psychological information that will support the athlete with regards to cognitive, behavioural and effective psycho-skills within both training and competition. In general, educational psychology tends to address less extreme factors with skills such as goal setting, imagery, relaxation and self-talk (Hardy et al, 2005; Wadey and Hanton, 2007; Weinberg and Gould, 2003). However, a coach lacking educational sports psychology training who attempts psychological assessment without adequate qualifications could do damage to the athlete (Ellickson and Brown, 1990; Smith, 1992), especially with regards to motivation, self-efficacy, self-esteem and performance. An uninformed intervention is arguably more

detrimental if an athlete requires clinical therapy where issues are more severe, such as drug abuse or eating disorders, which if misinterpreted or incorrectly diagnosed have potentially devastating consequences such as dismissal from sport or athlete burnout (Gagne et al, 2003). A credible sports psychologist will recognize the need for referral in these situations rather than risk misinterpreting and misguiding an athlete (Burke and Johnson, 1992; Jowett et al, 2005; Smith, 1992). It is not always applicable for a psychologist to adopt the dual role of coach-psychologist due to their potential lack of sporting knowledge (Buceta, 1993). There is also a danger of questioning the boundaries between coach, physiologists, educator, psychologist, therapist and friend (Hornak and Hornak 1993; Jowett et al, 2005), which could potentially cause a confusion of identities and arguably a lack of respect for the coach (Pain and Harwood, 2004). The most common argument supporting the dual role of coach-psychologist is that the coach has more control of the sporting environment than an external sports psychologist (Smith, 1992) and has intuitive knowledge of their athlete’s state due to significant periods of association and observations, meaning that psychological interventions are more efficient (Burke and Johnson, 1992; Ellickson and Brown, 1990; Smith, 1992). This suggests that the coach will always be the most appropriate individual to supply psychological support at both clinical and educational levels to their athlete (Jowett and Cockerill, 2002; Weinberg and Gould, 2003). Smith et al (1979) conducted research into optimal coaching techniques, suggesting that to achieve maximum athletic


performance coaches must have a fundamental psychological understanding of their athletes. This understanding must be combined with the application of enhancement techniques such as positive feedback (Salmela and Moraes, 2003), goal setting (Speed et al, 2005; Wadey and Hanton, 2007), democratic leadership and involvement of the individual athlete (Brewer, 2000), encouragement and reinforcement (Cox and Williams, 2008), and imagery and attributional retraining (Coffee et al, 2009). It should also take into account multidimensional perspectives (Gagne et al, 2003; Mouratidis et al, 2008; Price and Weiss, 2000). By providing these psychological techniques the coach is maximizing potential with regards to intrinsic motivation, performance and cognitive development in line with self-determination theory (Deci and Ryan, 2004). It would therefore appear that damage to the athlete and their performance occurs when the coach lacks the fundamental understanding of educational sports psychology. Without acceptable levels of training it would therefore appear inappropriate for the coach to provide psychological support to the athlete. Issues A common criticism of the coach administering psychological support to athletes is the potential lack of validity and the response distortion problem (Ellickson and Brown, 1990; Smith, 1992). Even with the most honest and trusting coachathlete relationship, revealing true emotions and achieving psychological understanding of an athlete can be difficult due to athletes’ fears of not being played or being withdrawn from a team (Burke and Johnson, 1992). However Speed et al (2005) and Creswell and Eklund (2006) oppose this viewpoint stating that the coach-athlete relationship demonstrates a bond that is stronger than that with an external psychologist, who will inevitably struggle in gaining acceptance from an athlete, and occasionally even the coach, despite them sharing similar purpose with regards to enhancing athletic performance. In an ideal world both coach and psychologist would work in parallel and complement each other with regards to an increase in both psychological and physiological performance, and arguably this is achievable either through a dual role or through having both a coach and a psychologist.


Martin et al (1997) favour the dual role due to their research findings stating athletes’ concerns with stigmatization of external therapy and lack of confidence in sports psychologists. Previous experiences from athletes and coaches alike will inevitably influence perceptions and expectations of the coach’s psychological role, for example Voight and Callaghan (2001) suggest that university sports coaches were reluctant to employ external psychologists as previously no positive improvement was demonstrated, and even some negative experiences were recorded. Other research also refers to problems with psychologists’ lack of sporting knowledge (Jowett et al, 2005; Weinberg and Gould, 2003). Although this lack of knowledge is easily overcome as specialised sports psychologists become more common , arguably many athletes would be more comfortable with a familiar figure, such as a coach (Hornak and Hornak, 1993). However, athletes often fail to recognise the need for intervention which then reinforces the coach’s initial role; whether psychologically qualified or primarily the technical coach, the coach needs to be able to recognise when an athlete needs intervention for progression to continue (Martin et al, 1997). Goal setting When developing team and social cohesion between coach and athletes, goal setting is a basic psychological technique used to demonstrate and clarify aims between individuals helping to create and develop a relationship. It is widely accepted and commonly implemented by coaches (Brewer, 2000; Burke, 2005; Salmela and Moraes, 2003; Wadey and Hanton, 2007). An effective sports psychologist would understand the importance of focusing upon process and performance goals for athlete progression. However, coaches can become fixated on outcome goals and show disappointment in their players though negative feedback and body language when failure occurs (Burke, 2005; Price and Weiss, 2000). Unconsciously, the coach is implementing detrimental cognitions through negative feedback, which again demonstrates the need for a basic level of educational psychology for coaches in order to provide support for their athletes (Buceta, 1993; Ellickson and Brown, 1990). Another danger of the coach implicating psychological support without

