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THE OXFORD ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF THE

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EDITED BY JONATHAN RILEYSMlTH


The Oxford Illustrated

Tt\istorg of

The Crusades Jonathan Riley-Smith History

is

Dixie Professor of Ecclesiastical

in the University

of Cambridge.


The Oxford

The


Illtt;

Grusades EDITED BY

Jonathan Riley-Smith

Oxford

New York

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1997


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British Library Cataloguing in Publication

Data

Data

available

Library of Congress Cataloging

The Oxford p.

in Publication

illustrated history of the crusades

Data

/ edited

by Jonathan Rtley-Smith

cm.

Includes index. 1.

L Riuy-Smith, Jonathan Simon

Crusades.

D15J.048

1997

909.07

ISBN 0-19-26 5294-9

10987654321 Printed

111

Great Britain

on acid-jree paper by Butler

isr

Tanner

Fromc, Somerset

Ltd.

del

1

Christopher,

96-J9J4J

tg]8â&#x20AC;&#x201D;


preface

The

inclusion of the subject of the crusades in this series of illustrated histories and the fact

that only one

of the contributors

upon

the

when

there cannot have been

phenomenal

rise in

from outside

is

number of

the

more than

Britain provide an opportunity to reflect

British crusade scholars since the early 1950s,

half a dozen, only

two of

whom

were historians,

teaching in the universities. By 1990 twenty-nine history departments in British universities

and colleges had members of the

Society for the Study of the

strength in British academic circles probably owes

most

Crusades

on

their staff.

The

subject's

to a general public interest, a fasci-

nation with the Near East which has a long history, the reputation of St John Ambulance,

which associates Sir Steven

itself

Runciman's

This volume

with the medieval Knights Hospitallers, and the continuing success of

A

History of

the

reflects

described in Chapter

1.

It

the

recent

Crusades.

developments

covers crusading in

many

in

crusade historiography which are

different theatres

of war. The concepts

of apologists, propagandists, song- writers, and poets, and the perceptions and motives of the

crusaders themselves are described, as are the emotional and intellectual reactions of the

Muslims tural

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

to Christian holy war.

The

institutional

developments

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

legal, financial,

and struc-

which were necessary to the movement's survival are analysed. Several chapters

are

devoted to the western settlements established in the eastern Mediterranean region in the

wake of the crusades, to the remarkable military orders.

The

from the sixteenth to the eighteenth steps are taken

on

art

and architecture associated with them, and to the

subject of the later crusades, including the history of the military orders

to a field that

is

centuries,

is

given the attention

it

as yet hardly explored, the survival

of crusading into the nineteenth and twentieth

deserves.

And

the

first

of the ideas and images

centuries.

JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH Croxton, Cambridgeshire April, lggj.


Contents

I.

List of

Colour Plates

ix

List of

Maps

xi

The Crusading Movement and

Historians

i

JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH 2.

Origins

i

MARCUS BULL 3.

The Crusading Movement, 1096— 1274

34

SIMON LLOYD

of Mind of Crusaders JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH

4.

The

5.

Songs MICHAEL ROUTLEDGE

6.

The

State

Latin East, 1098— 1291

JONATHAN 7.

Art

to the East, 1095— 1300

66

91

112

PHILLIPS

in the Latin East,

1098— 1291

141

JAROSLAV FOLDA 8.

Architecture in the Latin East, 1098— 1571

160

DENYS PRINGLE 9.

The

Military Orders, 1120— 1312

184

ALAN FOREY 10.

Islam and the Crusades, 1096— 1699

217

ROBERT IRWIN 11.

The Crusading Movement, 1274— 1700 NORMAN HOUSLEY

z &°

12.

The

294

Latin East, 1291— 1669

PETER EDBURY 13.

The

Military Orders, 1312— 1798

ANTHONY LUTTRELL

326


Vlll

â&#x20AC;¢

CONTENTS 14.

Images of the Crusades

in the

Centuries

Nineteenth and Twentieth 365

ELIZABETH SIBERRY 15.

Revival and Survival

386

JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH

Chronology

392

Further Reading

401

Illustration Sources

418

Index

420


IM of Colour plates facing page

Armoured knights on horseback

zo

Abbazia Moncecassino/Scala, Florence

Pope Urban

on

II

his

way

to

Clermont

20

Arch. Snark/Bibhotheque Nationale/Edimedia, Paris

St Benedict of Nursia cures a

man

with a skin disease

21

Scala, Florence

Christ on the Cross, a reliquary from southern France

52

© Jean Dieuzaide David delivering provisions to his brethen The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, M6}8 fo.27V

The

52

reconquest of Spain

53

Mas

Pope Innocent

116

III

Scala, Florence

Windows

in the

south choir clerestory of Tewkesbury Abbey

117

Woodmansterne, photo by Jeremy Marks

French king leads crusaders, miniature of 1490

© photo Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Ms

fr

5594

fr

2628 fo.^28 v

St Louis at the siege of Damietta

© photo Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Ms Peter the

148

Hermit

British Library,

148

Ms Eg.

Expedition of Louis British Library,

117

10.1:58

1500 fo.45

V

IX

148

Ms Eg. 1500 fo.57

Schreinmadonna f.1400 © photo RMN/Cluny

149

Byzantine Emperor Manuel

Comnenus and

his wife

180

Deesis miniature in the Psalter of Queen Melisende

180

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat gr. 1176

British Library,

Ms

Eg. 1139 fo.i2

v

Front ivory cover of the Psalter of Queen Melisende British Library.

Ms Eg.

Frontispiece to the

180

1139

Book

of Judith from the Arsenal Bible

© photo Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal Ms 5211 fo.252

181


X

LIST OF

The A.

COLOUR PLATES

church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem F.

212

Kersting

Crac des Chevaliers

213

Sonia Halliday Photographs/Jane Taylor

St Bernard, Cistercian abbot of Clairvaux

213

by permission of the Warden and Fellows of Keble College, Oxford,

Burning of the Templars British Library, Ms Royal 20C

MS 49 fo.i62 r 244

VII fo.44 V

Military orchestra maintained by Turkish and Kurdish emirs

244

© photo Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Ms arabe 5847 fo.94 Trainee

mamluks perform sword

British Library,

Add Ms

exercises

245

18866 fo.8140

Jean-Leon Gerome, 'Le

Harem

dans

le

Kiosk'

276

© 1985 Sotheby's Inc Andrea Bonaiuti, 'The Church

Militant', S.

