New African Musical Process in Memphis 2052

Myers 1 Cooper Myers Shaka Mcglotten New Black Ethnographies December 4 2019

New African Musical Process in Memphis 2052: A Speculative Ethnomusicology

Myers 2 In the year 2052, it is important to take a closer look at a subset of world music that has only recently begun to break outside of its relatively isolated area of origin and into the public sphere: that of African-Americans. Before large African populations began migrating to the United States (as well as other nations in both the eastern and western worlds) in the 1950s in an effort to conserve resources in their native country, there was no African or African-decended musical influence to be seen in American culture. The music deemed popular at the time had large European classical influences, as it does to this very day. Most popular musicians played traditional songs similar to the troubadours of late Middle Ages, only now using Spanish guitars instead of lutes and revamping their harmonic vocabulary for the modern era. Many American troubadours traveled and recorded with a small band involving strings, horns, and woodwinds.

Close to a century after this time period, popular American music has advanced very little with the exception of one invention: the modular synthesizer. As is the natural process in a troubadour dominated America, synthesizers have been compacted to a point where they are easily clipped onto a performer’s belt buckle, and have become a staple for musicians across the country. This also solved the issue of carrying around cumbersome orchestral percussion, and as a result percussive dance pieces stemming from Eastern European countries such as Greece and Turkey have become more popular in the United States as a result.

While African traditions could have certainly sparked creativity for white Americans, history did not pan out that way. African settlers were fairly isolationist, and have survived in America up until now in large part due to their trade system between other African settlements.

Major colonies in Fort Lauderdale, Athens, and Memphis, all developed trade routes among themselves and other smaller colonies, effectively erasing the need for outside interference.

According to the African Federations Act (AFA) developed in 1964, African territories residing

Myers 3 on American soil may operate outside of the jurisdiction of American law and customs. These communities were basically treated as a different country by the United States. Trade was engaged between them, but that was essentially the only point of contact. African-Americans had no desire to share their musical traditions with the outside world. Likewise, white Americans had no desire to learn about African music, as they deemed it savage and inferior to their long held classical traditions. Thus, African-American music grew parallel to, not in conjunction with, traditional American troubadour music.

Tensions between the nations of the AFA and white Americans have become strained even further due to the scarcity of water due to climate change. Afura Abara, an African scientist, was the first to find a way to purify sea water for human consumption. She promptly patented this system, and thus all of America’s water supply, white or black, stems from the company GHA, based in the African coastal settlement of Tignall. GHA offers water at cheaper prices to fellow African settlements, so there is of course tension over this necessary resource. Despite this, white America has not used its war-hungry tactics that it is known for when in need of resources. They know that if there is war between them and the AFA, they would lose their supply of water and be at an immediate disadvantage. Tignall is one of the most heavily protected cities in the country, and white America would not be able to penetrate their defenses before perishing from the heat. Thus, they keep their powerful military overseas, leaving nations of the AFA free to invest their time and energy in places besides war. However, this doesn’t prevent feelings of ill will between individual people, and thus skirmishes are common if either group ventures outside of their home territory.

While white troubadours held firm in their resistance to the unfamiliar musical style of the AFA, African-Americans did eventually give into a bit of troubadour influence. African-

Myers 4 American communities were able to obtain guitars and synthesizers from white American salesmen in exchange for various goods unique to their communities. They eventually began to manufacture guitars that deviated from the classical model. While there are a few field recordings that give a basic sense of what African-American music may look like in the current day and age, they are generally poor quality and hard to find. Thus, for the time being, we can only assume what music from these regions sounds like based on the trade patterns taking place in the early 2000s.

As an ethnomusicologist, I have conducted an ethnography specifically on the community of Memphis. Due to its proximity to Nashville, a major troubadour hub, it has become prone to outside musical influence more than other communities such as Athens. I used ethnographic methods in order to understand the historical and cultural context behind the music of African-Americans in 2052, as well as what the music being created today would mean for the future. I also aimed to preserve African-American musical traditions by recording and documenting songs created by the inhabitants of Memphis throughout the ages, and hope to create a public database for educational and informational purposes using the recordings collected during my research.

