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The Bianwen Book

Images, Production, Action and Documents of Chen Chieh-Jen

藝術家 Artist | 陳界仁 CHEN Chieh-Jen 變文書──陳界仁影像、生產、行動與文件 The Bianwen Book 主辦 Organizer | 立方計劃空間 TheCube Project Space 總監 Director | 鄭慧華 Amy CHENG

專案管理 Project Manager | 羅悅全 Jeph LO

專案執行 Project Coordinator | 王萱 Hsuan WANG

行政助理 Exhibition Assistant | 董淑婷 Dale DONG

翻譯 Translator | 張至維 Eric CHANG + Craig Stevens, 區秀詒 Sow-Yee AU

展場技術 Technical Support | 藝術戰爭公司 Art War Company 發行 Publisher | 立方計劃空間 TheCube Project Space 100 台北市羅斯福路四段 136 巷 1 弄 13 號 2 樓

2F, No. 13, Aly. 1, Ln. 136, Sec. 4, Roosevelt Rd., Taipei, 100, Taiwan +886 2 2368 9418

出版 Published | 2015. 10

© 圖片與文字版權所有 攝影者與作者

Copyright of the photographs for the artist, of the texts for the authors 空間贊助 Space Sponsor |

展覽贊助 Exhibition Sponsor |


改自北宋宋明理學創始人周敦頤 (1017-1073),融合道家、佛學、儒

學所寫的《太極圖說》之圖示。陳界 仁將原圖中各自代表陰、陽分立的兩

個圓,挪移為陰陽部分重疊後,產生 另一種非陰、非陽空間,也同時意指 素樸辯證、唯心辯證與唯物辯證,三 者間既相互連帶又彼此對質的多重辯 證關係。( 圖文提供:陳界仁)

A Diagram of Multiple Dialectics The diagram is based on the taijitu (yin-yang symbol) taken from the founder of Neo-Confucian philosophy Zhou Dunyi's (1017-1073) book Taiji

Tushuo ( 太 極 圖 說 , Explanations of

the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate), which blends concepts from Taoism, Buddhism and Confucianism. Chen Chieh-Jen appropriated the taijitu, overlapping the separate sections representing yin and yang to create an image that is neither yin nor yang but rather implies naïve, idealistic, and materialist dialectics. These three dialectics invoke and contrast one another to form a multiple dialectic. (courtesy the artist)



書- I〉首次發表於 2014 年上海雙年展,是陳界仁以唐代民間的「俗講」與「變文」流變史為參照,將 他自 2002 年以來的拍攝/行動與再書寫方法,通過展示構想文件、參照脈絡、象徵物件、記錄照片、臨

時電影院…等,重組成觀眾可穿梭其間的空間性「立體書」。倫敦泰德美術館館長克里斯·德孔(Chris Dercon)將〈變文書- I〉選為 2014 年度至愛作品,他評論該作品:「創造出讓圖像、文本、靜態與動 態影像、檔案與繪畫、社會與詩意融為一體的裝置」。本次於立方計劃空間展出的「變文書──陳界仁

影像、生產、行動與文件」,為陳界仁針對空間特質與延續「俗講」與「變文」的流變精神重新編輯的 變異版,除展出原版本的平面文件外,增加原本以四頻道形式呈現、經重新剪接、混音後的〈殘響世界〉 單頻道版,以及單場放映「殘響世界回樂生」活動紀錄片。

〈殘響世界〉以日殖時期成立至今的樂生療養院、超過十年的樂生保留運動,以及因捷運局將新莊捷運 機廠用地轉移至樂生療養院後,被強拆百分之七十以上的樂生殘餘院區與周邊空間為拍攝背景;然陳界



文革的臨終病房看護工(被懸置的房間)、橫跨日殖時期至今的虛構女性政治犯(之後與之前)等不同 視點,討論在事件似乎已成「定局」下,「定局」是否即是「終局」?亦或可以是開啟多重辯證與其它

想像的歧點。同時,針對此次展覽,陳界仁選擇藉由長達 104 分鐘長的單頻道影片,以不符合當代藝術 展覽中的觀看「節奏」,試圖再問什麼是當代社會的「時間政治」?

〈殘響世界〉曾於 2015 年 1 月 18 日以類儀式的影像劇場形式,在樂生療養院山頂舉行「殘響世界回樂 生」放映活動,同時邀請樂生院民與觀眾共同參與。此種將音像/話語/劇場/文化行動等不同藝術表

現形式,與不斷流變的「現場」共構成一個可多重對話與不斷製造歧點的方法,也是陳界仁自 2002 年開

始長期實踐的展演方式。立方計劃空間同時於 2016 年 1 月 9 日專場放映〈殘響世界回樂生〉活動紀錄片, 並邀請陳界仁於放映結束後舉辦個人講座。



THE EXHIBITION TheCube Project Space is honored to present Chen Chieh-Jen's solo exhibition The Bianwen Book: Images, Production, Action and Documents of Chen Chieh-Jen. The exhibition unfolds different dimensions of records of his artworks over the years in various forms, such as video installation and documents’ display. The Bianwen Book I was first shown in the 2014 Shanghai Biennale. Using evolvement of “Sujiang” and “Bianwen”, literary forms popular among common people during the Tang dynasty as reference, Chen Chieh-Jen reconstructed a “spatial book” where audiences could walk through. The “spatial book” consisted of conceived documents, referential context, symbolized objects, documented photographs, temporary cinema and many others, all derived from Chen's filming/action and "re-write" method since 2002. Chris Dercon, Director of London Tate Modern, selected The Bianwen Book I as his most beloved work in 2014. Chris Dercon reviewed the work, saying the artist “creates an installation where pictures, texts, still and moving images, records and paintings, society and poetry came together as one.” The Bianwen Book: Images, Production, Action and Documents of Chen Chieh-Jen in TheCube Project Space, will be a “reedited” version tailored specifically by the artist, taking into consideration both characteristics of the space, and intentions to continue the evolving spirit of “Sujiang” and “Bianwen”. Besides documents in the original version, Realm of Reverberations, originally presented as four-channel video will also be shown, but as a new edited and sound remixed single channel video. Furthermore, event documentary Realm of Reverberations Returns to Losheng will be presented in a single screening. More than 70% of Losheng Sanatorium was forced down due to the relocation of Taipei Department of Rapid Transit Systems (DORTS) depot operation in Xinzhuang Dictrict to the property occupied by Losheng Sanatorium. Derived from the above incident, Realm of Reverberations utilized the following matters as filming context, the Losheng Sanatorium existed since Japanese colonization, both its’ remains and surrounding of its’ property area, as well as Losheng Preservation Movement that lasted for more than ten years. However, the artworks of Chen Chieh-Jen were never the representation of social issues or social interventions to repair ruptures. His artworks are actions of creating heterogeneous perception and making reverberations, surpassing binary or dialectical logic. The video featured four protagonists, old residents in Tree Planters, a young woman who has accompanied sanatorium residents since 2007 in Keeping Company, a hospice nurse from China who went through the Cultural Revolution in The Suspended Room, and a fictional political prisoner who travels through Taiwanese history from the Japanese colonial period to the present in Tracing Forward. Through the four diverse perspectives, Realm of Reverberations argues, even if the incidents seem to come to an end, is this “end” an absolute one? Or it is a point of discrepancy for multiple dialogical discussions and imagination. Simultaneously, Chen Chieh-Jen chose to screen a single channel video of 104 minutes where the duration doesn’t fit into viewing “rhythm” of contemporary art exhibition, the artist again attempts to re-question what really is the “temporal politics” of contemporary society. In January 18th 2015, Realm of Reverberations had been shown in the form of quasi-ritualistic image theatre. A screening event entitled Realm of Reverberations Returns to Losheng, took place on Losheng Sanatorium’s hilltop and invited both the participations of Losheng’s residents and the public. With interwoven images, sound, discourses, theatre, cultural actions and various other art forms, as well as the evolving “site”, together these elements co-construct multiple conversations and points of discrepancy for discussions. These are Chen Chieh-Jen's long term artistic practices since 2002. TheCube Project Space hosted a special screening of documentary Realm of Reverberations Returns to Losheng on January 9th 2016, together with a post-screening talk by Chen Chieh-Jen.



