Respond Volume 26 Spring 2017
The University of Tampa A Journal of Undergraduate Research and Scholarship 2016
Undergraduate Research Journal University of Tampa 2017
Respond Journal of Undergraduate Research & Scholarship
- Volume 26 2017 Spring Edition University of Tampa An Honors Program Publication
About Us Respond: Journal of Undergraduate Research and Scholarship is a double blind, peer reviewed, researched based journal that is published bi-annually by students of the Honors Program. It publishes non-fiction research produced by undergraduate students at the University of Tampa. As the University’s official research publication, Respond encourages students to take part in research with professors within the University of Tampa community. We offer students an opportunity to benefit from the peer review experience, preparing them for future professional endeavors.
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Senior at UT, major in Psychology with minor in Criminology. Hopes to study foreign affairs and law in Washington D.C.
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Review Team Kendal Valentine, Mia Perez & Brittney Richards
Cover Art Jordan V. Anderson iii
Atakan H. Keskin Corruption and Economic
Alana Boyles & Erinn Muller
Hanna Bettner Is There a Killer Within Us?
Identifying Genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease & 45 Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise
Jodi Hansen Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa
Emily Warner The Influence of Cult Film Genre on
Perceptions of Disability
Lauren Twele Justification of Marine Mammal
Boudicca: A Force of Vengeance
The Suicidal Struggle Portrayed through Poetry
1st Place Academic Paper Corruption and Economic Growth 2nd Place Academic Paper Identifying Genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease 3rd Place Academic Paper Is There a Killer Within Us? v
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Atakan H. Keskin, Senior International Business &Economics
Corruption and Economic Growth: Anylysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. Background Atakan H. Keskin is from Konya, Turkey. He’s a senior, majoring in International Business and Economics, minoring in Government and World Affairs. He has studied abroad in London School of Economics and Fudan University (PRC, Shanghai) and he was awarded an honors fellowship to study at Oxford University. He served as the president of Adam Smith Economics Honors Society and is in the process of writing a book with a famous Turkish influencer. His goal is to get PhD in Political Economy and a JD in a top university and start his own global consulting company.
Abstract The consensus amongst many scholars on how inclusive institutions are conducive for development and economic growth is inevitable; however, the conundrum begins on the debate the real effect of corruption on economic growth. This study uses previous research to analyze the impact of corruption on economic growth in twenty countries in Latin America from 1995 to 2015. By using 11 different Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression models such as bivariate, multivariate, pooled regression, and fixed effects panel, the research attempts to explain the true effect of types of corruption on economic growth with respect to fluctuations in each country. The regression tests are based on the basic Solow growth Model components. The dependent variable is the percentage of annual GDP growth in every regression analysis while the independent variables are rate of population growth; gross capital formation (formerly gross fixed investment); percentage of labor force with primary education, percentage of labor force with secondary education; and four corruption variables. This research uses “Control of Corruption, Business Regulations, Protection of Property Rights, and Corruption Perceptions Index” as measurements of corruption. Further analyses agrees with Acemoglu’s research on how It may be optimal to allow some corruption and not enforce property rights fully and less developed economies then could decide to enforce lower levels of property right enforcement and more corruption to stimulate the economy. 6
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015.
Introduction “Inclusiveness” is an emerging concept in both political science and economics, which argues that stable and inclusive governmental institutions are fundamental to successful economies, political order, and sustainable growth. (Acemoglu/Robinson, Fukuyama). According to Acemoglu et al, inclusive institutions lead to a more equal distribution of income, empowering a broad segment of society and making the political playing field even more level. The consensus amongst many scholars on how inclusive institutions are conducive for development and economic growth is inevitable; however, the conundrum begins on the debate the real effect of corruption on economic growth. It might be intuitive to hypothesize that corruption negatively impacts economic growth; but some scholars vociferously state that corruption has a positive impact on non-developed and developing countries in order to start the engine of double-digit economic growth and incentivize businessmen to invest in the country (Leff, 1964, Acemoglu/ Verdier 1998). Their work ultimately suggests that corruption is a hand that lifts up the undeveloped economy, and by doing so, increases economic activity within the borders. On the other hand, some authors found statistically significant results on how more corrupt countries suffer from less economic growth (Mauro, Hung Mo) This study uses previous research to analyze the impact of corruption on economic growth in twenty countries in Latin America from 1995 to 2015. By using 11 different Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression models such as bivariate, multivariate, pooled regression, and fixed effects panel, the study attempts to explain the true effect of different types of corruption measurements on economic growth with respect to fluctuations in each country. The regression tests are based on the Basic Solow-Swan Growth Model components. The dependent variable is the percentage of annual GDP growth in every regression analysis while the independent variables are rate of population growth; gross capital formation (formerly gross fixed investment); percentage of labor force with primary education, percentage of labor force with secondary education; and four corruption variables. This research uses “Control of Corruption, Business Regulations, Protection of Property Rights, and Corruption Perceptions Index” as measurements of corruption. Data comes from the World Bank national accounts data, OECD National Accounts data files, International Labor Organization, Key Indicators of the Labor Market 7
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. database, World Governance Indicators, Transparency.org and Fraser Institute. Prior to selecting the corruption variables to use in this research, nine various corruption variables were analyzed. The unselected variables were omitted either due to lack of observations or failure to explain the variation in the model (See more in Selection Of The Corruption Variables). Although the variables that had the most number of observations were used, number of observations in the regressions shrank from 421 to a range of 97-150 for multivariate models. The range differs depending on which corruption variable is used for each regression since corruption variables are the only ones that differ in each regression. After data collection and data modeling, the number of countries used in this research came down to twenty countries. The countries were selected based on sufficient number of observations provided in order to avoid micronumerousity. Countries that are not categorized as â€œdeveloping economiesâ€? according to IMF1 and the ones that had problems such as civil wars or embargos for a long period of time (e.g Cuba) were also extracted from the data set.
Literature Review A significant number of researchers examined the impact of corruption on economic growth by merely using the Solow-Swan Growth Model, although a few used the aggregate demand equation. Despite their interrelationships, the Solow Growth Model incorporated with corruption variables seems to be used in the most prominent papers in the field of corruption such as Mauro (1995), Acemoglu/ Verdier (1998), and Hung Mo (2000). Acemoglu/Verdier argued that it may be optimal to allow some corruption and enforce property rights fully to encourage investments. Less developed economies may choose lower levels of property right enforcement and more corruption and in the long run, it is possible to simultaneously reduce corruption, increase investment, and achieve a better allocation of talent. On the opposing side of the argument, Mauro emphasizes the importance of property rights over physical capital, profits, and patents and how loopholes in property rights may reduce incentives and opportunities to invest, innovate, and obtain foreign technology. In his work, he conducted a broad analysis on corruption by examining the relation between corruption and investment for 58 different countries. In his empirical estimates, he investigated the links between corruption, institutional factors, and economic growth. He ultimately finds that corruption has a robust negative relationship with percentage of The list could be found at: http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2015/01/weodata/groups.htm Red tape: excessive bureaucracy or adherence to rules and formalities, especially in public business.
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. investment in a nation, regardless of the amount of red tape2. Furthermore, he concludes that institutional inefficiency causes low economic growth. Even though Mauro’s cross-country regression model became one of the most adduced analyses in the field, recent research highlight that Mauro’s paper uses a broad brush to analyze countries, hence generalizes the sui generis trends of countries which is not a clear approach to measure the effect of corruption on economic growth. As an example, Jin Wei argues that many aspects in a country may be highly correlated with the poor quality of public servants, a factor that may retard growth whether corruption exists or not. He states that the empirical evidence seems one-sided in terms of stating that corruption deters investment and economic growth. “The data collection process for corruption variables has not remained intact during the processes of data collection.” After meticulously analyzing the modeling of previous research, the essence of the modeling of this paper is built upon the analytical framework of Hung Mo. In his paper, he developed a newer model in comparison to Mauro in order to estimate the effects of corruption and the channels through which it affects the rate of GDP growth. His considerable channels were investment, human capital, and political instability. In his ordinary least squared analysis, he used the following variables: 1.Growth rate of real GDP in percentage 2.Corruption indexes 3.Ratio of Private investment to GDP 4.The Initial per capita income 5.Average schooling years in the total population over age 25 6.Rate of Population growth Hung Mo acknowledges that his framework is incomplete, but statistically significant to estimate the impact of corruption on growth and the relative importance of these channels of transmissions. He finds that a 1% increase in the corruption level reduces the growth rate by 0.72%. He finds political instability as the most important channel through which corruption affects economic growth, which accounts for about 53% of the overall effect.
Methodology and Data Methodology and Framework To test the effect of corruption on economic growth in Latin American countries, eleven various OLS models were used. Annual growth rate of real GDP is the dependent 9
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. variable used in all the OLS models. Parameters for Gross Capital Formation, human capital stock, and the initial GDP were the independent variables for each regression. The only difference in each OLS models is the corruption variable. Models 1-5 are bivariate models to show its correlation with the dependent variable and how much of the variation each variable is explaining. Each corruption variable was analyzed separately in Models 6-9. Models 10a and 10b are discussed in depth in section Results. The World Bank, OECD National Accounts, and International Labour Organization, are providers for annual GDP growth rate, population growth, all three of the education variables, and gross domestic investment. Transparency International Corruption Perception Index, Fraser Institute, and World Governance Indicators are the providers for all the corruption variables used in the regression analyses. Framework to investigate the effect of corruption of economic growth in Latin American countries is a general production function. After including the suggested variables that are necessary to determine growth, suggested by Levine and Renelt’s model (1992), our model could be interpreted as a sort of growth function similar to Solow’s traditional growth accounting study with augmentation of corruption variables. They suggested the usage of four variables in a robust growth model and these are (in the terminology of the data set): annual percentage growth rate of GDP; share of Gross Capital Formation (formerly Gross Domestic Investment) to GDP; rate of population growth; initial level of real GDP, and an indicator for human capital. According to Hung Mo, the first two variables belong the growth component while the remaining belongs to the economic development component of our framework. The expected sign of the initial GDP is negative since it is a representation of what Barro et al refers as “the knowledge gap.” According to their work, a larger knowledge gap is a parameter for a country in which it can raise its productivity through implementing new innovations and technology from developed economies in the world, and vice-versa for the opposite case. According to Ciccone et al, Gross Capital Information should have a positive sign in the regressions since it has positive effects on output and employment growth in human-capital-intensive industries. Primary, secondary and tertiary education levels of the share of the total labor force were used as a representative to capture the effect of human capital on real GDP growth rate. In essence, many scholars used the Barro-Lee’s databases. Various researches used the Barro-Lee’s Average years of total schooling of people aged 25 or above as a parameter to capture the effect of human capital, but it was not 10
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. used in this research, because it shrunk the number of observations from 115 to 43 since the data available is divided into 5-year sub-periods (See more in “Data Selection”). Finally, I do not hold any prior expectations for the signs of the corruption coefficients. Data, Descriptive Statistics and Estimation All measures in the data begin in 1995 and go through until 2015, although the data set is not complete since it has missing variables for particular years. According to World Bank national accounts data and OECD National Accounts data files, annual percentage growth rate of GDP is measured with market prices based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2005 U.S. dollars. This also applies for the initial GDP in 1995 (INITIAL) variable, except it is the initial level of real GDP in constant 2005 U.S. dollars. Dollar figures for GDP are converted from domestic currencies using 2005 official exchange rates. For a few countries where the official exchange rate does not reflect the rate effectively applied to actual foreign exchange transactions, an alternative conversion factor is used. While annual rate of real GDP growth rate is captured for every year, the initial GDP is the initial level of real GDP in 1995 in order to capture the “knowledge gap” effect mentioned above. Measures for human capital stock were: percentage of annual population growth (POP); percentage of labor force with primary education (PRI); percentage of labor force with secondary education (SECO); and percentage of labor force with tertiary education (TER). According to World Bank, POP, the annual population growth rate for year t, is the exponential rate of growth of midyear population from year t-1 to t, expressed as a percentage. Population is based on the de facto definition of population, which counts all residents regardless of legal status or citizenship--except for refugees not permanently settled in the country of asylum, who are generally considered part of the population of the country of origin. This variable is used as a representative for the growth rate of labor. The education variables PRI, SECO, and TER are the shares of the total labor force that attained or completed primary, secondary or tertiary education as the highest level of education. Keep in mind that these are different variables. The measure for share of investment used in this research was Gross Capital Formation (GCF). According to World Bank, average annual growth of gross fixed capital formation is based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2005 U.S. dollars. Gross fixed capital formation (formerly gross domestic fixed investment) includes land improvements (fences, ditches, drains, and so on); plant, machinery, and equipment 11
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. purchases; and the construction of roads, railways, and the like, including schools, offices, hospitals, private residential dwellings, and commercial and industrial buildings. According to the 1993 SNA, net acquisitions of valuables are also considered capital formation. The measures of corruption in this research are “Control Of Corruption, Business Regulations, Protection Of Property Rights, and Corruption Perception Index.” Since all the corruption variables had different ranges, minimum and maximum values, they were normalized using the following formula: y = 1 + (x-A)*(10-1)/(B-A) • Where x: Un-rescaled variable • A: minimum value of the old scale • 10 and 1 are the new scale values • B: Max value of the new scale Control of Corruption (CTRL) was obtained from World Governance Indicators. It captures perceptions of the extent to which public power is exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption, as well as “capture” of the state by elites and private interests. Estimate gives the country’s score on the aggregate indicator, in units of a standard normal distribution, i.e. ranging from approximately 1 to 10 after data normalization. Protection of Property Rights (PPR) is from Fraser institute, which is a component from the Global Competitiveness Report question: Property rights, including over financial assets, are poorly defined and not protected by law or are clearly defined and well protected by law.” The third variable, Business Regulations (BUSREG), is also gathered from Fraser Institute. This variable is in a scale of 1-10 based on 5 sub components: 1) Administrative Requirements; 2) Bureaucracy Costs; 3) Starting a Business; 4) Extra Payments/Bribes/Favoritism; 5) Licensing Restrictions Final corruption variable is the Corruption Perception Index. According to Transparency International, a country/territory’s score indicates the perceived level of public sector corruption on a scale of 1-10, where 1 means that a country is perceived as highly corrupt and a 10 means that a country is perceived as very clean. A country’s rank indicates its position relative to the other countries/territories included in the index. Ranks can change merely if the number of countries included in the index changes. The variables are normally distributed in every regression. In addition, due to the size of our data set, the central limit theorem applies for normal distribution. I attempted to keep the number of observations as high as possible in order to keep high levels of 12
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. degrees of freedom. Higher level of degrees of freedom is an indicator for more accurate results. Table 1 below is the correlation table of all of the variables used in this research. In this research, a Rho (Ď ) value that exceeds 0.80 indicates a troublesome multicollinearity problem. Since that CPI and CTRL might have a multicollinearity problem but since they are not used in any regressions together, this problem is not an issue. Table 1: Correlation Table of Ten Variables
Results To test the different variables influencing GDP growth, four corruption variables were used. All the models were in a form of pooled data. Numerous tests were run on each regression to report evidence of Classical Assumption violations, such as multicollinearity, heteroscedasticity, and modeling specification tests. In addition, each variable was examined for unit root problems. All the variables were stationary, which enables the DW to be trusted. Table 2 provides regression results for the first nine examined models. Models 6-9 used the modeling according to Hung Moâ€™s analysis by juxtaposing variables of the production function with inclusion of corruption variables. 13
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. Table 2: Regression Results Models 1-9 Dependent Variable: GDP Growth (Annual %)
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015.
t-stats in parentheses * Significant at the 10% level, ** Significant at the 5% level, *** Significant at the 1% level. All standard errors are White’s (diagonal) corrected. CLT= Central Limit Theorem
Model Diagnostics 1-9: Models 1-5 were bivariate regressions to analyze the direction of correlation with the dependent variable. There is a robust positive correlation between GDP growth and Domestic Investment (GCF) and it is statistically significant at the 1% level. Around 51% of the variation in GDP growth is explained by domestic investment, and a one-percentage point increase in domestic investment leads to a 0.18% increase in annual GDP growth. This result is not surprising as investment could noticeably increase economic activity in developing countries. Although all the corruption variables except Protection of Property rights were positively correlated with GDP growth, they did not explain the variation in annual GDP growth as much. Reliance on bivariate models could lead to misleading results even though the models could be statistically significant. Models 6-9 were built as explained by Hong-Mo’s corruption model. Each regression was built with same variables except with different corruption variables to report the real effects of each corruption variable on economic growth. None of the variables except Secondary Education and Domestic Investment had statistical significance. The multicollinearity tests such as Variance Inflation Factors (VIF) and pair-wise correlation table presented satisfactory results since none of the centered VIF was greater than3 5, nor any correlation except CTRL and CPI had a value of ρ greater than4 0.80. As mentioned above, since CTRL and CPI were not used together in models 6-9, this problem was not an issue for these models. In addition, the Ramsey RESET tests for models 6-9 showed results that indicated no problems of modeling misspecification. One of the major problems for interpreting results from these models is the lack of significant results and redundant variables. Since domestic investment makes up the majority of the adjusted R2, variables such as population growth, primary/secondary education, and initial GDP were redundant variables. Omitting these variables did not have a significant impact on the adjusted R2. It is also important to note that the Initial Y variable did 3 4
A value more than 5 indicates multicollinearity problems. A value of ρ more than 0.80 indicates multicollinearity problems.