sufficient training is the potential to noticeably suppress an athlete’s motivation and self-efficacy through incorrect means of feedback in the form of punishments or tangible rewards, all of which contribute to demotivation or a decline in performance leading to athlete drop-out. Team sports Within team sports there is a tendency for coaches to fail to recognise athletes in need of psychological treatment, arguably due to the coach having less time to focus upon individual athletes (Buceta, 1993; Smith et al, 1979). A secondary challenge within team sports is how to effectively provide psychological support for an individual within a team, whilst avoiding perceptions of favouritism and unjust behaviour; arguably ethical considerations of the coach are challenged in this situation (Buceta, 1993; Ellickson and Brown, 1990; Hornak and Hornak, 1993). The psychological coaching skills of the coach are not necessarily being doubted, but with individual attention given towards players, inevitably the team will suffer with regards to technical support and direction (Salminen and Liukkonen, 1996). The coach’s primary focus needs to remain within the team to maintain focus upon achievement. It may then be concluded that the coach may not always be able to effectively treat the individual athlete within a team to optimal level, therefore an external sports psychologist would be more appropriate to support the athlete (Buceta, 1993; Salminen and Liukkonen, 1996). It has also been stated that within team sports the coach-athlete relationship is often more formal and less intimate meaning athletes are potentially more likely to approach an external psychologist than a coach regarding psychological concerns (Jowett et al, 2005). Team cohesion also needs to be considered from a psychological perspective as success depends on the team’s ability to effectively communicate and unite within competition, and the acknowledgement of individual roles and abilities within the team (Burke, 2005; Cresswell and Eklund, 2006). It is less likely that individuals within a team will naturally bond to levels of optimal performance, therefore it is the coach’s role to encourage team cohesion through psychological techniques such as behaviour modifications,

attributional retraining, achievement motivation and goal setting (Brewer, 2000; Coffee et al, 2009). However when a coach lacks this psychological understanding, or the coach and athletes fail to strike a rapport and possibly even create conflict between one another, the use of an external sports psychologist becomes essential for development (Jowett et al, 2005). Conclusion Regardless of the relevant psychological qualifications held by the coach, it can be argued that in individual and team sports, the one-to-one relationship between athlete and coach can be stressful to the athlete, therefore the support of an external sports psychologist becomes necessary. However, depending on the coach-athlete relationship, this may not always be the case. Consideration of the situation and the individuals involved needs to be given. There are no clear set boundaries as to when it becomes inappropriate for a coach to supply psychological support for athletes due to the uniqueness of each environment and athlete. Coach and psychologist, whether as two individuals or within a dual role, should work simultaneously to provide much needed psychological support to athletes and maximise their athletic potential. References: Brewerm B. W. (2000) Doing Sports Psychology in the Coaching Role. In M. B, Anderson Doing Sport Psychology. Leeds: Human Kinetics. Buceta, J. M. (1993) The Sport Psychologist/ Athletic Coach Dual Role: Advantages, difficulties, and ethical considerations. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 5, 64-77. Burke, K. L. (2005) But Coach Doesn’t Understand: Dealing with team communication quagmires. In Andersen, M. (ed.) Sport Psychology in Practice. Leeds: Human Kinetics. Burke, K. L. & Johnson, J. J. (1992) The Sport PsychologistCoach Dual Role Position: A rebuttal to Ellickson and Brown. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 4, 51-55. Coffee, P., Rees, T. & Haslam, S. A. (2009) Bouncing


Back from Failure: The interactive impact of perceived controllability and stability on self-efficacy, beliefs and future task performance. Journal of Sports Sciences, 27, (11), 11171124. Cox, A. & Williams, L. (2008) The Roles of Perceived Teacher Support, Motivational Climate, and Psychological Need Satisfaction in Students’ Physical Education Motivation. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 30, 222-239. Cresswell, S,L. & Eklund, R. C. (2006) The Nature of Player Burnout in Rugby: Key characteristics and attributions. Journal of Applied Sports Psychology, 18, 219-239. Deci, E. & R. M. Ryan (eds.) (2004) Handbook of SelfDetermination Research. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press. Ellickson, K. A. & Brown, D. R. (1990) Ethical Considerations in Dual Relationships: The sport-psychologist coach. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 2, (2), 186-190. Gagne, M., Ryan, R. M. & Bargman, K. (2003) Autonomy Support and Need Satisfaction in the Motivation and WellBeing of Gymnasts. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 15, 372-390. Hardy, C. J., Burke, K. L. & Crace, R. K. (2005) Coaching: An effective communication system. In Murphy, S. (ed.) The Sports Psych Handbook. Leeds: Human Kinetics. Hornak, N. J. & Hornak, J. E. (1993) Coach and Player- Ethics and Dangers of Dual Relationships. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 64, (5), 84-87. Jowett, S. & Cockerill, I. (2002) Incompatibility in the CoachAthlete Relationship. In Cockerill, I. (ed.) Solutions in Sport Psychology. London: Thompson. Jowett, S., Paull, G., Pensgaard, M., Hoegmo, P. M., & Rise, H. (2005) Coach- Athlete Relationship. In Taylor, J. & Wilson, G. (eds.) Applying Sport Psychology: Four perspectives. Leeds:


