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‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬

‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ‪/‬ﺟﺪﻯ ‪ 1392‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5692‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺔﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ؛‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﻧﺎﺳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪِ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ِ‬ ‫‪3‬‬

‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫| ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻛﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ |‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺎﻝ ‪1355‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﻴﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﺮﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﺎﻛﻮﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﻟﭽﺴﭙﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺼﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻـ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫــﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻗــﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻳﻜــﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﮋﻯ ﻧﻈــﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟــﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﻰ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺻــ ‪2‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ا︫︐︊︀ه از ︫﹝︀‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ وﺑﺔ﹬﹉‬ ‫وا﹇︹ ﹨︤ار‬ ‫︋﹫︀ور﹬︡‪،‬در‬ ‫﹨︤ار د﹛﹫﹏‬ ‫ا﹎︣ ︋︣ای ﹬﹉ ا︫︐︊︀ه‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﺒﺎﺩ!︨︣زده ا︨️‪ .‬ا︋‪︀﹠﹫︨ ﹟‬‬


‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬

‫︨﹑م ︎﹫︣وزی‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺔ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 27‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠـــﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـــﻌﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﮋﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸـــﻪ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗـــﺮﻥ ‪ ،19‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـــﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒـــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـــﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤـــﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﺸـــﻮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟـــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸـــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷـــﺮﻕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴـــﺮﻭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳـــﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷـــﻴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‪ 360‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻣﺘـــﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻴﺒﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳـــﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷـــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮژﻧﻒ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣـــﻖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴـــﺖ ـ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳـــﺮﺣ ِﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴـــﺰﺓ ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜـــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧـــﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴـــﺖ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳـــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨـــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺳـــﻤﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑـــﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﺸـــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪" .‬ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ‪.‬ﻭﻯ‪.‬ﮔﺮﻳﺸـــﻦ"ﻋﻀﻮﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴـــﺖ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﻔـــﺖ‪" :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺎﺳـــﻴﻮ ﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺛﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪".‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋـــﻪ ﻗـــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺸﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴـــﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪" .‬ﺳـــﻠﻴﻚ ﻫﺮﻳﺴـــﻦ" ﻧﻮﻳﺴـــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ )ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﻳﻮ(ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷـــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳـــﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤـــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻰ‪ .‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳـــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـــﺌﻠﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪".‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑـــﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧـــﻰ ﺩﺳـــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳـــﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸـــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟـــﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘـــﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﭘﻮﻑ ﺳـــﺨﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳـــﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـــﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻـ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ(ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ‪/‬ﺟﺪﻯ ‪ 1392‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5692‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳـــﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑـــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣـــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻫـــﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧـــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳـــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣـــﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴـــﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸـــﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸـــﺎﻧﺔ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴـــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺴـــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷـــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑـــﻪ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧـــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸـــﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳـــﺨﺘﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﺴـــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﺷـــﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷـــﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ)‪(893077‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺳـــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷـــﺶ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻧـــﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﺎﻟـــﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈـــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧـــﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸـــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـــﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳـــﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺭﺳـــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷـــﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨـــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺑﺴـــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـــﻨﺠﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺁﻳـــﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳـــﺪﺓ ﺑﻴﺴـــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺷـــﻬﺮ ﻧﺸـــﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﭘﻴﺸـــﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪ ﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺷـــﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﻓﺘـــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳـــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـــﺠﺪﻯ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣـــﻰ ﺷـــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭﻕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴـــﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴـــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺷـــﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﺨﻤﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻨﺪﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺒﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸـــﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـــﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﻛـــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫـــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓـــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺨﻮﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳـــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺸـــﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳـــﺎﻝ‪(2009)1388‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـــﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷـــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷـــﻬﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺳـــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧـــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸـــﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ُﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴـــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳـــﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳـــﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ؛ ﻧﺎﻣﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔـــﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨـــﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻒ ﭼﻨـــﺪﻡ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـــﺘﻰ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺣﻤـــﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻧـــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛـــﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺴـــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺳـــﺘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳـــﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳـــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛـــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠـــﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳـــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺑﺪﺳـــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻫﺴـــﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣ ِﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸـــﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳـــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣـــﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫـــﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭﻻﻳـــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺳـــﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـــﻰ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـــﮓ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧـــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑـــﺮ ﻧﻤﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘـــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷـــﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷـــﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺘـــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨـــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘـــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸـــﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـــﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻳـــﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺸـــﺎﻥ ﺳـــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﻂ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴـــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻀﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻬـــﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺴـــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺷـــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷـــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑـــﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻀﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷـــﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻗُﻠﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﺷـــﺎﻥ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬


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‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺔﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ؛ ِ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﻧﺎﺳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ِ‬

‫| ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ |‬

‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫– ﻭﺍﺷـــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬـــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸـــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـــﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣـــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷـــﻮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـــﻴﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻗﻴﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ )ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ(‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻭﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺏ ﺭﺳـــﻮﻝ ﺳـــﻴﺎﻑ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑـــﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷـــﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴـــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳـــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻫﻨـــﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴـــﺎﻳﻪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧـــﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫـــﺮﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺸـــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﺸـــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮگ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻔﺲﮔﻴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـــﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻛﺸـــﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴـــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺻﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﮋﻧﻒ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺯﺳﺎﻝ‪77-1976‬ﺑﻪﺑﻌﺪﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﭘﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺰﺍﺟﻰ ﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ)ﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ(ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯﺍﺻﻠﻰﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﻣﺜﻞﺳﻮﺳﻠﻒ‬ ‫)ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺴـــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻣﻴﻜﻮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎﺭﻳﻒﺭﺋﻴﺲﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺣﺰﺏﺭﺍﺑﺪﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺭﭘﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﻣﻮﺻﻮﻑﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﻭﻗﺘﻞﺗﺮﻩﻛﻰﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺍﻣﻴﻦﻛﻪﺑﺮژﻧﻒﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﻣﻮﺟﺐﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﺑﺮﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﻛﺮﺩﺗﺎﺑﺴﻮﻯﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪" :‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ)ﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ(ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﻧﻴﺰﺣﻴﻄﻪﻋﻤﻞﺁﻥﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﭘﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮژﻧﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﺶﻫﻞﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺷﻜﻰﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﭘﻒﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖﻛﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺁﻥﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻫﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻟﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﮋﻧﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻗﻮﺍﭘﺎﻙﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﭘﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺵﺩﺭﻗﻀﻴﻪﺩﺧﻴﻞﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪".‬‬ ‫"ﮔﺮﮔﻰ ﺍﺭﻳﺎﺗﻮﻑ"‪ ، Georgy Aryatov‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﭘﻮﻑﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰﺳﺨﻦﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﭘﻮﻑﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺑﺒﺮﻙﻛﺎﺭﻣﻞﻛﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻳﺎﺗﻮﻑﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻭﺑﺎﻭﺭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰﺭﺍﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩﺗﻠﻘﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﺍﺷـــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﭘﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﭘﻮﻑﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﭘﻰﺑﺒﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳـــﺮﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪".‬‬

‫ﺳﻔﺮﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﻯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ – ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﻧﺎﺳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ؛ ﺳﻨﺪِ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺔ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺒﺮﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻞ ﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥﺑﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺣﺰﺏﻭﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺣﺰﺑﻰﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺩﻋﺎﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺟﻨﺎﺡﺧﻠﻖﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﻣﻴﻦﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫"ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮﭘﻼﺳـــﺘﻮﻥ"‪ Vladimir Plastun‬ﻋﻀﻮﻣﺆﺳﺴـــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪" :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻰ ﻫﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕﻣﺎﻭﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﻣﺎﻫﻤﻪﺭﻭﺯﻩﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪".‬‬ ‫"ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻮﻥ"ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺑﺒﺮﻙﻛﺎﺭﻣﻞﺭﺍﭘﺲﺍﺯﻗﺘﻞﺍﻣﻴﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﺳﭙﺲﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪" :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻰ‪.‬ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ "ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ"‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ"ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ"ﺑﻪﺳﻨﮓﻣﻴﺰﺩﻧﺪ؛ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺩﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪".‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥﺣﺰﺏﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺧﻠﻖﺑﻠﻜﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻋﻠـــﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻗﺪﺭﺕﺩﺭﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎًﻧﻘﺶﺍﺻﻠﻰﻭﺗﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪- 5‬ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﺍﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻣﻴﻜﻮ"‪ Anatoly Gromyko‬ﭘﺴـــﺮ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1997‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪":‬ﮔﺮﻭﻣﻴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴـــﻪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢﺩﺳﻤﺒﺮ‪ 1979‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ"ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺫﻫﻨﻰﻭﻋﻴﻨﻰ"ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳـــﻞ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳـــﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻌﺮﺽﺧﻄﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﮔﺮﻭﻣﻴﻜﻮ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺒﺮﻭﺭﻯ‪1979‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﺭﺍﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕﻣﻴﺴﺎﺧﺖ‪".‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮژﻧﻒﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺣﻤﻠﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺑﺮﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻛﻪﺩﺭﭘﻠﻴﻨﻮﻡﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﺣﺰﺏﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﺳﺨﻦﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡﻗﻮﺍﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻣﻴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺟﺪﻳﺪﭘﺲﺍﺯﺳﻘﻮﻁﺭژﻳﻢﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻧﺎﺗﻮﺑﻪﻧﺼﺐﺭﺍﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺩﺭﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺳﺎﻟﺖ ‪ 2‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪1979‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﺑﻪﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﻮﻗﻮﻉﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖﻭﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻮﻯ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺸـــﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳـــﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺧﻠﻖﺗﻮﺳﻂﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻣﺴﻜﻮﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ‬

‫ﺟﺮﮔﻪﻯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬـــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﻯ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷـــﺮﻁ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻧﺎﺳﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﻨﻜﻮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷـــﺪ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳـــﺘﻨﻮﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳـــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷـــﻰ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ )‪(1995‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﻧﻤـــﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴـــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜـــﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﻴﻢ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺳـــﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ".‬ﻭﺍﺭﻧﻨﻜﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـــﺖ‪" :‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺣﺴـــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳـــﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴـــﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳـــﻜﺎ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻫﻨـــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺎﺷـــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ـ ﺗﺮﻩ ﻛﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷـــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔـــﻮﺫﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ـ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ‪ ICBMS‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ . . . .‬ﻭﺍﺭﻧﻨﻜﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪".‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺸـــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻴَﺎﺽ‬

‫�‬

‫ﮐﺎ ﻞ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫آن �ﻨﺎ�ﯽ � �ﻐﺎد از �ﯽ ر��ﻢ �ﯿ��د‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ! ﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ َﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻳﻠﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ‬

‫ﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬

‫ﺍﻯ ﻭﻃﻦ! ﻛﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﮔﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻫﻮﻯ ﺭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﺓ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ؟‬

‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻧِﻴَﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬

‫ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧ َﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ؟‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻳﻰ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻰ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺗﺮ؟‬

‫»ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ؟‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻐﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰِ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ‬

‫د�ﺖ ��‬

‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﻣﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ! ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺐ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻖ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺳﻪ ﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ّﮔﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺖ ﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻏﺰﻧﻪ ﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﻠّﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ َﻣﻴﻞ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺗﻮ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ُﮔﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻰ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻡ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ! ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻰ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ‬

‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ‪/‬ﺟﺪﻯ ‪ 1392‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5692‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍژﺩﺭ ﻭ ﮔﮋﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ‬

‫ﺻ�‬

‫�ﻨﮓ و ﺢ‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬

‫� ���� � ��‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ﻮ ﺘﺎن ﻦ ﯽ و ﻦ ﯾﮏ ا ﻞ ﻮﻻ�‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﻣﻴﭽﺸﺪ ﮔﻤﮕﺸﺘﺔ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻋﺸﻮﺓ ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺳﻰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﺍﻧﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺗﻤﻨ ّﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﻏﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬

‫�ﻮ ای ��ﺰ ا�ﻮرا�ﯽ!‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﭘﻠﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ!‬

‫ﺷﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻰ ﺁﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻴﺠﻨﮕﻢ‬

‫ﺑﺪﺧﺶ ﻟﻌﻞ ﺭﻳﺰ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ُﻛﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻢ! ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻦ ﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺛﺮﻳّﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧ َ َﻔﺲ ﻣﻴﺒﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣّﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕﻢ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﻡ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻏﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘّﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﻌﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻢ‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﺷﻤﺴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺨﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣّﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻟﻨﮕﻢ‬

‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﻏﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ! ﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻴﺒﻮﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻚ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ! ﺍﻯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻰِ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺵ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ! ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻤﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻰِ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻰ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﻏﺮﻳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ! ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻨﺔ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷ ّ‬ ‫َﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺪ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﻢ ﻭ ُﮔﻞ ُﻏﺘّﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﺵ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﻏﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻛﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ!‬

‫ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ! ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻨﮕﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺣﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻧﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰِ ﺳﻨﮕﻢ‬

‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻖ‬

‫� ﺑﺎ�ﯿﺎن ﻗ�� ��ﯽ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬

‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺭﻣﺰ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﺸﻘﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻮ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻢ »ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻣّﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺳﺘﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ!‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﻭ ِﺭ ﺷﺎﻋ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﮕﻮ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺎﻩﺳ ِﺮ ﭘﺎﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺸـــﺮﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳـــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﻳﻜﻲﻭﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻗﺴﻤﺖﺍﺯﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰﻫﻢﺍﺯﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﻋﺚﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻟﺖﻣﺒﻬﻢﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰﺩﺭﻃﻴﻒﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻭﻳﺎﻋﺪﻡﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻛﻤﺎﻝﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺑﺤﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭﭘﻲﻓﺮﺻﺖﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺍﻳﻦﺷﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱﻣﺨﺮﺏﻭﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﻭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﻳﻚﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢﺿﺪﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ًﺗﺒﺎﺭﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺑﻞﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦﺑﻪﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻮﺷﺶﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﷲﺑﺎﺑﺮﻭﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮﺑﻮﺗﻮﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎًﺩﺭﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﻢﺩﺭﻳﻚﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﺁﻥﻛ ً‬ ‫ﻼﺍﺯﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻫﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﻫﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﻳﻦﻗﻮﺍﻯﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﻛﻪﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐﺑﻪﻳﻚﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﻛ ً‬ ‫ﻼﺑﺎﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ)ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻨﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ ‪ ( . . .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳـــﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ‪ 1398‬ﺗﺎ ‪2000‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺩﺭﺭﺍﺱﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﺎﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲﺷﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻔﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴـــﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ًﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻲﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪﺍﺯﻧﻮﺑﺎﻋﺚﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩﻛﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱﺁﻥﺍﺯﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻴﻴﺎﺑﺪﻭﺑﻪﺍﻗﺼﺎﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﺪ ﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍًﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻮﻑ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﻴﻦﻋﻠﻴﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭﺯﻳﺰﻡ‬

‫| ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﻯ |‬

‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻟﺮ ﻗﺮﻭﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻭﺑﺮﻋﻼﻭﻩﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻭﻱﻣﺘﺤﺪﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻋﻠﻴﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﻡﻗﺒﻮﻝﺷﺪﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲﺭﺍﻛﻪﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻠﺘﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ)ﺿﻴﺎﻟﺤﻖ‪،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻈﻴﺮﺑﻮﺗﻮ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﻧﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻋﻤﻞﺩﻭﻟﺖﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﺒﻴﻦﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﻧﻮﻉﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺭﺍﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﻤﻪﺭﻭﺯﻩﺳﻴﻠﻰﺍﺯﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺮﮔﺰﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺭﺍﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﺭﺍﻡﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﺬﻛﺮﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪﺗﺤﻮﻝﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥﻭﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻱﺍﻧﺪﻙﺑﺪﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ًﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‪ B52‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﺳـــﺘﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ "ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺝ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺳﺘﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ".‬ﻓﻠﻬﺬﺍ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﺩﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﺑﻴﻚﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﺷﺪﻳﺪﻭﺣﺴﺎﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱﺩﻗﻴﻖﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪﻭﻣﻴﺒﺎﻳﺪ"ﺩﻳﻦ"ﻛﻪﻛﻠﻴﻪﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱﺍﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ "ﺣﺴﺎﺑﮕﺮ" ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖﻫﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﻬﺎﻥﺍﺯﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥﻭﺧﺎﺋﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ً‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻭﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﺑﻌﻤﻞﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻥﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺺ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ "ﺩﻳﻦ"ﻫﺮﺩﻳﻨﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﺑﻪﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﺑﺎﺷﺪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﺮﻓﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺗﻠﺦﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﺒﺎﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﺒﺎﺭﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺧﻮﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺑﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﻬﺮﻱ"ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺍﮔﺮﺑﺴﺎﻁ"ﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪﻧﻴﻜﻲﻭﻧﻬﻲﺍﺯﭘﻠﻴﺪﻱ"‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩﺷﻮﺩﻭﻋﻠﻢﻭﻋﻤﻞﺁﻥﻣﺘﺮﻭﻙﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺕﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩﻭﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻓﺘﺮﺕﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻭﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲﻭﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲﺷﺎﻳﻊﮔﺮﺩﺩﻭﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻼﻙ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﻫﻼﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺧﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻭﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ‪/‬ﺟﺪﻯ ‪ 1392‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ـ ‪ 5692‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ء‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻳﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ‬

‫ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺷـــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ “ﺗﻚ ـ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻲ” ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑـــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴـــﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻚ ـ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳـــﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑـــﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸـــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸـــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳـــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬـــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪،21‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫـــﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻮﻫﻦ‬

‫ﻗـــﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﭙـــﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺷـــﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎ ﺳـــﻬﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـــﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﻄﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺳـــﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـــﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ)ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺩﻣﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ)ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴـــﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ “ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳـــﻮﻡ” ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ “ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ”‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴـــﻦ ﻧﻴﺴـــﺖ ﻭ ﻣـــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣـــﺎﻝ ﮔـــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴـــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﭻ ﻳﺎ ﺷـــﺶ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬

‫| ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ |‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺤـــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪“ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ” ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ژﺋﻮﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳـــﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـــﺎﺏ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷـــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻤـــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘـــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑـــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫـــﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒـــﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷـــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃـــﻖ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺸـــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣـــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣـــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨـــﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑـــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻓـــﻼﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻭﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴـــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷـــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳـــﺮﺩ “ﺳﻴﺎﺳـــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ” ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫“ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ”‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳـــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴـــﻦ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫـــﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪...‬‬

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‫ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺫﺑﻴﺢ ﺍﷲ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ً‬

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