Fruit in Palermo Source: Saba Golchehr
Ana Skachokova Saba Golchehr Verena Röll Wieke Villerius Zuowei Liu
4119975 1268732 4107411 4119630 4123239
Urbanism AR0400 Globalisation: Research on the Urban Impact TU Delft Supervisors Dr. Diego Andres Sepulveda Carmona Daniela Patti María Jesús Huarte Delft, 24th of June 2011
Preface The metropolitan area of Buenos Aires counts a population of approx. 13 million p. distributed among 24 different administrative unities. The globalization processes have taken place in the region and the result is visible by the large socio- economic differences in the populations income as well as the degree of development of the urban environment. To ensure a functional and sustainable environment for the inhabitants, the area needs a strategic plan that will function for all the stakeholders, bring prosperity to the region, but also respect â€œthe right of the cityâ€? for the socially disadvantaged people.
fig. 1 Location of Buenos Aires in Argentina Map showing different governments of Buenos Aires and the location of Nueva Pompeya. Source: wikimedia commons
We propose a model for the metropolitan area of Buenos Ares aiming to decrease the spatial polarization and to create conditions for the balanced development of the whole region. From there we go to the neighbourhood of Nueva Pompeya, where we develop a proposal related to the earlier stated metropolitan vision for Buenos Aires. The proposal is a strategy to deal with the whole area. By designing a crucial detail and related reference projects, the strategy is showed and argumented. This very local intervention will reflect in the end, on the earlier stated metropolitan vision and problem statement. This makes the story more complete, but also shows the way we have been working during the whole process of the project.
fig 2. Impressions of Pompeya 4
Kiosk at Avenida Sรกenz in Pompeya; formal vs. informal food selling Source: Saba Golchehr 5
Kiosk at Avenida Sรกenz in Pompeya; formal vs. informal food selling Source: Saba Golchehr
table of content Preface
1. Buenos Aires; theories on a globalising city
2. metropolitan vision
3. food centrality
Buenos Aires workshop
4. Nueva Pompeya; problems & opportunities
6. intervention & references
7. reflection on metropolitan vision
1. Buenos Aires theories on a globalising city WORLD CITIES - [HALL-1966] - “They [are] centers of political power, both national and international, and of the organizations related to government; centers of national and international trade and all kinds of economic activity, acting as entrepôts for their countries and sometimes for neighbouring countries also”. - [FRIEDMANN&WOLFF – 1982] – The world cities are characterized by “predominance of financial and service sectors in the economy” and they are “closely interconnected with each other through communications and finance, [and] these regions constitute a worldwide system of control over market expansion.” GLOBAL CITIES - [SASSEN-1991] - “cities that are strategic sites in the global economy because of their concentration of command functions and high-level producer service firms oriented to world markets; more generally cities with high levels of internationalization in their economy and in their broader social structure.“
Buenos Aires has the profile of a world city as the capital of Argentina, as the former entrance to the continent of South-America, as the current most important city for the Southern part of the continent and as one of the big metropolises of the whole continent. Due to worldwide economic integration processes and accelerated urban growth related to this, traditional ways of planning and policy strategies for global cityregions are not convenient anymore. The exploration for new types of strategies in the continuously changing conditions of globalising cities makes this case on Buenos Aires highly relevant. Global cities in general face typical problems related to their economic, political, social and spatial situation, although it must be said that these issues interrelate towards each other. City-regions serve as a concentrated network in contest with other global markets to remain their status as an actor on the big stage. They are under a continues pressure in order to turn the globalisation into their benefit. This demands an approach covering all different geographical scales involved in globalisation in general. A critical issue is how to involve the most local level in this big concept acting on world level. A way to connect these two, is to encourage local growth by research pooling and mutual learning, which will benefit the city-region and its global position. In developing countries the situation tends to be more extreme comparing with developed countries, where rapid growth is dependent on spatial concentrations of modern infrastructure and productive activity, often pushed by the national wish for rapid industrial development, as stated in the paper of Scott, Allen J. and others on Global city-regions: an overview. The link between being a world actor and the consequences for the local scale “Local social inequeties created by the drive of efficiency apt to lead to social conflict and instability.” [Jessop - 1998] is becoming more and more problematic. This leads to the topic of socio-spatial polarisation and urban fragmentation. Physical fragmentation often takes place next to similar economic and social fragmentation, though a relation has never been proven. However, the example of western countries shows that urban fragmentation can be controlled and certain actions can be taken by the government. Apart from the welfare state politics, the government participation in the housing market can ensure 8
social mixture. The access to transportation is also an important condition to prevent social polarization becoming a spatial fact (ghettos, slums). In Argentina, the major part of urban services such as water, waste or transportation is privatized, serving a certain social level. Similar, the housing market is mainly privatized, directed by private investors.
fig. 3 Corridors of wealth and modernity within greater Buenos Aires. Source: Buenos Aires: fragmentation and privatization of the metropolitan city” by Pedro Pírez
The urban society in the Argentinean context, responds to this in extreme either by gated communities or by an informal network of social services. As it is shown before that households with different social and economic conditions use different city fragments. In the case of Buenos Aires, the wealthy people live in isolated gated communities outside the busy and polluted city, which are usually situated in relation to the infrastructural network, or in the city center where transportation is not an issue, however land value is high. This leads to redistribution of the poor inhabitants into areas outside the interest of private developers- areas which are situated in between the highways finger structure and are often not well connected to the road network. If not controlled, this process will lead to spatial polarization or the creation of the “dual city” where different spaces are used by different social classes. Besides globalization forces a particularity of the Buenos Aires region is the fragmented governmental structure. The metropolitan region is composed of 24 municipalities, forming the Grand Buenos Aires. A political authority, responsible for the decision making on the metropolitan level is missing. Therefore the implication of a strategic plan, concerning a large part of the region is very hard or even impossible. In addition to this, the politics of privatization increases the difficulty in the decisions 9
making process. Private investors are the one who actually have the biggest power. Although bringing profit to the government, this politics tends to neglect the socially vulnerable layers of society by leaving them out of the newest developments. The global forces and local conditions seem to have very little in common. But culture is a shared factor between both levels of intervening. In the case of Argentina the cultural heritage is rich and goes long back in time.
fig. 4 Buenos Aires: the city (“Capital Federal”) and the first and second ring of municipalities Source: Buenos Aires: fragmentation and privatization of the metropolitan city” by Pedro Pírez
Different socio-economic groups use different urban fragments.
This theoretical underpining of the globalising context of Buenos Aires formulates several goals related to the disconnection between local practice and global actions.
fig.5 Social fragmentation of the city can be a driving force for city development, and connecting the local with the global network. Schemes based on theoretical analyses of Buenos Aires.