Human Kinetics. Martin, S. B., Wrisberg, C. A., Beitel. P. A. & Lounsbury, J. ( 1997) NCAA Division I Athletes’ Attitude Toward Seeking Sport Psychology Consultation: The Development of an Objective Instrument. The Sport Psychologist. 11, (2), 201-218. Mouratidis, A., Vansteenkiste, M., Lens, W. & Sideridis, G. (2008) The Motivating Role of Positive Feedback in Sport and Physical Education: Evidence for a motivational model. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 30, 240-268. Pain, M. A. & Harwood, C. G. (2004). Knowledge and Perceptions of Sport Psychology within English Soccer. Journal of Sports Sciences, 22, (9), 813- 826. Price, M. S. & Weiss, M. R. (2000) Relationships Among Coach Burnout, Coach Behaviours and Athletes’ Psychological Responses. The Sport Psychologist, 14, 391-409. Salmela, J.H. & Moraes, L.C. (2003) Development of expertise: The role of coaching, families, and cultural contexts. In Starkes, J. L. & Ericsson, K. A. (eds.) Expert Performance in Sports: Advances in Research on Sport Expertise. Leeds: Human Kinetics. Salminen, S. & Liukkonen, J. (1996) Coach-Athlete relationship and Coaching Behaviour in Training Sessions. International Journal of Sports Psychology, 27, 59-67. Smith, D. (1992) The Coach as Sport Psychologist: An alternate view. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 4, 56-62. Smith, R.E., Smoll, F.L. & Curtis, B. (1979) Coach Effectiveness Training: A cognitive behavioural approach to enhancing relationship skills in youth sport coaches. Journal of Sports Psychology, 1,59-75. Speed, H. & Andersen, M. B. & Simons, J. (2005) The Selling or the Telling of Sport Psychology: Presenting services to coaches. In Andersen, M. (ed.) Sport Psychology in Practice. Leeds: Human Kinetics.

Voight, M. & Callaghan, J. (2001) The Use of Sport Psychology Services at NCAA Division I University From 1998- 1999. The Sports Psychologist, 15, 91-102. Wadey, R.G. & Hanton, S. (2007) The Mechanisms Underlying the Relationship Between Basic Psychological Skills Usage and Competitive Anxiety Responses. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 29, 210. Weinberg, R. S. & Gould, D. (2003). Foundations of Sport and Exercise Psychology. Leeds: Human Kinetics.


Mapping the British Isles with ‘Heart’ and ‘Head’: Exploring the relationship between children’s emotions and their maps Octavia Chave

Abstract This paper explores the relationship between children’s response to place and how they learn to communicate about space with maps. Children’s maps are construed here as personal geographies, that are a guide not only to personal spaces, but to places and the emotions they evoke.The paper focuses on making maps of the British Isles at Key Stage 2, and draws on data gathered while observing geography teaching in Years 4, 5 and 6 and in examining the free recall sketch maps created by children as part of the research.The project illustrates the multifaceted lens through which a child experiences the British Isles, both directly and indirectly, and the complexity of the way this determines the final shape of the child’s map. Introduction In a world saturated with visual images, dominated by computers and the visual media, graphicacy is an essential life skill (Scoffham, 2002 p.6, Wiegand, 2006; Wilmot, 2004), arguably as important as literacy, numeracy and oracy (Mackintosh, 1998 p.133; Matthews, 1992 p.205). Contrary to inferences drawn from Piaget’s experiments, a child’s graphicacy – their ability to communicate graphically – begins to develop in early childhood (Catling 2003 p.174; Matthews, 1995 p.293; Scoffham, 2004a; Spencer and Blades, 1993 p.371; Wiegand, 2006 p.15).Thus, communicating successfully with maps, conceived both as encoding and decoding spatial information in graphical form, is a desirable and realistic goal for primary geography. At the same time, children’s emotions are being given increasing emphasis in primary geography, typically to further two broad aims: firstly, the development of emotional literacy, and well-being (Matthews, 1992 p.201; Spencer, 2004 p.84;


Tanner, 2009 p.7-8), and a sense of identity (Buxton, 2006 p.50;Taylor, 2005 p.9); secondly, the education of future citizens who will live sustainably (Buxton, 2006 p.53-54) and become responsible members of the local community (CABE, 2007; Spencer, 2004 p.84;Tanner, 2004 p.40-41), the national community (Ajegbo, 2009; Sweasey, 1997 p.7; Walker, 1998 p.233-234; Wiegand, 2002 p.47) and the global community (Catling, 2003 p.176; Matthews, 2002 p.62; Scoffham, 2004a p.20; Swift, 2004 p.7). It has been suggested that research in primary geography can be divided into research into ‘space’ and research into ‘place’ (Bowles, 2004 p.2). Accepting that both terms are not without difficulty (Jackson, 2006 p.199; Matthews, 2002 p.11), it will be assumed that ‘space’ is an objective property of the physical world and ‘place’ involves both a physical and a human element (Martin, 2006a p.6).The distinction between space and place implies that maps would belong to the former and children’s emotions would belong to the latter, with the further implication that they are independent of each other. However, it is worthwhile exploring potential connections between the two, if the goal of learning to communicate successfully with maps can benefit from current teaching approaches which acknowledge children’s emotions. The research focused on Key Stage 2, when children are at the age when it is appropriate to invite them to make maps (Matthews, 2002 p. 202; Wiegand, 2002 p.20 – p.23). During three days spent observing geography teaching in Years 4, 5 and 6 and taking part in geography fieldwork in Year 6, I asked children from all three year groups to make free recall sketch maps of the British Isles, collecting a total of 27 maps illustrating a clear progression in mapping ability.

Studies about place often seem to fall into two categories: studies of ‘the locality’ (e.g. Bowles, 2004; Matthews, 1995) and studies of ‘distant places’ (e.g. Schmeinck, 2007). How, then, should we view the British Isles? It seems that the distinction between ‘local’ and ‘distant’ is in fact blurred, as it depends both on objective physical distance and the subjective distance perceived (Jackson, 2006 p. 200-202; Martin, 2006a p.7;Taylor, 2005 p. 9). For young children,‘distant’ places may in practice be any place which is not ‘here’ (Matthews, 2002 p. 202). By Key Stage 2, children’s mental ‘maps’ of the British Isles are liable to be made up of places which are considered ‘local’ and those which are considered ‘distant’, both of which may have been either directly or indirectly experienced (Matthews, 2002; Taylor, 2005 p9).This makes the British Isles a difficult Figure 1 place to categorise and perhaps explains the scant research into children’s maps of the British Isles (Wiegand, 2006 p. 79). However, the agendas of citizenship and sustainable education still apply at a national scale, where the stereotypes and prejudice associated with ‘distant places’ also exist and are arguably harder to acknowledge and address (Ajegbo, 2009;Walker, 2004 p.195-196).Asked to draw a map of the British Isles, a Year 4 girl thought for a long time, then finally commented,“that’s the one that’s a bit like Africa, isn’t it”, a surprising consequence of a year’s teaching which had focused only on the very near (her own Hampshire village) and the very far (a village in Africa) (see figure 1). Learning To determine how encouraging children to approach maps with both their hearts and their heads might impact learning, it will be necessary to explore two relationships that exist between their emotions and their ability to communicate with maps. In particular, emotional engagement with place is a prerequisite for learning about maps, and this contributes to the accuracy of both map making and map use.

