Cumanana XI - ENG

FEBRUARY 2022

ISSUE N° 11

Cumanana PERUVIAN CULTURE VIRTUAL BULLETIN FOR AFRICA MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

THE ABOLITION BUSINESS

ARRIVING IN ZAMBIA

RECIPE

Politics, war and freedom

The first Peruvian Embassy in subSaharan Africa

Peruvian flavours with and African influence

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THE ABOLITION BUSINESS POLITICS, WAR AND FREEDOM NEWTON MORI JULCA RESEARCHER Nothing foreshadowed the abolition of slavery in Peru.

At the beginning of the 19th century, the slave trade was already being questioned at an international level, the England empire being the one that put the most effort into its eradication, despite taking part of this business for centuries.

Which were the reasons for such change? These were not humanitarian, but economic.

The industrial revolution was born in England, with the invention of the mechanical loom, and then through the construction of agricultural machines, that is, machines that made other machines that accelerated production. England became the world’s factory and needed to sell its products. For this, people were required to earn wages, have money to buy and, obviously, slavery was not an adequate economy for English businesses.

England mobilized its powerful navy to blockade and attack slave ships freeing the slaves that were being transported. On a political level, England encouraged agreements that ended the slave trade. Although there was no war between empires for the abolition of slavery, the situation was quite tense among the European empires, resulting in a decrease in the slave trade.

On September 23, 1817, a Treaty between the Spanish crown and the British Empire was signed in Madrid, Spain, to eliminate the slave trade. This way, the frigate Rita left from the port of Santander in Spain and arrived at the port of Callao with the last official shipment of slaves from Africa on March 18, 1818.

A careful review of the newspapers from that time, especially El Comercio, provides information on Lima’s on other Peruvian cities’ daily life, which was not altered by discussions or debates about abolition. The information focuses on interethnic conflicts, between the so-called “high society” people who complained about the proliferation of street vendors and the lack of respect on the part of so-called lower classes. There were reports of abuses against slaves, notices about escaped slaves and rewards; reports on the commoners’ parties, customs and festivities shaping Lima’s façade which, according to travellers and chroniclers of the time, was described as a black city, almost like Salvador de Bahía in Brazil and Havana in Cuba.

Afro-descendants had penetrated all levels of Lima society, due to their proximity as part of the servitude and due to the

exercise of some professions such as dance and music teachers, not thinking of themselves as Afro, but Western.

There were constant complaints, and even a certain panic, because society was at the mercy of “these lowly people” as many letters and opinion articles pointed out, since the supply of water and firewood, as well as street vending and domestic service, were ran by Afro-descendants.

Unlike other places in America, there was no ideological context in Peru that supported the abolition decree declared

by Ramón Castilla. There was no civil war, nor anything of the sort, between emerging capitalism and slavery that retarded development, as happened a few years later in the United States with the Civil War (1861-1865). Abolition occurred amid a civil war unleashed by accusations of corruption due to the recognition of public debt acquired to fund the wars of independence. This situation was known as Consolidation of the Internal Debt.

The payment of this debt meant a recognition from the State to any person or institution for having contributed to the cause of emancipation, from crops to money, real estate, or services. This compensation process began in 1850, when 2028people received consolidation vouchers. However, only 126 individuals accumulated 2/3 of the value of the consolidated debt. First among the beneficiaries were the heirs of Simón Bolívar. Then, merchants, landowners, rentiers, and publicofficials.

The recognised debt amounted to 24 million pesos, almost five times the budget of 1850. It was not long before a scandal broke out, due to debt documents being prey to falsification and adulteration. Considering that, the revolutionary forces of Ramón Castilla – a liberal –, sought to overthrow the socalled “corrupt government” of José Rufino Echenique, in 1854. On November 18, 1854, President Echenique, seeking to attract the support of the enslaves population, decreed the abolition of slavery, and announced it was necessary to ensure the triumph of institutions and social order, and that, to that effect, all domestic or hacienda slaves who offered their services to the army would obtain freedom, extensive to their legitimate wives. Military service lasted a minimum oftwo years, in addition to compensation for the master.

To counteract this provision, Castilla, from Huancayo, issued a decree ordering the abolition of slavery in Peru, on December 3, 1854. According to Castilla, this decision had

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already been planned for once the war was over and emphasised that "the slaves or serfs who take up arms and support the tyranny of former president José Rufino Echenique, who wages war against the freedom of the peoples, would be unworthy of freedom”. Castilla also ensured a fair price for the masters and bosses of the freed and claimed that he would enrolling in his army would notbe a condition to uphold his offer, which was a strategic blowagainst Echenique's proposal.

Castilla triumphed in the battle of La Palma in Lima on January 5, 1855. That same year, he appointed a Commission that determined that half of the consolidation debt was questionable. Even so, faced with the possibility of another civil war, the payment was fulfilled, as would also be the case with the owners of the freed slaves. This, in practice, was not an abolition, but the purchase of slaves by the State from their owners. The decree of December 3 was complemented by another of January 23, 1855, which allowed the owners to dispose from slave work until the harvest was finished and stipulated the expulsion of those enslaved who were not productive. Rural labour regulations were entrusted to the landowners and the board prepared the decree published on April 7, 1855, which, according to complaints at the time, configured a labour regime worse than the abolished one.