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. not have the expected signs for models 8 and 9, which is a proof of its failure to represent the “knowledge gap” amongst 20 countries in the data set. Results from models 6-9 indicate that lower levels of corruption and higher economic growth are positively correlated on a miniscule scale, but fail to have statistical significance. According to these results, corruption has no effect on economic growth in developing countries in Latin American. What follows next is the explanation of models 10A and 10B. Problems with data availability are also discussed in Part: Conclusion Table 3: Determining the Model
Table 3 above provides each model’s Adjusted R2, AIC, SC, and number of observations results. The Akaike’s Info Criterion (AIC) and the Schwarz Criterion (SC) is an additional output besides Adjusted R2 that guide analysts to determine which model is more robust in comparison to all the models they have analyzed. For AIC and Schwarz results, the lower results are an indication of a better model as they are a reflection of a trade-off between the lack of fit and the number of parameters in a model. According to the results, Model 10B was chosen due to lower AIC and Schwarz Criterion in comparison to other 10 models. Details in terms of interpreting these results are mentioned in Section: Model 10: Better Explanation Model 10A and 10B: A Better Explanation After inconclusive results from Models 1-9, further analyses were conducted by remodeling the regressions, and omitting the redundant variables. Since these corrup16
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. tion variables failed to explain the variation in real GDP growth rate, equal weights were assigned to each corruption variable and a new corruption variable was generated. This variable is called NEW in Table 4. Here is the equation used to generate â€œNEWâ€?: NEW= (0.25*CPI + 0.25*BUSREG + 0.25*CTRL +0.25*PPR) Since the convergence term, INITIAL, failed to explained the knowledge gap amongst 20 countries in the data set as the results came out insignificant and opposite of its expected sign in models 8 and 9, Model 10A and 10B capture the fixed effects for each country and interpret the results accordingly. Instead of running a pooled regression analysis where the results are interpreted by assuming that there are no country-specific effects, the newer version in models 10A and 10B generates a new constant for each country. Results are mentioned below in Table 4. Table 4: Regression Results Models 10A-10B 5 Dependent Variable: GDP Growth (Annual %) MODEL
t-stats in parentheses * Significant at the 10% level, ** Significant at the 5% level, *** Significant at the 1% level. CLT= Central Limit Theorem 5
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. CHILE
D O M I N I C A N 8.0741*** REPUBLIC (4.6075)
6.03745*** 5.1849*** (3.7868) (4.0766)
6.3048*** (4.1310) 18
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. VENEZUELA
JARQUE-BERA 0.0004 (PROB) (CLT)
The same tests were performed for previous models were also performed for Models 10A and 10B. Detailed results for these tests are provided in Appendix under Model 10A and Model 10B. The statistical software that was used to conduct this research, Eviews, automatically dropped two countries, Haiti and Jamaica, from the regression results due to lack of data availability for these countries. All the variables in Model 10A and 10B were significant, either at the 5% level or 1% level. Nevertheless, multicollinearity was not an issue for this country-specific analysis, the pair-wise correlation table provided results that indicates no signs of multicollinearity since none of the Ď values were greater than 0.80 (Studenmund)6. Variance Inflation Factors (VIF) was not available for this type of regression analysis; however, VIF results for Models 1-9 are provided in Appendix. Model 10A had 150 observations. Model 10B had 143 observations after the outliers from Model 10A were dropped. Here is the analysis for Model 10A: The errors were shaped as a normal distribution. According to the Central Limit Theorem, if a model has sufficient observations, the errors will form a shape of normal distribution. Although the shaped look similar, the outliers were also clearly present. Two serial correlation tests were analyzed. First one was the Breusch-Godfrey Serial Correlation LM Test, where Model 10A was tested for first order positive serial correlation. 19
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. There was no evidence of Serial Correlation at the first order. In addition the Durbin Watson analysis came out clear since the DW value of the model was greater than Upper Boundary DW.7 Model 10A- Histogram (Distribution of Errors)
After Serial Correlation and DW tests, two heteroskedasticity tests were used. For both Breusch-Pagan-Godfrey and White tests, failure to reject the null hypothesis means that there is no evidence of heteroscedasticity. In order to fail to reject the null hypothesis8, the chi-square statistic needs to exceed the chi-square critical value of the model. Due to the fact that both Model 10A and 10B had large degrees of freedom (150 in 10A and 144 in 10B), the chi-square statistics were large. Both tests indicated that there was no evidence of heteroscedasticity. One of the major problems with Model 10A was the substandard result from the Ramsey RESET test. This test is used in order to analyze whether or not it was misspecified. In order to have no issues of modeling misspecification, the null hypothesis could not be rejected ; however, for Model 10A, the null hypothesis was rejected9 since the FSTAT was greater than the FCRIT value of the model. In addition, squared and cubed fitted errors of the model were statistically significant when they were inserted into the model, which is A.H. Studnemund; Using Econometrics A Practical Guide; Pp. 204 - 205 The DL= 1.571, DU= 1.779. The numbers in between are called the zone of indecision. If the DW is less than the DL then you reject H0. If it is higher than the DU, then failure to reject H0. 6 7
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. another indicator of model misspecification. The studies on Model 10A were furthered by eliminating potential outliers. Since this model had 150 observations, omitting outliers did not lead to micronumerousity problems. In order to observe the outliers, the influence statistics were checked. Although many scholars use different cut-off values, in this research, any observation that had an R-STUDENT value over -2.5 or 2.5 was considered as an outlier. There were 7 outliers captured (See more in Appendix :Outlier Test). The existence of outliers is can be explained by exogenous variables not accounted for in our model. For examples, countries experiencing domestic issues or economic depressions would have abnormally low levels of GDP growth in a year period. On the other hand, a breakthrough in technology or productivity would dramatically raise GDP growth in a year period. These events stand out in a measurement of a 20-year period. After omitting the outliers, model 10B was significantly improved in comparison to the previous one. Model 10B- Histogram (Distribution of Errors)
Dropping the outliers corrected the model since the errors are normally distributed as viewed in table above.10 There was no evidence of serial correlation; the DW indicated no statistical evidence that the error terms are positively auto correlated; the White test did Ho: Homoskedasticity HA: Heteroskedasticity 8
H0: No Modeling Misspecification HA: Modeling Misspecification 9
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. not provide any evidence of heteroscedasticity; and the Ramsey RESET test results came out satisfactory after failing to reject the H0 since FSTAT 0.605992< FCRIT = 4.78346121, which implies no evidence of modeling misspecification. (See more in Appendix Model 10B). The following is the regression equation used in model 10B, substituted with country-specific coefficients11: GDP = 0.18*GCF - 0.60*NEW + 6.12*Argentina + 6.49*Belize + 5.55* Bolivia + 5.40*Brazil + 6.46*Chile + 5.53*Colombia + 6.02*Costa Rica + 7.05*D. Republic + 4.31*Ecuador + 4.29*El Salvador + 5.18*Guatemala + 5.62*Honduras + 4.70*Mexico + 4.94*Nicaragua + 7.96*Panama + 7.29*Paraguay + 6.30*Peru + 3.66*Venezuela, RB According to Model 10B, these following interpretations could be made. Keep in mind that these results are statistically significant according to our model. Annual real GDP growth rate ranges from 4.29 to 7.96 percentage points; ceteris paribus12. A one-percentage point increase in gross domestic investment increases GDP growth rate by 0.18%. Surprisingly a one-point increase in the equally weighted corruption index, meaning lower corruption perceptions, decreases GDP growth rate by 0.6%. The R2 value states that the model explains 72.26% of the variations in annual real GDP growth rate. In addition, as mentioned above, the errors of the model are normally distributed with a Jarque-Bera probability of 0.5553.
Conclusion The first 5 bivariate models failed to explain the variation on economic growth caused by corruption levels. Models 6-9, which was built accordingly to Hung Moâ€™s model, showed no statistical significant effects of corruption on economic growth. According to these models, corruption does not have any statistically significant impact on economic growth. One of the most disappointing aspects in regards to different analyses interpreted in this paper is the lack of quality data. Primarily, the majority of educational data sets have systemic problems such as lack of sufficient number of observations and quality of measurement. For instance, the Barro-Lee education data set is used amongst many scholars, but it ultimately brings up micronumerosity issues since the data provided is divided into 5-year sub groups. On the other hand, more educated labor force is an indication for more output 22
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. and development for a nation since it is one of the key components for the Solow-Swan Growth Model. Unfortunately for the most time the education variables were statistically insignificant. Model 10A and 10B had provided statistically significant results that agree with Leff and Acemoglu/ Verdier’s research. The results indicate that as corruption is more controlled and lowered, it impacts a nation’s output growth negatively according to the data provided for 20 developing nations in Latin America. Acemoglu could potentially be correct indicating that some corruption might be needed in order to start the engine of double-digit economic growth and incentivize businessmen to invest in the country. It is important to keep in mind that business cultures and practices might differ in different nations. For example, many businessmen in China had to shut down a big portion of their operations due to anti-corruption approach from President Xi Jinping’s administration. Unlike in the Western world where corruption is perceived as an unethical behavior where one uses different routes to get ahead in an economy such as briberies, it is observed differently in the business culture of other countries. Some businesses will even leave out a portion of their earnings to use in times where bribery is necessary. This statement should not be misunderstood as it is stating corruption is an ethical and moral. It is important to comprehend that business practices differ in different regions and some of the Western policies or way of doing business might actually hurt the economy and the earnings of businesses. It may be optimal to allow some corruption and not enforce property rights fully as Acemoglu states. Less developed economies then could decide to enforce lower levels of property right enforcement and more corruption to stimulate the economy. It needs to be clear that these corruption measurements are not picture-perfect measures of corruption levels in a nation state. These are all survey-based datasets that measure the level of perceived corruption in economic activities. Many authors state that corruption measurements should not be considered as an indicator of deciding how “corrupt” a country is. Donchev and Ujhelyi suggest that actual corruption experience is a weak predictor of reported corruption perception, and that some of the factors commonly found to “reduce” corruption systematically bias corruption perception indices downward from corruption experience. Other authors such as Rohwer state that Control of Corruption and CPI should be used with caused since it has lack of transparency and definition problems. As we have seen in this research that these two variables even had a multicollinearity issue once they were re-scaled to 1-10. 23
Corruption and Economic Growth: Analysis on 20 Developing Latin American Countries from 1995 - 2015. A key improvement in most recent datasets would be collecting data for as much countries as possible. Other areas of improvements are also required such as a better measurement of how educated are citizens in a country. It would be interesting to use the quality of education measured as an indicator for human capital as Hanushek and Woessmann used in their latest book.13 Final suggestion would be to analyze corruption on each country separately as each country is well effected from their social norms and business cultures.
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Jarque-Bera probability score exceeds the 0.20 cut off. The coefficients are rounded-up to 2 decimal points. Find the exact numbers in Appendix 12 Ceteris paribus= holding constant all other variables that may affect the second variable. 13 The Knowledge Capital of Nations: Education and the Economics of Growth, 2015, Hanushek, Woessmann 10 11
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Alana Boyles and Erinn Muller, Seniors Marine Science &Biology
Identifying genotypes of Acropora cervicornis that are resilient to white band disease Background Alana Boyles is a Marine Science and Biology major with minors in Environmental Science and English. She is the Founder and President of the UT chapter of Roots & Shoots, an international youth-driven organization created by Dr. Jane Goodall. Alana can be found playing percussion with the UT Wind Ensemble and Orchestra or working behind the scenes with faculty, staff, and administrators to bring more sustainable practices to the UT campus. Alana hopes to be able to channel her inner Jane Goodall to create positive lasting change everywhere she goes. Erinn Muller is currently studying abroad.
Abstract White band disease in the Caribbean, which targets framework-building stony corals like Acropora cervicornis (staghorn coral), has become commonplace on reefs in the Florida Keys. This increase in white band disease has resulted in significant loss of Acropora species. To combat this rapid decline, A. cervicornis is grown in nurseries in situ and transplanted onto affected reefs. In order for transplanting efforts to be the most successful, the transplanted corals should be resilient to disease outbreaks. To propagate resilient corals in nurseries, scientists should first determine whether varying genotypes differ in disease susceptibility. An experimental laboratory manipulation was conducted to test whether nine genotypes from an in situ nursery on Summerland Key varied in disease susceptibility. The corals were arranged in three distances from a diseased individual to test for genotypic resilience to white band disease. Though the evidence suggests there is variation among genotypic susceptibility, the data was not significant. However, the B/O genotype was able to withstand contracting white band disease in all but one individual, suggesting this genotype may be more resilient than others. There was also no difference in susceptibility among distances from the diseased coral, although there was a trend of higher rates of disease infection at the closest distance. These results suggest that there may indeed be differences in susceptibility among genotypes of A. cervicornis, although further study with higher replication is needed. 25
Identifying genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease
Introduction As primary reef-building corals, stony corals are essential to reef function. Without them, coral cover begins to decline substantially and the 4,000 species of fish (Importance of Coral Reefs, 2008) and hundreds of other organisms that rely upon stony corals specifically for sustenance or shelter are forced to relocate or die. Not only do these corals serve an important purpose in ocean ecosystems, they are also vital on shore to the local eco-tourism industries. Coral reefs attract several million people worldwide on a yearly basis and have an estimated annual worth of $375 billion (Costanza, 1997). To commercial fishing industries that rely on reefs for profit, income can exceed $100 million per year and medicinal drugs incorporate coral reef organisms into medications as possible cures for cancer, arthritis, viruses, and other diseases (Importance of Coral Reefs, 2008). With so much potential, it is essential to learn as much as we can about white band disease to prevent substantial coral losses from disease in the future. In 2014, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) announced 20 new coral species as “threatened” under the Endangered Species Act (ESA) including staghorn coral. A. cervicornis made the list in the initial 2006 naming phase and continues to remain on the top of the list despite nearly eight years since initial protection by the ESA (Florida’s Coral Reefs, 2015; Endangered and Threatened Wildlife and Plants, 2014). The inability of A. cervicornis to overcome setbacks can be attributed to many factors including ocean acidification, warming water temperatures, pollution, and disease, specifically white band (Ault et al., 2001). White band disease is a prevalent disease amongst Caribbean Acropora corals, and comes in two forms: type I—caused by possible bacterial pathogens throughout the Caribbean (Kline & Vollmer, 2011)—and type II—predominantly found in the Bahamas and distinguished by a band of bleached tissue proceeding the dead tissue (Kline & Vollmer, 2011; Aronson & Precht, 2001). As an aggressive coral disease, white band has the potential to kill coral tissue, composed of thousands of individual polyps, at several centimeters per day (Kline & Vollmer, 2011; Jordan-Garza et al., 2010). Spreading quickly, white band can cause mortality in an entire colony within several days of initial infection (Jordan-Garza et al., 2010). Based on the observed rapid loss of stony corals to white band disease in coral reefs worldwide (Ginsburg, 2006), it is imperative that scientists find a cure or preventative measures to combat white band disease. In order to better understand the disease, it is 26
Identifying genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease important to quantify the natural capabilities of A. cervicornis to resist white band infection (Reed et al., 2010). If a specific genotype harbors a higher capability to withstand white band, then that genotype can be grown in nurseries and transplanted onto dying reefs to help rebuild the stony coral population with a disease-resistant coral. To mimic natural conditions, experiment tanks were set up radially, with a diseased coral individual at the forefront. From here, two main hypotheses were tested. First, that the genotype of each coral will significantly influence disease susceptibility. Second, it is hypothesized that distance will not significantly influence disease susceptibility. If the hypotheses are supported then resistant genotypes should have a reduced infection rate regardless of their distance from the diseased coral.
Methods To test for resilient genotypes of A. coral to white band disease, nine differing genotypes from the Mote Marine Laboratory in situ coral nursery (Summerland Key) were collected, mounted on PVC pucks, and marked with differing colored bands to distinguish them (reference Table 1 for corresponding genotype colors and numbers. Genotypes will henceforth be referred to by color). Genotypes were previously determined by Dr. Iliana Baums using five microsatellite markers. Table 1: Corresponding genotype number from the Summerland Key in situ coral nursery and the colored band they received.
Identifying genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease Five 50.8x25.4 cm tanks were set up in a 137.16x78.74x38.1 cm water bath with a flow tube providing constant ambient water and one 2W power head in each tank. Each power head pointed towards one diseased coral in a corner with nine coralsâ€”representing three different genotypesâ€”at three different distances (5, 10, and 15 cm) from the diseased coral (Fig. 1). Four tanks were used to incorporate all nine genotypes and a diseased coral. The fifth tank served as a control tank replacing the diseased coral with a healthy coral. This set-up was repeated three times for replication among genotypes and also for distance between the diseased coral and each genotype, creating nine total tanks. The date of first exposure, the number of days exposed, the date of the first sign of white band, the date of death, and the number of days with white band were recorded for each coral, as well as the rate of tissue loss per day when disease occurred. Upon succumbing to white band disease, the disease progression was measured and recorded each day and the disease progression between days was calculated. Using the changes from day one to day two, from day two to day three, etc. for each coral in each genotype, the average rate of tissue loss per genotype was calculated.
Fig. 1: Experimental tank set up with diseased coral indicated by red arrow.
Every morning, pH, salinity (ppt), temperature, dissolved oxygen (mg/L), and flow (mL/min) were measured for each tank and recorded. These values were used to maintain 28
Identifying genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease ambient (pH=8.0-8.2, Temperature=24-29 Â°C, Salinity=34-38 ppt, DO= 5-8 ppm, Flow=5080 mL/min) conditions and to ensure no environmental stress helped progress disease rates. Also, any diseased corals were removed from experimental tanks and the amount of the coral that was diseased was measured. The number of days between the first signs of disease and when the coral had lost the last of its tissue were recorded. The diseased corals were then placed in a disease holding tank. Any previously diseased corals that were not yet dead were measured to keep track of disease progression. Every afternoon, all measurements, excluding flow, were taken and recorded again. For each trial, the independent variables were the genotype and the distance from the disease, while the dependent variable was the number of days until visible disease infection. The R Program (www.r-project.org) was utilized to test for differences among genotypes, distances from diseased coral, and the interaction of the two independent variables using a 2-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) test. Parametric assumptions were met. Excel was then used to create bar graphs of the data.
Results & Discussion Genotypic Variation There were observable trends in genotypic susceptibility to disease. For example, genotype blue was the most susceptible to white band disease (5 out of 6 or 83.33%) and B/O had the smallest proportion (1 out of 6 or 16.67%) (Fig. 2). However, neither the genotype nor the distance was found to have a significant effect on the pattern of disease distribution among corals, nor was there a significant interaction effect (genotype: df=8, F=1.09, p=0.388; distance: df=1, F=2.02, p=0.364, genotype*distance: df=8, F=1.133, p=0.363) (Table 2). Since each genotype was equally spaced in varying distance from the diseased coral, this would suggest a genotypic variation in disease susceptibility with B/O as the least susceptible genotype. It was observed that orange genotype corals had the shortest post-disease lifespan ranging anywhere from one to three days, whereas P/Y had the longest, surviving up to 8 days with disease (Fig. 3). Distance from Disease The percentage of each distance that had individuals contract disease favored the first row of experimental corals only 5 cm away from the diseased coral and decreased with increasing distance (Fig. 4). However, these results were not statistically significant. The total number of disease cases observed in each row showed that out of the 29 total instances of disease, 13 disease cases were located 5 cm away from the diseased coral and 29
Identifying genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease
Fig. 2: Percent of each genotype that succumbed to white band disease. Total disease percentages were calculated for all genotypes, with blue having the largest proportion succumb to white band (5 out of 6) and B/O having the smallest proportion (1 out of 5).
Genotype Distance Genotype*Distance
Degrees Freedom 8 1
F-value 1.09 2.02
P-value 0.388 0.364
Table 2: Two-way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) analyzing the correlation between genotype, distance from the diseased coral (cm), and the days exposed before signs of disease.
Fig. 3: Average number of days with white band disease. Post-disease lifespan varied widely between genotypes, however, orange genotype corals exhibited the shortest post-disease lifespan whereas P/Y exhibited the longest, surviving as long as 8 days with white band
Identifying genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease
Fig. 4: Percent of coral at each distance (cm) from diseased coral that contracted white band disease. The percentage of each distance that had individuals contract disease favored the first row only 5 cm away from the diseased coral (65%). Little difference in disease percentage is exhibited between row 2 (10 cm, 44%) and row 3 (15 cm, 42%).