變文書 - I



變文與俗講僧 解經、轉譯、改寫與流變 歷史脈絡簡介


由印度傳入中國時,為方便傳教,而藉由「俗講 僧」以講唱方式,將深奧的佛理,轉化成一般人 易於理解的話語與故事,「俗講」的內容被書寫

成文字,即為「變文」。之後,因此種講唱方式 與文體深受民間歡迎,而為民間藝人吸收、轉化、 擴延為──講唱包括本土歷史故事與傳奇的各種 戲曲與文學創作等藝術形式。


如果說,歷史上的「俗講僧」既是解經、轉譯與 改寫者,同時也是創造對話場域的表演藝術家。

那麼,若將此具多重身分的「俗講僧」之意義, 重置於當代社會現實內,進行再想像與再定義,



像是對當代複雜治理形式,進行解魅與挪移既有 秩序的質變者,以及如何讓故事與敘事形式,不




「微笑」的無名凌遲受難者 在不可能





關於凌遲酷刑(殺千刀)在中國的起源與語意尚 未被完全定論,但歷史學者從考據凌遲一詞的字 源中,挖掘出凌遲的意涵包含有「夷平墳塚」與

「侵蝕山丘」之意(註)。1905 年 4 月 24 日,

中國正式廢除凌遲酷刑。1962 年,因法國思想家

喬治·巴塔耶(Georges Bataille)在《慾望的淚水》 (Les Larmes d'Eros)一書中,以哲學性觀點詮 釋一張凌遲受刑者仰望天空,並露出奇異「微笑」



識,巴塔耶以 Eros 的狂喜狀態,詮釋受刑者處於 某種「極限體驗」的觀點,更成為西方在討論凌


Bourgon)等人,在詳細考證相關歷史照片與資 料後,提出強烈的質疑。


對我而言:這個無名凌遲受刑者在承受酷刑時所 露出的「微笑」,是一個無法逃逸的人,在被綑 綁、被肢解、被拍攝、被灌食鴉片的恍惚狀態中,

在似乎無法採取任何行動的情況下,藉由「微笑」 這個細微的表情和利用殖民士兵手上相機的拍攝


的影像;也由於這個「困惑」的存在,使得受刑者 的「微笑」影像──成為了「這個人」在被相機 定影和被肢解死亡後,一個能與未來觀者,持續

進行對話的影像。這也是一個受刑者在幾乎不可 能的極限處境下,僅藉由微小的表情,所創造一

個具主動性和無法被死亡與時間消解的 「微笑/ 微型」行動。


(Timothy Brook)、鞏濤(Jérôme Bourgon)、格力高利· 布魯(Gregory Blue)著,商務印書館出版。

落地掃 就地創造多重身分與多重場域 歷史脈絡簡介


會在村莊的空地或大樹下,就地打掃出一小塊空 地,演出地方戲曲給同村的農民看,這種農民自

我組織與自娛自樂的文化生產方式,被泛稱為「落 地掃」。之後,隨著地方神明遶境活動的興盛,「落 地掃」逐漸發展成跟隨遶境活動,而邊走、邊演、 邊唱的表演方式,觀眾則圍繞於「落地掃」演出 者四周一起移動。


在資本主義將人推向原子化的孤立狀態後,對我 而言,「落地掃」還可能帶給我們的啟發是──

當農民在進行自我組織與自娛自樂的業餘演出時, 他們的身份既是農民,也是戲曲中某個跨性別的 角色,或者是一個神話人物。而那個演出的當下,

不但是藝術發生的時刻,更是一個農民不再局限 於農民身分,而是匯集了農民、演員(藝術家) 與神話人物等多重身分的人。演出的地點,則成 為一個多重時空交織的移動式場域。同時,在中

國農民起義的歷史裡,這類地方自我組織的戲曲 表演,也常成為農民起義時的串連媒介。

美台團 「謠言」電影與反帝、反殖的文 化行動策略



創立的台灣文化協會(1921-1927),於 1926 年

成立專門放映默片的電影巡迴放映隊「美台團 」 (1926-1927)。


察與消防隊員坐鎮於觀眾席的最後一排,藉以監 控、防止台籍電影解說員(辯士),藉機鼓吹反

美台團-謠言電影與反帝、反殖的文化行動策略,林章峰提供 Bitai Thoan, courtesy Lin Chang-feng



殖民意識。而屬於台灣文化協會電影巡迴放映隊 的電影解說員,則會利用只有台灣觀眾才能聽懂 的方言、俚語與諺語,將原本不具反殖民色彩的

默片,「曲解」成具反殖民意涵的情節,而戲院 內瞭解這些方言、俚語與諺語的觀眾,則會以大


電影解說員對電影內容的「曲解」。雖然「美台團」 在日本殖民統治下,只實際存在兩年,但從這個

歷史案例裡,我們可以認識到早於 1926 年時,「美 台團」已發展出跨界式的文化行動策略。





警察離開他原先坐在戲院最後一排,從高處往下 俯瞰的監控位置,走到觀眾與電影解說員之間,

企圖制止這場互動行為繼續下去時,日本警察不 但成為觀眾圍觀下可見的殖民者,更成為在眾人 集體注視下的「被監控者」。而無論日本警察的 制止行動最後是否成功,但在那個當下,日本警

察都被迫成為這場互動行為中,同時扮演殖民壓 迫者與「被監控者」的雙重角色。而原本的電影 放映空間,也成為監控者與被監控者互換位置,


表現形式,共構成一個既相互交織又彼此衝突的 多重辯證場域。


李師科 被剝奪者的自我命名行動 人物簡介

李師科,1927 年生於山東省昌樂縣,小學肄業。


斯戰爭。1949 年國共內戰後,無所選擇的李師科, 只得隨敗北的國民黨軍隊撤退至台灣,1959 年國 民黨軍隊因其生病,才終於允許他退役。孤身在

台的李師科,幾經波折,直到 1968 年始以開計程

車勉強謀生。1982 年,李師科看著台灣社會在政 商勾結下日趨貧富不均,因而心生不平,於是在

該年 4 月 14 日,拿著殺警後搶來的警槍,戴著假


搶走新台幣五百多萬元後逃逸,這也是台灣歷史 上第一起銀行搶案。之後,李師科將搶來的五分 之四的錢,轉送給鄰居小女孩的父母,作為小女


而被捕,並於 5 月 26 日遭槍決。隨著李師科被捕, 以及其身世漸為清晰後,在台灣還沒有言論自由 的戒嚴時期(1949-1987),引發民間普遍的暗自 同情。戒嚴時期著名的異議者李敖,曾在其撰寫

《為老兵李師科喊話》一文中,寫出無數類似李 師科的老兵們,在國民黨的裹脅下,被迫永遠離

開家鄉,被迫不斷地服役,直到他們老了或病了, 才被獲准離開軍隊,任他們獨自掙扎於社會底層。

而李師科搶銀行的行動,則是對剝奪其一生的國 家機器,唯一能發出抗議之聲的方法。

民統治者企圖教化被殖民者的電影,因某個具能 動性的觀眾,自行「曲解」與再轉譯、再想像、 再敘述,以及經過不斷口耳相傳的過程後,很可 能會演變出無數部反殖民主義的「謠言電影」。

註:「謠言」在中文的原初意涵是「民間流傳評議時政的歌 謠或諺語」,因此,「謠言」的意思應更接近──人民通過 詩性的語言、歌謠和虛構的敘事策略,對掌握統治機器的權 力者與具體的社會問題,進行介入與干預,並藉此生產出不 同於統治者觀點的各種異議史觀與異議想像。

李師科-被剝奪者的自我命名行動,1982 Li Shih-ke




1982 年,土地銀行搶案發生後,當時由國民黨政


鄭寶玉 不識字者的自我脈絡建構法 人物簡介


鄭寶玉,我母親,1931 年出生於馬來西亞巴生市



像,由於影像中的李師科戴著假髮、帽子與口罩, 年輕人,直到李師科被捕,媒體才知道搶劫者是 一名五十五歲的老兵。我記得,在李師科被捕的 電視新聞影片中,有一幕是電視台的記者,拿著

麥克風圍著李師科追問他為何搶銀行時,李師科 才說了一句:我有話要說……,就被警察用手緊 緊摀住他的嘴,不讓其繼續發言。解嚴多年後,

有些電視節目再重談李師科案時,這一幕卻再也 沒有出現過。這消失的一幕,讓我不禁懷疑,當

年李師科被摀住嘴而無法發言的影像,會不會只 是我的幻覺?或者,那是李師科被捕時的平靜表 情與滄桑臉孔,從電視螢光幕投射進我腦海後, 所觸發的後延想像?