The city is composed by different social fragments, which do not interrelate to eachother. The social structure however can be seen as a quality to strengthen the city as a kind of bottom-up approach. The social structure is the driving force of the city. This can only happen if the different networks serving the different levels of influence are interconnected with each other. These concept are brought together in culture, which belongs to all and happen in public space. When talking about culture one tends to only think about art, museum, theater and music, but in fact the definition includes
“ the way people eat, talk, think, meet others, go to work, spend their free time, and plan their holidays.” (Montgomery 1990). It is “ a particular way of life, which expresses certain meanings and values not only in art and learning but also in institutional and ordinary behaviour.” (Montgomery 1990). Because of the significance of culture in the daily life of every human being, it is included in the Agenda 21, the sustainable action plan of the United Nations which was the result of 1992s UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro. Its importance for the human development, democratic governance and global understanding justifies the inclusion of culture in sustainable development. By adding culture to the definition, the so called “sustainability triangle”, which traditionally contained economical, environmental and social terms, was transformed into a square. Municipalities and cities from all over the world agreed in the Agenda 11
21 for culture to protect and support human rights, cultural diversity, sustainability, participatory democracy and create conditions for peace.
fig. 6 The triangle of sustainability needs culture as the fourth pilar. Based on source: Steve Connelly, Mapping Sustainable Development as a Contested Concept and Agenda 21 for culture
While the Agenda 21 is the framework for sustainable and cultural policies, it is up to the municipalities to implement them according to the needs of the local community. The city of Buenos Aires acknowledged that it has to make use of its diversity by encouraging inclusion, visibility and open access to culture. In order to be able to achieve actual integration, the development of cultural policies is essential. The outcome of cultural policies can be very diverse, as the examples in Buenos Aires show. Next to tango championships, which are closely linked to the local identity, the International Independent Film Festival (BAFICI) and the International Theater Festival are organized regularly. While these examples are about temporary cultural events, it is also interesting to look at how culture can transform a quarter permanently. In his paper Cultural Quarters as Mechanism for Urban Regeneration John Montgomery, argues that cultural quarters must consist of certain elements in order to function as a tool for urban regeneration. Cultural quarters are always part of a larger strategy integrating cultural and economical development and are connected to the history of the area. The most important characteristics of cultural quarters can be divided into three topics: activity, form and meaning.
fig. 7 Three ingredients of cultural quarters. Based on source: Montgomery, J. (2003): Cultural Quarters as Mechanism for Urban Regeneration. Part 1: Conceptualizing Cultural Quarters 12
Activity includes a diverse landownership, variety of cultural venues, markets and open spaces, evening economy, small firm economy, innovation and architecture, and access to education. The aspect of the urban form is mainly focused on a mix of building types, sizes and ages, a adaptable building structure, a tight urban structure, activities in public space, permeability and visibility and street life. Furthermore creating a successful cultural quarters also includes paying a strong attention the demand and supply conditions.
fig. 8Concept of successful cultural quarters. Based on source: Montgomery, J. (2003): Cultural Quarters as Mechanism for Urban Regeneration. Part 1: Conceptualizing Cultural Quarters
Comparing various cultural quarters in the UK, Ireland and Australia, Montgomery concludes, that all cultural quarters show good urban characteristics and the presence of an art/ education institution. The importance of the urban space is reinforced by the fact all cities invested in major improvement of the public space. When working on the development of cultural quarters one needs to be aware of aspects which are crucial for the success. First of all one should always built from what exists and make use of ongoing trends. Avoiding duplication and making use of temporary structures are two more aspects which add to the uniqueness of the place. Last but not least the critical mass needs to be kept in mind â€“ since it would be a shame to develop a cultural quarters when there are not enough people who use it. The research of Montgomery and the existing cultural policy of Buenos Aires show that there is one crucial aspect which is the basis for cultural interaction: public space. It is the public space were people of different backgrounds come together in the daily life. To turn these encounters into social interactions which have an impact on the life of the participants, the public space needs to provide the necessary conditions and give opportunities.
fig. 9 Culture taking place in public space in Buenos Aires. Source: http://www.bafici.gov.ar 13
Avenida Sรกenz in Pompeya Source: Saba Golchehr
2. metropolitan vision Looking at the shape of Buenos Aires, one can easily recognize the main infrastructural logic of the city; the urban settlements are located next to the highways which stretch out to the surroundings like the fingers of a hand. The areas adjacent to the highways are very well accessible by means of private transportation, while the area in between the fingers suffers from a lack of connectivity and also represent the areas with the lowest social- economical status. Pompeya
fig. 10 Existing centers among the city network. Based on source: http://mapa2.buenosaires.gov.ar/
fig. 11 New centers emerge by adding a ring structure.
The street network of the city can be divided into three levels. While the above mentioned highways belong to the metropolitan scale, the streets of the next lower level belong to the different areas of the city. The neighbourhood streets are part of the local network and are in many cases not well linked to the upper networks. In order to improve the accessibility of the disconnected areas and avoid further spatial polarisation, we propose a new ring structure, which will complete the existing infrastructural network. At the current situation the centers can predominantly be found in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, the province of Buenos Aires on the other hand lacks sub centers; the monocentric model. With the implementation of the ring structure we aim to stimulate the developing of new centers and the expansion of existing centralities along the emerging infrastructural nodes. Since a distinctive identity is a crucial aspect of a centrality, the newly emerging centers will have different identities which will complement each other â€“ and Pompeya area has the potential to be one of those. Located right in the fringe of the city of Buenos Aires, on the border with the province, Pompeya is an inbetween area which causes a downgrading of the neighbourhood; border conditions. The fact that it is the fourth entrance of the city is the cause of constant congestion. Around three million commuters are going through the area every day, which leads to insecurity since no one is able keep track of the movements of people in the area. Being almost permanently full of moving people, the area has the character of a train station. The river Riachuelo does not only form the borders of the city, moreover it is a huge environmental problem which decreases the living standard of the whole city. These negative aspects make the border location look like a huge problem, but one shouldnâ€™t forget that there are also opportunities resulting from the location. 15
fig. 12 Context of Pompeya within the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires. Numbers based on source: Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires Secretaria de Planeamiento Urbano / Barrio Nueva Pompeya Ministerio de Desarrollo Urbano SubsecretarĂa de Planeamiento
fig. 13 Transforming Pompeya from a going through area to a going there area.
The above mentioned commuters are due to the good access of Pompeya, which is a transport hub for people going from the province to the centre or vice versa. Because of the low land value, Pompeya is also an affordable place for new companies or families and therefore has the potential to be a place to stay instead of going through. The river of Matanza Riachuelo, which floats through the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires crosses all different levels of governance and urbanity and is located on the border of Capital Federal de Buenos Aires. The river is one of the most polluted rivers in the world, due to 2 main polluting sources; open sewage by inhabitants of adjacent neighbourhoods and heavy industries located near the riverfront. This results into a river that does not contain any oxygen anymore when it reaches the Rio de la Plata at La Boca. 16
fig. 14 The location of industries, flooding areas and slum-areas around Riachuelo. Based on source: plan integral Cuenca Matanza-Riachuell ’The Riachuelo mata en silencio’ universidad nacional de quilmes
Apart from this problem the river is subjects to tides and tends to flood its basin from time to time. Within the river basin of Matanza Riachualo around 5 million people are housed, among which a substantial amount is living in villas (slums) that causes a big part of the actual pollution of the river. Historically industries were located at the river, a lot of these industrial buildings are vacant due to replacement somewhere else in less urbanised areas. The remaining industries are mostly located upstream and dump their waste directly into the river without any environmental concerns. The dangers of flooding are higher downstream where most slums are located. This exposes the most vulnerable social layer of society with the biggest health risks.