Fig. 5: Disease prevalence (%) based on distance (cm) from the diseased coral. Out of the 29 total instances of disease, 13 disease cases were located in row one (5 cm from the diseased coral) and 8 cases located in rows two and three (10 and 15 cm respectively).
eight cases were located 10 and 15 cm away (Fig. 5). In addition, all but genotype B/O had at least one coral 5 cm away contract disease, whereas several genotypes did not contract disease when they were 10 or 15 cm away. This is indicative of a slight bias with row one being only 5 cm from the diseased coral, but there is no observable difference between the latter two rows, suggesting genotypic resilience may be more important than distance when determining which individuals will become diseased. Had distance been the more prominent factor, it would be expected for the second row 10 cm away from the diseased coral to display a total number of diseased corals between 13 (row 1 at 5 cm away) and 8 (row 3 at 15 cm away). 31
Identifying genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease The average rate of tissue loss varied widely within and among genotypes, with some days exhibiting as much as 0.375 cm difference and other days with 0.05 cm difference or no difference at all (Fig. 6). Even though each distance produced relatively the same number of diseased individuals, when compared with the average rate of tissue loss per distance (Fig. 7), the rate at which the tissue was lost from the corals 10 and 15 cm from the diseased coral was much greater than at 5 cm. This is similar to the highly variable rates of tissue loss observed by Williams and Miller (2005) at White Bank Dry Rocks in the Florida Keys.
Fig. 6: Average rate of tissue loss (cm/day) per genotype due to disease progression. The average rate varies widely with some days exhibiting as much as 0.36 cm difference and other days with no difference.
Fig. 7: Average rate of tissue loss (cm/day) per distance due to disease progression. The rate at which the tissue was lost from the corals in the latter two rows (10 and 15 cm) was much higher the longer the coral stayed
Identifying genotypes of Acropora Cervicornis that are Resilient to White Band Disease diseased, whereas the individuals who succumbed most quickly once contracting white band were often found in row 1 (5 cm), suggesting some kind of distance dependence.
Conclusion Statistical analyses showed that neither the genotype nor the distance was found to have a significant effect on the pattern of disease distribution among corals. However, interesting trends have emerged suggesting that there may be variation in disease resilience among genotypes and that distance from diseased individual also plays a role in susceptibility. Likely both variables can influence disease prevalence. In fact, Fig. 2 shows there is a large amount of variance among differing genotypes and the percentage that succumbed to white band. Therefore, high variation in all results, likely from low sample sizes, suggests that further studies should be conducted. These studies should include higher sample sizes, to identify which factor has the most influence over disease susceptibility, and identify disease resilient genotypes. Also worth additional research would be the B/O genotype, specifically due its observed increased disease resilience, and the P/Y genotype due to its perceived ability to live longer post-infection than other genotypes. The results complement other studies showing transmissibility of white band disease and genetic resilience to disease infection (Vollmer & Kline, 2008; Gignoux-Wolfsohn et al., 2012). In Vollmer & Klineâ€™s 2008 study, the first evidence of host disease resistance in scleractinian corals occurred, with six percent showing disease resistance. Four years later, Gignoux-Wolfsohn and colleagues (2012) demonstrated waterborne transmission of white band disease to injured staghorn corals, explaining localized spreading. Understanding disease transmission and genotypic resilience will significantly influence the ability to prevent disease outbreaks in the future. Additionally, knowing the variables that affect transmissibility of white band disease, whether distance related or influenced by genetic susceptibility, will also help guide best practices for coral reef restoration.
Acknowledgements This research would not be possible without the generous funding of the National Science Foundation (grant number: NSF OCE 1541749) as part of the Research Experience for Undergraduates (REU) offered at Mote Marine Laboratory and Aquarium. All due thanks to interns Peter Chen, Bri Colon, Joan Kim, and Lucinda Li for their help around the lab; Cathrine Shepard for performing nutrient analysis; Keir Macartney for technical assistance; and most importantly, Matt DuPaolis for coming up with the idea of a separate disease lab and all the help in creating it. 33
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Hanna Bettner, Senior Criminology
Is there a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 Background Hanna is currently a senior studying Criminology and Criminal Justice. With a profound interest in penology, she hopes to further explore the experiences of inmates behind bars and how the U.S. can implement a rehabilitative approach to incarceration. After graduation, she has plans to intern in Washington DC. This paper is an attempt to get readers to think twice about the people we call “evil” and instead try to understand how we can prevent ourselves from becoming susceptible to acts we never imagined we could perform.
Abstract The mass extermination of the Jews during the Holocaust is often explained as an extraordinary event committed by extraordinary, even evil, people. However, the execution of 1,500 Jews in Józefów, Poland—committed by the men least motivated by Nazi ideology and Jewish scapegoating—suggest that “evilness” may not be an extraordinary trait; rather, it may be commonplace. For Reserve Police Battalion 101, the majority of the officers were considered ordinary men, but due to the high level of identity to the in-group as well as the influence of obedience and conformity, the officers became capable of performing unspeakable tasks. 34
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101
Introduction “I made the effort … to shoot only children. It so happened that the mothers led the children by the hand. My neighbor then shot the mother and I shot the child that belonged to her, because I reasoned with myself that after all without its mother the child could not live any longer” (Browning, 1998, p. 73). Are these the words of a sadistic killer or of an ordinary man caught within an extraordinary situation? The infamous Reserve Police Battalion 101 is remembered for executing 1,500 unarmed Jews in the village of Józefów on July 13, 1942. In the realm of social psychology, past research on Nazi Germany examined the ability of Nazis to kill the Jews when the method of execution was indirect, such as gas chambers, which were utilized in concentration camps. In contrast, the majority of officers within Police Battalion 101 were not affiliated with the Nazi Party, yet they killed unarmed civilians point blank. The method of execution was brutal and direct: officers shot their victims individually in the back of the neck. According to the recollection of one the officers involved, occasionally the bullet would strike “the head of the victim at such a trajectory that often the entire skull or at least the entire rear skullcap [was] torn off” (Hinton, 1998, p. 9). While many officers were physically revolted by their actions, they continued to shoot until the entire village was decimated (Goldhagen, 1992, p. 50). Despite the lack of membership in and loyalty to the Nazi Party, the concurrence of dehumanization, the need to obey authority, and conformity allowed the officers of Police Battalion 101 to lose sight of their individual morals and values and succumb to the pressures of the in-group. Regardless of the atrocities committed by Reserve Police Battalion 101, the men that made up the battalion were considered ordinary and did not fit the role of vindictive Nazis (Browning, 1998). As indicated by their age, background, and socioeconomic status, the men of the battalion “would not seem to have been a very promising group” to complete the orders of the Final Solution—the extermination of the 2 million Jews displaced into the ghettos of central Poland (Browning, 1998, p. 48). Comprised of men who were too old for the draft, the battalion members were between the ages of 30 and 40 and had therefore grown up in other political environments and knew of other political ideologies, “standards, and moral norms other than those of the Nazis” (Browning, 1998, p. 48). Many of the men were of the working- and lower-middle class “that had been anti-Nazi in its political culture” (Browning, 1998, p.48). In addition, the vast majority of the officers were 35
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 from Hamburg, a city that was “one of the least Nazified cities in Germany” (Browning, 1998, p. 48). Of the 500 men within the battalion, “379 had no affiliation whatsoever with the major Nazi institutions,” and those that were affiliated were not extremists (Goldhagen, 1997, p. 208). Additionally, after the onset of World War II, the police battalion had few men with “any experience of German occupation methods in Eastern Europe … [or] any kind of military service” since all officers with military backgrounds and experience were conscripted into the German army (Browing, 1998, p. 44). Major Wilhelm Trapp, who fought in World War I and was decorated with the Iron First Class, was fifty-three years old when he was given the role of commander for the 101st battalion (Browning, 1998). Despite Trapp’s membership to “the Nazi Party in December 1932,” the Schutzstaffel (SS) did not deem him qualified to hold a position within the SS, as evident through his role as a commander of a police battalion, an institution that was neither out on the front lines nor making executive decisions about the Final Solution. Compared to the SS, the Order Police was inferior and less politically motivated and dedicated to the Nazi ideals. As a result, the Order Police’s need for manpower provided them the last pick of men behind the army and SS.
Formation of the Order Police The Order Police was formed in order for the German government to maintain established police groups with not only military experience but also military equipment (Browning, 1998). Due to the limitations placed on the German army by the Versailles Treaty, the power held by the military and government officials was jeopardized “by revolutionary forces” (Browning, 1998, p. 3). Eventually, despite the provisions of the treaty limiting the size of the German army, the Nazi Regime rebelled and created a “police army of 56,000 men” that was then “merged into the regular army” (Browning, 1998, p. 4). Once the German army under the Nazi Party regained its manpower, Heinrich Himmler, chief of the German army at the time, split the army into two branches: the SS and Order Police. Headed by Kurt Daluege, the Order Police included “the city or municipal police, the rural police, and the small-town or community police” (Browning, 1998, p. 4). However, once World War II began in 1939, the Order Police was left with fewer men due to the fact that police officers with military training were drafted into the army. As a result, they were given permission to recruit older men—men old enough to be exempt from the draft—in order to replace the vacant positions (Browning, 1998). The scarcity of able-bodied men forced the 36
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 Order Police to hire “anyone it could find—and it had to pick from the leftovers” (Goldhagen, 1997, p. 211). As a result, police battalions, unlike the SS, were not as heavily relied on to implement and enforce the ideological policies of the Nazi Regime. The police battalions were not military groups, and their main tasks included “deporting prisoners from Hamburg, guarding collection points, and escorting trains” (Navarick, 2012, p. 136). However, battalions stationed in Poland quickly became “an essential source of manpower for holding down German-occupied Europe” (Browning, 1998, p. 6). In Poland, police battalions participated in resettlement actions, which was Hitler and Himmler’s plan “to Germanize [the] newly annexed regions” in Europe by replacing the racially unfit population of Jews and Gypsies with the Aryan Race, who were considered to be racially pure (Browning, 1998, p. 39). Those who were displaced were sent to the ghettos in central Poland where they were placed under the supervision of police battalions or placed in work camps. It was not until the “Final Solution” was implemented that the Nazi’s began killing the racially unfit population, and within eleven months of the commencement of the “Final Solution,” “[s]ome 75 to 80% of all Holocaust victims were already dead” (Browning, 1991, p. 197). However, such efficiency in wholesale slaughter also required manpower, a tool that was not always available to the Nazi’s during the war since most men were fighting on the front lines.
Globocnik’s Assignment The task of planning and implementing the “Final Solution” was assigned to Lublin Chief of Police and SS officer Odilo Globocnik (Reich, 1992). Globocnik noted that previous attempts of mass extermination, such as “the firing squad operations used against Russian Jewry,” were inefficient, forcing him to develop a method of mass murder that was “less public and less burdensome psychologically for the killers” (Browning, 1998, p. 49). Globocnik understood that “the Final Solution was dependent upon the ability of the perpetrators to cope with … psychological obstacles and impediments” (Hilberg, 1980, p. 16). As a result, he implemented the use of extermination camps that utilized gas chambers—a method of mass extermination that eliminated the psychological consequences of feeling responsible for murder. Despite the enormity of the task to commission the “Final Solution,” Globocnik was “given virtually no manpower to accomplish it,” forcing him to use anyone and everyone who fell under his domain in the district of Lublin (Browning, 1998, p. 50). 37
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 After he constructed gas chambers at four concentration camps—Auschwitz/ Birkenau, Chelmno, Belzec, and eventually Sobibór—Globocnik’s operation of the “Final Solution” ran smoothly for quite some time (Browning, 1998). However, when mass deportation to “Belzec and Sobibór stopped temporarily” in the middle of June of 1942, he had to add additional duties to the police battalions stationed in Lublin to prevent the full-scale slaughter of the Jews from falling too far behind schedule (Browning, 1998, p. 67). Generally, the battalions stationed in the Lublin district of Poland were given the normal duties for a police battalion, which included guarding the ghettos that housed the Jews or boarding them onto trains that sent them to the extermination camps (Reich, 1992). Twenty days after the deportation halted, two train lines resumed their operation, but “the main rail line to Sobibór was under repair, rendering that camp virtually inaccessible until the fall” (Browning, 1998, p. 53). “It was during this enforced lull in the Final Solution … that Reserve Police Battalion 101 arrived in the Lublin district,” falling under the disposal of Globocnik, who was falling behind schedule in Poland (Browning, 1998, p. 53). With no other options for mass extermination in order to meet his quota, Globocnik resorted to the method of execution through firing squad and decided to employ a Police Battalion to do so (Browning, 1998).
The Order to Massacre On the morning of July 13, 1942, Reserve Police Battalion 101 loaded onto trucks and headed for the village of Józefów to receive a new assignment. Major Trapp, who notably was unable to hide his tears or distress, gathered the battalion in a semi-circle and explained that they would have to perform what he described as “a frightfully unpleasant task” (Browning, 1998, p. 2). The village of Józefów housed 1,800 Jews, and the battalion had been ordered to gather the able-bodied men to send to a work camp and shoot everyone that remained (Browning, 1998). Reminding his men of the atrocities occurring in Germany, such as the bombings that were killing several women and children as well as the “American boycott that had [been] instigated by the Jews … and [had] damaged Germany,” Trapp attempted to alleviate the psychological burden of killing by justifying the actions that the order required (Browning, 1998, p. 2). After explaining the details of the order, Trapp then made an unusual proposition: “if any of the men did not feel up to the task that lay before him, he could step out” with no consequences (Browning, 1998, p. 2). Otto-Julius Schimke, the first to take Trapp’s 38
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 offer, was berated by Captain Hoffmann, who was enraged that one of his officers opted to disobey the order. However, Trapp intervened and kept his word, which prompted 12 more officers to come forward and ask for a different assignment (Browning, 1998). The remaining 488 men of the battalion then made their way to the village to carry out the execution. The battalion marched into Józefów, shooting anyone who was too old or sick to move and those who tried to escape. The able-bodied men were separated, and then sent to the work camps while everyone else congregated in the marketplace. Before the execution began, Dr. Schoenfelder, the battalion physician, informed the officers to place “their bayonets on the backbone above the shoulder blades” to ensure an instantaneous death (Browning, 1998, p. 61). As a method of alleviating the negative emotional and physical responses many of the officers experienced, a constant supply of alcohol was provided, and officers quickly “lost track of how many Jews they had killed” (Browning, 1998, p. 61). The combination of nerves and alcohol resulted in “a considerable number of missed shots that led to the unnecessary wounding of the victims” (Browning, 1998, p. 64). “[B]lood, bone, splinters, and brains sprayed everywhere,” saturating the executioners and causing many to vmoit (Hinton, 1998, p. 9). Yet, the majority continued to kill.