對我而言,電視台不斷重複播放李師科翻過銀行 櫃台的動作,是一個被剝奪者,藉由翻越不可跨

越的「法律」界線,試圖「拿回」他被剝奪掉一 生的「逾越」行動。而「遮蔽」自身面容的道具, 更是為了在揭開「遮蔽」之物後,逼使台灣社會


台灣,李師科沒有選擇默默苟活與悄然無聲地死 去。而是通過「搶銀行」的「逾越」行動,為自

己與其它同樣命運的無名老兵們──「拿回」書 寫自己命運的命名權。

若我們脫離殖民現代性的從屬視域,重新檢閱台 灣的文化與藝術生產史,那麼,李師科無疑是繼

日殖時期的「台灣文化協會」後,於戒嚴時期, 真正實踐具時代意義的「文化行動」與「錄影藝 術」的先驅。儘管掙扎於社會底層的李師科,不 可能有一絲奢侈的閒情,想像他的行動,是否有

天會被放在文化與藝術生產的意義中進行重新認 識,但他的行動,卻在大多數知識份子選擇沉默 的戒嚴時期,「說出」了一整代被剝奪者的命運 與他們被長期壓抑的個體感性。

(Bandar Klang),五歲被原生家庭送至金門當 被轉送給原童養媳家族中,繼續留在金門的寡居 祖母。十歲開始以撿拾海邊的海菜,賣給當時占 領金門的日本人,以此養活自己與老太太。十四

歲靠在山上撿拾薪材,賣給當地富裕人家當煮飯 的材火為生。十七歲於金門東門市場的水井旁,

擺 攤 販 賣 蔬 菜 與 水 果。 二 十 歲 開 始 獨 自 生 活, 二十三歲與我當軍人的父親結婚。1958 年八二三


搬到台灣桃園內壢,1960 年,我於桃園內壢出生, 1962 年,我母親帶著我們再搬到位於新店水尾的 忠孝新村。

註:八二三砲戰主要指── 1958 年 8 月 23 日至 10 月 5 日 之間,國共雙方分別從中國大陸與金門及其周邊島嶼,展開 一場隔海的激烈炮戰,歷史學者認為這是第二次國共內戰的 一部份。


從小我母親跟我們談任何事,都要從她五歲開始 談起,常常要隔兩三小時後,才講到真正要說的

事。年輕時,很不耐煩母親那冗長的談話方式, 年長後,才體會到因父親長年待在外島,使得不

識字又必須獨自帶著我們生活的母親,只有跟自 己的子女,反覆講述其從小沒有家庭可以依靠與 必須獨自養活自身的生命經歷──她的生命史, 才不致被子女們遺忘;也才了解幾乎沒有任何社 會關係的母親,為甚麼對未來計劃要做的事,都

要以五年或十年為單位,以一種非常緩慢的速度, 逐步完成。

我母親也跟大多數沒有機會受教育的婦女一樣, 每當遇到難以解決的問題時,常以夢中出現的人 物、事件或景像,作為問題的解答。以前,我總 認為那只是母親自圓其推論的說法,現在才了解, 無論那些夢有多荒誕、離奇,其實這是另一種思 辯問題的方法。







夢,已大多植入我的腦海。或者說,我母親以她 絡」為甚麼是重要的,以及如何藉由與「虛構」

不斷對話,才可能穿透當前「現實」的侷限性, 同時更教會我,做任何事,必須推想十年後,這 件事情的意義是什麼?

我四十八歲才結婚,兒子出生後,母親按照習俗, 幫我兒子穿上一件紗布衣,母親說:這件紗布衣 我保存了四十八年,當年幫剛出生的你穿上時, 就希望有天能幫你的小孩再穿上,只是這一等, 等了四十八年。

接管工廠──新竹玻璃廠工人 自發

的參與式民主與經濟實踐 歷史脈絡簡介


劇之時,「經濟民主」(economic democracy)

此一概念又被再次提及。而早在台灣還處於戒嚴 時期的 1986 年,新竹玻璃廠勞工,即因掌握經營


之五十二的公司資產與侵占勞工退休金、福利金 等問題,致使新竹玻璃廠陷入嚴重的財務黑洞與 長期積欠勞工薪資,最後迫使七百多位勞工,決


時管理委員會」,經過與官方和資方複雜的談判 過程,最後成功接管工廠經營權,並於運作十個 月後,自行賺回資方積欠勞工的所有欠款,並幫


會」將工廠經營上軌道後,最終還是須將工廠經 營權交還資方,被迫結束「經濟民主」的具體實

踐。1989 年,在新接手的資方無意繼續經營下, 新竹玻璃廠於該年正式關廠。

註:此歷史脈絡簡介,參考自彭桂枝等人所作的訪談記錄與 分析調查,並經彭桂枝本人同意使用。





讀過任何進步經濟理論的工人,也能從具體的生 法,同時,他們更讓我從此開始思考──什麼是

當代可實踐的參與式民主與經濟的可能性。雖然, 在新自由主義全球化後,任何「經濟民主」的微

型實踐,將遭遇的已不只來自一地或一國之內的 資本壓力,而是全球流動的跨國資本;因此,任 何關於「經濟民主」的實踐,不僅要思考什麼樣

的產品與生產方式,是無法被跨國資本吸納或排 除,還必須同時思考如何改變人的欲望構造與生 命價值觀的可能性,或者說,從新竹玻璃廠工人


「自我教育」的重要,因此,任何實踐「經濟民主」 的場所,同時也必須是一個改變現有共識邏輯與 欲望構造的「自我教育」場域。

聯福製衣廠(勞工)自救會 以體制之 「法」,癱瘓體制 歷史脈絡簡介

1965 年,台灣經濟部在美國的規劃與終止「美援」 壓力下,公佈實施「加工出口區設置管理條例」, 第二年高雄成立了「楠梓加工出口區」,之後,台 灣全島逐步變成世界工廠。1987 年台灣解除戒嚴

令後,加工業為尋找更廉價勞動力而開始大量外 移,並陸續發生多起資方惡性關廠事件,至 1996 年時,惡性關廠事件達到了最高峰。

1996 年 8 月 16 日,聯福製衣廠在資方未事先告 知工廠工人,以及未給付勞工退休金、資遣費和 工資下,突然貼出即日起關廠的通知佈告,工廠

老闆更利用擁有雙重國籍之身分滯留國外,拒絕 回台處理勞工的相關權益。



爭取自身權益的抗爭事件,期間更因多次向官方 勞委會尋求幫助無效後,曾採取如集體臥軌、癱

瘓鐵路等激烈抗爭方式,期望因此獲得政府與社 會大眾的重視。

2008 年,工廠被法院拍賣點交,並於同年 11 月 11 日,在警方強制驅離抗爭女工後,工廠廠房旋 即被新的業主拆除、改建。由於台灣政府對因資

方惡性關廠而失業的勞工,欠缺基本的法律保障, 致使聯福製衣廠失業女工,經過十二年抗爭後,

最終還是未能拿回其應得的退休金、資遣費與工 資。


雖然女工們漫長的抗爭行動,最後並沒有獲得公 平的結果,但在我與聯福製衣廠女工們,合作拍


陳介一 無資本者的自力更生法 人物簡介

陳介一,我弟弟,1965 年生,高中時期即因違反 學校的各種荒謬規定,而被屢次退學,因而念過

三所高中,1992 年才自大專服裝科肄業。曾工作 於服裝公司,並以一年時間,幫原本營運不佳的 公司轉虧為盈,後因資方賺錢後,不願幫員工調

薪而離職。1994 年在沒有任何存款下,利用撿拾

外移工廠丟棄的布料,自己手工生產各種可自由 組裝的背包,並於台北各地擺攤販賣。


2002 年,我偶然獲得一筆贊助,可以拍攝影片時,



們如何從長期抗爭經驗中,發展出極具「民間智 有不可被穿透的體制。

由於女工們一連串激烈抗爭行動,使得台灣政府 不得不以「代位求償」方式,請公股銀行先替資 本家代付部分款項還給女工。但幾年後,台灣政

府和公股銀行,在無能幫女工跟資方要回她們應 得的退休金、資遣費和工資下,反過來要求女工

我與弟弟共同討論出:如果我們可以持續製作影 ──以結合在地人民、失業勞工、臨時工、移工、 外籍配偶、無業青年、社會運動者與電影從業人

員等不同身分的人,組成一個打破專業與業餘者 界線的異構式臨時社群,以及彼此相互學習的行 動學校。從 2002 年至今,我們一直以這種方式生






已處於生活困境的女工們,後來以一個合法而簡 催款舉動──聯福製衣廠的三百多位女工,集體 到向她們催款的公股銀行,只選擇一個窗口排隊,

然後,花一百元台幣開戶,開完戶後的女工,再 回到隊伍後面,準備提領十塊錢;三百多位女工


銀行作業完全陷入癱瘓,最終迫使銀行只得放棄 跟女工們催款的想法。

我弟弟在沒有任何資本下,利用被丟棄的布料, 創作時的工作方法。對我而言,這不僅是如何利

用剩餘物與廢棄物,而是如何在有限條件或無條 件下,反過來思考如何從不可能中創造可能性; 以及在有某種資源後,如何進行資源重分配,同 時讓被當代新自由主義棄置的各種「挫敗者」,