Social and Cultural Implications: What Does Music Mean?

I walk down Main Street on a scorching hot summer’s afternoon, on my way to meet a Memphis musician for lunch to discuss the musical traditions he has learned. There are barely any people on the small street, but you can still feel the busy midday energy as the sounds of people’s conversations spill out for the public ear to hear. The streets are narrow, filled with small hole in the wall shops pressed together. The insides of these various stores, banks, eateries, etc. boast a sleek yet homey design, often decorated with various pieces of African artwork and

Myers 5 playing music. There are some business deals going on even on this weekend, which are conducted transparently considering the thin building walls and confined spaces. However, there are also many people having a relaxing Saturday off, watching TV at any one of the numerous “water bars” in town, telling the bartenders “gimme de GHA” (Ghana Heat Abatement, the only brand of water available and pronounced as one word).

While the street still maintains a joyous, bustling atmosphere from the people on the inside, those who are walking or biking to their next destination are not so lighthearted. They are often in a hurry to get to their next destination due to the heat, and thus avoid eye contact with not only me but with each other as well. Most are on bicycles, but the ones traveling on foot are the ones that tend to acknowledge me more. I pass by a woman with children who stops to wipe her brow, frowning at me. People that look like me are not necessarily a foreign sight here, as they are allowed in for trading purposes. However, white Americans are certainly not common, and are generally symbolic of something besides warmth. I do receive a few head nods and smiles as I approach the Ethiopian restaurant.

I sit down with a man who has chosen to remain anonymous, but I will, for all intents and purposes, call Kofi. He is a musician I had agreed to meet with earlier in the week. He has his synthesizer clipped onto his belt, and takes it off to show me how it works as the server pours us some water. It is relatively minimalist to save space, only having a button to turn it off with no controls for volume, pitch, etc. He doesn’t play anything, but allows me to try. No sound comes out. “It has to come from your heart” he says. “Your heart, and your skin.” He begins to tell me the story of how he got this very synthesizer at the age of 12, as a rite of passage of sorts. The tone that his synthesizer produced was even more desirable than usual by the governance at the time, so he went on a fast track to becoming a spiritual and musical leader in his community.

Myers 6 When I ask about hearing his music, he tells me to watch him in the town square at 10pm, when the weather is more bearable. “This is not the right time” he says. “It would have no purpose.”

Before we go, he hands me a small piece of paper. He says to read it whenever I get the chance, but to make sure it is somewhere private. I have transcribed my interview with Kofi:

Cooper: What role does music play in your life?

Kofi: Ever since I was a child, the tone of my synthesizer was seen as special or divine. Thus I was trained to be the musician I am today, and music began to take up nearly every aspect of my life. I am often called upon by the government to perform and offer a prayer at social functions, such as parties or funerals. I perform routinely on Sundays for the entire community. I am also on a committee of healers who care for the sick and wounded. When not being compensated for music, I am still playing for my family, playing lullabies for my daughter. I play for myself as well. I play to heal, to pray, to honor someone important, and to cope with struggles everyday.

C: How has the outside world influenced your music?

K: I am young, so I don’t remember a time when outsiders came here for reasons other than trade. My music comes from me, just like the music of my father or my children comes from them. People have taught me the opening prayer of Memphis, everything else I have taught myself.

C: What do you know about the music in communities outside of Memphis?

K: Not much at all, especially about those not a part of the AFA. The vast majority of my interaction with others is through special circumstances where all of the AFA communities meet, and collectively heal. There is just one traditional song shared between us, the rest is highly personal. As for music played by those in white America, it is generally unnecessary in society,

Myers 7 so it gets blocked out.

C: How do you feel about sharing music with the outside world?

K: I personally enjoy sharing my music with others, but we don’t just leave Memphis to play for others. We tried for a while, but white America wrote us off as savages and were not interested in music so personal to oneself. They like predictability, the ability to play something in the same way each and every time. That’s not how we work, and we don’t like to let too many people in because of that.