It has been argued that secure place attachment in infancy provides the basis for an early understanding of spatial relationships and subsequent environmental cognition, in much the same way as secure parental attachment in infancy provides the basis for successful human relationships (Bowles, 2004, p.12; Matthews, 2002 p.13-15;Tanner, 2009 p.6).Thus, our early emotional responses to place (‘heart’) underpins our early cognition of space (‘head’); heart and head are interdependent from the start (Buxton, 2006). Recent research in neuroscience demonstrates that learning requires input from the brain’s emotional system, which suggests that a child’s ability to develop a mental ‘map’ of the British Isles will continue to depend on a level of emotional engagement through primary education and beyond (Scoffham, 2004a p.18-22; Scoffham, 2004b p.122; GTIP, 2009; Martin, 2006b p.144), influences which will equally affect children’s map making abilities. However, it is important to remember that emotional engagement in a task is only possible if the emotions are not engaged elsewhere.This was amply demonstrated by a Year 5 boy who, when asked to make a map of the British Isles, divided his page in half in order to draw his ‘two houses’: Mum’s house and Dad’s house. I found myself wondering about the feelings of the boy in the Figure 2 car shown driving away from one house towards the dividing line; at the last minute he decided not to draw the second house, but enlarged his drawing of the first house (see figure 2).This was a salutary reminder of the complex emotions children may bring into the classroom and how this affects their ability to engage in learning activities. Turning from map making to map use, variations in the results of research studies in environmental cognition suggest that children perform better when their competence is assessed in ‘real world’ contexts rather than in decontextualised


laboratory studies (Blades and Spencer, 1986; Matthews, 1992 p.2; Wiegand, 1993 p.19-21).This was highlighted by a Year 4 boy who, having made little progress with a teacher-initiated task to interpret a set of maps of the local area, suddenly sprang into action when he found his own house on an aerial photograph. He quickly identified it on maps at different scales and from different historical periods, and was soon working with a friend on a self-motivated enquiry to solve the mystery of ‘disappearing’ canal which was shown at the end of his garden on some maps, but which did not appear in a photo he had taken from the bottom of his garden. His sudden emotional engagement was the trigger for an impressive display of competence in map reading and interpretation to support a meaningful and purposeful enquiry.Thus, it seems that emotional engagement has a role to play in both successful map making, the encoding of spatial information in map form, and the decoding of spatial information in map form. However, from this conclusion a paradoxical situation appears to arise, for it seems that the very emotions upon which environmental cognition depends also compromise the accuracy of the mental ‘maps’ which result (Matthews, 1992 p. 129). One way of looking at children’s maps of the British Isles is to see them as falling far short of conventional cartographic maps in their representation of space (Catling, 2003 p.175; Jackson, 2006 p.200). One map (see figure 3), drawn by a Year 4 child, represents his immediate locality at a larger scale than the rest of the map, providing an example of the tendency Figure 3 of young children to vary the scale within their maps (Wiegand, 2006 p. 34-35 and p.48) but perhaps also reflecting the strength of his attachment to local places and their familiarity. It seems possible that this place attachment distorts the perceived spatial relationships to more distant places (Schmeinck, 2007 p.37;Taylor, 2005 p.9), resulting in the scaling errors which in turn distort his map.


A second map (see figure 4), drawn by a Year 5 child, contains inconsistencies in the positioning of places directly experienced, illustrating that mental ‘maps’ rarely have the metric properties of cartographic maps (Matthews, 1992 p.145). Although Lychpit is in fact much closer to Basingstoke than Cumbria, there may be emotional Figure 4 factors which result in it being perceived as more distant than Cumbria, or it may simply be that the sequential nature of the task disrupts the child’s ability to communicate their mental ‘map’ as a whole and results in inconsistencies (Wiegand, 2006 p.46). Of the children’s maps gathered, two thirds attempted to represent the British Isles as a whole, with only half of those accurately representing England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The most common error was to significantly misrepresent Wales (see figure 3) or omit it entirely (see figure 5), which coincides with the evidence from the available research (Wiegand, 2006 p.79). It seems likely that gaps in children’s maps result from an absence of relevant experience, or insufficient emotional engagement with either that experience or the task in hand to result in successful recall. For example, Wales was accurately represented on the aerial photos and maps of the British Isles used in the Year 4 geography topic that week, however, this indirect experience did not result in the child remembering to include Wales on their own map of the British Isles (see figure 5). Figure 5

These examples illustrate the multi-faceted lens through which a child experiences the British Isles, both directly and indirectly, and the complexity of the way this determines the final shape of the child’s map (Martin, 2006a p.20; Matthews, 1992 p.11). Added to this is the gap between children’s mental ‘maps’ of the British Isles and the maps they make to represent them, created by the constraints of developing motor skills, resources (Wiegand, 2006 p.46) and recall (Martin, 2006a p. 147-148; Matthews, 1992). Although it is difficult to isolate the influence of the emotions on children’s maps, their comments while making maps made it clear that, in the instances observed at least, their emotional responses to the direct and indirect experiences of places in the British Isles influenced what they included in their maps and how they represented it (Matthews, 1992 p. 4 and p.129; Wiegand, 2006 p. 79-80).

influence of children’s affective response to place on their perception of space creates highly individual mental ‘maps’ which constitute their personal geographies. Rather than view children’s maps as distorted, inconsistent and incomplete versions of their cartographic counterparts, they represent a teaching opportunity to elicit and make explicit the affective responses that influence them. In this way they are a basis for the gradual adoption of socially negotiated cartographic conventions used in map making and of a critical graphicacy which underpins effective map use.