重拾其被壓抑的能動性,並從他們身上學習各種 「民間知識」與待人接物之道。





性與重複性,以超過體制可運作的「過量」行動, 從某方面說,把機械性與重複性推到最極致之時, 也是「法」被打開缺口的時刻。

十塊零用錢時,他沒有去買玩具、零食或存起來, 我問沒學過吹笛子的弟弟,為甚麼要買竹笛,他 說:我觀察了他很久,一直沒有人跟他買任何東 西,我想他比我還需要這十塊錢。這也是我最早 學到什麼是「共享」與「重分配」的經驗。



愛德華·約瑟夫·史諾登 背離帝國的肉





愛 德 華 · 約 瑟 夫 · 史 諾 登(Edward Joseph

Snowden),1983 年生於美國北卡羅萊納州伊麗 莎白市 (Elizabeth City, North Carolina),前美國 中央情報局職員,美國國家安全域外判技術員。

因於 2013 年 6 月在香港將美國國家安全域,關於 稜鏡計劃 (PRISM) 的秘密文件披露給英國《衛報》 和美國《華盛頓郵報》,而遭到美國通緝。2013

年 6 月 23 日,史諾登離開香港前往莫斯科。2014

年 8 月 7 日,史諾登獲得俄羅斯三年的居留許可 證。


此關於史諾登的介紹,僅摘錄維基百科愛德華·約瑟夫·史諾 登條目之前言。



皆知的事件。但當我們從台灣既作為被美國長期 監聽與操控的地區,同時又是協助美國建立監控 網的從屬者位置,對史諾登與其行動進行多重反 思時──史諾登就不僅是揭露美國如何監控世界



藝術之前,我們難道不應先把具真正個體自由與 平等意涵的異議精神,作為我們在現實中的生命 實踐嗎?

在稜鏡將不同波長的可見光,分離出的光譜外, 總還會有具其它意義的「光」。

水尾 多重時空與不同身世之人的疊影之地 歷史脈絡簡介

水尾是由景美溪與新店溪沖刷而成的沙洲地,也 是新店地區林氏宗族的世居地。1962 年,國共內

戰後敗退至台灣的國民黨政府,為了安置大量來 自中國大陸的外省軍眷,因此在水尾蓋了三個眷 村,於是這片半封閉的沙洲地,成為一個族群紛

雜的地方。在這個狹窄區域內,同時還有:台灣 在冷戰/反共/戒嚴時期,專門審判、關押政治

犯的軍法局,收容韓戰期間被俘的中國人民志願 軍的療養院,曾生產輕兵器與子彈支援越戰時期 的美軍的後勤兵工廠,台灣作為世界工廠時期的 加工區,以及底層勞工居住的違章建築區。





意志,而拒絕給予史諾登政治庇護,致使這些國 對我而言,被帝國全球通緝的史諾登,並非成為

無力的赤裸生命,而是以全球人民能擁有真正個 體自由的素樸願望,而敢於背離自身祖國的帝國, 並終身背負「叛國者」汙名,成為了具真正異議 性的「肉身幽靈」。


已習於做為帝國從屬者的我們,集體精神錯亂的 鏡子嗎?當所謂反區域自由貿易的「公民」領導


期望以其無所不在的全球統治權力,對亞洲進行 更徹底的規訓與治理時,我們敢於像史諾登一樣,





國共內戰、韓戰、越戰,以及台灣從 1966 年成為

跡,同時也是一個由監獄、營區、廠區、療養院、 違章建築區等構成的規訓與治理空間。1990 年代 後期,隨著快速道路的陸續開通,水尾從一個半

封閉的地方,變成一個被高速道路多重切割後的 零碎空間。


1962 年,我兩歲時,隨母親與兄姐搬到位於水尾 的忠孝新村。二十二歲退伍後,我離開水尾在外 租屋居住,除了逢年過節必須回家外,我很少回 來。水尾,曾是我想遠離的地方。


是我一切困擾的根源,也是答案的所在。或許我 曾有十幾年時間,試圖遺忘這裡的一切,於是當

我重新審視這個我成長的地方時,我曾以為遺忘 的記憶,以為遺忘的人、事、物,以及不同時間 的氣味、聲音與氛圍,慢慢以一種殘像與殘響的 方式,相互交疊出現在我的腦海,並與眼前可見

的景像彼此疊影後,我才真正體會到這裡既是我 的感性根源,也是如何重新進行藝術生產的起點,

也才了解關於生產藝術的方法,只有從與各種可 見與不可見的「現實」和生活其中的人,不斷進



他者之事,有著複雜的連帶,這個簡單的道理, 我卻要繞過很多路後,才真正懂得。

沒有一個地方是絕對「邊緣」的,任何可以幫助 我們思考當代社會問題的場所,既是地方,也是


合生 異構式聚合與多重辯證運動 歷史脈絡簡介

「合生」一詞最早出現於唐代,可能是指某種混 合戲曲、說書、吟唱、舞蹈等的表演方法,但關 於「合生」的確實演出形式與流變過程,學界始

終難有定論。這也使得「合生」一詞,成為一個 無法被固定意義的詞彙。


對我而言:如果將無法被固定意義的「合生」一詞, 暫時擱置歷史考據式的追索,而只從「合生」一

詞的字面意思──具有既聚合又不斷「發生」的 指涉,進行再想像,那麼,將「合生」一詞,放

在當代語境中,亦可以指在當前新自由主義的生 命治理下,我們於進行異構式的聚合時,如何同

時展開多重辯證運動的問題意識。這也如同「一」 在老子的思想裡,從來不是指數學意義上的一,

而是指辯證運動發生的時刻,這個眾所皆知的素 樸辯證法,或許可間接說明無論「合生」確實的

演出形式為何,關鍵是如何讓多重辯證運動持續 地發生,這也是難以定義的「合生」一詞,仍可 以帶給我們的啟發性──不斷生產新辯證運動的 「合生」,既是方法也是目的。

* 本文整理自 2002–2014 年間工作筆記。 TheCUBE



Interpreting Sutras, Translation, Rewriting, and the Evolution of an Art Form

Historical Background Bianwen is a Tang Dynasty (618-907) literary form that evolved along with the spread of Buddhism into China from India. To facilitate understanding among the common people, esoteric scripture was translated into the vernacular and then performed by Sujiang Monks. In their written form, these vernacular Sutras are called bianwen. Their popularity has resulted in their assimilation, transformation and development by folk artists since the Tang period, and therefore bianwen has inspired many operas, stories and novellas.

Contemporary Interpretation T h e s e m o n k s w h o i n te r p r e te d , t r a n s l a te d and rewrote Sutras were performance artists constructing a discursive field. But placing them in contemporary society would be to re-imagine or redefine their significance. They would no longer be interpreters, translators and re-writers, but crusaders for canonical theory, transformers of today's complex political forms via demystification, or promoters of open ended stories and indefinite narrative forms.