Maria Novella, Florence

276

Scala, Florence

Titian, 'Spain

Museo

Coming to

the

Aid of Religion'

277

del Prado, Madrid

Caterina Cornaro, the

last

queen of Cyprus

308

Szepmuveszeti Muzeum, Budapest

The harbour and town of Chios Museo

The

in the sixteenth century

intervention of Saint James, or Santiago, at Clavijo

Museo Lazaro

Dommuseum

Turks f.1460 New York G55 fo.i4o v

galleys defeat the

Pierpont Morgan Library,

Anonymous

309

Galdiano, Madrid

Two Rhodian The

308

Navale, Genoa-Pegli

portrait of Konrad

340

von Stauchwitz, Landkomtur of Austria

341

zu Salzburg, photo by Robert Braunmuller

Turbaned Turks and the legendary

tree-fort

of the Teutonic Order

372

Stadtmuseum, Sterzing

George Innes, 'March of the Crusaders' Fruitlands

William Dr

373

Museums, Harvard, Mass.

Bell Scott, 'Return

from

a

Long Crusade'

373

Elizabeth Siberry

Eugene Delacroix, 'Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople'

404

© photo RMN Knights of the Sovereign Military and Hospitaller Order of Malta Gamma/Frank Spooner

Pictures (Noel/Figaro)

405


tttofJWaps Map

i.

Map

2.

Map

3.

Map

Europe and the Near East before Europe and the Near East

The

f.1300

after r.1300

410 412

Latin East

414

4.

The Aegean Region

415

Map

5.

The

416

Map

6.

Spain and North Africa

Baltic

Region

417


1

The drusading pfoocment and historians JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH

If

N November 1095 of Pope Urban together with

II.

On

some

the 27th, with the council

lay

coming

to an end, the churchmen,

people mostly from the countryside around, assembled

town and the pope preached them

outside the

field

church council was meeting in Clermont under the chairmanship

a

a

sermon

in

which he called on Frankish

knights to

vow

to

of Islamic

rule

and liberating the tomb of Christ, the Holy Sepulchre

march

in a

to the East with the twin aims of freeing Christians

from the yoke from

in Jerusalem,

he had finished Adhemar of Monteil, the bishop of Le Puy

who

was to be appointed Urban's representative on the expedition, came forward and was the

first

Muslim

control.

As soon

as

to take the cross, while the

crowd

called out

'God of

later

and were coloured by the triumph

wills

of this assembly and the pope's sermon were written that was to follow, they give the impression

it!'

Although the eyewitness accounts

a piece

of deliberate theatre

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

daring one,

a

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

given the risk involved in organizing an out-of-doors event at the start of winter

in

which

the actions of the leading players and the acclamation of the crowd had been worked out in

advance.

The of

it

crusading movement had begun in the melodramatic fashion which was to be typical

thereafter.

known how

Coming himself from

to play

the class he wished to arouse, the

on the emotions of armsbearers.

Now

about 60 years old, he had em-

barked on a year-long journey through southern and central France.

The summoning of an mind

expedition to the aid of the Byzantine empire had probably been in his

and

it

had been aired

at a council

held at Piacenza in

pope must have

for several years

March which had heard an appeal from

the Byzantine (Greek) emperor Alexius for aid against the Turks,

who

for over

two decades

had been sweeping through Asia Minor and had almost reached the Bosphorus. Soon

Urban had entered French

territory he

Puy and with Raymond of leader.

must have discussed

St Gilles, the count of Toulouse,

These meetings cannot have been confidential and

a tradition in

Burgundy

his plans with

that 'the

first

there

whom may

after

Adhemar of Le

he wanted

have been

as military

some

truth in

vows to go on the way to Jerusalem' were made

at a

council of thirty-six bishops which had met at Autun earlier in 1095. Another tradition was


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS Hermit was

that the wandering evangelist Peter the

the crusade before

was preached

it

already proposing something similar to

Clermont. Peter was congenitally boastful and the sto-

at

ries

of his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, the appeal to him by the

and

his interview

Jerusalem's aid

with the pope in Italy

seem

and some preliminary planning

Urban seems went

in France.

to have followed

But

over.

in

up

patriarch, his vision

which he persuaded Urban to

to have originated in Lorraine, not far

where he lived once the crusade was talk

at

of Christ,

summon men

from the abbey of Neumoustier

at the very least there

advance of the pope's

must have been

arrival at

a lot

By the following spring crusaders were assembling

1099, an achievement

made

all

Minor two

the Turks in Asia

Clermont.

what came to be known

for

in the

July

15

the greater for contemporaries by the catastrophic defeat by

years later

of the armies of a third wave of crusaders.

Jerusalem could not be held in isolation and

of western settlements

of

proclamation by preaching the cross wherever he

his

Crusade (1096—1102), the climax of which was the capture of Jerusalem on

as the First

to

its

Levant (which are

capture inevitably led to the establishment

known

collectively as the Latin East).

These

soon came under pressure and military expeditions had to be organized, and military orders were founded, to

into a preliminary

and 147— 9; the 1

although this was diverted

and disastrous invasion of the Byzantine empire

1120—5, 1128— 9, 1139—40,

assist

last

them. Crusades were in action in 1107— 8

of these came to be known

ment had been extended

to Spain, the reconquest of which

equated with the liberation of Jerusalem by Pope Urban

preached in

armed

1114, 1118,

and

1122,

when Pope

forces serving concurrently in Spain

Calixtus

and

Second Crusade. Meanwhile, the move-

as the

II

from the Moors had already been

II.