Perhaps, rather than viewing children’s maps as flawed copies of their cartographic counterparts, it is more helpful to view them as the best graphical representation we have of their personal geographies (Catling, 2003; Matthews, 1992 p.145). Certainly, the success with which children move through space without bumping into things or constantly getting lost suggests that, rather than being flawed, their mental ‘maps’ are at least fit for purpose (Matthews, 1992 p.147; Wiegand, 2006 p.46). For example, year 6 children working in the ICT suite misinterpreted a map of their local area, mistaking the M3 for the River Loddon. Despite their misconception concerning the interpretation of cartographic symbols, the children demonstrated a high degree of competence in map interpretation and map use during their fieldwork and it seems unlikely that their misconception would have persisted in this context. However, construed as personal geographies, children’s maps represent mental ‘maps’ which are more than merely fit for purpose, they are a guide not only to personal spaces, but personal places and the emotions they evoke.

Blades, M. & Spencer, C. (1986) Map Use by Young Children. Geography 1986, 47-52.

Conclusion The current focus on children’s emotions in primary geography has the potential to have a significant positive impact on the teaching children to communicate successfully with maps. Emotional engagement with place is necessary both to understand space and how it is represented in maps.The

Bibliography Ajegbo, K. (2009) Community Cohesion: Issues, practice and geography, Geographical Association Conference, http://www. (Accessed 24/05/09).

Bowles, R. (2004) Children’s Understanding of Locality. In Catling, S. & Martin, F. (eds.) Researching Primary Geography. London: Register of Research. Buxton, C. (2006) Sustainable Education: what’s that all about and what has geography fieldwork got to do with it?. In Cooper, H., Rowley, C. & Asquith, S. (eds.) Geography 3-11: a guide for teachers. London: David Fulton, pp. 49-65. CABE (2007) Our Street: Learning to See. A teacher’s guide to using the built environment at Key Stage 2. London: Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment. Catling, S. (2002) Thinking Geographically. Primary Geographer, 47, 7-10 Catling, S. (2003) Curriculum Contested: Primary geography and social justice. Geography, 88(3), 164-210. GTIP (2009) GTIP Think Piece - Geography and Happiness, geographyandhappiness (Accessed 04/05/09).


Jackson, P. (2006) Thinking Geographically. Geography, 91(3), 199-204.

Spencer, C. (2004) Place Attachment, Place Identity and the Development of the Child’s

Mackintosh, M. (1998) Photographs, Diagrams and Maps: Understanding and using them. In Carter, R. (ed.) Handbook of Primary Geography. Sheffield:The Geographical Association, pp.133-152.

Self-Identity: Searching the literature to develop an hypothesis. In Catling, S. & Martin, F. (eds.) Researching Primary Geography, London: Register of Research, p. 77-85.

Martin, F. (2006a) Everyday Geography. Primary Geographer, Autumn 2006, 4-7. Martin, F. (2006b) Teaching Geography in Primary Schools: Learning to live in the world. Cambridge: Chris Kington. Matthews, C. (2002) Maps from Memory. In Bowles, R. (ed.) Occasional Paper No. 2. London: Register of Primary Research.

Sweasey, P. (1997) Studying Contrasting UK Localities. Sheffield: The Geographical Association. Swift, D. (2004) Out of Place in School Geography. In Bowles, R. (ed.) Place and Space. London: Register of Research in Primary Geography, p. 7-12.

Matthews, H. (1995) Culture, Environmental Experience and Environmental Awareness: Making sense of young Kenyan Children’s’ views of place. The Geographical Journal, 161(3), 285-295.

Tanner, J. (2009) Special Places: Place attachment and children’s happiness. Primary Geographer, Spring 2009, pp. 5-8.

Matthews, H. (1992) Making Sense of Place: Children’s understanding of large scale environments. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf.

Walker, G. (1998) Studying a contrasting UK locality. In Carter, R. (ed.) Handbook of Primary Geography. Sheffield:The Geographical Association, p. 233-243.

Schmeinck, D. (2007) Making a case for maps. Primary Geographer, 63 (Summer 2007), 36-38.

Wiegand, P. (2002) Places in the Primary School: Knowledge and understanding of places at Key Stages 1 and 2. London: The Falmer Press.

Scoffham, S. (2002) Neurogeography. Primary Geographer, 47, 4-6. Scoffham, S. (2004a) Young Geographers. In Scoffham, S. (ed.) Primary Geography Handbook. Sheffield: Geography Association, p. 15-23. Scoffham, S. (2004b) Geography, Learning and the Brain: An example of literature-based research. In Catling, S. & Martin, F. (eds.) Researching Primary Geography. London: Register of Research, p. 120-128.


Spencer, C. & Blades, M. (1993) Children’s Understanding of Places:The world at hand. Geography 1993, 367-37

Taylor, L. (2005) How far is far? Primary Geographer, 50, 8-10.