A Smiling Anonymous Victim of Lingchi Creating Confusion under Impossible Conditions

Historical Background The origins and meaning of the Chinese term lingchi ( 凌遲 ) , which also refers to execution by slow dismemberment, has yet to be thoroughly studied. Textual research can verify, however, that the term has been used for both the demolition of tombs and erosion of hills.1 On April 24, 1905, China officially abolished the use of lingchi torture. In his 1962 book Les Larmes d'Eros, French theorist George Bataille applied a philosophical treatment



By Chen Chieh-Jen

to a photograph of lingchi. Showing the victim looking skyward with a faint smile, the photograph is widely known among western intellectuals due to Bataille's attribution of limit experience and erotic ecstasy to its subject. Furthermore, these concepts are most often cited by westerners when discussing lingchi. More recently, French sinologist Jérôme Bourgon, after careful study of historical photographs and other related materials, has cast serious doubt on Bataille's claims.

Contemporary Interpretation I believe this nameless victim's smile signifies much more. He is bound and has no way to escape, then force fed opium until semiconscious, and photographed while his limbs are severed from his body. In this immobilized state, he uses just a smile and a camera held by a colonial soldier to create enormous confusion. The confusion then sets off discourse that continues to circulate around the image for years after he was executed. In this impossible situation, he managed to act, and his small gesture of a smile would never be erased by his death or by passing time. [1] Brook, Timothy and Bourgon, Jérôme; Blue, Gregory. Death by a Thousand Cuts, Beijing: Commercial Press, pp.223-243

Lo-deh Sao Multiple Identities and

Multiple Sites

Historical Background In pre-industrial times, Min-nan farmers living in the Taiwan – Fujian region would sweep clean a spot in the village, perhaps under a tree, and perform simple operas during the non-growing season. This form of cultural production organized for villagers' amusement was called lo-deh sao, meaning “to sweep the ground.” Along with the development of temple festivals, where statues and life-sized puppets of deities were paraded through villages, lo-de h sao became traveling per formances featuring walking, performing and singing. Villagers often joined these traveling performances.

Contemporary Interpretation In our inc re a singl y ato mise d a nd a li e nate d capitalist society, I believe lo-deh sao still has the power to inspire. In addition to being farmers, those performers took on the different identities of my thical figures or other characters they portrayed. Not only were farmers creating art during these performances, but more importantly, they were afforded an opportunity to transcend their identities; or it could be said that the multiple identities of farmer, performer (artist) and mythical figure converged in one individual. Furthermore, the performance spot became a mobile site of intersecting times and places. In China's history of peasant uprisings, these performances were often used to rally the masses for revolution.

Bitai Thoan Yaoyan Films and

Strategies for Anti-Imperialist and AntiColonial Cultural Activism Historical Background During Taiwan's Japanese colonial period (18951945), Chiang Wei-shui established the Taiwanese Cultural Association, which operated from 1921 to 1927. The association formed a traveling team of projectionists and silent film narrators known as Bitai Thoan in 1926. At the time it was common for Japanese police officers or firefighters to be seated in the last row of theaters run by local Taiwanese. Their purpose was to monitor film narrators and prevent them from advancing anti-colonial sentiment. These same narrators, however, would use Taiwanese dialect, slang or sayings that only the local audience understood to deliberately create anti-colonial meaning in films where it never existed before. The audience would laugh, applaud, cheer and gesture when they heard these deliberately twisted interpretations. Even though Bitai Thoan only existed for two years, they were able to develop an effective, art-based protest strategy as early as 1926.

Contemporary Interpretation The interaction between Bitai Thoan silent film narrators and their audience was a dialogic performance that both relied on images and went beyond images. This was especially so when the Japanese monitors left their high perch at the rear

of the theater and stepped between the narrators and the audience to halt the interaction. At that point, the colonizers not only became visible to, and were encircled by, the audience, but also suddenly became the monitored under the gaze of the local people. Whether the Japanese police and firefighters successfully thwarted interaction is less important than the fact that each was forced into a dual role of colonial oppressor and the subject of scrutiny. The theater space intended for presenting films became the site of a role exchange between the monitor and the monitored, as well as a site where sound, image, dialog, theater and cultural action came together to create a complex dialogical art context. Following these connections, we might imagine that those audience members charged with subjective agency would re-translate, re-imagine and re-narrate based on their own interpretations of a film originally intended as colonial propaganda. Through this process of continuous retelling, it would be possible to produce countless anticolonial, yaoyan films. Note: The Chinese term yaoyan ( čŹ č¨€ ) originally referred to sayings or rhymes circulating in society that were critical of the government. Yaoyan was a strategy relying on poetic language, songs and fabricated narratives to disrupt authorial mechanisms and comment on social issues. As a result, it produced historical points of view and social imaginaries that deviated from official narratives.

Li Shih-ke The Deprived Who Author

Their Own Fate Introduction

Li Shih-ke was born in 1927 in Changle County, S h a n d o n g Prov i n c e, w h e re h e at t a i n e d a n elementary school education. During the SinoJapanese War, Li participated in guerrilla warfare to resist Japanese fascism. After the end of the Chinese Civil War, Li retreated with Kuomintang forces to Taiwan in 1949. He retired from the Kuomintang army in 1959 due to illness. Alone and encountering many difficulties, Li did not manage to find a viable job until 1968 when he became a taxi driver. By 1982, Li felt that Taiwan's distribution of wealth had become too unbalanced due to collusion between big business and government. His anger compelled him to rob Taipei's Land Bank on April 14, 1982, which he did wearing a wig, TheCUBE


hat, and surgical mask, and carrying a revolver he took from a police officer that he had killed in 1980. He fled with more than NTD5 million in Taiwan's first ever armed bank robbery. Li gave NTD4 million to the parents of a neighborhood girl for her education and was apprehended when the parents reported the money to the police. Li was executed by firing squad on May 27, 1982. The details of his death aroused an inward sympathy for the man during the martial law period; a time when there was no free speech in Taiwan. In his 1982 article Wei Laobing Li Shike Hanhua (speaking out for veteran Li Shih-ke), the well known martial law period dissident Li Ao wrote about Taiwan’s countless veterans like Li who were forced by the Kuomintang to abandon their homes in China and serve in the army until they grew old or sick, and then left unattended at the bottom of society. For Li Shih-ke, robbing a bank was the only form of protest available against national mechanisms that stripped him of his life.

Premise After the robbery in 1982, Taiwan's three state supervised television stations repeatedly broadcast the incident as recorded by bank security cameras. These unclear images show Li Shih-ke wearing a wig, hat and surgical mask climbing over a teller station. Most media outlets at the time surmised that the robber was about 30 years old, and they only learned of his true identity, a 55 year old veteran, after the arrest. I remember watching the television news reports of Li's arrest, including one where a television reporter carrying a microphone cornered Li and asked him why he robbed the bank. Li was only able to get out, “I have something I want to say...” before a policeman quickly covered Li's mouth with his hand. Many years later, several television stations revisited Li's case, but this scene of the police officer preventing Li from speaking never appeared, making me wonder if I imagined it. Perhaps those images of Li at the time of his arrest, with his calm demeanor and the traces of hardship on his face, sparked my imagination after they were projected into my mind. To me that repeatedly aired footage of Li climbing over the bank counter represents a person who had been deprived of his life crossing an uncrossable boundary in order to get it back. And his disguise represents revealing what is behind



the disguise, and forcing Taiwanese society to rerecognize the faces and fates of those countless people who were deprived of a life. Li chose not to silently endure an abject existence and die in martial law Taiwan, but instead chose to transgress by robbing a bank and take back his right—and the rights of other nameless veterans—to author one’s own fate. If we separate ourselves from the view of identity imposed by colonial modernity and re-investigate the histor y of cultural production in Taiwan, then Li Shih-ke is a martial law successor to the Taiwanese Cultural Association of the Japanese colonial period, and a pioneering video artist and practitioner of relevant cultural activism. Despite his struggle in the lowest rung of society, which is devoid of the luxury and leisure to imagine whether his actions will one day be recognized as a form of cultural production, Li spoke out for a generation of people who had been deprived of their destiny, and had their individual sensibility repressed for so long, and did so during martial law when most intellectuals remained silent.