How Situations Create Killers The men of Police Battalion 101 were not the “so-called desk murderers whose roles in the mass extermination … [were] segmented, routinized, and depersonalized” (Browning, 1998, p. 162). The battalion was not assigned to the district of Lublin because they were considered to be especially capable of becoming enthusiastic murderers. So why then, when given the option to be relieved with no consequences or strings attached, did so few men take Trapp’s offer? How can a group of the least qualified Nazi’s still be involved in such a bloody execution? Due to the concurrence of several situational and psychological factors, “men who were not eager to kill, men who would have been thought unlikely to kill,” ended up killing an entire village (Goldhagen, 1992, p. 50). Social Identity Theory and Dehumanization According to the Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), “people represent themselves and others … based on the notion of group membership” (Tindale, Munier, Wasserman, & Smith, 2002, p. 145). The development of in-groups and out-groups afford individuals a sense of belonging, and each social group establishes its own set of acceptable norms and values, categorizations, and social differentiations. Before assimilating into so39
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 cial groups, individuals often have their own set of “categorizations used to identify others,” which can either be similar or dissimilar to that of the group’s (Tindale et al., 2002, p. 145). While “[g]roups are not inherently selfish and uncaring,” Waller (2002a) argues that just as there is a potential for them to instill positive values and attributes, there is an equal ability for a group to propagate negative values and beliefs as well (p. 10). According to the recollections of the battalion members, two important cultural norms within the group included bravery and toughness (Browning, 1998). The perception of being tough, viewed as a superior attribute within the group, was achieved by obeying orders. In the case of Józefów, an officer was only seen as tough if they were able to execute defenseless women, children, and elderly. All those who refused to shoot or gave up at some point during the day were taunted as weak and criticized of being a bad comrade and faced isolation from the group (Browning, 1998). Another factor that encouraged officers to carry out the order of murder lies within Major Trapp’s speech. Significantly, when the speech was given, the entire battalion was standing together in a semi-circle dressed in their uniforms, inciting a powerful social identity and unification among the battalion members. If someone were to disobey the orders, it was collectively inferred to be an action of condemnation not only towards one’s comrades but also one’s family and fellow Germans. The distinguishing between social groups and the categorization of us vs. them not only leads to the favoring of the in-group, but also devaluation and, in the case of Józefów, dehumanization of the out-group (Brewer & Silver, 1978; Tajfel, 1982). Once a group of people are categorized as less than human, they fall out of the group’s realm of morality, concern, and empathy, allowing the act of killing them to become easier and justified (Bandura, Underwood, & Fromson, 1975; Dower, 1986). Even if the police officers did not embrace the anti-Semitic or pro-Nazi ideals, “they had at least accepted the assimilation of the Jews into the image of the enemy” (Browning, 1998, p. 73). Major Trapp reinforced the “polarization between us and them, between one’s comrades and the enemy,” within his speech by reminding the battalion of the tragedies at home and transferring the blame of such tragedies on the Jews (Browning, 1998, p. 73). By referencing the in-group of Germans and identifying their victimization, he incited an us versus them mentality against the Jewish out-group. Trapp assigned the blame of the “American boycott that had damaged Germany” on the entire Jewish population, fueling anger 40
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 towards all Jews, including the ones in Józefów (Browning, 1998, p. 2). Such hatred, especially in a time of war, often leads to the dehumanization of the enemy, a process required for killing that enemy. Despite the dehumanization, Georg Kageler, one of the officers who asked to be reassigned, recounts that after he met a German Jew he could no longer carry out the executions (Browning, 1998). Kageler’s victim was both German and Jewish, thus in some way, he belonged to Kageler’s in-group. Kageler humanized his victim and therefore felt empathy towards him; this made him unable to carry out further executions. Obedience to Authority In many cases, people obey authority because they fear the punishment associated with disobedience. However, in quite a different set of circumstances, when the officers in the police battalion were given the option to disobey their orders and request an alternative assignment, the majority of men refused to disobey. In part, Browning (1998) argued, such obedience derives from the process of socialization within the in-group which “deeply ingrained the behavior tendency to comply with the directives of those positioned hierarchically above” them, even if such compliance violates what an individual has defined to be morally acceptable (p. 171). Because group morals often override an individual’s morals and restraints, the officer’s individual set of morals—that were separate from the group’s definition—were less influential in determining their actions and behaviors (Waller, 2002a). In one of the most famous pieces of social psychological research, Stanley Milgram tested “the individual’s ability to resist authority that was not backed by any external coercive threat” (Browning, 1998, p. 172). Subjects were given the role of “teacher” and were instructed by the researcher to “inflict an escalating series of electric shocks upon” the learner, who was, unbeknownst to the teacher, a confederate in the experiment (Browning, 1998, p. 172). To Milgram’s own surprise, 60% of the teachers obeyed their orders and finished the experiment by inflicting the maximum deadly voltage (Milgram, 1963). However, the percentage is even larger when including those that obeyed at least somewhat, with this later group giving a dangerous voltage but eventually refusing as they neared the highest voltage. Despite the high level of compliance, Milgram noted that it did not come easily to the teachers. During the experiment, the majority of teachers, even those who disobeyed at some point, would “enter an ‘agentic state’ in which they [became] the instrument of another’s will” (Browning, 1998, p. 173). In order to subdue their cognitive dissonance—the 41
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 resulting mental distress caused by one’s inner conflict to choose between adhering to or violating one’s personal set of morals and values—the teachers removed “personal responsibility for the content of their actions” and placed all responsibility upon the figure of authority (Browning, 1998, p. 173). However, despite the fact that 40% ended up disobeying orders at some point during Milgram’s experiment, social psychologist Philip Zimbardo asserts that “at fundamental level, Milgram … actually demonstrated 100% obedience” (Navarick, 2012, p. 135). After reviewing the behaviors of the participants who disobeyed, Zimbardo, Maslach, and Haney (2000) noted that not a single participant who refused to continue at some point during the test ever “went to help the victim after they withdrew or at least requested that the experimenter do so” (p. 196). In situations of duress, “moral judgment plays a subsidiary role, if any” (Navarick, 2012, p. 134). Sometimes, group actions require its members to “behave in ways that violate their own moral standards” (Browning, 2011, p. 8). Consequently, “people seek to relieve that distress,” termed cognitive dissonance, when they perceive that “they cannot alter their actions … [so they] alter their beliefs” instead, often employing psychological defense mechanisms to accomplish this (Browning, 2011, p. 8). Out of the twenty percent of police officers who disobeyed Trapp’s orders at some point throughout the course of the day, no one attempted to help the victims or convince their fellow comrades to disobey, exemplifying that the officers only “acted to minimize their own distress” (Navarick, 2012, p. 135). As evident through Georg Kageler—who only asked to be reassigned after learning that one of his victims was also from Germany—he did not try to save the German Jew. Instead, he only excused himself from shooting an older man who characteristically belonged to Kageler’s in-group in order to relieve his own cognitive dissonance, which, Zimbardo (1972) argues, still falls “within the framework of acceptability” and obedience (p. 109). As an additional influence to obey authority, police officers who depended on the battalion as a source of income had a greater incentive to obey their orders. In order to further their careers within the battalion, they needed to appear to be strong, which was demonstrated by obeying orders and not questioning authority. In contrast, of the 20% of officers that asked to be reassigned, many noted that their disobedience to the orders stemmed from their lack of career aspirations within the battalion. Because they had jobs waiting for them in Hamburg, it was easier to dissent (Browning, 1998). However, obedi42
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 ence to authority was not the only factor influencing the battalion’s actions and behaviors. Conformity In a separate variation of his original experiment, Milgram tested the power of peer pressure by having three subjects—two confederates and one participant—choose the level of shock to inflict on the learner. When the confederates, who always went first, proposed and agreed upon “a step-by-step escalation of electric shock,” the participant agreed as well (Browning, 1998, p. 175). There was no authoritative researcher in the room with them to give them orders; rather, the participant conformed to his peers’ suggestions, and in this variation, conformity and peer pressure supplemented the behavior and actions of the participants. Browning (1998) noted that the officers placed a far greater concern on how their comrades perceived them instead of preserving their individual values and moral standards, and they “measured their own self-esteem in terms of how they were seen in the eyes of others” (p. 18). “The comfort of conformity” and the maintenance of the highly coveted acceptance of the group versus the confrontational matter and rejection that coincided with disconformity ultimately influenced the majority of the battalion to accept and carry out the order (Browning, 2011, p. 6). “Who would have dared,” one member of the battalion asked, “to lose face before the assembled troops?” (Browning, 1998, p. 72). In a tightknit group of individuals, many of whom had never traveled outside of Germany, to refuse to shoot meant both physical and psychological separation from their peers. As a result, the majority of officers opted to preserve “the bonds of comradeship that constituted their social world” (Waller, 2002b, p. 259). As deduced through Trapp’s speech, social isolation and staunch disapproval from their peers were the punishments of refusing to shoot and leaving “the dirty work to [one’s] comrades” (Browning, 1998, p. 77). For those who were financially dependent upon the battalion and were looking to be promoted, being perceived as tough was vital. To follow orders was to show dedication to the group, and for those who relied on the battalion as a source of income, obeying their orders increased their likelihood of receiving a promotion. “[T]he strong urge not to separate themselves from the group,” (Browning, 1998, p. 71) was amplified by the social norms of the in-group, which insinuated that to ask for reassignment was to admit “that one was too weak or cowardly” (Browning, 1998, p. 72). Instead of figures of authority, comrades were the ones to enforce conformity, and they 43
Is There a Killer Within Us All? The Power of the Situation on Reserve Police Battalion 101 taunted their peers who chose not to shoot, in part to encourage more men to help shoot but also as a way to convince themselves of the acceptability of their actions and reduce their cognitive dissonance.
Conclusion Despite the lack of qualifications of the characteristic Nazi killers—including the knowledge of other political ideologies and a lack of Nazi Party membership—group pressures, obedience, and conformity played a large role in altering the behavior of Reserve Police Battalion 101, allowing them to push aside their own set of morals that defined murder as an unacceptable act and be able to execute 1,500 unarmed civilians. As Browning (1998) asserts, a person’s social group “exerts tremendous pressures on behavior and sets moral norms” (p. 189). “It is too easy to say that only” the German culture and Nazi ideology “could produce thousands of unwilling executioners” because mass genocide and torture occur in all parts of society (Waller, 2002a, p. 11). As a result, Rosenberg (1991) warns us to refrain from classifying those who commit extraordinary atrocities as monsters and sub-human as by doing so, it allows us to ignore the fact that humanity has the potential to succumb to such behaviors under the right circumstances. While social psychology can provide explanations for the collective behavior of the group, it cannot absolve, Browning (1998) argues, those who were involved in the massacre. However, if “[e]vil that arises out of ordinary thinking and is committed by ordinary people is the norm, not the exception,” then it poses the question that if the ordinary men of Reserve Police Battalion 101 were driven to murder, who is to say we cannot all be driven to perform such atrocities under the right circumstances (Staub, 1989, p. 26)?
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Hanna Bettner, Senior Criminology
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise Background Hanna is currently a senior studying Criminology and Criminal Justice. With a profound interest in penology, she hopes to further explore the experiences of inmates behind bars and how the U.S. can implement a rehabilitative approach to incarceration. After graduation, she has plans to intern in Washington DC. This paper explores yoga classes and dog-training programs, two rehabilitation programs that may help offenders stay out of prison once they are released.
Abstract Prisons are an inherent part of society, and although ideas on how society is allowed to punish have changed over the course of U.S. history, one idea has remained constant: It is necessary to reprimand those who break the law. However, due to the current way in which prisons are run, the use of prisons in the U.S. has caused more harm than good. Taxpayers spend millions of dollars every year to incarcerate individuals, but the majority of offenders who are released from prison will return within three years. Prisons were designed to deter people from crime, but with a retributive mindset, they are becoming vastly ineffective. It is imperative that the U.S. incorporates rehabilitative programs in order to decrease recidivism and the cost of incarceration to taxpayers. 45
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise
Introduction Writing in the mid-1600s, philosopher Thomas Hobbes proposed the idea of the social contract, allowing society’s authority figures to punish those who “transgress against the rights of others” and break society’s conduct rules (McShane, 2008, p. 71). Although ideas on how society is allowed to punish criminals have changed over time, one idea has remained constant: It is necessary to reprimand those who break the law. What has been debated, however, is the primary philosophy that should guide the running of prisons. While the United States has teetered between methods of rehabilitation and retribution, rehabilitation was the main focus of incarceration since its inception in 1790 to the late 1970s. By the 1980s, rehabilitation efforts were not producing a desired effect on recidivism—the percentage of ex-offenders who are rearrested within three to five years of their release—resulting in a dramatic change in penal philosophy to emphasize punitive punishments. However, recent research has indicated that the retributive model of incarceration is ineffective and has led to the atrophy of the mental health of many inmates as well as high rates of recidivism. By ignoring the growing number of issues, prisons have become increasingly dangerous for inmates, correctional staff, and even society because, when offenders are released, it is more likely that an offender will recidivate than successfully reenter society. Therefore, low cost rehabilitation programs need to be implemented and evaluated in order to determine their effectiveness in reducing mental illnesses among incarcerated individuals and ultimately their impact on recidivism.
The Impact of Retribution in the United States Having punishment be the main focus of prisons has led to offenders rarely having the necessary social and occupational skills needed to succeed or simply get by in society. When comparing ex-offenders with average Americans, James (2015) indicates that “ex-offenders are less educated, less likely to be gainfully employed, and more likely to have a history of mental illness or substance abuse” (p. 1). The harsh punishment and long sentences administered to criminals in the United States have, as a result of their ineffective deterrence, allowed the recidivism rate to gradually increase since the 1980s. Within five years of an offender’s release, there is a 76% chance he or she will be rearrested (Durose, Cooper, & Snyder, 2014, p. 1). With the inability to get hired due to a lack of job skills, a possible drug addiction or mental illness, and a criminal record, ex-offenders are left with few, if any, op46
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise tions to use legitimate and legal means to become productive members of society. Crime is a common path for ex-offenders to follow when they “can’t get a job and [their] social circle consists of other criminals” (Gudrais, 2013). Recidivism is not only a dangerous problem for society—because many ex-offenders continue committing crimes after their release—but also an expensive problem. On average, one inmate costs $28,000 per year (James, 2015), but the costs vary from state to state ranging from $14,603 to even $60,076 (Henrichson & Delaney, 2012). In 2010, states “collectively spent nearly $48.5 billion on their correctional systems” (James, 2015, p. 2). Large expenditures on prisons becomes controversial because in some states, “municipal governments [spent] more on criminal justice than on education,” and the lack of money put towards education, research suggests, results in larger prison populations (Fournier, Geller, & Fortney, 2007, p. 10). The United States, consequently, spends money on a prison system that ultimately does not deter criminals from committing more crime. However, because recidivism rates and other prison statistics are not widely discussed in the media, it is rare for Americans to know that prisons are ineffective and costing billions of dollars in the process.
The Psychological Effect of Retributive Prisons Upon arrival, prisons “require inmates to relinquish the freedom and autonomy to make their own choices” (Haney, 2001, p. 6). Inmates are usually “denied their basic privacy rights and lose control over mundane aspects of their existence” (Haney, 2001, p. 9). They live in small cells, and they “have little or no control over … the persons with whom they must share” the cell, what job they must perform, or which rules to adhere to, while also forfeiting their control over what or when they will eat or even what they will wear (Haney, 2001, p. 9). After researching the impact incarceration, prisonization, and institutionalization has on inmates’ mental health, Haney (2001) concluded that incarcerated individuals “often suffer long-term consequences from having been subjected to pain, deprivation, and extremely atypical patterns and norms of living and interacting with others” (p. 4). As a result, the United States is spending an unnecessary amount of money on re-incarcerating habitual offenders who are unable to readjust or find legitimate ways to survive after their release because retributive environments are focused solely on distributing harsh punishments to offenders instead of changing their behavior. When offenders are eventually released, and at least 95% of them are, they have no preparation on how to be productive and succeed in so47
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise ciety (Mauer & Cole, 2011). However, when an inmate is involved in rehabilitative programs, they are less likely to act aggressively and violently in prison, and there is less of a chance their criminal behavior will persist. Haney (2001) reported a high frequency of hypervigilance among inmates and noted that many inmates, especially those in higher security prisons, were on constant alert and would perceive almost any action as a threat. Three-quarters of the inmates involved in Haney’s study “reported that they had been forced to ‘get tough’ with another prisoner to avoid victimization” and one-fourth of participating inmates admitted to keeping “a shank or other weapon nearby” in order to defend themselves if the need arose (Haney, 2001, p. 7). The fear in prison environments force inmates to distance themselves emotionally from others, and the subsequent alienation damages their social skills. Haney (2001) noted that some inmates, in response to the prison atmosphere, “find safety in social invisibility … and trust virtually no one,” which are symptoms, Haney explains, that “closely resemble clinical depression” (p. 8). The retributive nature of prisons force inmates to become dependent on the institution by “muting almost any kind of self initiative or independence,” which are skills and abilities ex-offenders need to have in order to be able to successfully reenter society, gain employment, and provide tax dollars (Haney, 2001, p. 6). Resultantly, psychologist Craig Haney (2001) states that in the prison environment, it is common for inmates to have a “diminished sense of self-worth and personal value” (p. 9). Neither prisons nor the majority of the programs they currently provide “facilitate or reinforce … self motivation [or] personal motivation” among the inmates (John Howard Soceity of Alberta, 2010, p. 7). Rosansky (2010) emphasizes that “punitive practices of incarceration stigmatize criminals,” which makes it difficult for ex-offenders to permanently stay in society (p. 6). We, as a society, do not want offenders to keep committing crime, which is why we send them to prison in the first place. Yet, when we prevent them from obtaining a job, for example, we are preventing them from earning an income. When someone does not earn or have any money, many times that leaves one desperate and willing to commit crime. Montoya (2009) concludes in his doctoral dissertation “that prisoners who had been convicted of crimes carried out for financial gains were generally more likely to recidivate than inmates” whose motives for the crime had no financial connections (p. 4). When offenders are released back into society, they need a career; however, the United States prevents 48
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise ex-offenders from obtaining reasonable jobs, which only produces recidivism and hatred towards society, making crime easier to commit. The majority of Americans want the means to make money in order to survive and provide for their families. However, many times, due to socioeconomic situations, only illegitimate means of obtaining money are available. If prisons provided its inmates with the job skills they need to pursue a career, money can be obtained in a legitimate way. When ex-offenders cannot obtain a job, even if they do not recidivate, many times the United States still has to pay for them because the majority will go on welfare. Therefore, it is in the best interest of the United States to help develop productive members of society so that once they are released from prison, they can get a job and provide tax money instead of take it. While society may perceive the dehumanization of criminals as an appropriate distribution of justice, it leads to conflicts within the prison as well as a potential for more crime once they are released back into society. Prisons, depending on the systematic approach in use, have the ability to reduce the amount of reoffending and should, therefore, place their efforts on reducing recidivism and creating law-abiding citizens. Because current psychological research does not support harsh punishment as an effective deterrent for criminal behavior, the United States should begin conducting more research on how to successfully rehabilitate offenders in a cost-effective manner.
How to Revert Back to the Rehabilitative Model of Incarceration In order to reduce the rate of recidivism in the United States, the lack of education and vocational skills as well as the prevalence of “mental illness or substance abuse” need to be addressed during incarceration (James, 2015, p. 2). However, there are two very large obstacles that need to be overcome if the United States wants to fix the expensive and dangerous issue that prisons present to society. The first is the retributive mindset and ignorance of American voters, and the second is the lack of funding for prisons, especially for rehabilitative programs. Even though empirical research and statistical data have provided sufficient evidence for the use of rehabilitation in prisons, emotional and personal beliefs of people in the United States prevent the amendment of punitive penal philosophies. American jurist, Posner (2015), believes that the “American hatred of criminals is especially unforgiving, [because it] reflect[s] our ‘sink or swim’ mentality” (p. 1). Our culture propels people to believe that crime is always a choice, and sometimes it is, but more often than not, society or even genetics have influenced criminality. Posner explains that the purpose of punishment is not 49
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise only to deter offenders, “but also to express our indignation” (Posner, 2014). Rehabilitation, however, is almost unachievable in a society that sees criminals as less than human. Because of the United States’ “instinct for retribution,” research and data play a very trivial role in changing the beliefs of the public (Materni, 2013, p. 294). Consequently, because of our propensity to resent criminals, society and its collateral sanctions label criminals as “violent,” “abnormal,” and “subhuman” (Brown et al., 2000). Dr. Susan Brinkley, a professor of criminology at the University of Tampa, explains that despite a growing body of evidence on the failure of the retributive model of incarceration, one reason that society has not shifted again is that today “most people in society don’t care what our criminal justice system does” (personal communication, February 8, 2016). Having a society unconcerned with the running of the justice system, unless it has a blatant and obvious effect on them, “makes it difficult for people to actually hear that there is some … way other than retribution” (personal communication, February 8, 2016). In terms of the second roadblock, because the United States is already spending billions of dollars, it is not feasible that the U.S. will allocate more money to spend on incorporating rehabilitation programs. Since funding will continue to be an issue, Conales (2012) contends that instead of relying on money for medication and treatment from doctors and psychiatrists, we should research, develop, and implement low-cost rehabilitative programs in order “to decrease the impact of mental health issues” from occurring in the first place and ultimately reduce its occurrence among incarcerated individuals (p. 1740).
Yoga Programs One low-cost rehabilitation program that can be incorporated into prisons is yoga. Prisons can get volunteers or hire yoga instructors to come in part-time to teach inmates. Hatha yoga, colloquially known as yoga, is the most common form of yoga practiced in the United States, and it “combines physical poses, controlled breathing, and meditation” (“Yoga for anxiety,” 2009). For those who actively participate, yoga can “modulate stress response systems,” which subsequently can reduce stress and anxiety—two common ailments among incarcerated individuals (“Yoga for anxiety,” 2009). Additionally, the meditation and controlled breathing learned in yoga classes can also help inmates regulate their central nervous system, which if dysregulated, can result in high blood pressure and a lack of emotional control (Bilderbeck, Farias, Brazil, Jakobowitz, & Wikholm, 2013). The prison environment often “triggers the response of the hypothalamic-pituitary-ad50
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise renal axis and the sympathetic nervous system … [which] results in the release of cortisol and catecholamines,” two chemicals involved in the human stress response (Louie, 2014, p. 266). When cortisol and catecholamine levels are normal, our bodies are able to “deal with stress by shutting down unnecessary functions” (Bennington, 2010). However, once the levels are increased, it often results in “acute anxiety and severe stress” (Cassata, 2015). Because of the retributive environment in prison, inmates’ cortisol and catecholamine levels are higher in order “to cope with the stressor[s] in the ‘fight-or-flight’ reaction,” which results in hypervigilence and depression among inmates (Louie, 2014, p. 265-266). Because “yoga stimulates parasympathetic activity,” there is “a calming effect on the central nervous system,” which can naturally de-stress inmates and create a safer environment inside the prison by instilling “better control over emotions, mood, and anxiety” (Louie, 2014, p. 266-267). The lack of autonomy and control inmates have over their lives during incarceration, while it is a part of their punishment, has negative consequences to the mental health of inmates and can lead to problems and recidivism once individuals are released from prison. As Rucker (2005) indicates, “our sense of the necessity to control is so pronounced in our daily lives” because we are expected to control our emotions, behaviors, spending and eating habits while simultaneously making daily decisions regarding family and work (p. 118). The prison environment, which “is coercive and retributive” in nature, “exacerbate these tendencies” by controlling every aspect of inmates’ lives (Rucker, 2005, p. 118). Because our lives involve making decisions, some with life-changing consequences, it is imperative that rehabilitative programs develop self-discipline and allow inmates to feel comfortable having and maintaining control over their own lives. Previous studies (Bilderbeck et al., 2013; Shapiro & Cline, 2008; Yoshihara & Hiramoto, 2011) have suggested that yoga can improve one’s mood and also reduce anger and aggression. Although participating in yoga classes will not grant inmates more autonomy or control over decisions that are made in prison, it is beneficial in implementing self-control as well as regulating emotions. Because of the decrease of stress and anxiety, yoga can be very beneficial to not only inmates’ health by naturally reducing the chances of “heart disease and high blood pressure as well as depression … and insomnia” (“Yoga,” 2015) from occurring but also the prison environment by eliminating the high levels of anger and aggression and the resulting violence. Even though the benefits of yoga in prison have not been heavily researched, espe51
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise cially with inmates, other psychological research has implied its possible success. Research by psychologist James Garbarino reiterates the importance of prison rehabilitation programs incorporating human emotion and psychological needs. Garbarino explains that once “a spiritual anchor is in place,” rehabilitative programs in prison will be more effective because spirituality is “often the starting point for the path back from violence” (as cited in Rucker, 2005, p. 109). Spirituality, according to Garbarino, does not strictly mean religion or prayer to a deity. Instead, it involves self-knowledge, which “refers not to what one thinks about oneself but rather what one is aware of about oneself and one’s experience of oneself” (as cited in Rucker, 2005, p. 109), as well as developing self-control and finding inner peace. “[I]n order to achieve peace,” yoga combines disciplining the mind through meditation, which “may help [inmates] learn to be more mindful and aware of the present moment without judgment,” as well as disciplining the body through the incorporation of poses and postures that promote flexibility and strength (“Yoga,” 2015). As a result, those who participate regularly in yoga report a reduction in their anxiety and an improvement to their ability to manage their stress and anger, which is a much cheaper method to eliminate some of the mental illnesses in prison without spending more money on medication (“Yoga,” 2015).