On March 9, 1855, the decree that regulated compensation to owners was issued, establishing the payment of 300 pesos per freed person, without distinction of age or sex. On March 16, 1855, the commissions that would oversee the distribution of freedom vouchers to slaves were appointed in Chorrillos.

Between 1854 and 1860, 25,505 slaves were “manumitted”, a figure that exceeded the initial figures, since according to Ricardo Palma – in an article published in 1899 –, Castilla’s calculation of the number of slaves to be manumitted was the following: Those born before 1821… ........................................ 4,000 Those born between 1821-1839. ............................. 6,000 Of those born between 1839-1854. .......................... 7,000 Total 17,000 According to the same author, the expenses demanded to fulfil the abolition could be covered with fiscal spending, but falsification of baptismal certificates and files of dead slaves were not considered by the government. The “resurrected” slaves were estimated at 9,500, and the complete payment of freedom vouchers was only achieved around 1872, during Balta’s government. The first beneficiary in this process was the church, being the major slave owner. Nothing was done when protests arose because of the fraudulent process of debt acknowledging. The State compensated the owners for an amount of 7,651,500 pesos, including a fraud of more thantwo million pesos.

Caricature portraying President Ramón Castilla as the redeemer of the indigenous population and black slaves.

(C) Williez, 1855

As an example of the corruption that involved abolition, Domingo Elías – a wealthy landowner from the Ica area – waspart of Castilla’s inner circle and appointed as Minister of Finance. He imported, despite the prohibition laws, slaves fromthe Colombian Chocó area, buying them for a low price, to pass them off as their own and charged the State for the “loss” of their workforce. This character would be relevant again in the “hiring” of Chinese coolies for his farms, in another of the human trafficking processes that took place in Peru.

During this period of our history, two factors related to the payment of public debts come together: one generated by independence and another by manumission. The amounts involved were large and could only be met by the wealth generated by the trade of guano. However, the payment of these debts had the specific purpose of transferring public funds to the private sector to capitalise it.

Such measure was not new, since many European countries’ public debt, along with the exploitation of their colonies, composed the mechanisms for the initial accumulation of capital that allowed the bourgeoisie to investment in the development of industries. In our case, some banks were established, some small factories mounted, and agriculture on the coast was modernised through hydraulic structures and imported equipment for the exploitation of cotton and sugar, in the context of the North American Civil War (19611865) and the Cuban revolution (1868); which favoured the ports, that is, the coastal region of Peru. The bulk of this money was not destined for industrialization but for financial speculation with the government, since it was shown that lending money was a more profitable business than investing in industries. Did the slaves receive any kind of compensation or incentive? Nothing, absolutely nothing, because it was assumed that freedom was enough for them. * Extract from Los Afrodescendientes del Perú, Historia, aportes y participación en el desarrollo del País, Newton Mori Julca, Ministry of Education, 2018

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ARRIVING IN ZAMBIA THE FIRST PERUVIAN EMBASSY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA FOREWORD BY. JAIME CACHO- SOUSA VEL ÁZQUEZ DIRE CTOR GENERAL OF AFRICA, THE MIDDLE EAST AND GULF COUNTRIES I begin my duties as Director General of Africa, the Middle East and Gulf Countries, with the firm intention of continuing the task started by those who preceded me in the position, underpinning the Peruvian presence in Africa, through actions that contribute to publicise the important legacy of that continent in our country’s culture and history, as well as recognising the cultural contribution of the Afro-Peruvian community. Hence, I am confident in that our efforts will promote contact, cooperation, and exchange, aimed to development and common welfare.

This edition of Cumanana Cultural Bulletin takes us back to the launching of the Embassy of Peru in Zambia, the first Peruvian Mission to be opened in sub-Saharan Africa, in 1975.

As evidenced through the report sent by the Chargé d'Affaires in Lusaka, Peru perceived – and to date recognises – the important role of this region of the world for the development of Peruvian foreign policy. It is also fascinating to realise the circumstances in which the Embassy was established, a time marked by the struggles for independence in African nations, and the search for an autonomous voice on the international stage.

For reasons of space, it has been considered convenient to collect only some ideas from the original report. It is manifest in those paragraphs, firstly, the Peruvian and Zambian shared interest in finding areas of common development, and secondly, that Peru recognises the potential of reaffirming its presence in key spaces, leading to extending its approach to other nations. Let us therefore follow the story of Ambassador César Espejo, then Chargé d'Affaires, as the first Peruvian diplomat accredited in sub-Saharan Africa.

EMBASSY OF PERU Lusaka, May 26, 1971 Minister of State in the Foreign Relations Office Through my letter No. 1, dated last April 24, I was pleased to inform your High Office that I had asked the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Zambia, Mr Elijah Mudenda, for a date and time for my first courtesy visit.