Cheng Bao-yu A Context Constructed by Illiteracy

Introduction My mother Cheng Bao-yu was born in 1931 in Klang City, Malaysia. When she was 5, she was sent to a family in Kinmen as part of an arranged marriage. At the age of 7, she was left in the care of a widowed grandmother in Kinmen when the family emigrated to Indonesia. When she was 10, she picked seaweed and sold it to Kinmen's Japanese occupiers to support herself and the grandmother. When 14, she made a living by gathering firewood and selling it to wealthy families for cooking. When 17, she set up a fruit and vegetable stall next to a well at Kinmen's Dongmen Market. At 20, she started living independently. At 23, she married my father, who was a soldier at the time. After the 823 Artillery Bombardment erupted in 1958, my mother left Kinmen with my older siblings and relocated to Neili, Taoyuan County, Taiwan. I was born in 1960 in Neili, and in 1962, she took us to live in Zhongxiao New Village in Shuiwei, Xindian City, Taipei County.

Note: The 823 Artillery Bombardment occurred between August 23 to October 5, 1958, between People's Liberation Army and Republic of China troops located in Mainland China and Kinmen along with surrounding islands, respectively. Historians consider this to be part of the second Chinese Civil War.

Taking Control of a Factory— Hsinchu Glass Factory Worker

Autonomous Participation in Economic Democracy


Historical Background

When I was a child, whenever my mother talked about anything, she always started from when she was 5 years old. After talking for 2 to 3 hours, she would get to what she really wanted to talk about. I had no patience for my mother's tedious way of talking about things when I was a child, but realized later that since my father worked away from home for much of the time, she had no one to talk to but us. She was illiterate and raising children alone and could only repeat her life story about not having a family and having to support herself since she was a child so that her children would never forget. I also didn't realize until later why my mother, who had no social connections, planned for the future and finished things over 5 or 10 year periods.

Global neoliberalism increases income disparity daily in every place on earth. The idea of economic democracy has been raised once again. In 1986 when Taiwan was still under martial law, a series of managing investors of Hsinchu Glass Factory (52% of which was owned by the state) tried repeatedly to transfer assets out of the firm for their own benefit and seize control of the worker's pensions and benefits. Their actions pushed the factory into serious financial difficulties, including debt to workers in the form of back wages. Ultimately, over 700 employees went to the government to see if it was possible to use an unregulated neighborhood credit club to raise funds and establish a temporary, employee-run regulatory board for the factory. After complex negotiations between managing investors and the government, the workers successfully took control. After 10 months, the factory generated enough income to pay all back wages, and even raised salaries. Due to the nature of the times, the temporary board had to return control to the managing investors after the factory got back on track, thus ending this period of economic democracy. Since these investors had no intention of running the factory, it closed soon after the handover in 1989.

My mother was much like the many other women of the time who had no education. Whenever she encountered a difficult to solve problem, she looked toward the people, events or scenes that appeared in her dreams for answers. Before, I just thought this was her own way of justifying her decisions, but now understand that fantastic dreams, no matter how fantastic, are just another way of thinking about problems. Over the last several decades, my mother's life story and her endlessly expanding dreams have found their way into my own consciousness. Or maybe my mother's humble way of speaking and doing things has taught me something. She has taught me why the situation surrounding anything is important, and how to overcome the limitations of reality by continuously conversing with fabrications. She also taught me that when doing anything, you have to think about what its implications might be 10 years hence. I didn't get married until I was 48 years old. After my son was born, my mother followed local customs and dressed him cotton gauze baby clothes. She said she had saved the clothes since I was born, and had been looking forward to using them again for 48 years.

Note: For more information, see interviews and research conducted by Peng Kui-chih and others. This introduction was used with the permission of Peng Kui-chih.

Contemporary Interpretation The take over of the Hsinchu Glass Factor y during martial law by workers who had no training in leftist economic theories, made me realize that autonomous economic democracy can be successfully developed based solely on practical life experience and struggle. Their story started me thinking about possibilities for practical contemporar y par ticipator y democracy and economics. Due to global neoliberalism, any micro practice of economic democracy will encounter economic pressure from the region or country in which it takes places, as well as from the global flow of capital across national borders. Therefore, TheCUBE


in any practice of economic democracy, one must consider types of products and production methods that will not be absorbed or canceled by transnational capital, as well as how to transform human desire constructs and lifestyle values. In other words, I learned the importance of self education from the autonomous development of economic democracy at the Hsinchu Glass Factor y. Therefore, the practice of economic democracy at any site requires self education that transforms the existing consensus and desire construct.

Lien Fu Employees Self-help Group Disabling the System with Its

Own Rules

Historical Background Under pressure from the U.S. plan to end financial aid to the Republic of China in 1965, Taiwan's Ministry of Economic Affairs promulgated its Statute for the Establishment and Administration of Export Processing Zone. Following the establishment of the Kaohsiung City Nanzih Export Processing Zone one year later, the island of Taiwan gradually became a global manufacturing hub. In 1987 when the order was given to end martial law, industries started moving abroad in search of cheaper labor, thus generating a series of bankruptcies to protect investors but rarely workers. These malicious factory closings reached their peak in 1996. On August 16, 1996, The Lien Fu Garment Factory suddenly posted a sign on the door announcing its immediate closing. They hadn't informed workers, and never disbursed worker pensions, severance pay or salaries. The factory owner made use of his dual citizenship to leave Taiwan and has refused to return, He still has yet to fulfill his obligation regarding worker rights and interests. Over 300 women workers who had worked in the factory from 20 to 30 years sewing clothing appealed to the Ministry of Labor and struggled for 12 years with assistance from the National Federation of Independent Trade Unions. They employed protest tactics such as shutting down the railroad by lying on tracks just to get the government and society to take their pleas seriously. In 2008 the factor y was auctioned off by the



court. On November 11 of the same year, the new owners demolished the factory after the police had to forcibly remove women workers who were protesting at the site. These unemployed women lack the basic legal protection of the Taiwanese government, as a result, they still have not received the pensions, severance pay and salaries owed to them.

Contemporary Interpretation Although these women protested for many years and never received justice, when they worked with me on my video Factor y, I heard many stories revealing the profound folk wisdom they developed regarding protest strategies through this experience. From these workers I realized there is no such thing as an impenetrable system. Following their continual and vehement protests, the Taiwanese government had no choice but to pursue subrogation, which requires the state owned bank to pay the women on behalf of the negligent factory owners. But several years later the state bank could not recoup the funds from the negligent factory owners and required the workers to return the money. Facing great difficulty, the women forced the state bank to give up this preposterous requirement using a simple and legal strategy. These more than 300 workers assembled at the state bank and lined up at a single teller window. They each opened an account with NTD100 and then returned to the end of the line so they could withdraw NTD10. Each of these 300 workers went to the bank every day and repeatedly deposited and withdrew a small sum of cash, which wreaked chaos upon the bank's system. In the end, this strategy forced the bank to give up on its dunning practices. T h e wo m e n u s e d w h a t I b e l i e ve i s a l e g a l m e c h a n i s m: re p eti ti o n th at ove r l oad e d th e system's capacity and made it cease functioning. From a certain perspective, taking mechanization and repetition to their limits is a way to open a gap in the law.

Chen Chieh-yi Self Reliance of the


Introduction My brother Chen Chieh-yi was born in 1965. In high school he violated various ridiculous rules and was repeatedly expelled. He ended up attending three different high schools, and didn't leave postsecondary school until 1992. He studied apparel and later worked at a clothing company, where he turned the failing business around in one year. The company wasn't willing to give staff a raise, so he left the job. In 1994, without any savings, he found some fabric that was discarded by factory, hand made a few backpacks and started selling them on the streets of Taipei. In 2002 I was fortunate to receive some financial support to make my videos. My brother and I decided if we could continue to make films, we should make films that would be regarded as actions by using local people, unemployed factory workers, temporary workers, migrant workers, fore ign spouse s, unemployed youth, social activists and different kinds of people employed in the film industry. Our goal was to break through divisions between amateurs and professionals and to create temporary, mobile and heterogeneous communities where participants could learn from one another. Since 2002, we have been producing f ilm as action using this method, and have continually refined our organization methods.

Premise My brother's resourcefulness in starting a business with no money inspired my working method when I returned to making art. I think he not only knew how to use leftover or discarded things, but also how to create possibility from the impossible under limitations. His business experience inspired us to redistribute resources after they became available, w h i c h a l l owe d th o s e w h o we re f r u s tr ate d, discarded and oppressed by neoliberalism to regain their agency. And from these people who participated in my projects, we learned much folk wisdom and many ways of working with others. I remember my father once gave my brother NTD10 when he was in 5th grade. He didn't use this pocket change to buy a toy, snacks or even save it. Instead he went to an old craftsman and bought

a small bamboo flute. I asked why he bought a flute, since he didn't know how to play one. He answered that he had been watching that old man for a long time, and no one ever bought anything from him. He thought the man needed the money more than he did. This was my first lesson about sharing and redistribution.