Dog-Training Programs In order for rehabilitative programs to be able to alter criminal behavior, human emotion and compassion need to be the primary focus of the program, with the learning of vocational and technical skills as a secondary focus. Anderson (2008) emphasizes three basic needs that are “critical in human growth and development: mirroring needs—[feeling] understood and appreciated … idealizing needs—emotional stability and attachment … and alter ego needs—identification with others” (p. 13). By incorporating animals into the lives of inmates, these three needs can be satisfied and as a result, improve and correct the behavior of the inmates involved. Because current research (Anderson, 2008; Deaton, 2005; Fournier et al., 2007; Richeson, 2003) indicates the therapeutic nature of working with animals and the beneficial vocational skills learned by the inmates in charge of the dogs, a handful of prisons have tested the impact of dog-training programs on their inmates. A few programs have been instituted in various prisons across the United States where inmates train shelter dogs in order to make them more adoptable or train them to become service dogs for the disabled. 52
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise While each program has different eligibility requirements, most dog-training programs hire inmates who have longer sentences and are not about to be released and those who have no “history of animal abuse or domestic violence” (Fournier et al., 2007, p. 92). The dog selection process also varies by program. Dog-training programs that have been integrated into prisons are typically developed as a partnership with a local animal shelter, and many dogs that end up being sent to work with the inmates were about to be euthanized. The inmates provide the shelter dogs with a second chance and, depending on the program, either teach the dogs basic commands to make them more adoptable or prepare them to take the test to become certified service dogs for the disabled. Male inmates in a medium security prison in Wisconsin train dogs to become more adoptable. By teaching the dogs basic commands and obedience, the dogs stand out to potential owners and are more likely to be adopted. Since the program’s inception, 68 inmates involved in the program have been released but none have recidivated (Turner, 2007, p. 66). Relatedly, in a maximum security prison for women in Washington State, inmates train dogs from shelters, who would otherwise be euthanized, to become service dogs for disabled persons. The women who participate in the program are required to “pass a 12-week training course, which teaches them the basics of dog care, grooming, and training” (Deaton, 2005, p. 52). Since its inception, none of the 75 women who have participated in the dog-training program and have been released have returned to prison or been rearrested (Deaton, 2005). While this program has received nothing but positive results, only ten women are allowed to “participate at a time … due to limited funding” (Deaton, 2005, p. 52). Similarly, Downeast Correctional Facility, a medium security prison for men in Maine, allows a few inmates to participate in a program that takes in shelter dogs and prepares them to take the necessary steps to become service dogs. One component of this program that is different from the program in Washington State is that the inmates and dogs at Downeast take occasional and monitored trips “into town to accustom the dogs to crowds and noises” (Deaton, 2005, p. 53). Not only do these trips benefit the dogs but they also benefit their inmate handlers because the trips allow them to gradually re-socialize with the community they will eventually be released into. Multiple reports on dog-training programs in prison have noted beneficial effects on the inmates involved. Inmates begin to cooperate with one another, improve their “social skills and have a newfound sense of responsibility,” while also learning about trust and how 53
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise to care for others and even themselves (Harkrader, Burk, & Owen, 2004, p. 16). Not only do the inmates provide the dogs with a second chance to be given a better home, but also “[t] he unconditional positive regard” dogs can provide to their caretakers is very calming and relaxing, which is especially beneficial for criminals who are “vulnerable to social isolation” (Furst, 2006, p. 416). When the morale of inmates is boosted, it creates an environment that is conducive to behavioral change while also creating a safer environment for both inmates and correctional staff. Due to the prevalence of “anti-social orientations and self-centeredness” among inmates, dogs inside the prison help inmates develop “compassion for others and give them the opportunity to instill meaning and purpose into their lives in prison” (Turner, 2007, p. 66-67). One inmate, who was convicted of murder, explained how training dogs made him “feel like [he was] doing something productive, instead of just wasting away,” and by spending so much time with the dogs, he felt that he was “back in touch with what it [meant] to be a human being” (Deaton, 2005, p. 54). Not only do inmates have ample time to spend with the dogs, but they also “crave the companionship a dog can provide behind bars” (Deaton, 2005, p. 54). In a study that evaluated the efficiency at which inmates could train and prepare dogs to become certified service dogs, Harkrader, Burke, and Owen (2004) found that not only did inmates train the dogs for less money than professional dog trainers, but they also “produced exceptionally well-trained dogs” due to the longer amount of time inmates can devote to the dogs (p. 15). By providing both inmates and shelter dogs with a loving companion, teaching inmates valuable vocational skills, and training the dogs in basic commands or preparing them to become service animals, dog-training programs are a win-win situation for everyone involved.
Conclusion The concurrence of “social, economic, historical, political … philosophical, and legal” factors, according to Dr. Ferguson (2014) of Columbia Law School, has resulted in “a perfect storm of punishment in America.” However, the United States cannot afford to spend money on an ineffective prison system where 76% of offenders are getting rearrested within 5 years of their release (Durose et al., 2014, p. 1). The environment of a prison should reflect society’s values and expectations as well as demonstrate the behavior the United States wants its offenders to learn; otherwise, we cannot expect criminal behavior to decline after someone is sent to prison. Therefore, it is imperative to understand what makes a rehabilitation 54
The Importance of Prison Rehabilitation: Two Programs with Promise program successful and implement more programs to provide offenders with an opportunity to become law-abiding citizens.
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Jodi Hansen, Junior Marketing &Graphic Design
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label art Defines the Space of Tampa Background Jodi Hansen is a third year student at the University of Tampa studying marketing and graphic design. She is interested in feminist studies and understanding the role of women in advertisements. She hopes to one day become the creative director for a large corporation. For now, she’s enjoying college life as the current chapter president of Alpha Chi Omega and by playing beach volleyball in her free time.
Abstract This paper was written for AWR-201 with the class theme of “Tampa’s places and spaces.” This paper examines the methods cigar package labels use to market for the cigar companies and the city of Tampa. Because cigar labels marketed to the culture of America in the late 1800’s and early 1900’s, cigar label art creates a historical perception that Tampa was a space that fostered an exotic, misogynistic, and white supremacist culture.
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa
Introduction Tampa did not reach significant economic and social expansion until the cigar industry began its operations in 1885. The cigar industry transformed rural Tampa “into a cosmopolitan area with all the assets necessary to promote commercial and social progress” (Keene 34). The discussion of Tampa’s success as a destination city revolves around the trade and business deals made by the Tampa cigar companies. A number of Tampa researchers owe the success of the city to the men that started the industries. Dr. Nicolas Kanellos, Ph.D., argues that without the determination, leadership, and ambition of the early Tampa businessmen, Tampa could not have become the primary city of cigar production in 1895 (444). A thorough analysis of the start of the cigar industry exists, but there is not enough conversation about what kept the industry alive. Cigar label art was the face of the industry, illustrating a perception of Tampa and what it had to offer. Cigar label art is a historical representation of Tampa as not only a place, but a space. Cigar companies marketed their products to audiences persuaded by eroticized images of women and faraway lands. People began to perceive Tampa as a unique exotic location. The art of the cigar labels is important to the history of Tampa as it transformed the city’s image and reputation. Because cigar labels marketed to the culture of America in the late 1800’s and early 1900’s, cigar label art creates a historical perception that Tampa was a space that fostered an exotic, misogynistic, and white supremacist culture.
Figure 1.The Tampa Life cigar label made for the Preston Cigar Company, 1927. Photograph.
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa Every cigar label advertises for the cigar company and for Tampa as a destination city. When a consumer purchases the cigar and reads “Tampa” across the label, the consumer connects Tampa to the cigar label illustration. In Figure 1, the “Tampa Life” cigar label illustrates the Tampa Bay Hotel alongside leisurely activities such as golf, tennis, and swimming (Harper 285). This cigar label advertises the cigars as it does for the Tampa Bay Hotel (Harper 285). Notice the way the cigar label portrays the hotel: the hotel is the central focal point with a vibrant red color contrasting against the blue sky and water. The cigar label portrayed the hotel as a grandiose castle in a beautiful environment of pristine water and lush palm trees. The consumer believes that living in Tampa would mean a life of luxurious activities in paradise. The message is clear: consume these cigars, and consume with them the luxury they represent.
Figure 2. The La Vista de Tampa Cigar Label of Emilio Pons Cigar Company, 1887. Photograph
By giving an impression that Tampa is a space of luxury and new opportunities, cigar labels promote Tampa as a destination for not only tourism, but also employment (Restructure sentence above, the phrasing is a little bit awkward) . Figure 2 also illustrates how the cigar labels captured Tampa as an inspiring location. The 1887 label “La Vista de Tampa” illustrates the view of Tampa. It depicts a Tampa landscape with a heavenly glow over the Plant Hotel, inducing the viewer to see Tampa as a fantasy location. Cigar labels promoted Tampa and the new cigar industry which attracted new groups of people inter58
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa ested in work. With new and rising economic potential within the city, many ethnic groups immigrated to the area (Long 338). With a population growing above 15,000 people by 1900, Tampa became “one of the fastest growing communities in the nation” (Mormino 336). This could not have been achieved if the cigar label art was not effective in convincing the public that Tampa was a destination dream.
Figure 3. The El Briche cigar label from San martin and Son Cigar Company, 1911. Photograph
In 1900, Tampa was defined by its rich ethnic diversity consisting of the Cubans, Spaniards, Italians, Afro-Americans, and white natives (Mormino 336). With heavy Southern American influences and Cuban connections in Tampa, many cigar labels incorporated Spanish elements and referenced Havana within the art, which serves to exoticize both the product and the place it is attempting to sell (Harper 285). These foreign country references furthered the exoticism of the cigar label art. The labels illustrated “perceptions of Havana, picturing well-dressed travelers in tropical whites, sleek steamships, attentive waiters, elegant cocktails and food, picturesque peasants, and lively Latinas in ruffled rumba costumes” (Harper 285). In Figure 3, the 1911 cigar label titled “El Briche” has these Spanish influences and depicts a Latina woman dressed in a vibrant red dress greeting a sharply dressed man. This label is significant as it preserves the history of what influenced cigar label design during the early 1900s. As a cigar produced out of Tampa, these Spanish influences in cigar label art promotes the image that Tampa is an exotic space of different cultures and an upscale way of life. 59
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa In addition, the use of stereotypes within cigar label art helped the cigar industry in Tampa grow while continuing to define Tampa as an exotic destination. To compete with larger firms and with the growing cigarette industry, cigar companies focused on the use of women in their design to appeal to their target audience. Cigar labels “were designed for white manufacturers by white male artists for a primarily white male audience” (Mitchell 329). Seeing that the target audience for cigars was adult white men, the cigar label art focused on women to adhere to men’s sexual desires. There are four common nationalities of the women in tobacco art: Turkish, Spanish, Native American, and African (Mitchell 329). When ethnicities other than Caucasian are represented in cigar label art, they are often dressed in their traditional or stereotypical wardrobe. Seeing minorities in traditional attire sends a message to the white male that the individuals are unfamiliar and different than him (Savage 292). This feeling of being surrounded by exotic and unique women is a positive feeling for the male consumer. Seeing the women in full stereotypical dress, he also feels he is in a higher class than the other ethnicity (Savage 292). This provides esteem to the male consumer so he is more likely to purchase more of the product and associate his positive feelings with the Tampa cigar industry.
Figure 4. The Outer cigar label of Casa Cuba a Z. Garcia and Company label, 1903. Photograph
More specifically, Figure 4 exemplifies the contrast between Caucasian and Native American women in cigar label art. In this 1903 cigar label titled “Casa Cuba” a Native American and a Caucasian woman are depicted. The Caucasian woman appears in a lowcut regal dress embellished in jewelry and the Native American appears in a dress exposing 60
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa her upper thigh and a stereotypical feather headpiece. The unnecessary amount of exposed skin objectifies both women. The label portrays the Native American as lower class by the way she offers a token of peace to the Caucasian woman. The Native American also holds a European flag symbolizing her acceptance of being ruled by Europeans. The Native American woman looks to the Caucasian woman implying that the Caucasian woman has more power. In summary, the exploitation of Native American stereotypes in cigar label art furthers Tampa’s reputation of a stereotype oriented space. To continue, women of color are also portrayed in stereotypical form in cigar label art to appeal to consumers. According to Dolores Mitchell, a speaker of women’s rights, women of color are portrayed with less power or with less beauty compared to the illustrations of white women in cigar label art (330). Non-whites are often drawn as a humorous figure with enlarged features including larger noses, lips, and hips (Mitchell 338). Additionally, Mitchell also notes that women of color “may hold tobacco leaves or be otherwise associated with raw material” to emphasize how they contribute to the production of tobacco product (330). What Mitchell fails to mention is how the representations of colored women suggest class difference between white women and women of color. Represented as deformed figures and working class people, colored women are perceived as an inferior race. Overall, the racist portrayals of women of color in cigar label art associates with Tampa therefore defining Tampa as a space of racism and white superiority.
Figure 5. The Libertia cigar label for the Tampa Havana Cigar Company, 1904. Photograph
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa On the other hand, white women are shown more sexualized and glamorized than other ethnicities within cigar label art. To compare to women of color, white women are rarely shown contributing to the labor force. While the women of color are illustrated in manufacturing the cigars, white women are commonly shown holding the final cigar products (Mitchell 331). This implies the white woman is the consumer suggesting they are of higher class than other races. White women are also seen in royal garments and in a higher class environment in cigar label art (Mitchell 331). Figure 5 successfully exemplifies how white women are commonly portrayed of high class in cigar label art. The 1904 cigar label titled “Libertia” frames a white woman in golden leaves. She wears a glamorous green dress with golden accents. The use of gold in the illustration suggests the woman is of high class and high power. The glamorous symbols in the label suggest this woman is the face of beauty. Establishing white women as prestigious symbols of beauty, cigar label art creates a narrative that Tampa is a space of white supremacy.
Figure 6. The Villa de Cuba cigar label of Villazon and Company cigar factory, 1922. Photograph
In addition, the sexualization of women in cigar label art creates a narrative that Tampa is an erotic space. Women are often illustrated with exposed parts of their body and they are often suggestively positioned. Sociologist Steven Stack suggests that men select women based on their age and physical appearance (97). Working with the way men think, cigar label designers incorporated young attractive females to catch the men’s attention. For example, the cigar label in Figure 6 illustrates how cigar label art exploits women’s sexuality. The label portrays each youthful woman with rosy cheeks to attract the male consumer. 62
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa The woman on the left has an exposed breast which defines her as a purely sexual object. Her role in the label is to adhere to men’s fantasies. The frequent appearance of eroticized women in early 1900’s cigar label art is explained by the phenomena for males to have a mistress (Mitchell 329). A man enjoys the pleasure of smoking a cigar while seeing an erotic photo of a woman on the cigar label to stimulate his imagination. The cigar personifies his lover as he cradles it between his fingers and holds it in his mouth (Mitchell 329). This translates into the idea that the Tampa cigar industry promotes the idea that women’s position in society is to serve as a sexual piece of property for a man. By incorporating erotic portrayals of women in cigar label art, the cigar labels define Tampa as a space of misogyny.
Figure 7. George Schlegel Lithography Co., Tampa Girl, 1921. Photograph
Another example of how the portrayal of women in cigar label art defines Tampa as an exotic location is the cigar label titled “Tampa Girl” featured in Figure 7. The cigar label depicts a youthful woman dressed in Caribbean apparel fitting tightly to her body and accentuating her figure to appeal to the male consumer. Her hands grasp her knee as she gazes off into the distance, as if looking or waiting for her man. Set in a tropical scene, the label creates an image that Tampa is a rare and exotic location. Combining the two elements of the portrayal of the woman’s sexuality and exotic landscape, “Tampa Girl” appears as a mistress in paradise. This advertises Tampa as an exotic and erotic space that consumers dream about travelling to. 63
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa While cigar label art objectifies the female body, cigar label art that portrays sexualized men can rarely be found. Men are not represented sexually in cigar label art because the sexual portrayal of men would not arouse the straight male consumer. If the illustration contains a male, he dresses in business attire or conservative clothing. Therefore, when men are illustrated in cigar label art they are portrayed in high regard. Specifically in Figure 8, the 1894 cigar label titled “Flor de O’Halloran” exemplifies how men are respected in cigar label art. The three men in “Flor de O’Halloran” are the three owners of the O&Co cigar company. They are regarded as prestigious business owners represented by the way they are framed in gold leaf and are dressed in business attire. Note that the men are illustrated from the chest up. A woman in this position would have had her whole body shown or her chest more exposed than these men. This contrast in gender perceptions and their role in society can be found all throughout cigar label art. Because men are illustrated with more respect than women in cigar label art, Tampa cigar brands convey Tampa as a space of misogynistic beliefs making it an erotic destination.