fig. 15 Different cleaning approaches for the Riachuelo river. Based on source: plan integral Cuenca Matanza-Riachuell ’The Riachuelo mata en silencio’ universidad nacional de quilmes
The process of cleaning the river until now was focussed on the water itself instead of the sources causing the pollution. Current plans by the national government, which take of the rivers, handle both sides of the problem, and thereby are more likely to be successful. The process of the cleaning of the river provides opportunity to tackle several issues related to it. One of them could be to overcome the administrative border shaped by the river in many different ways as explained earlier. 17
Improving the accessibility of disconnected neighbourhoods is of course only one part of decreasing the gap between the different fragments of the dual city. Next to this technical approach, we also looked at the social capital theory by Bourdieu and Putman. According to this theory, human beings are able to benefit and make use of resources from the membership of various social networks and contacts. Those social connections and their effects differ according to the people who are involved. When two or more people from the same social background are involved one speaks of bonding. Bridging on the other hand describes interactions between people of different social backgrounds but of the same level. The third type, linking, happens among people from lower and higher social backgrounds. Since the one who origins from a higher social backgrounds has more decision power and a better access to resources, he can offer opportunities to people with less privileges.
fig. 16 Social connections theory. Source: Lecture by Devisari Tunas, TU Delft, spring 2011
This is an other argument for adding the rings to the network of the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires. The new centres that will emerge among this new structure will develop as a network. The high connectivity between the centres provides the opportunity for those spots to explore an own identity and function together as a network serving the metropolitan area as well as the city. This however can only take place if densification is chosen over sprawl, in order to create vital centres serving a sufficient amount of people. All together, this results in the next image of the vision for the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires. 18
fig. 17 New centers explore own identities within the network
paris case study
As stated earlier, Pompeya can have a crucial role in this because of its strategic location at the border of Capital Federal and the consequences this location has for the neighbourhood. This idea will be developed more in the next stages of the project. The ideas formulating the vision for greater Buenos Aires are neither unique nor new concepts. The case of Paris has been a great source of inspiration and information, giving examples on several aspects of the vision. Paris, like Buenos Aires is a monocentric city. On the regional scale there is a clear focus on the city as where everything is happening, as well as being part of a bigger network connecting North to South.
fig. 18 Paris in its region. Source: www.lexpress.fr 19
Also the city scale is very centre focussed, this is clearly visible when looking at the different transport networks serving the city. There is a multi layered-ring system serving the city and the suburbs. The rings however are not all completely circular, this leaves gaps in the system, which became the more isolated areas.
fig. 19 Current system and the proposed model by team Rogers Stirk Harbour + Partners.
This was one of the reasons to invest in a sustainable and more sufficient public transport network serving the whole city, and reducing socio-spatial polarisation. The current public transport network leads all the flows first to the centre and from there they are distributed again over the metropolitan region, while at the same time the flow from suburb to suburb is more common than from suburb to centre. The new system takes existing centralities as a starting point to complete the network. These centralities should be strengthened and can serve next to functional goals also more social aspirations on bringing different people together.
fig. 20 Car-transportation infrastructure in Ile-de-France Source: http://imageshack.us/f/152/162xr8.gif/
This however can only work in practice if there is enough density in the areas to make such a public transport network feasible. Creating a green belt around the city prevents sprawl and would stimulate densification. 20
phérie, une zone diffuse aux épaiss
poussé le centralisme urbain à son paroxysme : engorgetiques diverses. ment des parties centrales et effets d’éloignement.
Autour du dernier cercle de la capitale s’étend la périGrand Paris ensuite, tel que nous le
phérie, une zone diffuse aux épaisseurs et caractérislaire et ses pôles sont de nature très
tés fortes alternent avec des étendu
Grand Paris ensuite, tel que nous le voyons, est multipolaire et ses pôles sont de nature très diverse. Des densi-
tés fortes alternent avec des étendues de denité faible.
Paris et sa périphérie aujourd'hui
fig. 21 Greenbelt to stop the sprawl Paris et sa périphérie aujourd'hui Source: Proposition for Grand Paris by Rogers Stirk Harbour + Partners : La mobilité verte
Des centres historiques, lieux de pa
nel, campus de recherche et d’expér
Grand Paris multipolaire
fig. 22 Spreading density over the production outerritory. de grandes plateform Source: Proposition for Grand Paris by LIN
constituent autant de germes pour
Special attention goes to the centralities located at the périphérique of the inner city Des centres historiques, lieux de patrimoine exceptionsolides. Ces pôles and suburbs, because these centralities have to cross a polarités high social, functional and intense physical barrier. Thesedeprojects areetsignificant in their presence function. nel, campus recherche d’expérimentation, pôles deand urbaine élevée, serontThere très économ is a clear focus on visibility and the connection of these projects with the adjacent production ou de grandes plateformes de mobilitéd’énergie. Lieux d’échange et de con neighbourhoods in order to sustain the position in the network and as a border project constituent autant environments. de germes pour développer des it has to serve very different aussi, ils présentent également une
polarités solides. Ces pôles intenses, d’une densité et de service. Ils formeront ainsi des
urbaine élevée, seront très économes en consommation dans les paysages changeants de la d’énergie. Lieux d’échange et de connectivité, de mixité
aussi, ils présentent également une large offre culturelle et de service. Ils formeront ainsi des repères durables
dans les paysages changeants de la métropole du futur.
fig. 23 Examples of border centralities and their functional focus.
Avenida Pres. Figueroa Alcorta in Buenos Airesâ€™ central area of Recoleta Source: Wieke Villerius 22
3. food centrality In order to turn Pompeya into a new centrality, we first need to define the term centrality. Next to a critical mass of people, specific functions and a good accessibility, centralities also need to be part of bigger network. Furthermore they needs to have an impact which goes beyond their own borders. As already mentioned above the distinctiveness and unique identity is crucial for a centrality in order to compete with other centers. When we look at Pompeya it is quite obvious that all important ingredients are actually there, apart from the unique identity. Therefore reshaping the identity of the neighbourhood will be one of the main aspects of our development strategy for Pompeya.
culture in Pompeya
fig. 24 + 25 Definition of centrality in general and applied on Pompeya. Based on source: Social network analysis, a short introduction 2010, Valdis Krebs
From the research of John Montgomery on cultural quarters we learned, that cultural led urban development can not be started out of nowhere but needs to be based on a existing structure. Before the site visit to Buenos Aires we thought about the Argentinean culture in terms of tango and football, but during our stay we soon found out, that the identity of Pompeya is not so much connected to tango but to food. Street vendors selling various kinds of homemade food coin the character of Pompeya and its history shows several links to the food industry aswell. 1930
Livestock breeding in the south
Metropolitan food market regenerating the area
Slaughter houses and food industries
? Industrialisation and the â€œindustrial southâ€?
Better education and helth care facilities
Lack of identity
New food centrality
Higher living standard
fig. 26 Possible storyboard on food in Pompeya. Based on source: www.barriada.com.ar/nuevapompeya
Because of its location, Pompeya has always been the area, where the livestock which was produced in the south entered the city to be brought to slaughterhouses and food manufacturing industries. These industries were the driving force of the industrialization 23
of the south, but suffered from serious decline in the process of deindustrialization. Pompeya’s links to food production are not only a story of the past but could also be used as a tool for future regeneration of the neighborhood. It could be a chance to Existing food activities in Pompeya area start a cultural program which involves social and inspatial changes. Concentration of food retailers on Avenida Saenz, equal distribuation the residential area.