Edward Joseph Snowden Living Like a Ghost by Abandoning the Empire Introduction Born in 1983 in Elizabeth City, North Carolina, Edward Joseph Snowden worked for the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and as contractor for the National Security Agency. The U.S. Department of Justice charged him with espionage after he leaked classified documents about the electronic surveillance data mining program PRISM, which he obtained while working for the NSA, to journalists of The Washington Post and The Guardian in June 2013 while in Hong Kong. On June 23, 2013, Snowden left Hong Kong for Moscow, and Russian authorities granted him a three-year residency permit on August 7, 2014. Note: Edward Snowden is globally recognized and has been discussed and reported on extensively. For this reason, this simple introduction is based on extracts from Wikipedia.

Premise Edward Joseph Snowden and his leak of classified NSA documents are well known around the world. The long term U.S. monitoring and manipulation of Taiwan, and Taiwan's subordination to the U.S. in establishing surveillance systems is significant in light of Snowden’s activities. Snowden did not just expose the way the U.S. monitors and manipulates the imagination of global citizens, but also how quick many so-called free and democratic countries are willing to abandon their declarations of universal human rights when faced with the imperialist will of the United States, and therefore denied Snowden asylum. Wanted by the entire global empire, Snowden has not become powerless and vulnerable, but dares to go against the imperialism of his own country and bear the name “traitor� for the rest of his life. This makes him a true dissident, who lives like a ghost and is an inspiration to those who genuinely yearn for freedom and liberty for all. TheCUBE


Snowden holds up a mirror to the collective spiritual chaos of the Taiwanese people who have been accustomed to living in a subordinate position for so long. Leaders of the people who resist regional free trade absurdly appeal to imperialists who advocate ne oliberalism and expe ct its pervasive global authority to even more thoroughly discipline and govern Asia. Do we, like Snowden, dare oppose the logic of consensus that lies between democratic leadership and imperialists? Do we dare reject the democratic leadership, who forces us to remain subordinate to imperialists, in the name of freedom and democracy? Do we dare reject the democratic leadership holding us against our will in the name of patriotism? Before we make art in the name of dissent, should we not first let the spirit of dissent, which is equality, become our real life practice? There is always more light with a different meaning beyond the spectrum of visible light created by a prism.

Shuiwei A Place Where Different Time,

Space and People with Different Histories Meet

Historical Background Shuiwei is a shoal formed by the Jinmei and Xindian Rivers and the location of the Lin family residence in the Xindian District. The Kuomintang government built three military dependents' villages on the site in 1962 to house the many soldiers that retreated from mainland China after the Chinese Civil War, thus making this partially closed off shoal a multicultural site. This narrow slip of land was also the site of a military court and prison which tried and housed political prisoners during Taiwan's martial law, anti-communist, cold war period, as well as the site of a sanatorium for captured volunteer soldiers from China during the Korean War era. During the Vietnam War, it served as the site of an American logistical munitions factory that manufactured light artillery and bullets. Later, when Taiwan became a world manufacturing center, it was processing area and place where illegal housing was constructed by low wage laborers. In this tiny place which can be covered on foot in less than ten minutes, one can see traces of the Chinese Civil War, Korean War, Vietnam War, and



the period when Taiwan became a global export processing zone under capitalism's international division of labor. It was also the site of discipline and governance in forms including a prison, barracks, factory, sanatorium and illegal housing. In the late 1990s, Shuiwei was transformed from partially closed off to an area fragmented by the construction of highways.

Contemporary Interpretation In 1962, when I was just 2 years old, I moved to Zhongxiao New Village located in Shuiwei with my mother and siblings. I moved away from Shuiwei at the age of 22 after finishing my military service and only returned for holiday visits. Shuiwei was once a place I wanted to escape. One day when I was 36, I realized that Shuiwei was the source of all my confusion and also a place where I could find answers. Perhaps because I had tried to forget this place for more than a decade, when I re-examined memories, people, events, sounds, smells and atmospheres of the different eras in my hometown, and slowly pieced them together in my mind with the scene before my eyes, it was then that I realized this place was the source of my perceptions. I also found a new starting point for my artwork, which was conducting a personal dialog with people and their visible or invisible realities. Also, every person, place and event has a complex connection to other people, places and events. I didn't really understand this simple principle until I had enough life experience. There is no place that is an absolute margin. Anyplace that actively produces meaning is both local and international, and a center beyond existing power mechanisms.

Hesheng Heterogeneous Assembly and a Multiple-Dialectical Movement Historical Background

The term hesheng ( ĺ?ˆ ç”&#x; ) was first used in the Tang Dynasty (618-907) probably to describe a performance form mixing opera, storytelling, chanting and dancing, but scholars have been unable to determine which performance formats the term has described throughout its evolution. For this reason, hesheng is a term with vague meaning.

Contemporary Interpretation If we put aside historical textual research and just look at the surface meaning of the two Chinese characters in this impossible to define term, we see that they suggest “coming together” and “continual happening.” If we imagine a little further and place hesheng in our contemporary context of biopolitical neoliberalism, then it could be an ideology of multiple dialectics and heterogeneous assembly. This is similar to Laozi's (604-531 BC) concept of one, which is not the same one as we see in mathematics, but rather means the sustained production of multiple dialectics from the one moment a dialectic starts. A simplified and commonly understood notion of dialectic can perhaps definitively be the meaning to which hesheng refers regardless of its performance format. The term hesheng still has the power to inspire. It is a word difficult to define and continually produces new dialectics; it ser ves as both a method and aim.

* The article was written between 2002 and 2014. TheCUBE




單頻道錄影裝置,約 104 分鐘,循環放映

1930 年,日本殖民政府於新莊設立「台灣總督府癩病療養所樂生院」,以強制收容、強制隔離與禁婚絕

育政策,將漢生病患逮捕、隔離在院區內,並圍上鐵絲網防止院民逃跑。1945 年,國民黨政府接收台灣 後,初期仍延續日殖時期管理政策,之後陸續放寬管制規定,直至 1961 年才正式廢除隔離政策。然因漢 生病已被長期汙名化,使得院民難以再重回社會生活。

1994 年,在官僚與地方政治勢力共謀下,台北市政府捷運局將新莊捷運機廠用地轉移到「樂生療養院」,

並準備強制遷移樂生院院民,因病而被迫「以院為家」的院民,為「保衛家園」於 1997 年開始反迫遷運動。 2002 年,捷運局進行第一波拆除院區房舍行動,此舉引發漢生病患與台灣各界的強烈異議,一場漫長的


眾多的學者、律師、工程師、文化工作者亦紛紛投入此運動。2008 年底,在警察強制驅離反迫遷之院民、 聲援的學生與群眾後,捷運局立即架設施工圍籬,展開大規模的開挖工程,樂生療養院至今被拆除百分 之七十以上。

在樂生院區被拆除五年多後,殘餘院區與捷運機廠的巨大工地,既像是兩個並置的傷口,也像是創傷與 「發展欲望」相互交疊的場址。《殘響世界》從年邁的院民 ( 種樹的人 )、陪伴院民至今的年輕女性 ( 陪

伴散記 )、來自大陸與經歷過文革的看護工 ( 被懸置的房間 ),以及橫跨日殖時期至今的虛構女性政治犯 ( 之後與之前 ) 等不同視點,討論在事件似乎已成「定局」下,「定局」是否即是「終局」?亦或可以是 開啟多重辯證與其它想像的歧點。


中文維基百科: 衛生福利部樂生療養院 英文維基百科:



REALM OF REVERBERATIONS 2014.Blu-ray disc.b/w.sound.Single channel video installation about 104 minutes. continuous loop