Wiegand, P. (2006) Learning and Teaching with Maps. Abingdon: Routledge. Wilmot, D. (2004) The Skills Children Use When Encoding and Decoding Spatial Information about the Environment: A case study. In Catling, S. & Martin, F. (eds.) Researching Primary Geography. London: Register of Research, p. 162-169. All images ©Octavia Chave

A Case Study of the Amnesty International UK Campaign, ‘No Recourse’: No Safety, 2008/9 Andrew Pilley

Abstract This paper evaluates the Campaign by Amnesty International, with the Southall Black Sisters and the Women’s Resource Centre, entitled ‘No Recourse’; No Safety. It concerns ‘female foreign nationals’ experiencing domestic abuse whilst resident in Great Britain. The context and policy issues around this Campaign are discussed in relation to the interventions, methodology and approaches used. The paper concludes with an analysis and reflection on the impact and success of the Campaign with regard to its aims and objectives, relevant policy and theory, and the National Occupational Standards for Community Development. This article is based on an assignment for the module Influencing Decision Making in the Foundation Degree in Community Development (FdACD) at the University of Winchester. Introduction: the background “Under the ‘no recourse to public funds’ rule, women who arrive in the UK on temporary work permits, student visas or who come here to marry are not entitled to certain state benefits including housing benefit and income support – benefits a woman must be able to claim in order to get a place in a refuge. As a result, many newly married women in the UK are trapped in violent marriages. Even if they do muster the courage to seek help from the authorities, they are simply turned away” (Amnesty International, nd). This situation was analysed by Amnesty and their partners in their 2008 report No Recourse’ No Safety – The Government’s Failure to Protect Women from Violence, which highlights that many foreign nationals visiting the UK legally, using shortterm work visas, student or spousal permits, have no recourse to public funds even when married to a UK citizen. Without

entitlement to state aid, including benefits designed to meet rent and living expenses, those suffering domestic abuse, who are able to leave the relationship face being refused access to refuges (Amnesty International UK, 2009). Benn (2010, p.10) feels such ‘instruments of control’ force many women in to ‘debt slavery’, and Amnesty believes the UK’s policy to be illegal under international law. The 2003 Green Paper Safety and Justice acknowledged that providing accommodation and support to victims of domestic abuse was “life-saving and critical” (Amnesty International UK, 2009). The resultant Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004 acknowledged that women from certain ‘black and minority ethnic’ groups faced additional barriers, including religious and cultural issues such as perceptions of family dishonour, ostracism, language, stigma and fear of deportation (WSCC, 2006 p. 2-3). The 2004 Act introduced a “Domestic Violence Concession” to help victims. However, this has been shown to be ineffective, and failed to tackle the ‘no recourse’ rule as immigration legislation contradicts and overrides Government attempts to protect victims, so nullifying the concession (Amnesty International UK, 2009; Women’s Aid, 2007). Therefore victims, usually vulnerable younger ethnic women, are financially prevented from accessing other housing and refuge options other than a family residence. The Government acknowledged this loophole but failed to implement mandatory changes. Two short-term funding allocations were made to fund support for women’s groups but were too small to make a lasting impact (Amnesty International, 2009). In 2007, the Government Equalities Office published the Minister for Women’s three key priorities including a commitment to tackling violence against women (Government Equalities Office, 2009). A 2009 Factsheet


documenting their achievements made no reference to the ‘No Recourse’ issue either having been achieved or being planned in the life of the current parliament (Harman, 2009). It was within this context that the ‘No Recourse’, No Safety Report (Amnesty International UK, 2008), was published. The issues raised within it were highlighted on this and partner websites for maximum publicity (Amnesty International UK, 2009; Southall Black Sisters, 2009; Women’s Resource Centre, 2009) and a campaign highlighting the issues raised in the report was launched. Why launch a campaign? Campaigns seek to influence decision-makers for a variety of reasons which include encouraging ‘joined-up working’ amongst agencies, making a case for funding, and generating good working practices. In this Campaign, the reasons can be seen as promoting change, challenging inequality, and increasing diversity (Federation for Community Development Learning (FCDL), 2008 p.6). Various methodologies may be used by campaigns to influence decision-makers. These include lobbying at all levels, partnership and networking, and community endorsement. To achieve this a campaign must remain honest and trusted, making reasonable demands with the authority, knowledge and support of the groups represented (ibid., p. 23-26). The key partners in this Campaign were each regarded as credible and influential bodies within their own sphere, having achieved past successes in raising issues and affecting change locally, nationally and internationally (Amnesty International UK, 2009; Southall Black Sisters, 2009; Women’s Resource Centre, 2009). Uniting in partnership enhanced their ability to distribute and promote the Campaign across various communities, increasing and diversifying the possible levels of pressure for change on decision-makers at all levels (FCDL 2008, p.33). In accordance with the National Occupational Standards (NOS) for Community Development, the Campaign sought to encourage mass participatory non-violent action, utilising a variety of different methods to publicize the campaign to


decision-makers, gathering demonstrable popular support for its aims (Amnesty International UK, 2009). These methods included traditional approaches to campaigning via a mass lobby of parliament, and publishing blank formatted lettertemplates to encourage participants to contact their MPs, party spokespeople, and key local authority leaders, asking them to back the Campaign. New and innovative methods included use of news media such as Twitter, Facebook, and e-communication to demonstrate levels of support directly to decision-makers, by making available the contact addresses of all MPs in these formats (Amnesty International UK, 2009). Superficially, it may be argued that by assisting others, rather than supporting their direct participation, the Campaign’s advocacy work was at odds with the principles of Community Development (CD) which emphasise the primacy of selfdetermination and self-advocacy. However, advocacy may be a necessary first step in assisting the development of selfdetermination – advocacy can offer support to those who find that they are unable to get their voices heard on their own in the first stages of their efforts to bring about change. In this case, the campaign was advocating on behalf of those labelled as amongst the most vulnerable in our society, who would otherwise have no access to decision-makers. Adopting the role of advocate meant that the Campaign could act, ethically, as a representative in raising the women’s issues with those having the power and democratic authority to achieve change. But, to be successful in the long-term, a campaign such as this must also take into account perceptions/prejudices about ‘powerlessness’ and ‘exclusion’ and the effect that these have on the experiences of the women with whom the Campaign was concerned. Powerlessness itself can be regarded as a form of power in that it allows those affected by the ‘power’ to seek help (Changing Minds, 2008). Alternatively, it can be argued that the powerless are further ‘corrupted’ by accepting this label into believing that they hold no power, so ‘involuntarily consenting’ to the circumstances, foregoing their remaining power and contributing to their oppression (Benn, 2010 p.13 and p.146). To assist supporters, the organisers produced a participants’ briefing pack, summarising the Campaign’s background,