Diabetary Supermarkets Butchers Delicatessens Fruits and vegetables Kiosks Maxikioscos Bread and bakery products
fig. 27 Current existing food activities in Pompeya Based on source: Unidad Sistemas de Inteligencia Territorial, Subsecretaría de Planeamiento, Ministerio de Desarrollo Urbano, GCBA Source: Unidad Sistemas de Inteligencia Territorial, Subsecretaría de Planeamiento, Ministerio de Desarrollo Urbano, GCBA
Nowadays food related shops, restaurants and informal commerce can be found in the whole neighbourhood, but along Avenida Saenz the concentration is the highest. Next to these rather small scale facilities, Pepsi and Coca Cola are important larger scale employers. The existing facilities are great opportunities and can be seen as the seedbed for new developments. The idea is to not only to consume and sell food in Pompeya, but to implement the whole food circle in different parts of the neighbourhood. Starting with production (planting and harvesting), over distribution (storage, logistics and cargo), to processing (washing, drying, cooking, etc.), marketing (markets and retail), consumption and up to waste management (recycling).
fig. 28 + 29 Food cycle applied on Pompeya Based on source: Grimm, Jason (2009): Food Urbanism. A sustainable design option for urban communities. Iowa State University. 24
Aiming for a metropolitan importance of Pompeya, the food circle does of course not stop at the borders of Pompeya. The major part of the production in the future Pompeya market will be provided by family farms, concentrated in the south region of Buenos Aires. The majority of them are owned by Bolivian immigrants. Due to legal matters such as certification restrictions, or high taxes, those farmers encounter difficulties into selling their production on the central market of Buenos Aires Mercado central. Those farmers represent an important layer of the economy of the area. Therefore the government is looking for a solution to enable the farmerâ€™s commerce. One of the possible solutions is the decentralization of the Mercado central which is exclusively open for large commercials and producers, by the creation of markets accessible for the consumers as well. We see in Pompeya an opportunity for the creation of this secondary type of market, which will group a large variety of people involved in the food business- from producers, through consumers, but also technological specialist (working at the new Technological pole). We also propose locations for small business development and organization. This initiative, has already been proven successful practice in the Argentinean context, developed and used by the metropolitan Design Institute located in Barracass, Buenos Aires. However we consider a necessity to connect the Pompeya market to the Mercado Central and for that we propose the river Riachuelo, which will be used for cargo transportation in the future. The plans for the deconcentration of the Mercado Central (Buenos Airesâ€™ central market) are important for the development of a food quarter, although the character of these two food centralities will be quite different. Resulting from the implementation of the food circle will be a program which covers the local scale on one hand by offering complementary food related facilities such as educational and recreational events and workshops, but on the other hand will stimulate major interventions like a new convention centre and the food related technology businesses that will have an impact on the metropolitan scale.
fig. 30 + 31 Pompeya as a part of the bigger food cycle for Buenos Aires and the consequences this might have for the neighbourhood within the metropolitan context.
The implementation of the food circle can be described as the primary intervention, which reacts on local problems and potentials. It is the â€œunderlying foundation of a sustainable community.â€? (Grimm, 2009). On a secondary level, the food circle will stimulate new developments and attract activities which will help to develop Pompeya into a metropolitan centrality and serves the needs of the neighbourhood at the same time .
fig. 32 Strategy for Pompeya, starting with a primary - food related - intervention, which will have social and economical consequences for the area both on a local and a metropolitan level.
Small informal restaurant in Barracas Source: Wieke Villerius
BUENOS AIRES workshop
Students Buenos Aires: Daiana Astorga AugusLna Pirritano Mozo Alexis Lalin Axel Torrasa Barbara de Lujan Gonzalez Celeste Fernandez Felipe Mujica Fernando Schapochnik Gimena Greco Jimena Rodriguez Platas Lucia Espina Luciano Capacciolo Luis Gutierrez Rubino Maray Apellaniz Maria Florencia Perez MarLn Dymeinnsztein Students Delft: Ana Skachokova Saba Golchehr Verena Röll Wieke Villerius Zuowei Liu Supervisors: Daniela Patti María Jesús Huarte Buenos Aires, 23rd of May - 3rd of June 29
Structure of the process
Workshop The experience we had during the two week workshop in Buenos Aires was slightly different than that of most groups. Thanks to the approach of our mentors Daniela Patti and MarĂa JesĂşs Huarte, we did some conceptual workshops were we focused on different themes. These workshops helped us to look at our project from a new perspective. In this way of working we also had a lot of interaction with our Argentinian fellow students, because the groups were defided in a way so that everyone would get to know and work with different students on different themes. Therefore we really got to know the students better, and we created, very informally, a platform to discuss both of our projects (the Argentinian and the Delft project). In the first workshop we worked with four concepts. These were: Bridge, Urban Accupuncture, Transformation of industries and Voids. On these themes we brainstormed separately in smaller groups (of 2-3 persons). Subsequently each group presented their outcomes to the whole group and to the mentors. Then using these short presentations, we discussed the themes with the whole group. The outcomes of this first workshop constisted out of drawings and conceptual models. Some of these results are shown on the next page.
Home made models in Petit Recoleta Hostel Source: Saba Golchehr
OF INDUSTRIES VOIDS 33
In all the plans for Pompeya we always talk about the main-structuring axes; the avenida SĂĄenz, the green boulevard, the Riachuelo river, the train track, and so on. For this reason our mentors proposed a workshop in which we would take a closer look at the transversal axes. They picked four transversal axes in the area of Pompeya, which are shown on the map on the next page. We defided the group of the Argentinian and Delft students in smaller mixed groups of 4-5 students. Each group worked on a different transversal ax. The idea of the workshop was to create a conceptual model using the themes that we had discussed before in the previous workshop (bridge, urban accupuncture, tranformation of industries and voids). The outcomes of this second workshop are shown on the next page, together with the map of the transversal axes. We learned a lot from these workshops and the overall experience of the Buenos Aires trip. The cooperation with the Argentinian students helped us to see the project from their perspective. And we learned that making a proposal for a site without actually visiting it, can lead to completely different outcomes than after a site visit. What we learned for our project was to think about the spatial consequences of our plans. We also looked at the dynamic system of our plan, the meaning, the flexibility and the (in)dependance of the different parts in relation to the whole network. The Buenos Aires students were going to focus on the time factor in their plan. They also investigated the social dimension of their plan, together with the flexibiltiy and the environmental factors in the plan. In the end we didnâ€™t do an attempt to put the two plans (of the Delft students and the Argentinian students) together, because during the workshop we learned that we had different approaches towards the project, and different visions from which the ideas had developed. We decided to present both plans because they were of equal importance. This notwithstanding, the conclusion is that we learned that our plans could be put together in means of the layers we worked on. We learned that while the Delft group worked on a global and social layer, the Buenos Aires group worked on the layers of connectivity and regeneration. If we put all these layers together, eventually there will be a project which touches upon all relevant layers within the planning process. 34
3 1 2
Working together in Sociedad Central de Arquitectos Source: Saba Golchehr 36
4. Nueva Pompeya; problems & opportunities The main spatial structure of Pompeya, which can be considered the frame of the current situation, consists of the railway track in the North, the green boulevards, the Riachuelo river and finally the Avenida Sรกenz, the connecting backbone of the area. Being the fourth entrance of the city, Pompeya is regularly visited by commuters, a user group which can predominantly be found along Avenida Sรกenz. On the way from the province to the city, they make use of the different means of transportation and shops which are focused on the needs of commuters, e.g. pharmacies. The inhabitants of the neighbourhood form a second user group, which can mainly be found in the less crowded part of the area, to the east and west of Avenida Sรกenz.