Crusades

proposed

a

in the peninsula

were

war on two fronts with

in the East. Calixtus's initiative

was developed

III in 1147 when he authorized a crusade against the Wends across the German frontier at the same time as crusaders were being called to serve in Spain and Asia. The Second Crusade was a fiasco, and although there were three further cru-

by Pope Eugenius north-eastern

sades in Spain before 1187, one in northern Europe, and a few expeditions, notably that of 1

177, to Palestine, the thirty years that

ment reached before

followed were in

many ways

the lowest point the

Everything changed, however, with the consternation that swept Europe

Muslim 1187.

victory at Hattin, and the loss of Jerusalem and nearly

The Third Crusade

(1189—92) and the

coast, ensuring the survival

German Crusade

all

at the

masses were expressed

news of the

of Palestine to Saladin in

(1197— 8) recovered most of the

of the Latin settlements for the time being, and enthusiasm was

to be found at every level of society throughout the thirteenth century. Feelings

(1251),

move-

the fifteenth century.

in the Children's

among

while military forces sailed to the East in 1202—4 (the Fourth Crusade, diverted to

Constantinople, which the crusaders took, together with

much

of Greece), 1217—29 (the Fifth

Crusade, which ended with the recovery of Jerusalem by treaty by the excommunicated peror Frederick

by the

the

Crusade (1212) and the Crusade of the Shepherds

loss

II),

1239—41, 1248—54 (the

of Jerusalem

armies invaded Egypt

in 1244),

in 1218

first

crusade of King Louis

IX

Em-

of France, inspired

1269—72 (Louis's second crusade) and 1287—90; crusading

and 1249, and Tunisia

in 1270.


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS There was briefly

also a renewal

of activity

in

Spain between 1187 and 1260, when the crusade was

extended to Africa; the highpoints were the victory of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212) and

the conquests of Valencia (1232—53),

resumed

in the early fourteenth

Cordoba

(1236)

and

Crusading

Seville (1248).

in

Spain

century and again in 1482—92, after which, with Granada and

the entire Iberian peninsula in Christian hands,

spilled into

it

North

Africa and led to the

establishment of beachheads as far east as Tripoli. In the Baltic region crusades were launched in

support of Christian missions in Livonia between

and

1193

1230, after

which the Teutonic

Knights took over, and in Prussia, where the Teutonic Knights ran a 'perpetual crusade' from 1245 until early in the fifteenth century. Crusades were also

Poland.

From

in Italy

1199 onwards crusades were fought against

they were endemic between 1255 and 1378

Schism generated crusades heretics, the Albigensian

in Flanders

waged

political

in Estonia, Finland,

—Germany, and

and Spain

in the 1380s.

and

opponents of the papacy Aragon, while the Papal

The

first

crusade against

Crusade, was in action in south-western France between 1209 and

the last great Muslim offensive. The siege of Vienna by the Ottoman Turks in early September 1683, with the Muslim encampments ringing the city and a spider's web of trenches pressing on the fortifications. Drawn in 1687 by the engineer Daniel Suttinger, who had surveyed the siege-works after the siege had been raised. The advance of the Ottomans into the heart of Europe precipitated the last great crusade league, which went on to recover large parts of the Balkans for Christendom.

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crusade historians. Two of crusade

studies, (above)

great

men of the

golden age

Gustave Schlumberger

(1844— 1929), the father of the study of the coins and seals

of the Latin

Mas

Latrie (1815— 1897),

settlers in the East, (right)

who

Louis de

foundations for

laid the

all

subsequent histories of Latin Cyprus.

1229; others were sites

waged

between 1420 and

who were

in Bosnia,

1431.

Italy,

and Bohemia,

Crusades were also launched

trying to recover Constantinople; against the

Orthodox Russians

the

Germany,

in

in 1231

Hus-

especially against the

and 1239 against the Greeks,

Mongols from

1241 onwards; against

northern Europe from the thirteenth century and against the

Armada of 1588). remained the East. The loss of Acre and

Protestant English in the sixteenth (the

But the chief

field

of

activity

toeholds in Palestine and Syria in 1291 gave

rise to

the last Christian

another wave of enthusiasm, finding ex-

pression in popular crusades in 1309 and 1320. Expeditions sailed regularly to the eastern

Mediterranean region. threat to

One

sent to

Mahdia

in

North Africa

in 1390

was followed,

as the

Europe from the Ottoman Turks grew, by disastrous forays into the Balkans, the

Crusades of Nicopolis (1396) and of Varna (1444), although the Turkish advance was temporarily halted at Belgrade in 1456. In 1332 a interested powers in a crusade league

most

leagues, the

of Lepanto

new

— came

expression of the

into existence.

successful of which were those which took

in 1571,

movement

There were

Smyrna

to be

in 1344,

an alliance of

many of these won the Battle

and recovered much of the Balkans from the Ottomans between 1684 and

1697, although there were also conventional crusades to

Crusading, however, was petering out from the

North Africa

late sixteenth century,

in 1535, 1541,

and

1578.

although the Hospital

%

of St John to

Napoleon

The of

still

the

generating

its

order-state

of Malta

until that island fell

in 1798.

crusading

life

functioned as a military order in

movement had

Church and

its

own

involved every country in Europe, touching almost every area

religious thought, politics, the

literature. It

economy, and society

as well as

had an enduring influence on the history of the western

Is-


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS lamic world and the Baltic region. Although until comparatively recently

thought of

as

something exotic and peripheral,

of modern scholarship were

tions

golden

age,

laid in the

it

tended to be

The founda-

second half of the nineteenth century. This

which ended with the outbreak of the

of consolidation; indeed, the multi-volume

it

has never lacked historians.

