VOTERS’ ETHNICITY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY 79 Chinese comparing to Both, such effect does not exist among voters whose parents have different ethnicities. This may be because voters in inter-ethnic families are more confused taking cues of national identity from their parents.
CONCLUSION This paper re-examines the effect of ethnicity on national identity in Taiwan. After more than one decade, Wang’s argument is still holding true (Wang 1993). The effect of ethnicity on national identity maintains its importance and inter-ethnic marriages contribute little to ethnic assimilation. In terms of political socialization, there is no significant interaction between parents’ ethnicities and voter’s gender. Being a fraternal society, the father’s ethnicity pervasively has impact on voter’s national identity, while the mother’s does not. The intimacy between children and mother does not trump the father’s authority within a family. In other words, fathers still have more authority within families than mothers. Inter-ethnic marriages do not cancel out the political opposition between Native Minnanese and Mainlanders. In families where both parents are from the same ethnic group, parents’ ethnicities can reinforce voters’ national identity. However, in families where parents are both Native Minnanese and Mainlander, parents’ ethnicities have no significant effect on voter’s national identity. Instead voters formulate their national identity through formal education. Do these findings imply that inter-ethnic marriages can effectively mitigate political conflicts between Native Minnanese and Mainlanders? To answer this question, researchers need to continuously observe the dynamics. Besides, how does education effectively alleviate the intension among ethnic groups in democratizing countries? Answering these questions is beyond the scope of this paper. However, this paper does point out the importance of education on national identity, especially for those whose parents have different ethnicities.