C: How does your synthesizer work without any buttons besides the keys?

K: The tone of one’s synthesizer is not replicable by any other person, and isn’t even entirely replicable by the same person. What a person is feeling in his heart and soul is what comes out.

Many people’s feelings are not beautiful or pure. Many times, without proper training, the music that first comes out of someone’s synthesizer is harsh noise. They have not learned the proper way to connect with the spirits, and by association themselves. A musical society is a way to make sure that every member is balanced and sure of themselves, thus leading to a prosperous world.

C: Are there people in Memphis that don’t play music?

K: There are a few, but they are truly the lowlifes of society. Usually they are criminals, or people with something to hide. For the spirits to take away your gift, you must be mentally and spiritually sick. Sometimes someone suddenly becomes unable to play. The gods have left that man, and his instrument is no longer sacred. It is burned, and he is banished.

C: Are you content with the way music works in your community?

K: For the most part, yes. I am fortunate to be in the esteemed position that I am in in regards to my gift. I do have friends that have been exiled from the community after their synthesizers

Myers 8 stopped working, but this is because the spirits have deemed them unholy. I am a man, and not a god. I am saddened, but I do not judge their decision. I am thankful for my place in my community, and love my brothers who share in my passion. Music is my life, and I would not trade it for the world. That is simply the truth. /// I went back to my guest house and opened up the piece of paper that Kofi gave me. It reads as follows: Dear Mister, I have not talked to you yet, and do not know what I will say to you when I do. I do know that it will be the truth, as I value what you are trying to do here. However, there are several things that I feel need to be said, that I would not feel comfortable saying in public. I would prefer if all that I have to say in this letter remains anonymous.

The truth is that there have been issues with the governance in regards to music.

As spiritual leaders, they can control who is able to play a community’s synthesizer.

However, while having a divine connection with the spirits, they are human just like us. I have had friends who played beautiful music been exiled from the community after not being able to play music anymore. As spiritual leaders, the government can control who is able to play a community’s synthesizer. However, while having a divine connection with the spirits, they are human just like us. I’m not accusing anyone of anything, but it doesn’t seem to make sense that those same friends I was close with would suddenly become unholy. I implore you to investigate this further during your time here.

All the best, Kofi

Myers 9 /// I naturally was distraught after this interaction, and attempted to gain a greater cultural understanding of these musical tradition through talking with government officials. After discussing with Kofi and other musicians around Memphis, I determined that I should request a meeting with Abrafo Folorunsho, the interim governor of Memphis. I was able to obtain his email from Kofi and he seemed rather pleased to meet with me. I received a few more askance looks as I walked into his office, but he himself was cordial and kind. I asked him a variety of questions about the music of Memphis, how the synthesizers worked, and their place in society, and he was happy to answer them. However, when I asked him about the government’s role in music making, he simply refused to comment. /// From further conversations with Kofi and other Memphis musicians, I gathered further information on the topic of the politics of the Mood/Melanin Based Synthesizer. This musical innovation can alter synth patches on the fly using information regarding pulse, sweat, or circulation, as well as the person’s background. This has many implications. Since the government has access to these synth patches, criminals that are in each community’s crime database are physically incapable of playing music once released into society. There has been a large debate in Memphis on whether or not criminals, once reformed, should be allowed to engage in something so sacred to the community. On the other side of the debate, who’s to say that those criminals should remain in society if they aren’t allowed to play music?

This also means that residents of one community cannot play the instruments of another one, as no sound will emerge then either. The government must authorize each and every one of its citizens to be able to play this synth. It reacts very specifically to the melanin levels in each

Myers 10 African-American settlement. Thus, white American ethnographers can’t even begin to think about playing these synths to study them. They have to simply observe what those in each community are doing.