aims and objectives, and calling for a peaceful mass lobby of Parliament on 4th November 2009. The organisers provided transport and publicity material for activists, including a list of sample questions to put to MPs, manifesto co-ordinators and media sources (Amnesty International, 2009). It was seeing the march taking place at Westminster, and being made aware by participants of the issues, that I first became aware of this Campaign. This march and mass lobby of Parliament were key aspects of the Campaign which, it can be argued, were successful in achieving both participation and publicity. Overview of the Campaign Around the time of this particular Campaign, domestic abuse issues in general were receiving widespread coverage in the UK media, with positive message dissemination: for example The White Ribbon Campaign received 20 articles in a fortnight in November 2009 (Newsbank, 2009a). But despite this media coverage of general concerns about domestic violence, this did not extend to cases involving ‘foreign nationals’, so paradoxically, this Amnesty Campaign attracted relatively little attention. No written reports of the lobby were found in the national or regional press (Newsbank 2009b, The Guardian, 2009), although a debate on the issues was held on Woman’s Hour (BBC Radio 4, 2009). There may have been a number of extenuating factors in the Campaign’s failure to achieve mass publicity, such as the timing of the lobby being close to Remembrance Day, with commentators focused on other matters. It tends to be assumed that there is a lack of popular support, and thus media support, for BME (Black and Minority Ethnic) issues. Similarly, a call for, albeit limited, Government expenditure on welfare benefits, at a time of national austerity, may have added to the reasons for the lack of media coverage. The nature of the Campaign encouraged engagement at various levels, from national organisations lobbying the Government and legislature directly, to activists seeking the support of local representatives and contact with ministers. The timing of influence is also key, with more obscure or non-populist issues being overshadowed in a pre-election period (FCDL 2008, p.33-34). Campaigners aiming to influence policy can utilise two main approaches: one is the right

to post ‘e-petitions’ directly to the Prime Minister, where a response is promised when over 500 signatures are lodged. A petition was raised calling for changes to the ‘No Recourse’ Campaign, receiving a total of 612 signatures before closing on 20th November. As of 8th December 2009, no response was listed (Prime Minister’s Office, 2009). MPs can also be approached to raise an Early Day Motion (EDM) to call for a debate in Parliament to show support for, or to influence development of, policy (FCDL 2008, p.13). However, “very few EDMs are actually debated”, instead offering individual MPs an opportunity to publicise their views and draw attention to specific campaigns (UK Parliament, 2009). A motion [EDM 214] was raised in Parliament on the 24th November 2009, signed by 40 cross-party MPs (Hansard, 2009). This process is unlikely to influence Government, but did bring the Campaign to the attention of Parliament and the Government. Furthermore, as a result of the Campaign’s Report, the Liberal Democrat Party Conference passed a policy motion entitled the Real Women Policy Motion, to end the ‘No Recourse’ rule in cases of domestic abuse (Amnesty International UK, 2009). However, no changes have been proposed or debated by the other main political parties. In this regard, this Campaign can be regarded as partially successful in having influenced decision-makers, although not sufficiently so as to have been able to fully achieve its aims. The Campaign organisers built upon new and existing relationships within organisations and communities, creating effective strategies to enhance their combined effectiveness to influence. This structure allowed the opportunity to support participants to take action to deal with potential conflicts, and created opportunities to reflect upon and learn from practices and resultant experiences (PAULO, 2003). The Campaign focused around the need for the active participation of the communities involved – women’s groups, for example – and it supported the wider public to participate in collective action. The Campaign argued for the planning of additional partnerships amongst groups as well as the taking of individual action, such as through the lobbying of MPs. For such measures to be effective, the Campaign needed to ensure that it was able to correctly identify the issues, needs


and opportunities of the communities most affected by direct involvement. It was also important that the Campaign was able to work in the same way with the women’s advocates and their representatives. The Campaign used partnerships with specialist organisations to aid and inform its work in these respects. Assessment of effectiveness An effective campaign can be regarded as one which is able to fully realise its aims via its planned action, either directly or indirectly. This could be in terms of changes to practice or legislation or its impact in raising awareness, educating and informing. A scale/measure of influence and effectiveness may be used to interpret the impact of a campaign such as the one under study here. Various toolkits exist to determine the effectiveness of a campaign’s influence and to assess how it may become more influential. One such toolkit is The Axis of Influence, this assesses the relative strength of a campaign’s ability to influence decision-makers and also cites indicators of a campaign’s capacity to support the ‘empowerment’ of groups/individuals seeking/pressurising for change to improve their situations. The Axis of Influence model assesses the “capacity to influence” on a scale of 1 (a “want to influence”) to 10 (“influence”) represented on a vertical axis, and set against a continuum of the “degree of influence” perceived by the campaign. When plotted, the results give an indication of the level of influence wielded (Community Development Exchange (CDX) & Changes, nd p. 1-17). The model also allows for assessment of five underlying “community empowerment dimensions” reflected in the group: these are confident, inclusive, organised, co-operative, and influential. This analysis allows campaign groups to assess and improve themselves with regard to these aspects and to increase levels of capacity and influence overall (CDX & Changes, nd p. 6-13). Using this model, my assessment of the effectiveness of this Campaign to influence decision-makers categorises the campaign as High-Capacity; Feel Influential. This is based upon their positive “capacity to influence”, provided by the status and credibility of the partners. It reflects their effective campaigning on issues of social justice and their strength of