fig. 33 + 34 Different users use different areas in Pompeya
When looking at the user groups, it is clearly visible, that only the main street of Pompeya is part of the metropolitan network, while the neighbourhood streets only serve a local function. Those two networks exists next to each other, interaction hardly takes place. To connect the networks by providing space and functions which used by different kind of people in order to perform socially or economical interactions, is therefore a step towards are more integrated city and a less dual city. Transport hub : metro, train, bus
Multifunctional sub- centrality
Densification: commerce and rezidential
Mixed Industries and rezidential
fig. 35 + 36 Problem statement by the municipality and their proposal for Pompeya. Based on source: Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires Secretaria de Planeamiento Urbano
When aiming for a more integrated city, one needs to look at the specific problems and potentials of a given area, so that an appropriate strategy can be developed. The above image shows the spatial problems of Pompeya, which actually reflects the social and economical problems like unemployment, low socio-economical status, lack of higher education facilities and economic decline. Almost the whole district suffers conflicting industrial and residential usage. Being an important entrance to the city, 38
results in heavy traffic congestion and decay, especially along the main axe Avenida SĂĄenz, where three main problem nodes are located. Although not directly located in project area, the slum which is situated in the east, does have a negative influence on Pompeya. Declining economic activities led to the several vacant industrial parks and unused railway tracks. The vacant lots are not only concentrated along the river, but scattered around. Since the so called green boulevard is in a very poor condition and can hardly be used for recreation, it can considered an unused area as well.
fig. 37 + 38 Empty spots in Pompeya and density map of the area. Based on source: Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires Secretaria de Planeamiento Urbano
Walking through the neighbourhood, one immediately notices the different scale of the buildings. While the city centre is characterized by high-rises, many buildings in Pompeya are only two or three floors high. This observation is confirmed by the density map, which shows, that the average density is rather low, only north of the rail tracks, along the streets EsguiĂş and Traful south of the rail tracks and on the eastern border of Pompeya plots of medium or high density can occasionally be found. The Avenida SĂĄenz is the most frequent street within the whole area, therefore it is no coincidence that the gastronomy is mainly located there. When looking at the gastronomy map of Buenos Aires, the sharp division of the north and the south is clearly visible. The north being the cultural centre of the city, is the home to most restaurants, while the south lacks gastronomy.
fig. 39 Gastronomic map of the city of Buenos Aires. Source: mapa2.buenosaires.gov.ar 39
Saying that the mentioned facts are problems is one way of perceiving them, however we suggest to see them as potentials which can be used for the development of a strategy. By adding the different maps on top of each other, different areas of interest emerge.
fig. 40 Infrastructural problem nodes. Based on source: Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires Secretaria de Planeamiento Urbano
First of all the Avenida Saenz and the adjacent transport hub have the potential to extend their influence on the neighbourhood and make use of the people who presently are only passing through the area. The abandoned railway tracks in the north are considered a â€œgreenâ€? area by the municipality, but in fact no public green can be found there. Since Pompeya is in huge need of more green spaces, we see the potential to turn the railways tracks in an area used for small businesses, urban agriculture, recreation and for example sports. Considering that the new technology district which will partly be developed northern from Pompeya, could involved food technology, as a more sustainable industry and replace the existing garages of degraded housing areas. The green boulevards are at the current situation neglected, which is mainly due to the lack of function. To make use of their potential it is therefore important to come up with a flexible program, which involves day and night uses. Adding to the food program, we suggest to make use of the location next to the river and the transport axis, which has Transport hub : the potential to become an important metropolitan food delivery hub. metro, train, bus
Small enterprises development+ allotment gardens
Densification food prodution and rezidential
Mixed food reated commerce and rezidential
Green space & market
fig. 41 Scheme of the proposal for Pompeya 40
Informal commerce on Avenida Sรกenz in Pompeya Source: Saba Golchehr
phase 1 first layer
fig. 42 Phase 1; Start of the development of the distribution hub, the flexible green axes and the empty railway tracks.
Based on the potential map, we developed a plan to implement our food network, composed of several major interventions. One of the primary interventions will be the development of a food distribution centre next to the river. This involves the construction of a small inner city harbor for cargo ships. To make the inhabitants aware of what is happening there, it is important not to develop a mono-functional distribution hub, but include public facilities. Aiming for the mixing of different social groups, it is crucial to provide the space were interactions can take place. Furthermore it is essential not to only led professionals be part of the food circle, but to carry it out in the public. The integration of the food program into the public space therefore needs to be one of the starting point of the implementation.
fig. 43 Zoom on the flexible axes, the market square opening-up Av. Sรกenz and the distribution hub. 42
fig. 44 Possible usage of the flexible axes activates the space during the whole day.
Along the green boulevards a market will take place, were the food delivered to the distribution hub can be sold. We propose a flexible building structure, which can not only be used as market stalls, but be transformed into small cafĂŠs, bars and activity spots, to make sure the area is not deserted at nighttime. At the current situation the green boulevard is disconnected, since the Avenida SĂĄenz presents quite a big barrier. In the future, there will be a new square and a pedestrian bridge connecting the different parts. The square will give enough space to the formal and informal selling of food. In the centre of the square one will find possibilities to sit down, eat, meet people and enjoy the street life.
phase 2 fig. 45 Phase 2; the previous interventions start to embed in the neighbourhood by changes of functions and local distribution routes.
The previously abandoned railway tracks will be transformed into a mixed use green area, which will not only contain recreational spots but focus on urban agriculture and small enterprises. Inhabitants and social communities will have the possibilities to rent allotment gardens to grow food for their own use or for retail. The future development in Pompeya will largely depend on its accessibility, thus expanding the existing train station into a well organized transportation node is crucial. The above mentioned first implementations are the beginning of the transformation of Pompeya and will have a trigger effect on the adjacent streets. In order to truly improve the condition of the public space, the traffic on the Avenida SĂĄenz needs to be decreased. Using the river for cargo transportation will help to achieve that goal and allow a restructuring of the street profile.
fig. 46 New use of the railwaytracks by small businesses, urban agriculture etc.
By decreasing the amount of the lanes, widening the sidewalks and introducing lanes only for buses it will be more pleasant for pedestrians to walk along or cross the street and easier for buses and cars to navigate through the traffic. After the development of the allotment gardens and the market, the next step will be to involve the vacant garages into the production process. First floor garages are one of the main characteristics of Pompeyaâ€™s building structure. Unfortunately a large amount of them are vacant or have 44
a closed faรงade, which decreases the attractiveness of the streets. Starting a program which involves the revitalization of the garages, can easily be combined with creating a network of tool producing workshops for urban agriculture, allotment gardens and food technology.
garage workshops degrading Pollution
pedestrian/ inhabitant friendly activating economy C02
fig. 47 Garage typology
fig. 48 Scheme on the garages being part of the technopole
As mentioned before, Pepsi and Coca Cola both own production facilities located in the area. Engaging them into the development in Pompeya, could offer various advantages. Both companies have been involved in social and educational projects before and could therefore be an additional source of support.
fig. 49 Phase 3; the food gets more and more embeded in the neighbourhood and at the flexible axes the adjacent buildings start to change their function in favour of the food program.