Field Recordings General Invocation https://soundcloud.com/cooper-myers-1/memphis-general-invocation?in=cooper-myers1/sets/memphis-2052-mock-ethnomusicology-recodings This is a clear example of the general invocation used before every facet of life that music requires. This short piece varies between each community, and is a call to the spirits in order to bestow African-American people with the power needed to wield these synthesizers. It also serves to calibrate the synths to the “spiritual essence” of those playing it. Since the invocation consists of the same notes and rhythms, each person’s unique and ever shifting timbre is the primary focus here. This melody can be transposed into many different keys to best suit the music that follows it.

Celebratory Invocation https://soundcloud.com/cooper-myers-1/celebratory-invocation?in=cooper-myers1/sets/memphis-2052-mock-ethnomusicology-recodings This is a song used for celebrations and to lighten the mood during social gatherings. There ensemble for this type of song usually consists of one synth player, one guitarist, and the rest of the people gathered at the event using handclaps. The synth carries the melody, while the guitar is relegated to a percussive role instead of reinforcing the harmony. The synth melody and handclaps make prominent use of polyrhythmic structures similar to those found in African societies throughout history.

Myers 11 Lullaby Duet https://soundcloud.com/cooper-myers-1/lullaby-duet?in=cooper-myers-1/sets/memphis2052-mock-ethnomusicology-recodings This is a duet between Kofi and his wife, often used to help their children fall asleep. The timbre of Kofi’s synth during this is more soothing, fitting the delicate plucking of his companion more accurately. The timbre of his instrument doesn’t shift nearly as much. It is also important to note that the song has an non-traditional sense of harmony. It uses the foundational I, IV, and V chords found in western harmony, but still contains dissonant notes as a result of the IV being dominant.

Church Song https://soundcloud.com/cooper-myers-1/church-song?in=cooper-myers-1/sets/memphis2052-mock-ethnomusicology-recodings This is not a church song that you would find in many other religions, especially Abrahamic ones. It is powerful and lacks stability, unlike other religions that concern themselves with conservative purity. Memphis community members say this is because the spirits take over their bodies in this place of concerted worship. This is the only time where more than one synth player may play at once, and the focus is all on the synths. The timbre changes between the musicians are also relatively synchronized, although the beginning timbres of them may be wildly different. However, this is made up for by the fact that the timbre changes themselves are drastic, often distorting the original melody and harmony beyond recognition in favor of the brutal catharsis of three powerful musicians playing together. To watch them play is an incredible sight, as their fingers barely move from the keys in order to produce such a thunderous sound.

Myers 12 This should be justification enough of the presence of the divine in Memphis based musicianship. /// A few things should be clarified when looking at these pieces. For one, these are all greatly truncated versions of the original songs that would be played for such an occasion. I am thankful to Kofi and the other musicians playing here for even giving me the chance to record a small segment of each song, considering Memphis inhabitants usually do not play music unless there is a specific event that calls for it. Another thing worth noting is that each of these songs could contain a drastically different timbre at each moment of the piece, due to the way that synthesizers operate in this community. I can only hope that what I documented is an accurate representation of what people are used to hearing in their everyday lives.

Findings and Final Analysis I came into the settlement of Memphis simply wishing to document the musical structures there, for the purpose of informing white American musical processes and traditions and encouraging intermingling of cultures. However, the story ended up going much deeper, dealing with issues concerning government control of spirituality and methods of dealing with dissent that border on fascism. Kofi, my main connection made here, is likely safe from this persecution. However, I fear for less established musicians that are as savvy and aware of government conditions as him. I hope to come back to Memphis with the explicit purpose of uncovering government corruption, as well as exactly how spirituality works in conjunction with it.

Aside from the socio-political connotations behind what music is made and who gets to make music, the musical traditions of Memphis on a conceptual level are very similar to those

Myers 13 halfway across the world. Kubrick’s study in 1987 Africa yielded the conclusion that “African music in general cannot be based on concepts such as 'indigenous' versus 'foreign' or 'traditional' versus 'modern'� (1987:77). The same still holds water today. Musical traditions of the AFA take many traditional elements from the music being played in Africa for centuries, such as their polyrhythmic structures. However, the mood-based synthesizers inspired by troubadours and innovated upon further by African-American scientists demonstrate the blurring of lines between the future and the past, the African and the white American. Within this unique culture, there is unique music not only coming from each community, but from each person. The technology behind these synthesizers is mysterious, but is remarkably impressive in its ability to generate seemingly infinite sounds. Overall, this study was successful in documenting the musical traditions in a little known area adjacent to the United States. I hope to master these recordings in the future, as well as go into other communities within the AFA to explore the vast majority of this musical tradition that we do not know about.