Figure 8. Flor de O’Hallran O and Co, an inner label for O’Halloran and company, 1894. Photograph
The use of the cigar label also contributed to the perception of Tampa. According to Paula Harper, an American art historian, “Cigar box labels are now recognized as precious examples in the history of advertising art” (284). The cigar label was also placed on cigar boxes as companies knew that the cigar box was the first thing consumers saw before 64
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa choosing their cigar brand. Cigar boxes were a key component to cigar packaging as they kept the cigars “fresh and aromatic” due to the Spanish cedar wood that had an aroma similar to that of the cigars (Mendez 21). The cigar box “was a permanent fixture near cash registers in restaurants and drug stores for decades” (Elestron 56). With such glamorous design, cigar boxes were often collected and upcycled by consumers to be used as decorative boxes in the home (Elestron 56). Thus, if consumers kept the boxes in their homes for long periods of time it meant they were continuously influenced by the exotic portrayal of Tampa from the cigar labels. Therefore, the unique and lavish cigar labels kept within the homes of consumers gave the impression that Tampa was also a space of luxury. However, some art critics may argue that cigar label art does not have such defined misogynistic and exotic meanings within the illustrations. Perhaps they are meant to catch the eye of the consumer within the second of purchase but the cigar labels are not meant for analysis. Mark Matten would be one critic to say cigar labels do not provide insight into the perceptions of Tampa as a space. Matten argues that some “abstract and modern art is intended to be in the world, not necessarily to say anything meaningful about the world” (59). This suggests cigar label art is meaningless illustrations whose purpose is solely to provide disposable packaging for the cigars. Even if the cigar label art did provide meaning into the reputation of Tampa, the artwork would never have an objective meaning as “people perceive different messages in art, none of which are necessarily the message(s) intended by the artist” (Matten 60). If we cannot be clear about the message the cigar label art is sending, we cannot use cigar label art as a historical source of the perception of Tampa as a space. While there is artwork in the world that is left to be considered abstract and forever left to interpretation, cigar label art cannot be considered meaningless as it was a cultural product of its time. Art has the power to express “meanings that are not accessible through words” (Matten 57). Because every cigar label had the audience in mind, the cigar label was created to adhere to cultural norms of the time. Content in advertising art in the early 1900s and in the early 2000s looks strikingly different due to the change of culture over time. To understand this change in culture, we need to preserve the artwork during the time and analyze the differences against other pieces. Cultural influences impact every way a piece of artwork is produced. For example, because men produced the cigar labels, they controlled the visual representations of women (Brand 170). In this case, we can use cigar 65
Labeling Tampa: How Cigar Label Art Defines the Space of Tampa label art to understand the gender stereotypes of the time. Every aspect of the cigar label was a product of the culture as the illustrations would not appear the same if they had to be recreated today. Cigar label art has the capabilities of expressing meaning and purpose therefore preserving the cultural history of the early 1900s. Overall, analyzing cigar label art provides insight into Tampaâ€™s reputation as an exotic, stereotype oriented, and misogynistic space. Being such a key component to the growth of the city, cigars and their marketing schemes provide significant understandings of the culture of the time. With widespread popularity of cigarettes, the importance of the cigar labels intensified (Helfand 181). The cigar label art of the Tampa cigar companies is a true representation of life and culture during the time of the industry. Some cigar labels are so unique that they are worth thousands of dollars today, but not enough appreciation or research can be found regarding the uniqueness of the cigar label artwork (Loft 1). Additionally, not enough discussion surrounds the analysis of the artwork itself and how it transformed the development and popularity of Tampa as a destination space. If cigar labels are not kept as a researched and appreciated source of history then the stories of how Tampa came to be what it is today are as lost as the cigars that were burned to ash over one-hundred years ago.
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Emily Warner, Junior Biology
The Influence of the Cult Film Genre on the Perception of Disability Background Emily Warner is a junior at the University of Tampa and is majoring in Biology with a concentration in Pre-Medicine. Alongside her courses, she is conducting research to determine the ability of non-chemotherapeutic drugs to inhibit tumor cell growth. Aside from school, Emily enjoys photography, painting, and hiking. After graduation, she aspires to attend medical school with the hopes of pursuing a career in medicine.
Abstract “The Influence of the Cult Film Genre on the Perception of Disability” examines how cult film genre has reshaped the general publics’ perception as to how disabled and unconventional individuals should be accepted and celebrated for their oddities. Shot-by-shot analyses are provided of both The Rocky Horror Picture Show and Napoleon Dynamite to emphasize how directing techniques were helpful in encouraging the audiences to celebrate the characters’ quirks through dance routines, humor, and extravagant theatrics. In this paper, the author argues that the two aforementioned cult films have encouraged the acceptance and celebration of the LGBTQ community and those with autism spectrum disorders, thus leading to the overall transition of the “unconventional” back into society from exile. 67
The Influence of the Cult Fiml Genre on the Perception of Disability For many centuries, disabilities of all kinds were viewed as unacceptable and abnormal. In fact, in the 16th century, disabled individuals were thought to be possessed by evil spirits. Therefore, they were often subjected to “mental and/or physical pain as means of exorcising the spirits” by religious leaders of the time (Wa Munyi). Similarly, in the 19th century and during the time when social Darwinism was becoming popular, the disabled were deemed “unfit” and were therefore denied state aid (Wa Munyi). At this time, because of the ostracism and institutionalization of the disabled, fewer people interacted with them, therefore strengthening the negative stereotype of the abnormal. In this paper, I will argue that the cult film genre has reshaped the general publics’ perception as to how the unconventional should be accepted and celebrated for their oddities rather than be exiled, ridiculed, and subjected to torture. I will do this by highlighting the superb ability of cult films to demonstrate commonalities among its featured minorities. By examining the directing techniques in both The Rocky Horror Picture Show and Napoleon Dynamite, I will show that cult films have indeed led to the celebration of the disabled, the odd, and the abnormal. Films in the cult genre are distinct because they do not focus on satisfying the expectations of typical Hollywood productions. They are usually low budget films where “prototypical procedures are ignored and entirely new patterns are employed” (Williams). Consequently, these films may have unsuccessful and disappointing box office results when they are first released. However, it is the films in this genre that have “the ability and the potential… to create an entire universe of [their] own.” Within time, fans become enthralled, thus creating wild frenzies with enormous followings (Williams). Additional famous cult classics with unconventional characters include Tod Browning’s Freaks (1932), often referred to as “the most startling horror story of the abnormal and un-wanted,” John Water’s Pink Flamingos (1972), a film featuring “the filthiest people alive,” and Tim Burton’s Edward Scissorhands (1990), all of which have vast followings and celebrate the oddities of others. Cult films are also notorious for incorporating anomalous characters who do not display stereotypical human behavior. According to the author of Freak Show, Robert Bogdan, these non-conformists represent “a way of thinking, of presenting, a set of practices, an institution - not a characteristic of an individual.” Although some experts believe that a cult film’s spotlight on freakery, such as the aforementioned example, mocks those who 68
The Influence of the Cult Fiml Genre on the Perception of Disability have disabilities by drawing attention to their flaws and oddities, others think that audiences are drawn to cult films because of the celebration of characters similar to themselves. Nonetheless, cult films have played an integral role in the overall acceptance of the nonconventional by providing enthusiasts with commonalities among themselves and others. At a first glance, The Rocky Horror Picture Show (1975) and Napoleon Dynamite (2004) seem to have no similarities. One is about a house full of singing and dancing transvestites as they reveal a newly made male model, while the other is about a socially awkward teenage student progressing through high school. The filming techniques vary, the time periods are decades apart, they take place thousands of miles away from each other, and they have completely different fan bases. However, both are considered to be two of the most well-known cult films because of their unconventionality, non-mainstream characters, and their success despite their low budgets. The Rocky Horror Picture Show is known to many as the most famous cult movie of all time due to its immense popularity years after its atrocious initial reception. The film was released on August 15, 1975 in the United Kingdom and was an utter failure. Film critic Robert Ebert, who described The Rocky Horror Picture Show as a “horror-rock-transvestite-camp-omnisexual-music parody,” stated that it would be “more fun if it weren’t a picture show.” Even Michael White, the stage producer in the original musical stated that the movie is “less good” because “no matter how great a film is, it cannot convey the magic of that moment for [an audience]” live (Michaels et al.,117). Within a few months, the film was archived and identified as a failure (Piro and O’Brien). On April Fool’s Day of 1976, The Rocky Horror Picture Show replaced the midnight show at the Waverly Theater in New York City. The manager of the theater, who was a huge Rocky Horror fan, promoted the movie by putting up advertisements and playing the soundtrack to entice potential audience members as they passed by the theater. The film was screened at many midnight showings and soon there was a group of regulars that would come to each one. Unlike any other movie, the regulars began to actually interact with the screen and yell lines from the movie. As time progressed, the fan base grew and the audience came dressed in eccentric costumes with props and food to throw at the screen while they danced to “Time Warp” and acted out scenes with each other (Piro and O’Brien). Ebert refers to the relationship between Rocky Horror and the audience as being very uncanny because they were practically paying for their own show. These reg69
The Influence of the Cult Fiml Genre on the Perception of Disability ulars “met every week, exchanged ritual greetings, celebrated each other’s birthdays and other major holidays, and even dated and married and gave birth to a new generation of Rocky Horror cultists” (Ebert). Eventually, the newspapers, magazines, and news stations got word of the Rocky Horror infatuation happening at Waverly Place (Piro and O’Brien). From there, Rocky Horror spread throughout the world and soon everybody was doing the “Time Warp.” Sal Piro, one of the original regulars felt like “[he was] on top of the world and having the time of [his life]. In [his] wildest imagination, though, [he] never dreamed of the dramatic future lying ahead for the cult of RHPS audience participation” (Piro and O’Brien). Forty years after Rocky Horror’s release date, it is still being played around the country at midnight viewings and “is the record holder for the longest theatrical release in history” (Champion). According to Jim Sharman, Rocky Horror is a “home movie is for extraordinary people (Michaels et al., 81),” including Princess Diana who claimed that Rocky Horror “quite completed [her] education” (Champion). It has also helped to educate others through introducing the audience to various characters with non-stereotypical sexualities and genders, as discussed later. The Rocky Horror Picture Show will continue to enrich the lives of viewers for generations to come by taking them on a trip to Transylvania with its bizarre costumes, unforgettable songs, fun dance moves, and a truly unconventional rise to popularity. A more contemporary cult film is Napoleon Dynamite, the mildly comedic yet inspirational story about the acceptance of the high school outcast. Napoleon Dynamite began as a short film entitled “Peluca,” by students Jared Hess, Jerusha Hess, and Jon Heder at Brigham Young University’s film school. In 2003, it was selected to play at the Slamdance Film Festival, where it was seen by Jeremy Coon, who later became the producer and editor of Napoleon Dynamite (Wood). That summer, the three students developed a larger plot and soon began casting and filming in Preston, Idaho with a budget of only 400,000 dollars (iMDb). When Napoleon was introduced in 2004 at theaters around the country, both film critics and audiences alike were unimpressed. Entertainment Weekly rated the movie a C-, and stated in a review that the movie “[treated] life’s humiliations and triumphs as interchangeably insignificant” (Schwarzbaum). Robert Ebert, who gave the movie only one and a half stars, said that it pushes “a kind of studied stupidity that sometimes passes as humor” 70
The Influence of the Cult Fiml Genre on the Perception of Disability as far as it could go. He also suggested that the only reason people enjoyed it at Sundance Film Festival was because the “audiences [there were] concerned with being cool, and [to have sat] through this film in depressed silence would not [have been] cool” (Ebert). Within the following year, however, fans soon began to dance with Napoleon and “Vote for Pedro.” In 2005, it won three MTV movie awards, four Teen Choice Awards, a Satellite Award, and was nominated for a Grammy (iMDb). Four years later, in 2009, Entertainment Weekly contradicted their original review by naming Napoleon Dynamite one of the top 25 greatest come-dies in the past 25 years because “Only freakin’ idiots could fail to chuckle” (Great). Apart from entertaining people, cult films also have the ability to provide a commonality for individuals in the real world. The Rocky Horror Picture Show, for example, has been a platform for people of all ages who are gay or lesbian to meet and converse about their similarities, thus “turning media product into the pretext for communal interaction” (Wolf, 40). The viewers bonded over their commonalities with the characters on screen, therefore “[reinforcing] a solidarity of non-mainstream identification” and acquiring emotional assistance in their coming out process (Gross). Aside from the support the disabled individuals gain from such films, the cult genre also has led to the overall acceptance of the unconventional by providing the audience with the opportunity to see that oddness is acceptable, natural, and even worthy of celebration. Dr. Levin and Dr. Schlozman agree that audiences “celebrate [a minorities’] quirkiness rather than [ridicule their] oddities” when they examined how Napoleon Dynamite, which is an “unexpectedly successful cultural phenomena,” could “so powerfully capture the public’s psyche” (Levin et al). Napoleon, who has social incapacities similar to an individual with an autism spectrum disorder, has been practically idolized by millions of people (Levin et al). Like other cult movies, Napoleon Dynamite does not have those characteristic themes that often draw attention towards a film, such as sex, violence, and cursing. Instead, Levin and Schlozman hypothesize that “the success of the movie appears to be related to a genuine celebration of Napoleon himself” (Levin et al). Therefore, the release of Napoleon Dynamite provided audiences all over the world with an inner perspective of the daily life of an oddball, thus encouraging more support, empathy, and celebration of people with legitimate disabilities, such as individuals with conditions similar to those with Asperger syndrome, autism, and various anxiety disorders. 71
The Influence of the Cult Fiml Genre on the Perception of Disability A director’s ability to introduce his non-mainstream characters through equally unconventional ways is what makes cult films so successful. Scenes that are flamboyant and interesting are critical in capturing the attention of the audience because they provide a raw glimpse into the true personalities of the abnormal characters. In a way, it is these scenes that allow us to support and celebrate the characters, as they gather our attention and allow us to participate. As I will show, the directors of The Rocky Horror Picture Show and Napoleon Dynamite both use a frame of audience spectatorship to highlight the specular nature of the abnormalities on display. Through the brilliant cinematic artistry of the “Time Warp” scene, The Rocky Horror Picture Show director Jim Sharman introduces the audience to his musically apt, energetic, and eccentric cast while foreshadowing the amount of exuberantly uncanny events yet to follow. His incorporation of varying camera angles, dazzling costumes and sets, zestful dancing, and an abundance of singing has created a movie that has been vastly popular for decades. Firstly, there is a medium shot of Brad Majors and Janet Weiss as they are first entering Doctor Frank-N-Furter’s outlandish mansion. The camera then cuts to a long shot of the gothic style hallway when Brad and Janet enter, upon whom the camera focuses, thus blocking the audience’s view of the long shot. The shot is taken from a low angle, thus signifying the overwhelming complexity of the situation for the characters. Next, the camera cuts to a medium shot as Riff Raff, the eerie handyman who greeted them at the door, explains to Brad and Janet that “[they] have arrived on a special night” because it “is one of the master’s affairs.” The camera, which is on a dolly, tracks with them as they continue down the hallway to join Magenta, a lavishly dressed woman with brightly colored red hair, who assures them that “[they] all are lucky” to be in the home of Dr. Frank-N-Furter for the night’s celebration. The camera continues tracking alongside Riff Raff from a low angle as he walks towards the coffin-shaped clock that begins to chime midnight. At the moment when Riff Raff opens the coffin door, the ambient noises cease and the song “Time Warp” begins to play. Brad and Janet become even more frightened, which is seen through a medium shot from a low angle. The camera cuts to another eye-level, medium shot of Magenta and Riff Raff as they stand on both sides of Brad and Janet and sing the first verse to them, signifying the beginning of the production they are about to witness. The camera then follows 72
The Influence of the Cult Fiml Genre on the Perception of Disability Riff Raff on a dolly as he dances around the dimly lit room. The director captures the first climax as the camera follows the four characters through a tracking shot as they burst through the grandiose doors into a banquet room full of people wearing matching costumes. The music crescendos as everybody sings the chorus, thus evoking excitement and awe of the audience. A series of cuts, camera angles, and long shots are intricately used to show the viewer multiple perspectives from around the room. The sequence of shots suggests to the audience that the room is hectic and in disarray, which is exactly how Brad and Janet feel after entering. Film transitions, which are not used often in modern day cinema editing, are used to wipe long shots of the cast away and replace them with Dr. Everett Scott, who directly addresses the film audience while demonstrating and teaching the dance steps to “Time Warp.” When he is done instructing, a transition then wipes the shot of Dr. Scott away and replaces it with a shot of the chorus. The sequence of transitioning between the doctor and the dancers happens three times throughout the scene and in each one, Dr. Scott becomes increasingly more flamboyant in his movements, eventually ending up on top of his desk. Sharman does this to reflect how he expects the audience’s enthusiasm to escalate. Partway through the scene, the song is interrupted by a tap-dancing solo by a character named Columbia, a “groupie and fan” of Dr. Frank-N-Furter (iMDb). Many different camera angles are used to capture the movement of her dancing, such as a medium shot of her upper body, a close up of her feet, and finally a long shot where the camera pans to the left to capture her spinning movement around the room. The fluidity of the camera movement highlights Columbia’s graceful style and impressive technique. When her solo is complete, the camera cuts back to a long shot of the cast singing the last verse of the song. As a grand finale, the entire cast falls to the floor after their last line, signifying an end to the theatrical number. Finally, the camera cuts to a low angled medium shot of the spectators, Brad and Janet, and follows them as they slowly back out of the room while Jan whispers “Brad, please. Let’s get out of here.” The real audience, those of us watching the film, are left feeling just as overwhelmed and frightened as the engaged couple, as Sharman has introduced his cast in the most grandiose and flamboyant way possible. The “Time Warp” scene in the Rocky Horror Picture Show is complex in that there is a large audience, the viewers, who are watching two small audiences, Dr. Frankenfurter and Brad and Janet, who all are watching a production put on by the transvestites. There73
The Influence of the Cult Fiml Genre on the Perception of Disability fore, the large audience is looking to the small audience to gain an understanding of how to apprehend the film’s characters. Will they be accepting of them or will they reject them for their oddities? Originally, Brad and Janet are completely shocked and terrified by the transvestites, which mirrors how the general public viewed the LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, trans, queer) community in the 1960s, just a few years before Rocky Horror was first revealed. However, throughout the movie, Brad and Janet become more accepting and celebratory of the Rocky Horror cast, which is also symbolic of the LGBTQ movement of the 1970s, which “[represented] a remarkable period of transformation for gays and lesbians” (Rosen). In her article “A Glimpse Into 1970s Gay Activism,” Rebecca J. Rosen suggests that the core of the LGBT movement “was about visibility” (Rosen). Whether this visibility came in the form of riots, books, or films, The Rocky Horror Picture Show had the underlying ability to show that heterosexual individuals can embrace, celebrate, and appreciate LGBTQ individuals. Similarly to Rocky’s “Time Warp” scene, Napoleon Dynamite’s true personality is introduced through a dance routine when he surprises Pedro during the talent portion of his campaign for student body president. The scene in Napoleon Dynamite does not use any extravagant film techniques, flamboyant costumes, or props. Rather, it simply showcases Napoleon through stationary long shots and various medium shots of him alone on a stage dancing to “Canned Heat” by Jamiroquai. For two minutes, the audience finally gets to observe this character be his true self in front of all his classmates. The most important part of the scene is the intercutting of close up shots of the high school audience. In the beginning, they appear unimpressed and are gazing around to see the expressions of their peers as Napoleon is on stage dancing in his moon boots, jeans, and “Vote for Pedro” shirt. Suddenly, the music stops and Napoleon resorts back to his old tendencies and runs off the stage, embarrassed and with his head down. At first, the viewers of the film are nervous as to how Napoleon will be perceived; will they finally accept his oddities or will they continue to mock them? The camera then cuts to a long shot of the high schoolers as they are completely silent, until all at once the audience roars with applause and celebration. As with the “Time Warp” scene in The Rocky Horror Picture Show, the scene when Napoleon dances emphasizes the issue of viewer perspective because we are looking to the high school audience to determine how to respond to Napoleon. Due to our human nature 74
The Influence of the Cult Fiml Genre on the Perception of Disability to conform, this is actually a very strong directing technique since we are more likely to be persuaded into feeling a certain way about a person or topic if there is a large group of people who all feel that way. In the case of Napoleon Dynamite, we may be more enticed to root for the outcast since we see the entire audience support and celebrate Napoleon. Both of these cult films have led to the celebration of the abnormal by changing the perceptions of how unconventional people are celebrated and embraced rather than mocked. Furthermore, Rocky Horror has created a commonality for transvestites and ho- mosexuals to find com-fort with other similar people while Napoleon Dynamite has pro- vided an example of how society can embrace an outsider for his quirks and awkwardness. Although the two cult films were made decades apart and have completely different plots, they both demonstrate how society can unite around the love of the unusual character in ways that were once unimaginable. Through the cult genre’s exhibition of characters that are not typical of the average human persona, society has learned to embrace unconventional or disabled individuals due to their ability to relate to, sympathize with, and celebrate the characters. Cult films have aided in the disabled’s transition from exile back into society, where they belong. The Rocky Horror Picture Show demonstrates that, though we may be hesitant at first, we can always learn to love and embrace the oddities and differences in others. Meanwhile, Napoleon Dynamite teaches us to love the oddness in our-selves and the outsider in our lives because all individuals— even the social outcast— can enlighten our lives and attitudes in ways we would not know without giving them the chance. The cult genre has helped to unite the normal and abnormal in society through cinematic artistry and celebration.