In 1930, the Japanese colonial government established the Rakusei (Losheng) Sanatorium for Lepers of Governor-General of Taiwan in what is now Xinzhuang District. The sanatorium was created to forcibly house and quarantine sufferers of Hansen's disease and carry out the government's policies of marriage prohibition or forced sterilization. Residents were forbidden to leave the grounds, which were enclosed within a barbed wire fence. In the period immediately following the Kuomintang government's takeover of Taiwan in 1945, policies at the sanatorium were left unchanged, but later were gradually relaxed until 1961 when the quarantine mandate was lifted. Nonetheless, the long-term stigmatization of Hansen's disease sufferers has made their reintegration into society very difficult. Influenced by bureaucrats and local politics, the Taipei Department of Rapid Transit Systems (DORTS) decided in 1994 to move their depot operation in Xinzhuang District to the property occupied by the Losheng Sanatorium, necessitating the relocation of the remaining residents. Those who had originally been forced to reside in the sanatorium were forced to fight against relocation and “safeguard their homeland” in 1997. In 2002 DORTS undertook the first phase of the project by demolishing the sanatorium buildings, thus triggering intense resistance among residents and various other groups. Consequently the seemingly endless Losheng Preservation Movement (which continues today), the resident-organized Losheng Self-Help Organization and the student group Youth Alliance for Losheng were all born. Furthermore, countless scholars, lawyers, engineers, documentary filmmakers and others have joined the movement to preserve the sanatorium and help the residents. In late 2008 the police forcibly cleared the area of residents and their supporters, after which DORTS immediately erected a fence and started bulldozing the site. Today, less than 30 percent of the original Losheng Sanatorium remains. After more than five years of demolition, the remains of the sanatorium and massive construction for the Metro depot look like two enormous wounds sitting side by side, or perhaps a wound and a symbol of the desire for progress. Realm of Reverberations comprises four sections, each presenting perspectives of individuals whose lives have been touched by the Losheng Sanatorium: old residents (Tree Planters), a young woman who accompanies sanatorium residents (Keeping Company), a hospice nurse who lived in Mainland China during the Cultural Revolution (The Suspended Room), and a fictional political prisoner who travels through Taiwanese history from the Japanese colonial period to the present (Tracing Forward). They discuss what many believe to be the inevitable outcome for the Losheng Sanatorium. But is that really Losheng’s legacy? Other possibilities include serving as a starting point for multiple dialectics and other imaginings. For detailed information about the Losheng Sanatorium and the Losheng Preservation Movement, see:




Stills from Realm of Reverberations – Tree Planters




Stills from Realm of Reverberations – Keeping Company




Stills from Realm of Reverberations – The Suspended Room




Stills from Realm of Reverberations – Tracing Forward




REALM OF REVERBERATIONS RETURNS TO LOSHENG 〈殘響世界〉於 2015 年 1 月 18 日以類儀式的影像劇場形式,在樂生療養院山頂舉行「殘響世界回樂生」 放映活動,同時邀請樂生院民與觀眾共同參與。

In January 18th 2015, Realm of Reverberations had been shown in the form of quasi-ritualistic image theatre. A screening event entitled Realm of Reverberations Returns to Losheng, took place on Losheng Sanatorium’s hilltop and invited both the participations of Losheng’s residents and the public.




The ritual of film screening of Realm of Reverberations, installation view at Losheng Sanatorium




1960 年生於台灣桃園,高職美工科畢業,目前生活和工作於台灣台北。

陳界仁的創作媒材雖大都以錄影裝置為主,但其從拍攝影片的生產過程開始,即對合作者、參與者的組 構形式,不斷進行各種實驗與實踐,使其創作同時還具有提出另一種社會想像的行動性特質。


覽等方式,干擾當時的戒嚴體制,1987 年台灣解除戒嚴後,由於對如何理解和認識歷史與「現實」等問 題產生困惑,使陳界仁逐漸停止創作,沉寂了八年。這段期間他經由重新審視自身的成長經驗、家族歷

史和其生活環境中的軍法局、加工區、兵工廠、違章建築區等規訓、治理與非合法性空間,省思台灣從 歷經日本殖民統治(1895-1945),至二戰後在美國與國民黨共構的冷戰/反共/戒嚴體制下,成為資本 主義國際分工體系裡,依賴出口導向的密集勞力業與高污染業的下游加工區,以及解嚴後被再度改造為 新自由主義社會的過程與根源。

陳界仁認為──台灣在經歷長期被支配與處於「多重主權重疊」的歷史與政治狀態下,人的內在精神已 被徹底「碎裂化」,並成為一個不斷「遺忘自身」與喪失「歷史性地思考與想像未來」的社會。

1996 年他重新恢復創作後,開始和在地人民、失業勞工、臨時工、移工、外籍配偶、無業青年、社會運


以及通過佔據資方廠房、潛入法律禁區、運用廢棄物搭建虛構場景等行動,對已被新自由主義層層遮蔽 的人民歷史與當代現實,提出另一種「再 - 想像」、「再 - 敘事」、「再 - 書寫」與「再 - 連結」的拍攝 計畫。


揭露與批判,更在於如何從相互學習的拍攝過程中,實驗新的社會關係,以及從難以言說的身體性經驗 與記憶、人在精神碎裂下的幽微狀態、社會空間裡隱藏的各種模糊邊界地帶裡,藉由詩性辯證式的影像,

開啟其它的政治與美學想像。同時,陳界仁的影片以連結不同的歷史時空與事件、極簡的對白或完全無 聲的緩慢影像,以及存在各種「空隙」的敘事形式,邀請來自不同歷史、文化、社會脈絡與生命經驗的

觀眾,對影片中的「空隙」進行各自的想像,藉以將觀影過程轉換成一個可多重對話與開展多重辯證的 場域。



CHEN CHIEH-JEN Chen Chieh-Jen was born in 1960 in Taoyuan, Taiwan, and graduated from a vocational high school for the arts. He currently lives and works in Taipei, Taiwan. While Chen's primary media is video installation, in his production process, he has consistently experimented with community formation, integrating other participants with his film crew. This has added an activist quality directed at re-envisioning society in his creative process. During Taiwan’s martial law period (1949-1987), a time marked by the Cold War and anti-communist propaganda, Chen employed extra-institutional underground exhibitions and guerrilla-style art actions to challenge dominant political mechanisms. After martial law ended, due to difficulties produced by an inability to understand or recognize history and reality, Chen gradually ceased making art, which lasted for eight years. During this period he re-examined his family history and experiences growing up, and reflected on the trajectory of Taiwan’s modern history. The environment of his youth was filled with places of discipline, governance and illegitimacy, such as military courts, munitions factories, industrial areas, and illegal shanty towns. This situation stemmed from Taiwan's long history of subjugation, from Japanese colonization (1895-1945) to the Cold War/anti-communist/martial law mechanisms jointly created by the Kuomintang and United States in the post-World War II period. It was during this time that Taiwan joined the system of capitalist and international division of labor, becoming an export-led, lower-end economy reliant on labor intensive, high polluting industries. After martial law ended in 1987, Taiwan was again remade, this time as a neoliberalist society. Chen believes, “Taiwan's historical and political situation of long-term domination and placement under the overlapping sovereignty of different nations has resulted in the complete disintegration of the people's spirit. Taiwanese society has been repeatedly forced to become one with historical amnesia and have lost the ability to imagine and reflect on the future from the context of past.” Returning to art in 1996, Chen started collaborating with local residents, unemployed laborers, day workers, migrant workers, foreign spouses, unemployed youth and social activists. He formed a temporary community and a film-making team with those marginalized by society, social activists and movie industry workers. They have learned from each other, occupied factories owned by capitalists, slipped into areas cordoned off by the law and utilized discarded materials to build sets for his video productions. In order to visualize contemporary reality and a people’s history that was obscured by neo-liberalism, Chen embarked on a series of video projects in which he used strategies he calls “re-imagining, re-narrating, re-writing and re-connecting.” Although Chen addresses political and economic issues in his work, he believes that art should not only to criticize and reveal political and economic manipulation, but even more promote the creation of experimental communities and mutual learning in the process of filming his videos. Using poetic, dialectical imagery, Chen generates a different aesthetic and political imagination from difficult to articulate bodily experiences and memories, individuals in nebulous states of spiritual disintegration, and various indistinct or marginalized areas within society. Chen invites viewers from different historical, cultural, and social contexts and with different life experiences to deploy their imagination within the narrative gap he creates by linking disparate events and historical horizons, and using concise dialogs or completely silent, slowmotion video. As the audience watches Chen’s videos, imaginings evoked by these gaps helps establish a forum for multiple dialogs and multiple dialectics.



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