World War, was followed by

First

histories

a period

of Steven Runciman and the American

team of scholars led by Kenneth Setton (commonly known

as the

had appeared or had begun to appear by the middle

could only have been planned

a relatively stable

By the

a

The

signs

first

of renewed vigour came Israeli,

in the study

Joshua Prawer,

broke new ground in the study of institutions, bringing to

ments outside the Latin

and an

East, a

achievement,

A

intelligent analysis

much more

set alight.

a

it

of the Latin East, which Richard and Prawer

wide knowledge of develop-

which put

it

a

long way above the rather pedestrian work that

in the long

run

may

this

have been their greatest

excitement was generated at the time by another aspect of their

problem faced by

all

historians

of the kingdom of Jerusalem, the most

of works of jurisprudence written

trayed a state in which a kind

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;had

and

been imposed

fossilized, for a

of

at the

century and a

claude had sifted through the

'pure' feudalism

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Assises de

m the thirteenth century, which por-

if there

could ever have been such a

time of settlement around 1100 and had survived, archaic half. In

Assises,

the 1920s a French scholar called Maurice Grand-

extracting

from them

references to laws

which he

thought could be dated to the twelfth century. His conclusions had been almost entirely nored, but

it

re-

significant

of the settlements, related to the most important surviving source material, the Jerusalem, a collection

thing

in

concern for the source material, particularly the charters and

had mostly gone before. But although

search.

which

were signs that the pace of crusade history was beginning

French historian, Jean Richard, and an

laws,

History),

environment.

early 1950s, however, there

to quicken again.

1950s,

Wisconsin

was on the basis of the evidence he had brought to

rewrote the history of Jerusalem, because

it

became apparent

light

ig-

that Richard and Prawer

that the ossified feudal state

of

the thirteenth-century law-books did not accord with the reality of the twelfth century, nor, it

transpired, with that

less like authorities

of the thirteenth century

and more

like intelligent

tisans in a constitutional battle

were composed. course with

its

either.

The law-books

but tendentious political

which had been raging

increasingly looked

tracts,

in Palestine in the

written by par-

decades before they

And the kingdom of Jerusalem began to look more 'normal', although of own peculiarities, and subject to political and constitutional developments

not unlike those elsewhere.

The

'constitutional'

approach to Jerusalem's history introduced by Richard and Prawer

held sway for about twenty years. In the mid-1970s, however,

way of looking was

a reaction

1930s, a

at the politics

began to give way to another this

not unlike that which took place among historians of medieval England in the

move away from

a bird's-eye 'constitutional'

operation of lordship in practice; in also

it

of the Latin East, pioneered by Hans Mayer. In one sense

this,

seems to have been in tune with a

of course,

mood

approach to the grassroots and to the it

drew

close to institutional studies. It

which could be discerned in

many branches of


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS history, a

disenchantment with the old conviction that the only successful

tralized ones

been tive

and

a

renewed

ways

in

A

interest in decentralized societies.

concern with the way royal power operated

a

in all sorts

were cen-

states

of recent work has

feature

of small but subtle and

effec-

and through the fragmented feudal structures of the kingdom.

Meanwhile, advances were being made

study of crusade ideology.

in the

One

reason for

the growth of scholarly interest in this field was to be found in developments in other disci-

Combat

plines.

made

psychiatry had

great strides during the

Second World War and knowl-

edge of the effects of stress on individuals and groups had begun to percolate through society. Since

it

was becoming harder to categorize behaviour

heroism or

war

in

in the

old clear-cut terms of

were themselves becoming more interesting.

brutality, crusaders

underlying the notion of a just war were being considered more intensively.

proceeding on the assumption that crimes could be committed against humanity, had

Trials,

revived interest in Natural Law,

and the debate whether obedience to orders was

raised questions relating to the traditional just-war criterion trine

And the theories The Nuremberg

of nuclear deterrence and the beginnings of

a

justified

had

of legitimate authority. The doc-

concern with proportionality was bring-

ing another of the just- war criteria, right intention, into the foreground.

But while intellectual developments may have been predisposing people to look more empathetically at crusaders, in the

movement were

and the

most explanations of the involvement of so many men and women

still

had lacked sophistication or had desired material

that they

view gained powerful support from a

latter

clever,

tion that crusaders were generated by family strategies for

Runciman

sible for

to end his History

The triumphs of the Crusade

on

a high note

were the triumphs of

gain;

but very narrowly based, sugges-

economic

survival. It

was

still

pos-

of moral outrage:

faith.

But

faith

without wisdom

is

a

dangerous

thing ... In the long sequence of interaction and fusion between Orient and Occident out of which

our civilization has grown, the Crusades were courage and so

little

honour, so

much

a tragic

and destructive episode

devotion and so

little

smirched by cruelty and greed, enterprise and endurance by

and the Holy War is

a sin against the

itself

was nothing more than

a

.

.

a blind

.

There was so much

High

understanding.

ideals were be-

and narrow self-righteousness;

long act of intolerance

in the

name of God, which

Holy Ghost.

In fact

it

was hard to credit sincere

sading;

it

was

men and women

easier to believe that they

with an ideology

as

repugnant as cru-

had been too simple-minded to understand what they

were doing or to argue that they had been motivated, whatever they might have sire for

print, even if unread,

make

by de-

land or booty, although the latter explanation should have been hard to sustain.

Everybody knew that medieval warfare had been

to

said,

which demonstrated the

costly

and

a

mass of material was already

financial sacrifices

men and

their families

in

had

to take part in crusading.

In other words, historians were blinded to facts and evidence by their abhorrence of ideological violence

appeal. They,

and

their inability to

and everyone

else,

comprehend

that

had forgotten how

it

really

could have had

a

convincing

intellectually respectable the Christian


I the romance of the crusades. Rooms dedicated were decorated in

1839.

When

to the crusades in a

new wing

or the Palace of Versailles

King Louis-Philippe permitted those whose ancestors had fought

in the

crusades to put up their coats-of-arms in the rooms, there developed a market in rorged charters which could

be used to prove crusading ancestry.

theory of positive violence was. 1960s in South American

one seems to have been prepared for

its

revival in the

movements of Christian Liberation, some of which had

wings justifying the use of force, Christ's intentions for

No

in this case rebellion, as

mankind and

as a

militant

an act of charity in accordance with

moral imperative. Crusade historians suddenly

dis-

covered that there were sincere and devout contemporaries of theirs holding ideological positions very similar to those

maintained by the medieval apologists they were studying.

And

with their eyes opened, the fundamental weakness of the arguments for a general materialistic

motivation and the paucity of the evidence on which they rested became

adventurous younger sons began in

them anv

longer.

at last to ride off the scene.

Few

much

clearer.