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Nicolas Rivera, Junior History
Boudicca: A Force of Vengeance Background Nicholas Rivera was born and raised in Florida and now attends University of Tampa for his third year and as history major. He have a deep interest in the ancient Middle East and Britain in the early Middle Ages. He states this interest manifests itself with the irregular expenditure of his small and unstable income on high quality reproductions of antique swords. This allows him to briefly ignore the reality of his shrinking job market opportunities.
Abstract Since her rebellion against the Roman Empire in the mid-first century AD, Queen Boudicca has largely been cloaked in controversy and ideological appropriation. For nearly two thousand years her reputation has changed from a barbarian or witch to a symbol of early nationalism and female strength, bouncing from demonic to angelic and back again, seemingly based on whoâ€™s in power. In this essay I aim to balance these sources in hopes to find a truer representation of the warrior queen who defied Rome.
Boudicca: A Force of Vengeance Queen Boudicca has been celebrated by the British for centuries. Her role as leader of the rebellion against the Roman occupancy of early Britain has immortalized the queen and set the stage for her becoming one of the nation’s early heroes and thus a symbol for nationalism. However, was this Iron Age queen truly a nationalist herself? Was the revolt against Rome truly inspired by her desire to repel the foreign imperial power from her homeland for the freedom of her people? This is a popular image of Boudicca which was propagated in the Victorian Era and still is today, but some historians are coming to believe that Boudicca’s war against Rome had a much more personal inspiration. The indisputable facts are that she rallied her people and several other tribes and destroyed the 9th Legion and several Roman settlements. In order to make an assertion on Boudicca’s true motivations, one must first look into the relations between the Roman Empire and the Iceni. The Iceni tribe was located in what is now southeast England and was very positive in its early relations with Rome. In fact, the tribe even entered an alliance with the Romans when Caesar was fighting against the Catuvellani tribe. Roman influence can also be seen in the tribe’s coins, which even went so far as to copy the head and laurel wreath—a feature of the denarius in 58 BC1. However, the friendliness of the Iceni-Roman relations would not last forever. Prasutagus, king of the Iceni tribe, died in the year 60 AD. During this time, there was an odd relationship between the Iceni and the Roman Empire—the tribe had become a “client kingdom” in which the tribe, though still separate from the Roman Empire, held a military alliance and was ultimately overruled by it. When King Prasutagus died, he willed for his daughters to be co-heirs to the tribal estates alongside Emperor Nero. As was seen in the case of Herod and Augustus, once the king died, the agreement between the two powers was terminated and the property of the client kingdom became the property of the Roman Empire as it subjugated the people. Thus, Catus Decianus, Procurator of Britain, took “full inventory of lands, livestock, family plate and jewels and all portable wealth” with full permission from the emperor. When Queen Boudicca questioned the procurator’s actions, she was stripped and flogged and her daughters—who were to be heirs to half the estates—were raped by the Roman legionnaires. Because of Boudicca’s so-called act of defiance against Rome, Catus Decianus proclaimed that her daughters no longer had any entitlements to what their father left for them and claimed what remained for himself and for his emperor2. This complete disregard for the Iceni royal authority, as well as the brutality of the Romans against Boudicca and her daughters sparked the queen’s wrath and Webster, Graham. Boudica: The British Revolt against Rome AD 60. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1978, 31.
Boudicca: A Force of Vengeance led to the rebellion, which would immortalize her as a revolutionary against the Roman Empire. The Iron Age Britons, led by Queen Boudicca, made their first assault against the Romans at Camulodunum. Without walls, the city’s only defense was the vastly outnumbered and overconfident soldiers. 120,000 (according to Cassius Dio) British warriors slaughtered the foreign soldiers and civilians, vandalized the temple dedicated to Emperor Claudius (and the severed head of one of his statues was discovered in a river nearly two thousand years later), and burned the city to the ground. The temple itself held out for two days as the soldiers gathered inside in an attempt to wait for the reinforcements that would be too late to save them3. Those reinforcements would have been the 9th Legion under the command of Petilius Cerialis. While on their way Camulodunum, the Romans faced a British ambush, which annihilated their infantry and sent Cerialis and the surviving cavalry back to their camp. After this defeat, Procurator Catus Decianus and his officers fled Britain, leaving the local Romans without leadership since the governor was still away in Mona. Despite being nearly two hundred miles farther away from Londinium than Boudicca’s army, Governor Suetonius still arrived in the city before the Britons, only to decide that it was not defendable and that it should be abandoned. While the Roman soldiers left, many civilians who were unable or unwilling to travel remained in the city and suffered the same fate as those in Camulodunum4. Here, however, there is an account given by the Roman historian Cassius Dio which details the viciousness of Boudicca’s army. The Britons found the “noblest” women and stripped them naked before hanging them. They then proceeded to cut off the women’s breasts and sew them to their mouths. After this was done, the bodies were impaled5. This violence was meant to strike terror into the hearts of the Romans and their local allies, but also shows how Boudicca’s desire to fight against Rome went beyond just defeating their forces and overrunning their cities. The Iceni queen wanted vengeance for her beating and the defilement of her daughters. The empire that spat on her authority would feel her wrath, and this could be clearly displayed with the women victims. After the sacking of Londinium, Boudicca turned her army towards Verulamium. Here, the citizens were able to escape the fate of those of Camulodunum and Londinium, Webster, Boudicca, 88 Fraser, Antonia. The Warrior Queens. New York: Knopf, 1989. 75-76. 4 Fraser, The Warrior Queens, 90-91. 5 Adler, Eric. Boudicca’s Speeches in Tacitus and Dio. JSTOR. Web. 3 March 2016 2 3
Boudicca: A Force of Vengeance but the town was burned to the ground just the same. With the destruction of Verulamium comes the question of why Boudicca did not instead direct the Britons to fight against Governor Suetonius. At the time, he was desperately outnumbered. For the Britons, this could be nothing other than a fault in military strategy. Already once before they had lost the chance to demolish him and his forces, and here again they move to pillage a settlement rather than crush the Roman army6. This seems to suggest that the desire for large-scale destruction and the pillaging of Roman cities and taking away their wealth as the Romans had stolen away the Iceni’s was a greater focus of Queen Boudicca’s than going straight for the Roman forces to defeat them and force them out of Britain. The Roman historian Tacitus even wrote, “the natives enjoyed plundering and thought of nothing else.” According to his documentation of the rebellion (which was supported by the eyewitness Agricola), the Britons ignored Roman forts and garrisons in favor of sacking the places where the riches were greatest and the defenses were poorest7. Boudicca’s choice in targets, though certainly sending a startling message to Rome, ultimately led to her defeat by Governor Suetonius. But how well has this record of the Iceni queen held up? Boudicca has achieved widespread popularity as the “warrior queen” who led a British army against the might of the Roman Empire8, which is true. She rallied her tribe and others to her cause and rode in a chariot with bladed wheels. This basic notion of Queen Boudicca can best be seen in the Victorian Era, when popularity for the queen famously surged. On January 17, 1898, a ten-foot-tall statue of Boudicca and her daughters “riding in a scythe-wheeled war chariot pulled by two thundering steeds” was erected in London near the Westminster Bridge, on the side of the Houses of Parliament9. At this period in time — and even today— Boudicca was viewed by many almost as a British nationalist. She has been given the role of the leader of her people who banded together the tribes of Ancient Britain to heroically battle against the foreign occupation and subjugation by the Roman Empire, and the fact that she was unsuccessful in the end does not even matter. In fact, that she died at the end of the revolt appears to only augment her heroic image10. This heavily romanticized version of Queen Boudicca has even led to her being seen as an imperialist icon decades later: “As late as the Second World War, Prime Minister Churchill’s Private Fraser. The Warrior Queen, 92. Lawson, Stephanie. Nationalism and Biographical Transformation: The Case of Boudicca. Australian National 9 Vandrei, Martha (2014). A Victorian Invention? Thomas Thornycroft’s ‘Boadicea Group’ and the Idea of Historical Culture in Britain. The Historical Journal, 57, 485-508. Accessed March 3, 2016 10 Lawson. Nationalism and Biographical Transformation. 6 8
Boudicca: A Force of Vengeance Secretary, John Colville, strolling through London in the Blitz to inspect landmarks he might not see again, described Boadicea’s statue as ‘a monument to successful [British] imperialism.11’” The romanticizing of Queen Boudicca’s rebellion against the Roman Empire has clearly altered the perceptions the British have of her, but this is not something new in their history. During the rule of Queen Elizabeth I, Raphael Holinshed published a work titled Chronicles on British history. In it, Boudicca gives a speech about liberty and her “willingness to sacrifice her life in the cause of freedom from an alien oppressor,” which obviously portrays her as a defender of liberty for her people12. Such a portrayal is again echoed in the reign of Queen Victoria and onwards. However, this positive fame was and is today just a tool for inspiring nationalism. The manipulation of Queen Boudicca’s image could again be seen during Margaret Thatcher’s time as prime minister, when there was yet another resurgence of Boudicca’s popularity in British culture. Comparisons between the prime minister, known as the Iron Lady, and the Iron Age Queen Boudicca who went to war against the local Romans and their allies, were drawn in newspapers during the Falklands War13. When Boudicca’s image can be used to promote the person in power, it is positive; when her image seems to be less helpful, it can turn quite negative. This is seen during the reign of King James I, when Boudicca’s name became “a by-word for political and social subversion.14” Here, a barbarian woman led an army in rebellion against Roman imperialism, and she even had a successful campaign in the beginning. This image contradicts the gender norm for the women of Britain, and at the time King James I would want to assert masculine authority since his reign came after Queen Elizabeth I’s forty-four years on the throne. A play written by John Fletcher during King James I’s reign portrayed Queen Boudicca as “a nasty witch surrounded by Druids” as well as “rash and headstrong,” which implies that since she was a woman, she would not be competent enough to act wisely in the realms of politics and war. Even her early military accomplishments were taken from her and instead attributed to the character Caratacus15. It is clear that Queen Boudicca has not always been looked upon so kindly by the British. However, whether she is seen as a brash and incompetent savage, a nationalist hero, or—by some incredible stretch of the imagination combined with a great deal of ignorance— an icon of successful imperialism, seems to rely completely upon the state of the British Fraser. The Warrior Queens, 50. Lawson. Nationalism and Biographical Transformation. 13 lbid. 11
Boudicca: A Force of Vengeance government. Outside of this nationalist propaganda, historians in the last few decades have offered a different picture of Boudicca. The Boudicca of John Fletcher’s play undermines her leadership, the nationalist hero version ignores the brutality of the Britons against the non-combatant women, children, and elders they slaughtered, and the icon of imperialism contradicts Boudicca’s true aim of revolting against imperialism. Boudicca’s army sacked cities with little to no defenses, savagely killed the civilians both young and old, and took whatever treasures could be carried. Her message of hatred towards Rome was clear, but her focus on easy targets rather than on Governor Suetonius’ smaller force and other Roman military stations proved to be her fatal flaw. This also points towards Boudicca’s desire for bloody vengeance surpassing her desire to remove the “alien occupier,16” a goal which is so often championed by the Victorian vision of the ancient queen. Boudicca’s reign of terror in Britain in 60-61 AD was less a cause for the different peoples of early Britain and more likely a cause for retribution against those who would belittle the power of the Iceni, who would beat her and defile her daughters, the heirs of the Iceni rulership.
Adler. Boudicca’s Speeches Fraser. The Warrior Queens. 16 Lawson. Nationalism and Biographical Transformation 14
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Lauren Twele, Sophomore Marine Science &Biology
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity: Assessment of the Point at Which the Captivity of Marine Mammals is no longer Ethical Background Having always been interested in the oceans and the organisms living in them, Lauren chose to study Marine Science and Biology at University of Tampa to further her knowledge and passion for marine life. Her time at UT has taught her the importance of these ocean ecosystems for all species. Even though there is more to be discovered, the many anthropogenic threats the ocean faces could leave permanent damage for future generations. She is dedicated to marine conservation education, and hopes to pursue a career inspiring a love for our oceans so others will work to ensure humans are defending its future.