Myers 14

Annotated Bibliography Barz, Gregory. Soundscapres of Disaffection and Spirituality in Tanzanian Kwaya Music.

VWB - Verlag Für Wissenschaft Und Bildung, 2005, www.jstor.org/stable/41699621.

“Although in many cases, the "secular" and "sacred" can be understood as institutionally distinct, they nevertheless frequently exist within a philosophical coextensive relationship. The performance of contemporary Tanzanian kwaya music - drawing on European hymnody and "traditional" Tanzanian musical elements in new forms of musical expression - becomes then a site for the performance of an emergents spirituality as well as the emergence of stylistic elements that communicate a distinct (if covert) cultural disaffection.” This source was helpful in establishing grounds for the role of the sacred vs. secular within my own world. The line between secular and sacred is blurred frequently, and Barz’s concepts of cultural disaffection played out in Kofi’s distrust of government officials.

“The General Features of Traditional Music.” African Polyphony and Polyrhythm: Musical Structure and Methodology, by Simha Arom, Cambridge University Press, 1991, p. 10. “The simple fact of a music being institutionalized or otherwise has no effect on the number of participants needed for its performance. In both of these categories, there are some musics that imply the participation of almost the entire village (in the first category, funerals; in the second category, dances for entertainment). Others entail a less extensive collectivity (in the first category, familial rites; in the second category,

Myers 15 paddling); still others simply involve an individual (rites of the ancestral shades on the one hand, lullabies on the other). There are some musics, however, which even elude this category distinction. For they may become institutionalized at one moment, only to become indeterminate later. This is the case, in particular, with certain repertories bound up with rites of passage which, could perhaps be said to have fallen later into the 'public domain', and which are played nowadays at national festivals.” Music in Memphis has an obvious institutionalized role relating back to government affiliations and organizations, but also can be deeply personal, in the case of a daughter’s lullaby. This source helped again establish how certain lines should be blurred in relation to how music functions in an AFA society.

Kidula, Jean Ngoya. “Ethnomusicology, the Music Canon, and African Music: Positions, Tensions, and Resolutions in the African Academy.” Africa Today, vol. 52, no. 3, 2006, p.

110., doi:10.2979/aft.2006.52.3.98. “Some research reported as new and innovative may already have taken place on the continent, but scholars receive little exposure and credit at the international level, for various reasons. Possible dialogue is lost or curtailed in the process...I believe that with new technologies, which verify the historicity of cultural artifacts and attendant musical structures, it is possible to discuss musical historical knowledge processed in Africa and to analyze and classify works that from the narrative of music in Africa.” The AFA is a highly advanced civilization, yet its findings are kept relatively insular due to its conflict with the neighboring United States. I found it compelling to flip the script and alter the real life scenario of research done in Africa being suppressed by westerners to better fit the reality of the world.

Montfort, Matthew. Ancient Traditions--Future Possibilities: Rhythmic Training through

Myers 16 the Traditions of Africa, Bali, and India. Panoramic Press, 1985. This book helped develop the ethnomusicological aspect of the project by helping me understand conceptions of African Polyrhythms more easily, and how they would influence some of the music that I created.

Kubik, Gerhard. “Research Project on ‘Systems of Traditional Education in Malawi’ (the Continuation: September 1983 to February 1984) by Dr. Gerhard Kubik.” African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music, vol. 6, no. 4, 1987, p. 77., doi:10.21504/amj.v6i4.1275. “African music in general cannot be based on concepts such as 'indigenous' versus 'foreign' or 'traditional' versus 'modern'.” I love this quote, and it ties together my findings from this project so nicely. It may as well have been from the world that I built.