The

historians appear to believe


8

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS

â&#x20AC;˘

Prepared to accept that many, perhaps most, crusaders were motivated in other ways, cluding idealism, historians were forced to face up to and understand crusade ideas. expression of a

made up

new

interest in ideology

a significant

came with

The

1950s

element in early crusades and occasionally came together in popular

also an expression

and

1960s,

of an enthusiasm for mass movements which was

began to evaporate

as

it

became apparent

that very

little

of the

prej-

on

the arguments of the popes and preachers

who

It is in

knowledge and understanding generate

the nature of intellectual

many

as

work

that enhanced

questions as they answer; and in crusade

did not take long for a major question, which had been dormant for some time, to

What

re-emerge.

was a crusade?

must be admitted

It

the ab-

and theologians, on the hybrid notions and

mediated between the two groups.

it

on

known

intellectuals, the canonists

udices of the nobles and knights, and

studies

is:

itself

of the

typical

could ever be

about them. Most work, therefore, began to be concentrated where the evidence stractions

first

of the motivation of the poor, who

studies

eruptions in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. But the interest in poor crusaders,

of course

in-

that crusading

is

not easy to define.

The movement

lasted a very long

time and opinions and policies changed; for instance, the development of crusade leagues was

an adaptation of crusading to

women from

every region of western Europe and from

been homogeneous. so that

lic,

we

of the nation

suit the rise

And

are faced

it

by

appealed

a range

at the

same time

state.

Crusading involved

all classes;

attitudes can never have

to intellectuals

and to the general pub-

of ideas from the most cerebral to the most

primitive,

the peaks of moral theology to the troughs of anti-semitic blood-feuds. Ideas

ends of the spectrum, moreover, interreacted. Because crusading was

popes and preachers had to transmit the theology

mon

crusades had technically to be defensive

but

in a

at grassroots' level

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

from

voluntary

a

popular form, and

it

from

different activity,

was not uncom-

Church preaching. For

for popular conceptions to attach themselves to official

men and

instance,

Christians could not fight wars of conversion

people perceived Christianity to be a muscular religion, and mission-

ary elements again and again pervaded crusading thought and propaganda.

pope on of a

common ground among historians

was

It

that a crusade was a holy war, proclaimed by the

Christ's behalf, the fighters in which, or a substantial

special

kind and enjoyed certain temporal and

proportion of them, took vows

spiritual privileges, in particular the in-

dulgence. But what was the status of crusading elsewhere than to the

preached by the pope in Christ's name, led by crusaders privileges

rope,

and indulgences, were fought,

as

we have

who had

Were

fought elsewhere than in the East perversions, or

which should be

classified separately?

all

heretics,

Although many historians is

Eu-

and schismatics, and

Or were

those

of an original

ideal,

of these true crusades?

at least distortions,

proach or the other without explanation, the issue was and the pluralists (the holders

taken vows and enjoyed the

seen, not only in the East but also in

and not only against Muslims but also against pagans,

even against catholic opponents of the papacy.

Holy Land? Crusades

arbitrarily

opted for one ap-

an important one. For one thing

of the broad view of crusading) took into consideration

a

range of

sources which the traditionalists (the holders of the narrow view) would probably not have


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS bothered to read. For another, the policies of the papacy towards crusading had a different

complexion atres of

if one believed that the

war which,

measured

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

were

they did not carry equal weight

if

to the East were the

popes were juggling with

most

prestigious

at least qualitatively similar.

One

ask another, deceptively simple, question and centrated.

What

a pope,

and

tinction between the validity in

self to

there

scale against

on

that question that the debate has con-

elusive.

There were

critics

trouble

A

crusade came into being

made

at least officially,

of the various theatres of war. But

The

which the others were

way, perhaps the only way, forward was to

undeniable that popes,

it is

touch with Christian public opinion.

be

it is

everyone accepted that the crusades

did the contemporaries of these crusades think?

when proclaimed bv were

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

and provided the

a strategy involving various the-

is

it is

arguable

little dis-

how

far they

that the evidence has proved

it-

of the crusades which were not directed to the East, but

were not very many of them and

it is

hard to say

how

representative they were, because

almost every one of them had an axe to grind. There were occasional reports by senior

churchmen,

like the cardinal

Paris, of discontent

given to this evidence?

women who took

and canonist Hostiensis or the

monk of St

And how

far

is it

the cross for them?

counterbalanced by the large numbers of men and

How

should one

treat descriptions such as that pro-

vided by James of Vitry of the obsessive interest from afar of St

Mary had

bigensian Crusade?

Albans Matthew

with the preaching of alternative crusades. But what weight should be

of Christ sharing

visions

his

Mary of Oignies

in the Al-

concerns with her about the

spread of heresy in Languedoc and, 'although so far away, she saw the holy angels rejoicing

and taking the souls of the dead (crusaders) to heavenly

bliss

without ararpurgatory'. She de-

veloped such ardour that she could scarcely restrain herself from making the journey to south-western France. In 1953 Giles Constable demonstrated that the armies of the

a single host, as

Second Crusade, engaged

but ten years

later

Hans Mayer questioned

genuine expressions of the movement.

He

the treatment of alternative crusades

admitted that popes and canonists apparently

considered them to be such, but he suggested that this was simply a diplomatic posture. in his The Crusades (first

crusade narrowly as

'a

in

across the Elbe, were regarded by contemporaries as detachments of

and

the East, in Spain,

published in

war which

is

German aimed

in 1965

and

in English in 1972)

And

he defined the

at acquiring or preserving Christian

domination

Our Lord in Jerusalem i.e. a clear-cut objective which can be geodown to a particular region'. Four years later Helmut Roscher came out

over the Sepulchre of graphically pinned in favour

of the

pluralist definition, as did Jonathan

was hotly debated

at the first

conference of The

Since then Elizabeth Siberry has

shown

that the twelfth-

ternative crusading were less representative than

has

become

litical

first

in 1977;

and

in 1983 the issue

and

and thirteenth-century

was supposed; and

Norman

the

Tatin East.

critics

of al-

Housley,

who

the leading apologist for pluralism, has provided a full-scale analysis of the po-

crusades in

Italy,

demonstrating

also written the first treatment

the

Riley-Smith

Soeietyfor the Study of the Crusades

how

integrated they were into the movement.