I was received on the 19th of this month in a very cordial manner, being Mr Mudenda’s first words of apology for

not having granted me the interview earlier, as his official visitsto Botswana, Malawi, Rwanda and Burundi had kept him away from the country.

On the occasion that I comment, I conveyed to the Zambian Minister the greetings of our Government and the hopes of prosperity and happiness of his country. I stated that it was not the simple fact that Zambia and Peru were major exporters of copper and members of ICCEC that had motivated the opening of the first diplomatic representation in non-Arab Africa, but that there were more profound reasons. The nationalist policy of President K. Kaunda deeply rooted in humanism, the efforts of Zambia is making to achieve its economic independence, its vocation for the equality of men and societies, its courageous fight against discrimination and racial segregation, had been the primary factors for Peru to take the decision to establish direct diplomatic relations with Zambia.

I also said that our government was willing to offer its cooperation not only at a bilateral level but also at a multilateral stage and within international organizations, aimed at mutual benefit. My presence in Lusaka was the tangible expression of those wishes. (…)

Minister Mudenda, in answering my speech, made a broad and orderly exposition of the internal and external policy of his Government, having previously stated that he and President Kaunda were still keen on the warm and friendly reception that was given to them on his way to Santiago at the Lima airport, describing it as the most affective that was paid to them on that trip.

He also recalled your presence and role, Minister, at the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries held last year in Lusaka, a fact that contributed to a greater universalisation of third world countries’ beliefs. (…)

Zambia is facing another problem, being that of Mozambique’s and Angola’s national liberation guerrillas, which demand and obtain both moral and material support from this Zambia and from Tanzania. In this distant and not very sensational struggle, Portuguese colonialism is being decided, clinging to its African possessions with great mining potential, as is the case of Angola. By all accounts, a

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Finally, Mr. Mudenda added “that in Africa there is a poor country, forgotten, but with great economic potential (minerals, especially copper) Botswana, which is surrounded by hostile countries: South Africa, Rhodesia and the South West Africa trust. Botswana is artificially separated from Zambia by the so-called 'Caprivi Strip' and by another artificial prolongation of Rhodesia. This nation,in the opinion of Minister Mudenda, deserves more attention from the international community and for this reason Zambia would be very sympathetic and would duly appreciate if Peru extended the jurisdiction of the Embassy in Lusaka to Gaborone (Botswana), thus lending thatcountry the moral help that it requires in its fight for its survival”.

Personally, I am convinced, Minister, that it would be convenient for Peru to establish diplomatic relations with Botswana and Tanzania, since the measure would gain the appreciation of these countries, which at a given moment could support certain aspects of our international policy, as in the 200-maritime-miles one. (…)

third of Mozambique is in the hands of the rebels and, according to Mr. Mudenda's version, the independence of these Portuguese colonies is a matter of time. Instead, he added, the situation in Rhodesia and South Africa, for the time being, is lost to the cause of the progressive countries of Africa.

The Zambian Minister also said that his Government had the intention of sending a mission to Latin America to directly depict the problems derived from the domination of a white minority in certain African nations. “African nationalism coincides in certain aspects with Latin American nationalism and that is why I think that the fight against neo-colonialism may have a greater echo in this part of the world.”

“Zambia's landlocked nature, as well as some historicalgeographical circumstances, make the very existence of the country difficult. It is surrounded by Angola and Mozambique, the last colonies of Portugal, and by two segregationist nations: Rhodesia and South Africa. The access railways of Lobitos (Angola) and Beira (Mozambique) are controlled by Portugal and Rhodesia, countries that create permanent problems of food supply and essential manufactures for Zambian population. The transport of copper is also affected by these circumstances”. (…)

Peru could be the first country to make itself tangibly present in English-speaking black Africa and could take advantage of the consequent advantages derived from this fact.

I would be very grateful to you, Minister, for letting me know your decision on this matter as soon as possible, so that, taking into account the very particular circumstances that prevail in this part of Africa, I may adopt, in due opportunity, the necessary measures.

Yours sincerely,

Cesar Espejo RomeroCharge d'Affaires a.i.

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RECIPE: BIENMESABE This dessert of Moorish origin, arrived in Peru during the viceregal period. It is known, among other sweets, as a “convent pudding”, since it was prepared by nuns, particularly from the 19th century.

Due to this being a tradition linked to the cloisters, the dessert was known throughout America.

INGREDIENTS 1kg sweet potato 1 kg of sugar 1 cup of milk 9 egg yolks 1/4 cup of sweet wine 2 teaspoons of vanilla essence 3 cloves 3 cinnamon sticks

PREPARATION In a pot filled with water, cover the peeled sweet potato and parboil along with the cinnamon and cloves until well cooked.

Remove from the pot and press until pureed. Add sugar and milk. Cook the mixture over medium heat for about 20 minutes.

Remove the pot from the heat and add the beaten egg yolks, the sweet wine and the vanilla essence. Mix everything well.

Check that all the ingredients are fully integrated, and the dessert will be ready to serve.

Decorate with ground cinnamon or chopped nuts.