Following the transformation of the public space and the introduction of food related function, will be the conversion of the ground floors. Along the green boulevards, the street frontage of the buildings will slowly be activated by the opening of the first floor. 45
With the expansion of the food related economy over the neighbourhood, the growth of the distribution centre is only a matter of time. The above mentioned interventions have, apart from the distribution hub and transportation hub, mainly an impact on the local scale. Resulting from those primary steps, will be secondary consequences of local and metropolitan importance. The educational centre will combine social, educational and environmental activities, workshops and classes. Existing structures, such as the military hospital can also become part of the system, not only by providing public health service but also by integrating the surrounding public space into the public space network.
fig. 50 Second layer; additional to the food program other functions start to develop in the area such as health care, convention centre and education.
Additionally there is the possibility to create functional links of metropolitan importance among the technology district, food manufactures, the hospital and educational centers. Food technology has a huge impact on consumption and producing, therefore cooperation between scientists, producers and consumers is of great significance. Having the different parties involved in the food business situated so close to each other offers unique options for collaboration among professionals and the public. Given the aim of developing Pompeya to a centrality of metropolitan importance, the improved accessibility and the new identity of a food district, one of final steps will be the development of a convention centre in close distance to the distribution hub. A convention centre will not only bring skilled people to the area, but help putting Pompeya on the business map of Buenos Aires. The different interventions and program will eventually increase the amount of activities and inhabitants of the area, so that the densification of the neighbourhood is necessary in order to cope with the growing demand for space. Suitable area for densification are especially the housing blocks along the green boulevard, the Avenida Sรกenz and the transportation hubs. 46
Impression of the new market square Source: Zuowei Liu
6. intervention & references
fig. 51 Proposal for Pompeya and zoom on the food square.
To show the proposal for Pompeya more in detail, there is a zoom in on the crossing of the green axes with the Avenida Sáenz. This point brings all different aspects of the proposal together and links the local interventions to the bigger scale of the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires. The boulevard is another major traffic line besides Av. Sáenz, where there is large amount of traffic flow. At present people can seldom share and enjoy the public space, as a consequence the green strip in the middle is decaying. In our plan, the boulevard is designed as a green axis with food identity. The market in the green land is a place where local people can develop small scale businesses, which may improve their economic condition. It also creates a mixed space which could attract people of different groups of ages, incomes, interests and social statuses. Some small open spaces are arranged in neighbourhoods along the street, which could introduce some green and public activities into the neighbourhood and daily life.
fig. 52 Section through the flexible green axes.
As a node of the food boulevard and the main street – Av. Sáenz, the food square is a critical area in Pompeya, in terms of traffic organization as well as reflecting the identity. The square in the center is circled by food markets, where people can buy 48
food and then have a leisure time. The central square is divided in three parts, two of which are covered by meadow and bush, and the middle one is designed as a square with many steps, which could offer citizens a friendly space for rest, communication and social activities. Some footpaths pass through the meadow from the market to the center, through which people can get to the activity area easily. On the side next to the busy main road, the bus stop could ensure the connecting to public transport, and the pedestrian overbridge could bring pedestrians from the other side of Av. SĂĄenz. The circular markets provide many opportunities of employment and trading to local residents, which could be helpful in terms of improving the local living standard and quality. The food square offers a public space with identity, which could bring people in different social groups with different ages, incomes and social statuses together and reduce the fragmentation to some extent in Pompeya. By its position next to the main axis, it will invite commuters to stop and explore the area.
fig. 53 Section through the market square.
fig. 54 Impression of the market square.
Convention Center is part of the second layer of our design, which will be based on the development of the primary layer â€“ the interventions connected to food. With the strengthening of the food identity and economic development in Pompeya, a convention center might be necessary to be able to hold large scale exhibitions, fairs and trading. It could also be a new landmark with green typology and give a new identity to this area. The square in front of Convention Center creates a meeting place with various vegetation and leisure facilities. It can be also considered as a responding space to the green activity belt in the middle of the adjacent street. As a connection point to bigger scales, the distribution hub will play a key role during the economic development of Pompeya in terms of logistics. It is located in the south of Pompeya, next to the major traffic roads and the new harbor. The decision to built a inner city harbor for cargo ships, is mainly related to the goal of decreasing the traffic 49
along Avenida SĂĄenz and the waterfront of the Riachuelo river. Currently the river is such a bad condition, that it is not included in any activities, apart from dumping your waste in it. Since the government is about to start the cleaning process, we can start thinking on how to include the river into the urban life; to use it for transportation could be one of the first steps.
fig. 55 Impression of the convention centre located at the flexible green axes.
The traffic condition could be the most important effect factor to a distribution hub. Some existing housing will be resettled in order to enlarge the entrance of the distribution hub, and a new small square is able to guide people from the main street. Fresh food from the southern province where it is produced is delivered here to different local markets and restaurants, as well as to the city center of BA, even abroad through the international connections of the main harbour of the city. Besides the basic function â€“ distribution, it can also serve for other functions as a multifunctional building. The additional functions such as retail shops of food, restaurants, supermarkets, meet the clientsâ€™ demands and activate this area. In order to divide the different traffic flows, accesses for cargo face the freight channels and the harbor, while the entrances for people are mainly facing the north.
fig. 56 Impression of the distribution hub.
fig. 57 Section of Avenida Saenz and the pedestrian bridge, made by our Argentinean collegues.
Being the backbone of the area, Avenida Sáenz connects all the different interventions, scales and user groups. For people going through Pompeya, the street won’t only be a traffic corridor anymore, but will invite them to stop at some crucial spots like the food square and invite them to discover more of the area. Handling the increasing amount of activities and the traffic flow, is connected to a restructuring of the road. During the workshop in Buenos Aires, the Argentinean student showed us their ideas, which we would like to include in our plan. First of all the traffic on the Avenida Sáenz itself needs to be improved, which will be done by restructuring the traffic lanes and introducing to bus lanes and bus stops. The second step will be to improve the possibilities for pedestrians to cross the street. Therefore we suggest to a install pedestrian bridge which will connect the food square to the green boulevard and guide the flow of people.