of the whole range of crusading

comprehensive pluralist history of the

later crusades.

in the

He

has

fourteenth century and


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS

The grown sions a

come what may

priority of the pluralists was originally to demonstrate that

and the mass of the

faithful treated all crusading as qualitatively the same.

in confidence they have

of the movement were

more nuanced

picture.

begun to suggest that the variations

just as

Along the

important

But

the popes

as they

have

in the different expres-

and they have started to draw

as the similarities,

and fourteenth centuries the

Baltic coast in the thirteenth

Teutonic Knights developed the 'perpetual crusade', without the need for repeated and

was much more under the

specific papal proclamations. In the Iberian peninsula crusading

control of the kings, especially the kings of Castile, than

At

the

same time

as

began to look westwards. Interest sponsible for

this,

was elsewhere.

in the

European

theatres

number of

realization that

huge caches of source material

—had

not been used.

that the fighting convents in the East later order-states of

archives

Rhodes, Prussia, and Malta,

Any consideration of the religious norm was not military or hospitaller

relied

at

on money,

of the orders had to

life

life in

fact

material,

and man-

any time most of the brothers were

service in Palestine or

start

with the fact

Rhodes but

estate-

the European commanderies, priories, and provincial mas-

was there that many brothers found fulfilment.

it

of the obvious

in spite

that the

and that

re-

was the

of the military orders had been

to be found.

terships,

first

of the Templars, Hospitallers, and Teutonic Knights,

power channelled to them from western Europe, where

management and conventual

The

even for the much- worked twelfth and thir-

The European

of the more glamorous eastern ones,

generally ignored in favour

historians

of war may have been partly

but two other factors seem to have been more important.

teenth centuries

and the

it

they were debating definition, an increasing

It

was natural that there

should emerge a group of historians, led by Alan Forey, Michael Gervers, and Anne-Marie Legras, ial

who

have concentrated on the orders' western estates.

on crusaders

Giles Constable viduals

who

in charters

The second

known

it.

It is

plain.

all

massive. For instance, at least a third

the mater-

of the

to have taken the cross for the First Crusade are not

until indi-

mentioned

accounts of the expedition, but are to be found referred to only in charters.

growing

factor was a

interest in motivation. It

cannot be stressed often enough

and expensive for partic-

that crusades were arduous, disorientating, frightening, dangerous, ipants,

there was

and governmental records, which was generally overlooked

drew attention to

are so far

in the narrative

Then

and the continuing enthusiasm

They grew out of the

for

them displayed over the

centuries

is

not easy to ex-

eleventh-century reform movement, which gave rise to forces that

probably would have found expression in wars of liberation whatever the situation in the East

had been. Recruitment was certainly generated by the evangelization of churchmen, and the

organization of crusade preaching, and the sermons preached

which have survived

are

now

being closely studied. But

if

many

or at least the exemplars

crusaders had been moti-

vated by ideals, their ideals were certainly not the same as those of high churchmen, and what

nobles and knights thought and what their aspirations were have

crusade historians,

among them Marcus

Bull,

Simon

become

live issues.

Some

Lloyd, James Powell, Jonathan Riley-

Smith, and Christopher Tyerman, have been turning their minds to these questions, and a

few directions for future research have been signposted. As we

shall see, in the early stages

of


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS the

movement

the predisposition of families,

and

seems to have been an important factor; by the

particularly

later thirteenth

of women

in the kin groups,

century local nexuses created

by lordship, which had always been influential, were playing an even greater part. Popular ligion,

adapted to suit a society of extended families, was perhaps the major influence

but by 1300

it

Changes

was being modified by

in the direction

re-

at first,

chivalric ideas.

of historians'

interests have

been accompanied by

a

massive ex-

pansion of the time-scale in which they work. Runciman covered the period after 1291 in forty pages at the end of his third volume, concluding with the death of Pope Pius 1464. In the latest English edition

to the 1798.

of his

Crusades,

Mayer devoted

movement after 1291. But recent crusade studies have ended To Kenneth Setton, above all, must be given the credit for

Papacy and battle

Levant,

the

of Lepanto

less

II at

Ancona

in 1521, 1560, 1580, 1588, this

in

than a page out of 288

and

development. His The

covering the centuries from the sack of Constantinople in 1204 to the

provided scholars with an entree into the major collections of sources

in 1571,

THE CONTINUING RELEVANCE OF 3rtciptt tractatus wenccabtli 3 parria Harris fcumbetti quonba mart ge ncralte o:bi nie pjebicato? be pbicatioe

tw«t8.J£tprimo

infttiiecio

qucba

crusading. The

first

experienced preacher

circa ftcqucne opus.

f C.1 pi t u lum p timum que infra (cripr«(unt beperttmndbusabcrucia piebfcationcconafarracen08 abfoocvaterepoflunt c v t ptebiawotes crude nonbG in tali pt cbicat ioe eret ciMtt' m«eriam bic t'nu en an t buiue eietct'ctj.iaut veto mogiff c cliota fugabbem. fu fficicn t ce furtt bata ft bf ocaft on plu m 1 2Utt v erO qii tit pt ebicd tioe baben t gratia accllcntc cr mate t id rubi |ibi ptcp.ua tanq 3 piut>?t ce art ftcee opus pulcbtu 1 macjt'e <fo gloita foluftto «is 1 »ttHt<u<3 fjbei forniatu .pbucent.* bee cbri|fiane . FJotanbo v cro cr n quolibet patagtapbo x>bi circa ft n cm muetlf f cobide paragraphia 1 in margin c inui ta tto. po peri ittuftatio aberucemcS cantuTDcfflfanctefptJa.ipel "Cent creatot fpfie. r cl Vciilla regie, vel Salue cruv fancta. r el alijs buiufm o> »el fine can 1 11 £fequ enbo biffttftiie que fub ifto para/ graph ? t n c nt ,»el (ten pot tnuita tic pop buos vcl plutee Rd grapb084>ut piebicarisbtfcKti* tifujjucrit erpebire.jftem fcf enbij <}' vbi mul ta ponunt ab ednbem materia pt in encia no a& hoc ponunt vt multa in co bem fetmo nc bicanf . feb «b hoc vt in biuerfte fermonib'ocoj trc n t e ilia ma tetia acci pia t qui v olu eri t be ilUealiquib q$ fuo .pceffut ribctit cipebite.Vbt vo rfliquH) min"> plene bicii. t clt nq uic atbttrio piebicatia vt (Hub biffufmg yfequatpntfcicmiai gratia frbibatam.^tentfcicnbuq'iniiita tii ce ponfit cu numcro vt ft aliq uib be bis que bt'cQt injrjbemqo