organisation. Their extensive networking allowed direct access to decision-makers, to positively promote the women’s issues. Networking also enabled the mobilisation of activists and participants to link up confidently with what they knew to be a well developed campaign. The “degree of influence” is positive but lower in recognition of the levels of participation it has been able to achieve, and the political impact it has been able to make on MPs and opposition parties. However, this is critically tempered by its failure to attract broadbased public or media support and the inability to influence Government policy on this issue. The Campaign utilised “good practice” principles and methods of work according to those defined within the National Occupational Standards for Community Development in its approach to influencing decision-makers. In particular, there is a high score in terms of the ‘community empowerment dimensions’. The Campaign was successful in both its advocacy role and in raising awareness about the women’s concerns with those who have the power to bring about change. The Campaign attracted active participation, so raising the profile of the ‘no recourse to public funds rule’ within the national political agenda. Implications and lessons learned were highlighted, so increasing the potential for future campaigns to bring about effective change and influence. Clearly, however, there remained much more work to do in order to bring about the kind of change that would enable women in these groups to get the support they needed. So far, the Campaign may be regarded as having operated with only a minority remit, within a political climate of closed attitudes, making the probability of significant change quite unlikely – at least, for the foreseeable future. But much had been learned for use in reflection and for planning further action. Hopefully, concerns will be re-ignited, perhaps when the political climate seems likely to be more responsive to the needs of these particular groups of women. Community development work generally takes a long time to yield results: it is not a short-term process. This campaigning was an impressive first step in pressing for change – the women’s voices are no longer silent and they have found a strong advocate in Amnesty.

Postscript Since writing the assignment on which this article is based, readers will be interested to know that a good deal of progress has been made. “In December 2009, following a mass lobby of Parliament, the Government launched a three month pilot scheme to help women facing violence who have an insecure immigration status – those who are normally denied help by the ‘no recourse’ rule. The pilot allowed the women to access a refuge and seek specialised support. Following campaigning and lobbying, it was extended until August 2010 and then to March 2011” (see Amnesty International, nd). On the 16th July 2010 it was announced that the Government would commit to funding the No Recourse pilot project until March 2011, and find a permanent solution to protect women thereafter. References Amnesty International UK & Southall Black Sisters (2008) ‘No Recourse’ No Safety – The Government’s Failure to Protect Women from Violence. London: Amnesty International and Southall Black Sisters. Amnesty International UK nd Women trapped in cycle of violence by UK law. (Accessed 10/8/2010).

Changing Minds (2008) Types of Power/Powerlessness www. (Accessed 20/11/2008). Federation for Community Development Learning (2003) The National Occupational Standards: A Summary of Good Practice Standards for Community Development Work. Sheffield: FCDL. (2009 edition). FCDL (2008) Engaging and Influencing Decision Makers. Sheffield: FCDL. FCDL (2009) A Summary of the 2009 Community Development National Occupational Standard. Sheffield: FCDL. Government Equalities Office (2009) Minister for Women Priorities. women_priorities.aspx (Accessed 8/12/2009). The Guardian (2009) Search for “Amnesty International Domestic Abuse” +international+domestic+abuse; (Accessed 1/12/2009). Hansard (2009) Early Day Motions – EDM 214 Violence against Women and the No Recourse to Public Funds Rule aspx?EDMID=39754&Session=903 (Accessed 1/12/2009).

Amnesty International UK (2009) Campaigns. www.amnesty. (Accessed 11/11/2009).

Harman, H. (2009) Women’s Changing Lives - Priorities for the Ministers for Women Progress Two Years On. A Message from the Minister for Women and Equality pdf/Womenschanginglivesjul%2009.pdf (Accessed 8/12/2009).

BBC Radio 4 (2009) Women’s Hour 25th November 2009 (Accessed 26th November 2009).

Newsbank (2009a) Search Results for White Ribbon; Domestic Abuse in all Text InfoWeb?p_topdoc=1&p_action=list; (Accessed 15/12/2009).

Benn, A. (2010) Letters to my Grandchildren. London: Random House.

Newsbank (2009b) Search Results for Domestic Abuse, No Recourse to Public Funds in All Text www.infoweb.newsbank. com/iw-search/we/InfoWeb?p_filed_base-0=%&p_text_base. (Accessed 1/12/2009).

CDX & Changes (nd) The Axis of Influence files/u1/axis_of_influence.pdf (Accessed 1/12/2009).


PAULO (2003) National Occupational Standards for Community Development Work. Sheffield: FCDL. Prime Minister’s Office (2009) E-Petitions http://petitions. (Accessed 8/12/2009). Southall Black Sisters (2009) Campaign to Abolish No Recourse to Public Funds campaigntoabolishnorecourseleafleta4.pdf (Accessed 18/11/2009). UK Parliament (2009) Early Day Motions http://www. (Accessed 1/12/2009). Women’s Aid (2007) Women’s Aid Briefing: Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2007 domestic-violence-articles.asp?section=00010001002200070001 &itemid=1254 (Accessed 4/12/2009). Women’s Resource Centre (2009) Statement on ‘No Recourse’ / Take Action on ‘No Recourse’ campaigns/women_with_no_recourse_to_public_funds_ statement_on_no_recourse.aspx (Accessed 17/11/09). West Sussex County Council (WSCC) (2006) Domestic Violence – The Facts. Chichester: West Sussex County Council.


ISSN 2040-414X 2010 The University of Winchester Winchester Hampshire SO22 4NR 01962 841515

Alfred Volume 2  

Alfred Volume 2

Alfred Volume 2  

Alfred Volume 2