In order to make a realistic project there has been research on and inspiration by several reference projects. Some of the references are just images of inspiration for spatial interventions while others were interesting because of the story behind it. Especially the flexible market idea and socio-economic benefits related to this concept arose because of some very interesting references as explained below. The Djemaa el Fna-square in Marrakech, Morocco provides space for both formal and informal economies. This square always crowded by people and has a very flexible use of space. During the day vendors try to sell their goods and women try to seduce tourists for henna-paintings. When the evening falls and the restaurants adjacent to the square open their kitchens, the square slowly transforms into a big open-air restaurant, where the food in prepared in front of you. This results into a square, which is used 24/7 in very different ways, depending on the time of the day.
fig. 58 Djemaa el Fna-square
Rotterdam sows/ Rotterdam harvests is an example on selling local food products on a market. These products come straight from the land without any interference of distributers, auctions etc. In Pompeya this can happen on the flexible axes where local people can sell their goods.
fig. 59 Rotterdam sows/Rotterdam harvests
In the project a big part of the strategy is dependent of the social consequences the food program has for the neighbourhood. The example of Centro Metropolitano de Dise単o in the neighbourhood of Barracas in Buenos Aires shows the impact of adding a very strong (metropolitan) program to an area can be the start of the change of the whole neighbourhood. The design centre is also a stepping-stone for small enterprises to get working space and thereby it offers a platform for these businesses to develop and even build a professional network. Because of its metropolitan function it attract people from different city part as well; it put Barracas in the bigger picture.
fig. 60 Centro Metropolitano de Dise単o, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Education on the long term will also be related to the food identity for Pompeya. A good example can be found in New York, USA, the project of Lower East Side Ecology Center. Apart from education only on ecology it also teaches people about related issues like waste management, gardening and water treatment. By giving people a diploma afterwards, it stimulates the people without any chances to get a job and gain a more sustainable income.
fig. 61 principle of Lower East Side Ecology Center, New York, USA 53
Below there are examples we used as inspiration for the spatial interventions.
fig. 62 Centro Metropolitano de Diseño, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Convention center in Melbourne The center, which is supposed to be one of the greenest in the world, sits next to the city’s Yarra River and contains a strip of retail shops, cafes and restaurants on a long promenade
fig. 63 Centro Metropolitano de Diseño, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argentina
The Wyckoff Exchange in the Bushwick section of Brooklyn, New York will accommodate a live music and performance venue as well as an organic market and a boutique wine shop. 54
fig. 64 Centro Metropolitano de Diseño, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Marché Jean-Talon, Montreal Canada Along the north and south sides of the site, there are rows of shops (in converted two story rowhouses) selling mostly fish, baked goods, meat, and almost anything else, including a couple of cafés and an instrument shop
fig. 65 Centro Metropolitano de Diseño, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Plaza de la Constitucion de Oaxaca (Zocalo) Mexico There are activities for all ages in the plaza, a characteristic that demonstrates why this space has always been a primary social place 55
fig. 66 Centro Metropolitano de Dise単o, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Federation Square Melbourne The square sits next to a busy road and offers a space for communication, social activities and leisure. Steps on the square give it an identity as well as create a friendly rest area for citizens.
fig. 67 Centro Metropolitano de Dise単o, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argenti
Foodservice distributor, Vermont, New England Vermont based foodservice distributor delivering fresh, frozen and prepared foods to restaurants stores and organizations throughout New England. Commitment to supporting local farmers by sourcing the freshest local produce whenever possible. Trade encompasses a 150-mile radius. 56
Maison du peuple Clichy, Fr.
arch. Marcel Lods, Eugène Beaudouin, Jean Prouvé and Vladimir Bodiansky
co ce s ive rat
e tur Lec
e ver Co
fig. 68 Centro Metropolitano de Diseño, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Masion du peuple, Clichy, France This building was designed by arch. Marcel Lods, Eugène Beaudouin, Jean Prouvé and Vladimir Bodiansky. Like the Design Centre in Barracas, it is located in a socio-economic weak neighbourhood. The building offers functions like offices for small businesses, a cinema, a covered public market and a lecture room.
fig. 69 Centro Metropolitano de Diseño, Barracas, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Union square farmers market, New York, USA The market offers space for farmers to sell their goods inside the city directly to the consumers, but also restaurants. 57
Impression of the new market square Source: Zuowei Liu
7. reflection on metropolitan vision One of the starting points in our strategy for the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires was to create conditions for the emergence of new centralities, equally spread over the region. Pompeya, by its location on the boarder of the city of Buenos Aires and the province, has the required spatial and social qualities to be one of the new centralities. However, we needed to propose a new identity for the area that will be recognized by both the local and the metropolitan users, and will distinguish the area on a metropolitan scale. It is important to say, that the development strategy for the identity of Pompeya is not a blueprint that could be implemented on other areas â€“ the relation of the food identity to the past of Pompeya is a strong and unique fact. Moreover it is related to the actual economic profile of the area- companies like Coca Cola and Pepsi are the proof that the environment is suitable for the development of food related business which can contribute to the spatial improvement of the area. A definition for a successful centrality is an impact projected beyond its borders. Being a part of the food network, which consist of the family farms in the south, Mercado Central and the Buenos Aires city as a main consumer, Pompeya will play a key role in the distribution and the processing of the food. Here again, the interrelation between the metropolitan flow of food and the local-based food processing will create new job opportunities for the inhabitants Pompeya, on the other hand will ensure a place for Pompeya on the metropolitan map.
fig. 70 Strategy for Pompeya
Another important matter, related to the emergence of the new centrality, is its relation to other major developments. In our vision we distinguish a second layer on metropolitan and global level, where the major developments could be seen as a part of a global network. ( fig. 1) Pompeya will complete this network by facilities such as a convention center, and a Technological district. Since the governmentâ€™s plans 59
don’t specify the orientation of the latest, we propose a food related technological pole. If this scenario is accepted, Pompeya will become a very special place, where research and technology will meet the farmers of the region. However, this will be only possible if the area has an already firmly established identity and profile.
fig. 71 Pompeya centrality within the earlier proposed metropolitan network of emerging centralities.
The transformation of Pompeya into a food centrality will contribute to the advancement of another “metropolitan” scaled issue: the function of the Riachuelo River. At present seen as a boarder, source of pollution and a spatial barrier, in future the river has potential of becoming a cheap and effective transportation system. The river could become the major infrastructure for the transportation of cargo and decrease the traffic of the city network, such as av. De Saenz. The first step towards this new use of the river will be made by creating a harbor in relation to the food distribution center. In the future, after the river being cleaned, the food centrality can be connected to a riverfront development, offering pleasant environment for the extension of the food centrality. Although our starting intention was to serve the deprived social layer, our final proposal will ensure benefits for diverse actors and on multiple scales. We believe that this mixed approach is the key for social sustainability and to avoid polarized cities.