Romans's

treatise

page of the

Humbert of

on propaganda,

21

De pracdicatione

sancte cruris,

1265—6 but printed in

i

m

i

m

i

.

i

:

ptcnii(fieabillasne«(ft(iieritinfeqiicntib»po|ntflbpcebcte8 temtrti ipie (iibiecto numeto afllgnatis vt er«a.^ttm buicopl

p

t

c

po nun t ti tult fub n urn crfs vt fciauit materia e t qS quetitut factli tie i nu e mat ur fZbem a ?mu n e ab totti pu e c$ nt Capitiitt! anctuofanctue fanctiie bile be emcituti i£|aic.vf.

per n nm eroe

|

6 ftbf .Jttltx

ypbcM

fanctue ffifala e in raptn bca to in quo vtbit tegemglOiiefebcntc in folio ftioaj]'i|icndl^angcltij

*W miiltagMofa que tfbft

,

rfubfaft etw beatos at

2t

tj^

as late as 1490.

written in

Nuremberg


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT AND HISTORIANS for later crusading. It

is

now

clear that, far

active in the fourteenth century as

the opening

up of the

it

from being

had been

in the thirteenth.

sixteenth century. Early

North

to the grim Spanish struggle for

in decline, crusading

modern

Even more

historians

a sequel for the

seventeenth century, and scholars

ticularly the archives in Italy,

up

startling has

as

been

had occasionally referred

Africa at that time as a crusade, although they seem

to have been using the term loosely. Setton demonstrated that that

wrote

was almost

now

is

exactly

what

it

was.

He

have a guide to material, par-

to 1700. Associated with the history of Spanish crusading in

the Mediterranean was that of the order-state of the Knights Hospitallers of St John on

Malta, established by the Emperor Charles

Constantinople to North Africa.

The

V as an advance post blocking the sea route from

catalogues of the archives of the brother-knights in

Valletta have been printed, uncovering the sources for the history

the last survivor of the crusading movement, which did not

soon be

there will

a

body of solid academic work on

fall

centuries

of a remarkable

until 1798. It

is

little state,

certain that

of crusading which have been

virtually ignored.

Whatever was going on beneath the

surface forty years ago, the generally accepted history

of the crusades related particularly to settlements in Palestine and Syria.

The

large-scale expeditions to the East interest

which time crusading was believed to be expanded

in

and many colonial,

time and space, as

different theatres

and

military.

Now

it

and to the Latin

of most historians evaporated

after 1291,

by

in terminal decline. Since then the subject has

has changed

its

nature to one extending over seven centuries

of war. The prevailing they are religious,

interests

legal,

and

used to be economic, proto-

social,

emphasis on the origins and endurance of the impulses to crusade.

and there

is

a

growing


2 Origins MARCUS BULL

who

are themselves

thought cruel seem milder when slaughtering animals than he did when

killing people.

His

thirst for

blood was so unprecedented

For he did not establish the sword, which tortures.

is

When he

his victims' guilt

a routine occurrence.

of a crime and then dispatch them cleanly with Rather he butchered them and

inflicted ghastly

forced his prisoners, whoever they were, to pay ransoms, he had

strung up by their testicles

weight was too

in recent times that those

much

—sometimes

he did

this

with his

own hands

—and

them

often the

to bear, so that their bodies ruptured and the viscera spilled out.

Others were suspended by their thumbs or private parts, and a stone was attached to their shoulders.

He would

what was not

pace underneath them and,

in fact theirs to give,

when he could not

they promised what he wanted or died from the punishment. of those

who

extort

from them

he used to cudgel their bodies over and over again until

No

one knows the number

perished in his gaols from starvation, disease, and physical abuse as they lan-

guished in his chains.

his vivid description was written in small monastery near

Laon

1115

named Thomas of Marie. The thoughts on Thomas: there is more in the same local lord

ert s

and wide-eyed fascination which posterous. terest

From

veers

by Guibert of Nogent, the abbot of a

in north-eastern France. It

concerned a prominent

passage quoted does not exhaust Guibvein, a

between the grimly

mixture of righteous indignation

realistic

and the anatomically pre-

the point of view of the First Crusade, the description

because of the careers of the two

chronicle of the crusade.

The

small

men

is

of considerable

involved. Guibert was the author of a long

number of surviving manuscripts

suggests that

popular than some of the other histories produced by contemporaries, but a valuable source for

upon

the facts

his

modern

historians, not least because

information came to him second-hand

periences in learnedly theological terms.

in-

Thomas,

for his

it is

it

was

less

nevertheless

Guibert attempted to elaborate

by explaining the crusaders' expart, was one of those who had

taken part in the expedition. In the process he had earned himself a very favourable reputa-


beaugency, near Europe increased

Blois.

From around

substantially.

earthwork constructions: Beaugency

power of society's military

the beginning

By the time of the is

of the eleventh century the number of

First

fortifications in

Crusade stone structures were replacing wooden and

an early illustration of stone

castles' ability to

embody and

project the

elites.

which Guibert attempted to twist around by claiming that he used to prey upon

tion,

pil-

grims journeying to Jerusalem. It

has often been Thomas's lot to be cast as the archetypal robber baron of eleventh- and

twelfth-century Europe, the sort of untamed social menace which thrived

were weak and the Church's moralizing imperfectly respected. This

is

lems seem to have been more dynastic than psychological. Victimized by stepmother, he found himself forced to struggle for control of the

he believed were his rightful inheritance. being

a threat to society,

A

case can also be

made

Thomas's energetic lordship brought

a

when governments

unfair.