Abstract The discussion about the justification of marine mammal captivity has intensified to the forefront of public debate in society today. While many institutions successfully run rescue, rehabilitation, and release programs for these animals, many others only utilize marine mammals for display purposes without the organismâ€™s best interests as a first priority. In the latter case, marine mammal captivity becomes unjustified due to a multitude of factors ranging from diminished animal health, to questionable authenticity of captive marine mammal research, to viable alternatives for marine mammal educational initiatives. Through an examination of multiple research and case studies, this essay proposes that marine mammal captivity programs are only justified under the specific conditions previously stated, and cases that do not meet these criteria cannot defend their captivity programs from an ethical standpoint. To correct this problem, these institutions should implement rescue and release initiatives to their captivity programs, or phase out these programs entirely. 82
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity Strange as it may seem, more Americans visit marine parks, aquariums, and zoos every year than all professional baseball, basketball, and football games combined (Kellert, 1999). A major contribution to the massive popularity of these institutions is the public’s fascination with the marine mammals that reside at these foundations across the country. According to the US National Marine Fisheries Service, there are a total of 25 orcas in captivity in the United States, and over 2,000 bottlenose dolphins were captured for display purposes between 1972 and 1994 (“Aquarium Wants to Start,” 1999). Part of the allure of these institutions is the ability to “capture the imagination and direct the public attention” towards the many types of marine mammal species on display (Barney et al., 2010). However, in a society that now places a large emphasis on animal rights and wellbeing, the justification of marine mammal captivity has now come into question. In turn, popular institutions have difficult decisions to make when balancing the educational and entertainment aspects of their captivity programs. In circumstances where the rehabilitation, recovery, and release of injured or ill marine mammals is not the driving goal of an institution, issues such as animal health and welfare, the application of data collected from captive marine mammals, and other options for achieving educational goals outweigh the benefits organizations use to justify their captivity programs. Institutions where this situation is the case must rework their programs in order to justify marine mammal captivity. For the purposes of this paper, it is important to define the difference between marine mammal rehabilitation and release centers, and institutions where marine mammals spend the majority of their lives in captivity solely for display purposes. Facilities whose mission is to rescue injured and ill marine mammals from the wild, and subsequently release them back into their natural habitat, are not the types of programs that are in question for the ethics behind keeping these animals in captivity. The Marine Mammal Center located in Sausalito, California, is a prime example of this type of establishment. In a single year, the center has “rescued approximately 600-800 marine mammals (…) Nearly 50% of patients are successfully rehabilitated for release to the wild” (Marine Mammal Center, 2016). Through this testimony, it is evident that in order to nurse these animals back to health, it is necessary they remain in human care to ensure they will survive once released. Many times, aquariums and marine parks will have recovery programs such as these to achieve similar goals. However, the focus solely on animal welfare attained by rehabilitation programs becomes blurred when institutions such as these utilize marine mammals in 83
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity their care for display purposes. The concept of keeping marine mammals in captivity has been developed over many decades. The market for the public display of marine mammals first emerged in 1860, when the first belugas were put on display by P. T. Barnum in New York City, which was subsequently followed by several other attempts at marine mammal captivity (Jiang et al., 2008, p. 238). However, these efforts were met with minimal survival rates until the 1960s, when successful captive maintenance of the animals increased, which led to a rise in the demand for captive animals (Jiang et al., p. 239). With their increased popularity, studies on these animals have escalated considerably. In the modern era, scientists have discovered that the organisms possess many qualities of advanced cognitive development, such as “strong family bonds, elaborate vocal communication and cooperative hunting strategies” (Gorman, 2013, para. 4). With this new understanding, the ethics behind keeping cognizant mammals in captivity is becoming increasingly difficult for marine mammal institutions to justify. There are many differences between centers solely dedicated to rehabilitation compared to institutions that are in question for justifying the reasons behind keeping marine mammals in captivity. One of the main distinctions is the implementation of marine mammal breeding programs. When a marine mammal center begins to engage the animals in its care in breeding activities, the welfare of the individual animal is no longer the main concern of the institution (Halverstadt, 2014, para. 12). Instead of rescuing marine mammals and working towards the goal of release, breeding programs indicate the institution is no longer focused on the preservation of these animals in the wild. Breeding programs focus solely on display of the organisms, an activity which directly correlates to the institution’s motivation for generating profit, not promoting animal welfare. Additionally, marine mammal parks and aquariums that exaggerate the animals’ natural behaviors, or ones they would not normally display in the wild, is another activity that cannot be easily justified by marine mammal institutions. Backers of a bill in San Diego that calls to end certain marine mammal programs contend that “performances exaggerate (…) natural behaviors and assign human traits to creatures with their own complex forms of communication and interaction” (Halverstadt, 2014, para. 12). In many marine mammal parks across the United States, marine mammals are still trained to perform certain behaviors on command that surpass the natural activities that would be observed in 84
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity the wild. For example, many of the leaps and jumps seen in marine mammal shows stretch the physical limits of the natural behaviors of marine mammals. Naomi Rose, a renowned marine mammal scientist, states, “It’s actually really hard for a whale to haul its whole body out of the water” (cited in Halverstadt, para. 20). Although some of these programs may benefit the animal through cognitive stimulation and development, which does place the emphasis on the organism’s welfare, this is different than asking the animal to repeat the same taxing behaviors multiple times a day for large audiences. In the latter example, the animal’s wellbeing is no longer the sole priority of the training activity, but is instead overrun by the institution’s larger objective to cater to the public interest. The facilities in question for the justification of their captivity programs are those that capture marine mammals from the wild or engage the animals in breeding programs without the ultimate goal of release in order to sustain certain numbers of the animals, and subsequently employ these animals to preform repeated exaggerated behaviors for performances that do not prioritize the organism’s health and wellness. One of the main factors that translates into support for these kinds of captivity programs is the nation-wide criteria mandated for maintaining the animals’ welfare. The Alliance of Marine Mammal Parks and Aquariums, an international organization founded in 1987, is dedicated to the highest standards of care for marine mammals. This organization administers a strict accreditation process for its members, certifying that each institute “optimizes the psychological and physical health of, and environmental conditions for, individual marine mammals” (“Keeping Marine Mammals,” 2009). In this way, the Alliance aims to ensure that each marine mammal held in captivity does not suffer from any adverse effects that stigmatize the marine park industry. As a result, establishments that house marine mammals are held to strict standards to maximize the quality of life for the animals, including “high level[s] of veterinary care and psychological enrichment programs” (Gorman, para. 31). Christopher Dold, vice president of veterinary services at an AMMPA certified institution, testifies that these benchmarks lead to a “phenomenal quality of life” for the mammals in captivity (as cited in Gorman, para. 29). Despite these requirements that promote animal welfare, research has shown that even the highest standards of care do not emulate the conditions of the natural environment. Marine mammals in captivity suffer from a multitude of health problems that manifest themselves in forms such as disease, aggression, and even death (Jiang et al., p. 240). 85
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity Many times, the initiating factor that leads to these issues is the large amount of stress that marine mammals experience as a result of captivity, namely the “unnatural traumas of… confinement, training, and performances” (Jiang et al., p. 240). Stress is known to lower immune responses in mammals, and in turn has serious implications for organisms involved, suggested by the increased rate of captive bottlenose dolphins that die of infection (“Keeping Marine Mammals in Captivity is Cruel,” 2009). Moreover, it has been proven in multiple case studies that orcas live significantly shorter lives in captivity (“Keeping Marine Mammals in Captivity is Cruel,” 2009). The research cited in Jiang et al. (2008) contends that, “on average, the lifespan in the wild for a male killer whale is 29.2 years and for a female is 50.2 years, while the average length of survival of orcas in captivity is under 6 years” (p. 240). Other physical and psychological problems include “repetitive behaviors, dental issues and (even) attacks on trainers” (Gorman, para. 23). These mental health issues have been reported to go as far as marine mammals engaging in self-destructive behaviors. Captive marine mammals have been observed “swimming in compulsive patterns and bashing their heads into walls (…) depression may take the form of refusing to eat or engage with others, killing themselves slowly” (Braitman, 2014, pp. 167-168). When considered together, this data concludes that marine mammals in captivity do not achieve appropriate levels of physical and mental health compared to their counterparts in the wild. Advocates of marine mammal captivity also attempt to justify this practice by arguing that studies and research conducted on these animals benefit the scientific community by adding to the overall knowledge about marine mammals. Important insights into the extensive capabilities of marine mammals, including their intelligence, sociability, and charisma, have been discovered by research conducted on captive organisms (“The Urban Wild,” 2014, p. 74). Additionally, The Alliance of Marine Mammal Parks and Aquariums affirms that its data on marine mammals are “essential to conservation and one of the most effective ways of ensuring health of wild marine mammal populations” (“Keeping Marine Mammals,” 2009). According to a research study conducted by Schipper et al. (2008), marine mammals are “less well studied than land mammals” and suffer from “endangerment threat levels that are higher compared to those of land species (…) concentrated in areas of high human impact” (p. 225). Based on this information, the authors imply that heightened research on marine mammals would result in data that could be utilized to help sustain populations of these animals in the wild. 86
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity Even with these convincing reasons for keeping marine mammals in captivity for research purposes, the data collected from captive marine mammals cannot necessarily be applied to populations in the wild. In a specific report by Sue Mayer (1998), many of the scientific justifications of studying marine mammals in captivity are overturned. The report explains that marine mammal physiology and ecology are distorted due to the physical aspects of confinement such as restriction in shallow pools, routine medication, atypical diet, and stress (p. 34). Additionally, marine mammal behavior, specifically social interactions and structure, is regulated by the marine mammal institutions. In turn, the altered environment results in “stereotyped behavior (…) Hierarchies based on dominance are the norm rather than the more fluid pattern of social organization seen in wild animals” (p. 34). Finally, studies conducted in the set parameters of the captive environment cannot be applied to populations in the wild, where the variability of temperature, salinity, food availability, and a multitude of other factors can play a role in behavioral and biological patterns (p. 34). Mayer illustrates this point further, writing, Experimental conditions tend to be controlled, changing one parameter at a time to find cause effect relationships, which may hide of neglect the possibility of complex cause effect chains. Even basic reproductive data on calving intervals and fecundity may not be relevant to wild populations because changing environmental conditions and food availability will affect reproductive potential. (p. 34) Due to the multitude of biological, physiological, and environmental factors, this report concludes that captive marine mammals are not accurate representations of their counterparts that reside in natural habitats. Mayer concludes that technology and techniques for effectively gathering data on marine mammals in the wild has advanced significantly in the modern era, therefore providing a viable alternative to captive research studies and further reduces the justification for focusing research on captive populations (p. 5). The principal argument in favor of marine mammal captivity at aquariums and marine parks is the educational programs and environmental awareness these institutions provide to the public when displaying their marine mammals. The Schipper et al. study (2008) explains the main threats to marine mammal populations are “accidental mortality and pollution” (p. 2). The issues that contribute to these factors include activities such as bycatch and careless disposal of waste, which arise mainly due to individual actions. In response to this, it is easy to see that comprehensive educational campaigns need to be 87
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity made available to people in order to protect marine mammals and their habitats. Research published by Barney et al. (2010) in the 36th edition of the academic Journal of Environmental Education investigates the extent to which different age groups understand marine mammals, and their overall attitudes towards environmental education related to these organisms. The analysis concluded that younger students in elementary, middle, and high school exemplified intermediate understanding about marine mammals. Through quantitative breakdown of the data collected, students show that they, “…are susceptible to a kind of utilitarian and anthropogenic perspective (…) there is no indication they recognize problems associated with human intervention,” (p. 48). To tackle the problem of naivety in the current generation, the study concludes that aquariums and marine parks are “facilities that are well equipped to handle large numbers of individuals (…) and to encourage specific changes in human-animal interactions” (p. 53). Not only are educational initiatives a necessity in society today, but they are actually encouraged by popular demand. A research study by Michael Lück (2003) reveals that the visitors that attend marine parks and aquariums show an elevated interest in learning more about “the wider marine environment” during interpretation programs about marine mammals (p. 1). Lück discusses the educational experience after attending an interpretation of marine mammals, writing that tourists “are very receptive to environmental issues (…) They often re-consider global environmental threats and habitat degradation. These threats are not abstract issues far away from their home, but very tangible issues that are affecting the whales that they have just encountered” (p. 4). Through this study, Lück determines the relevance of educational programs by stating “the potential exists to protect wildlife, increase visitor enjoyment and understanding, and prompt more environmentally responsible behavior” (p. 4-5). Based on these academic sources, it is clear that education is a necessary component for teaching individuals about marine mammals and promoting environmentally sustainable behaviors that will not only benefit these populations, but also the overall ecosystems in which they live. Although these educational programs are a necessary element in working towards conservation of animals and their habitats now and in the future, several institutions are finding new ways to meet these learning initiatives without the use of marine mammals. One prominent example of this shift to captivity free educational programing is the National Aquarium in Baltimore, Maryland. For over two decades, the aquarium has maintained 88
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity its eight bottlenose dolphins in its marine mammal pavilion, with these animals performing up to seven shows a day (Waldman, 2014). However, with the current focus on the justification of such captivity programs, this institution has recently planned to phase out their captivity program while still ensuring the public has the opportunity to connect to and care about these marine mammals (Waldman, 2014). John Rancanelli, chief executive at the National Aquarium, defends this decision by making his mission clear, stating simply, “I want to change how humanity views the ocean” (as cited in Waldman, 2014). To accomplish this lofty objective, one of the many changes that the organization is working towards is moving the eight dolphins to a sanctuary. Waldman details this transition, writing, If the dolphins are to be moved, Racanelli and Gang want to preserve a link to them, perhaps by video feed, so that Baltimore will not feel that it is losing something. Even more, they want to use the challenges of returning the dolphins to an ocean setting to teach the public about the lives of, and threats to, their wild cousins (…) As the animals slowly revert to their natural behaviors, the people watching remotely will learn both what those behaviors are and what kind of environment will best foster them. (Waldman, 2014) This unconventional proposal to release the dolphins to a more natural setting while still continuing to raise awareness and promote conservation to the urban population raises questions about the practicality of this option. Specifically, many speculate about the feasibility of building an open ocean pen that would cater to the needs of the marine mammals. Despite these doubts, several have voiced their support for these types of enclosures. Cathy Williamson, the captivity program manager for Merlin Entertainment amusement parks, said it is a challenge to find a location in open water that could be enclosed. Despite this obstacle, Williamson still verifies it is reasonable to create “a very large netted area, so [marine mammals] are still in captivity, but they wouldn’t be performing tricks for tourists” (as cited in Gorman, para. 26). In these ways, it is evident that it is not only possible, but also quite realistic and reasonable to return these animals to a more natural setting while still providing the public with the information and education necessary to enable them to make changes to their own lives to protect these marine mammal ecosystems in the wild. A model that other institutions should follow in working towards validating their marine mammal captivity programs is the example set by the Clearwater Marine Aquarium located in Clearwater, Florida. This facility combines the objectives of both a marine mam89
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity mal rehabilitation center and a working aquarium. The non-profit foundation has a large and successful rehabilitation and release program for marine mammals, but also functions a permanent home for three bottlenose dolphins. Annabelle Cartwright, a member of the education and research team at the Clearwater Marine Aquarium, describes the organization’s work with these marine mammals in great detail. She explains: With our three residents in particular, there’s no way they could be candidates for release (…) They don’t have any survival skills built up to be wild animals. If we have an adult dolphin that comes in who we know probably has the skills needed to be released, obviously that’s what we’re going to do given that option. We have released dolphins before (…) Our situation for these three animals were a little different than other aquariums just because these three were so young when we got them. (personal communication, April 4, 2016) In this testimony, it is clear that the first and foremost priority for the aquarium is to rehabilitate the marine mammals and subsequently release them back into the ocean once healed. However, when release cannot be considered for an organism due to age or other factors, the aquarium takes this opportunity to utilize the animal’s situation to benefit the public that visits the facility. Cartwright continues, “We are also a big learning platform, so a lot of people (…) get an educational opportunity to come here to learn about what these animals are, and also learn (…) how we can take care of them and reduce the amount of animals that have to come into rehab” (personal communication, April 4, 2016). Through this explanation, Cartwright shows that the keeping of marine mammals at this institution is in fact justified due to the animals not having the ability to be released, and utilizing their situation to educate the public about ways changes can be made in their own lives to prevent other marine mammals from the same fate. This is the model that should be replicated by other marine mammal institutions, because the center first takes into account and acts on the best interests of the individual marine mammal, whether that be release back into the wild or creating a permanent home for those that must remain in human care. Although it is clear that marine mammal captivity has significant influences on how the public views these organisms, many academic sources have suggested that when the institutional interests of captivity programs outweigh the welfare of the marine mammals affected, captivity is no longer justified. Organizations that do not promote rescue, rehabilitation, and release platforms for marine mammals and instead employ these animals solely 90
Justification of Marine Mammal Captivity for display purposes must reconsider the overall affects their programs have on the public mentality in viewing marine mammals only as instruments for human profit. If these institutions act on this instruction, the result could be a radical change in how the public understands marine mammals, and could determine how future organizations will teach others about the significance of marine organisms.
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Lindsay Walker, Sophomore Finance &Marketing
The Suicidal Struggle Portrayed through Poetry Background Lindsay is a sophomore studying Finance and Marketing from Chicago, Illinois. Upon graduating with her bachelor’s degrees, she hopes to attain her MBA from the University of Tampa and work on Wall Street. Lindsay is an active member of the UT community, where she works at the tutoring center as an accounting tutor and is part of the UT Investment Banking Society. In her free time, Lindsay enjoys baking, watching movies, and going to the beach.
Abstract The contemporary poet, Sylvia Plath, consistently struggled with the loss of her father throughout her entire life. In her heart-wrenching poem, “Daddy,” Plath equates her father to a Nazi. Through metaphor, she compares her constant suffering to that of the Jews during the Holocaust to diplay the extent of her pain. The reader feels Plath’s agony as she vocalizes her deep state of depression and her first suicide attempt.
The Suicidal Struggle Portrayed through Poetry Sylvia Plath’s poetry is part of the monumental Confessional movement, in which poetry represents the poet’s private life and struggle. Plath consistently battled depression throughout her adolescent years and into adulthood ultimately resulting in her suicide (Eder). Plath’s sincere and intimate poetry reveals her genuine emotions and perspectives through intricate metaphors. Sylvia Plath’s fascination with World War II and the Holocaust throughout her poem “Daddy,” clearly demonstrates her years of hardships as she compares the torture the Jews endured to her constant suffering. Her poem, “Daddy,” shows excessive hatred towards her father through several allegorical holocaust references. While some critics argue that Sylvia Plath despised her father because of the horrid comparisons and brutal imagery she uses to depict him, it is made clear through her expressive poetry that she has a great longing to be alongside him, and that his premature death is the root of her unbearable depression. Plath’s poem, “Daddy,” continuously builds on the reader’s emotions and climaxes at Plath confessing her first suicide attempt. When she states, “An engine, an engine/ Chuffing me off like a Jew,” she expresses how her grief over her father’s death is gradually increasing like the torture the Jews felt as they were on a Holocaust train coming into the station at Auschwitz (Plath 31-32). This raw and horrific contrast shows that though Plath was not Jewish and faced with the horrific daily life of being at Auschwitz, she felt that her agony was comparable to what they felt during the Holocaust. Plath uses metaphorical statements to allow her audience to feel as though she is on a journey toward her death. She states, “I began to talk like a Jew/I think I may well be a Jew” (Plath 33-34). If Plath was a Jew during the Holocaust, she would not have been in a deep state of depression her entire life; she would have experienced a premature death and been in peace with her father. She would not have to contemplate the option of committing suicide or fighting her daily battle of living with a cruel mental illness. The option to endure the pain and fight for a chance of survival would have been ultimately out of her hands. Plath’s constant pain and longing to be near her father is further displayed by her stating, “I made a model of you” (63). She yearns to find characteristics of her father in other individuals to help alleviate her depression and live peacefully. Her profound desire to be by her father’s side and not live an intolerable life alone is the driving force in Plath’s suicidal war. Plath conveys the recurring theme of death throughout her poem by demonstrating 93
The Suicidal Struggle Portrayed through Poetry that she was destined to die young. While reading the poem, the reader is constantly faced with the task of unveiling significant comparisons between her destiny and the inevitable fate of the victims of the Holocaust. She states, “A Jew to Dachau, Auschwitz, Belsen” (Plath 32). Plath believes that as soon as the Jews were forced to step onto the train, their fates were sealed. After, she explains that she is undoubtedly convinced that as soon as her father took his last breath, her destiny of dying young was established. Plath continues to emphasize that she is on a journey towards death by stating, “I may be a bit of a Jew” (39). She indicates that like the Jews, her destiny lies in the hands of others; in Plath’s case, the responsibility lies within the passing of her father. Her perspective alters in saying she might as well be a Jew in the seventh stanza to she may be a Jew in the eighth, representing that the end of her journey is approaching. As the poem progresses, it becomes clear to the reader that Plath is more and more confident in her depressing journey, and destiny of an early death, as she ages. As the poem evolves, Plath becomes more open and willing to share her suicidal thoughts and confesses her various suicide attempts. She becomes less metaphorical about her death wish and becomes extremely blunt and direct: “At twenty I tried to die” (Plath 57). Plath continues to tell her moving story by adding, “I thought even the bones would do” (59). She believes that if she were to die, her bones would remain on earth, however she would be reunited with her father. Her desire for serenity is slowly withering and she begins to accept that her life on earth will solely be dreadful. This is clearly a constant burden upon her shoulders; Plath believes that death is the only way out of her unbearable suffering. Plath uses a great deal of irony throughout her poem by portraying her father as a Nazi and herself as a Jew. Plath is certainly aware that her father is not a Nazi and the she is not Jewish; however, she copes with the eternal pain of losing her father by depicting him as a dreadful man. She continues to illustrate the idea that her father is a horrid individual with vile intentions by stating, “Not God but a Swastika” (Plath 45). By saying that her father was comparable to God or capable of accomplishing all that the Nazi’s did, Plath shows how much influence and power he has over her. This power inevitably destroys Plath by clearly deepening her state of depression for her entirety. While nearing the end of the poem, Plath’s perspective about her father is completely altered and her raw feelings are revealed. Plath then explains, “Any less the black 94
The Suicidal Struggle Portrayed through Poetry man who/Bit my pretty red heart in two” (54-55). This statement undeniably confirms the love Plath had for her father and the pain she felt when he abandoned her in this world. Plath’s father had the power to tear her heart in half, and she believes that it is beyond repair. At this point in the poem, the reader can conclude that the cold-hearted comparisons that Plath previously used to describe her father are merely signs of her unresolved anger towards him for leaving her, and this earth, too soon. Plath’s love for her father is made significantly more evident as the poem comes to an end. After Plath announces that she tried to commit suicide, she says, “And get back, back, back to you” (58). This is her longing for her father; the horrid descriptions she used to refer to him prior to this point in the poem slowly begin to fade away. She undoubtedly implies that her father’s absence in her world is the main contributor to her ever-present suicidal thoughts. Plath exclaims, “Daddy, daddy, you bastard, I’m through” (79). The final line of the poem signifies that she is through being emotionally terrorized by her father’s premature death. Because of the anguish she felt from the passing of her father, and her uneasy mental state that she struggled with every day, the only way Plath believes she will be relieved of her emotional torment is through her death. By the end of Plath’s emotional poem, “Daddy,” the reader can conclude that Plath is not only on a journey for death, but a journey to be with her father. Plath’s resentment towards her father’s death leads her to making various horrific comparisons to the great suffering that the Jews went through during the Holocaust. Her confessional poem leaves a scaring image in the reader’s mind of a deeply depressed daughter who constantly struggles to cope with the loss of a loved one. Plath frequently stresses that her endless despair due to her father’s passing is too much for her to withstand. Through the allegorical comparisons of her emotional agony to the suffering of the Jews during the Holocaust, it is evident that Plath is tired of fighting to survive alone in such a cruel world.
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