Streetvendors in Pompeya Source: Saba Golchehr
8. Bibliography Badcock, Blair (1997): Restructuring and Spatial Polarization in Cities. In: Progress in Human Geography, Vol. 21, No.2.Sage. http://phg.sagepub. com/content/21/2/251.full.pdf Balbo, Marcello; Navez-Bouchanine, Francoise (1995): Urban Fragmentation as a Reserach Hypothesis: Rabat-Salé Case Study. In : Habitat Intl, Vol. 19, No. 4. http://blackboard.tudelft.nl/@@/9902DA5F58 B0790227FE2CA8103C5472/courses/1/18696101104/content/_1373260_1/ embedded/Urban_Fragmentation_as_reserach_hypothesis-Balbo.pdf Balchin, Paul N.; Stewart Jill (2001): Social housing in Latin America: Opportunities for affordability in a region of housing need. In: Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, Vol. 16 Nr.3-4.Kluwer Academic Publisher. Connelly, Steve (2007): Mapping Sustainable Development as a Contested Concept. In: Local Environment, Vol. 12 No. 3. Routledge. http://pdfserve.informaworld. com/473463__777635184.pdf Fernandez-Maldonado, Ana Maria (w/o year): Changing spatial logics in Latin American metropolises. http://blackboard.tudelft.nl/@@/6864B3091F323878D7CD7F6CB8172245/ courses/1/18696101104/content/_1373253_1/embedded/for%20 fernandez%20lecture%20LA%20metropolis%20AMFM.pdf Forment, Carlos A. (2007) : The Democratic Dribbler: Football Clubs, Neoliberal Globalization, and Buenos Aires’ Municipal Election of 2003. In: Public Culture, Vol.19, No.1. Duke University Press. http://www.polisci.upenn.edu/theoryworkshops/Formentpaper.pdf Grimm, Jason (2009): Food Urbanism. A sustainable design option for urban communities. Iowa State University. Ministerio de Desarrollo Urbano Subsecretaría de Planeamiento (2009): Barrio Nueva Pompeya. http://estatico.buenosaires.gov.ar/areas/planeamiento_obras/planeamiento/ informes_territoriales/pdf_2009/rus_npompeya.pdf Montgomery, John (1990): Cities and the art of cultural planning. In: Planning, Practice & Research, Vol.5, No. 3. http://halliejones.com/ Resources/CitiesAndTheArtOfCulturalPlanning.pdf Montgomery, John (2003): Cultural Quarters as Mechanisms for Urban Regeneration. Part1 : Conceptualising Cultural Quarters. In: Planning, Practice & Research, Vol.18, No. 4. http://halliejones.com/ Resources/CulturalQuarters.pdf Montgomery, John (2004): Cultural Quarters as Mechanisms for Urban Regeneration. Part 2: A Review of Four Cultural Quarters in the UK, Ireland and Australia. In: Planning, Practice & Research, Vol.19, No. 1. http://www.sste.mmu. ac.uk/users/cgibson/EG4325%20Urban%20Regeneration/Student%20 Learning%20Resources/Contested%20Place%20Image%20and%20Identity/ Contested%20Place%20Image%20and%20Identity/media/ Montgomery_2004%20Cultural%20Quarters.pdf Pirez, Pedro (2002): Buenos Aires: Fragmentation and Privatization of the Metropolitan City. In: Environment &Urbanization, Vol. 14, No.1. 62
http://blackboard.tudelft.nl/@@/6864B3091F323878D7CD7F6CB8172245/ courses/1/18696101104/content/_1373257_1/embedded/Bueno%20 Aires%20Fragmentation%20and%20metropolization%20Pirez.pdf
Rogers Stirk Harbour + Partners (2009): Proposition for Grand Pari: La mobilité verte. http://www.orbival.fr/pdf/ongletgrandparis/Transports%20et%20mobilite.pdf Romein, Arie; Verkoren, Otto; Fernandez-Maldonado, Ana Maria (2009): Polycentric Metropolitan Form: Application of a ‘Northern’ Concept in Latin America. In: Footprint, Metropolitan Form. http://tudelft.academia.edu/ AnaMariaFernandezMaldonado/Papers/170499/Polycentric_Urban_ Application_of_a_Northern_Concept_in_Latin_America Scott, Allen J.; Agnew, John; Soja, Edward W; Storpe, Michael (w/o year): Global city-regions: an overview. http://ucla.academia.edu/AllenScott/Papers/227434/Global_City-Regions_ An_Overview United Cities and Local Governments (2004): Agenda 21 for Culture. http://agenda21culture.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id =44&Itemid=58&lang=en Hall, Peter (1966): The World cities Quoted in Scott, Allen J.; Agnew, John; Soja, Edward W; Storpe, Michael (w/o year): Global city-regions: an overview. http://ucla.academia.edu/ AllenScott/Papers/227434/Global_City-Regions_An_Overview Friedmann John; Wolff Goetz (1982): World city formation: an agenda for research and action http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2427.1982.tb00384.x/pdf Sassen,
Saskia (1991): Global city http://books.google.nl/books?hl=nl&lr=&id=PTAiHWK2BYIC&oi=fnd&pg=PA3 &dq=global+city+definition+1991+sassen&ots=BSSJimZjL3&sig=tYOxcOLk_AsF oEa2I0BHdpyMQEI#v=onepage&q&f=false
Jessop, B. (1998): The rise of governance and the risk of failure: the case of economic development, International Social Science Journal, 155, 29-44. Romero, Andrea; Moure, Gustavo; Varela, Julieta; Piedras, Marcelo; Baena, Mercedes;Diodovich, Nélida; Serantes, Viviana: plan integral Cuenca Matanza-Riachuell ’The Riachuelo mata en silencio’ universidad nacional de quilmes http://edant.clarin.com/diario/especiales/riachuelo/home.html Krebs, Valdis (2010): Social network analysis, a short introduction, http://www.orgnet.com/sna.html
Lecture series Delft
- Spatial planning Prof. Vincent Nadin - Reviewing Spatial & Planning trends in Buenos Aires-a framework for Interventions Dr. Diego Andres Sepulveda Carmona - An Urban Geography of Globalization Dr. Roberto Rocco - Space syntax series Dr. Akkelies van Nes - Spatial strategies in Chinese megacities - From Urban Renewal to Urban Revitalization, Beijing Historical Inner City Dr. Qu Lei - Changing spatial logics in Latin American metropolises Dr. A. M. Fernandez-Maldonado - Space / Public space Dr. Seven Read - Socioeconomic and spatial integration strategies for improved housing in La Victoria, Santiago de Chile Shirin Jaffri - Community Empowerment, The socio-spatial and Bottom-Up Approach Dr. Devisari Tunas
Lecture series Buenos Aires
- The question of urban environmental issues of the soutch of Buenos Aires, the case of Matanza Riachuelo. Arch. Juan Carlos AngelomĂŠ - The urban print in Buenos Aires Prof. Dr. Flavio Janchez - Planning Buenos Aires Arch. Maxi Rohm / Arch. Maria Jesus Huarte - Mobility in Buenos Aires Arch. Andres Borthagaray - Planning in Austria Arch. Markus Voglt - Planning in Italy Arch. Daniela Patti - History of Buenos Aires Andres Ferari
Epilogue The â€œGlobalisation: Research on the Urban Impactâ€? studio has for been a great experience for all of us not only from a professional but also from a personal point of view. The first weeks of theoretical research have been a good introduction to the Latin American context, but on the other hand they can only partly prepare you for the work on site. We experienced that there is quite a difference, between what you conclude from papers and the actual situation. The clichĂŠ of the Argentineans tango, soon turned out to be less important in the daily life; instead we found ourselves walking along a heavily polluted and smelling river, highly congested streets and informal settlements. Working together with the students of Buenos Aires and our Argentinean and international tutors was very enriching for our work. We were introduced to new ways of thinking and looking at the spatial problems and potentials of the area. Our European way of looking at cities and working was challenged by the South American reality. The result of the two month working on a development strategy for Pompeya is an example of how to integrate declined areas located at the border of a mega city. Argentina, a country famous for its wine and beef, can in many cases not provide enough food for its own inhabitants. We tried to tackle this problem, which his connected to global processes, on a very local scale, without forgetting the metropolitan network. 66
Wall decoration in Pompeya Source: Wieke Villerius
Globalisation: Research on the Urban Impact