Thomas's prob-

a hostile father

castles, lands,

and

for arguing that, far

measure of

and

rights

from

stability to an


ORIGINS area of France

where competition between various jurisdictions

tal

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

is

clearly tendentious

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

and comi-

royal, episcopal,

created the potential for disorder. Treated as a piece of reportage Guibert's pen portrait

and overstated.

Its

Thomas

judged. In order to denigrate

true significance

exaggeration, since this

lies in its

of normal behaviour by which notorious misdeeds had to be

implicitly reveals the standards

Guibert could not simply portray him

effectively,

brutal but as excessively and indiscriminately so. In other words,

men

15

â&#x20AC;˘

Thomas and

as

Guibert, two

intimatelv connected with crusading in their different ways, lived in a society where vio-

lence was endemic

and

in itself

unremarkable.

This constitutes perhaps the greatest mental adjustment which

make when considering

many

aspects of daily

the central

a

modern observer must

Middle Ages. Violence was everywhere, impinging on

Legal disputes, for instance, were often resolved by means of

life.

trial

by battle or by recourse to painful and perilous ordeals. Around the time of the First Crusade

it

was becoming increasingly

a departure

from the

common

for convicted felons to suffer death or mutilation,

traditional emphasis

on compensating the victims or

their families.

Vendettas within and between kindreds were frequent. Seldom neatly contained aristocratic

combats, they had wide repercussions, for crude but effective economic warfare was regularly

waged on opponents'

common

Brutality was so

Gascony prayed murderer. feet

The

were cut

and that meant peasants,

assets,

at the

could be

it

In about 1100, for example, a knight from

ritualistic.

monastery of Sorde that

and farm buildings.

livestock, crops,

God would

enable

him

to catch his brother's

intended victim was ambushed, his face was horribly mutilated, his hands and

off,

and he was

dynastic prospects were

all

castrated. In this

way

irreparably damaged.

his prestige, his capacity to fight,

Moved by

feelings

and

his

of gratitude for what he

believed had been divine assistance, the avenging knight presented his enemy's bloodstained

armour and weapons This case

is

as a

illustration

tance itself from the violent world around

been

monks of Sorde. These

pious offering to the

one small but revealing

it.

pacifist in the early Christian centuries,

they accepted.

of the medieval Church's

Historians used to believe that the Church had

but had then become contaminated by the

ues of its host societies in a process which culminated during the period at its height.

inability to dis-

But the idea of charting attitudes

in

such

a linear

way

is

val-

when crusading was

unrealistic,

because in

any given period individuals and institutions were capable of varying their approaches to olence. Reactions

depended on context. The

crucial element in the medieval world's rela-

tionship with violence was choice. Lay society assess conduct.

Was, for example, one knight

knew

this instinctively

whenever

sufficiently closely related to

Was

on

a vassal

a

proposed campaign covered by the contractual obligations which

Did

a given criminal's offence merit execution,

tent authority?

How perilous

condition of a besieged

The

list

need

castle,

of such questions

is

a knight's

military service

owed

and had he been convicted by

predicament

in battle be,

or

came to

it

another to war-

rant inclusion in a vendetta, either as an aggressor or a potential victim?

lord?

vi-

how

a

to his

compe-

desperate the

before surrender could be countenanced without dishonour?

potentially very long because reactions to violence were

by value judgements based on a host of variables.

nuanced


l6

â&#x20AC;˘

ORIGINS

The Church approached lated learning

violence in essentially the same way, though

and near-monopoly of the written word naturally enabled

on

fidently than the laity

equipped to impose

a

Above

the level of theory and abstraction.

upon

degree of systematization and consistency

from

lence raised. It had inherited

Roman

Law, the Old and

Christian Fathers, pre-eminently St Augustine of

Hippo

its

all,

of an

act

Church was

the

and the

early

(354â&#x20AC;&#x201D;430), various terms of refer-

upon

their quality.

dard position, which became associated with Augustine and was refined in

in isolation: violence

more con-

the issues which vio-

New Testaments,

ence by which to analyse instances of violence and pronounce

that the moral rectitude

fund of accumu-

to deal

it

The

stan-

later centuries,

was

could not be judged simply by examining the physical event

was validated to a greater or

lesser degree

by the

state

of mind of those

and the competence of the individual or body which authorized

responsible, the ends sought,

the act.

Thus allowed

considerable ideological

on

terest in warfare

a

flexibility,

Muslim

into direct contact with the

world.

Church was

the

number of fronts, including those

areas

The second

able to take an active in-

where Latin Christendom came

half of the eleventh century was a

period of Latin expansion. In the Iberian peninsula the small Christian states in the north

were learning to exploit political weakness

in

Muslim

al-Andalus.

The most

impressive gain

was made when Toledo, once the capital of the Visigothic kingdom which had been destroyed

by Arab and Berber invaders in 1085. In Sicily

Norman

in the eighth century, fell to

warlords, already the

dominant

Muslim power between

land, gradually eliminated

1061

King Alfonso VI of Leon-Castile

force

and

on the southern

1091.

The popes

Italian

main-

were generally

supportive of this expansion. Theirs was not the decisive contribution which brought about Christian successes, for they could

do

little

more than

supervise the difficult task of reorganizing the

perience of Spain and Sicily was significant because the First

it

in

encouragement and hope to

conquered

meant

that for

territories.

of war had

in

common,

by

its

deep religious colouring.

irrespective

of the

Church's attention sooner or

important to note

one day devise the

First

engaged

as

infidel control.

in a sin-

the Mediterranean theatres

specific circumstances in each case,

merly Christian lands were being wrested from

which had been overrun by the Arabs

What

But the ex-

two generations before

Crusade the Church's central authorities came to see the West

gle struggle characterized

It is

give their

Church

was that for-

Consequently the Holy Land,

in the seventh century,

was bound to attract the

later.

who would go on it. The

a distinction between the senior clerical policy-makers

Crusade and the

lay

people

who would

volunteer to

perspective of a Mediterranean-wide struggle was visible only to those institutions, in particular the papacy,

which had the intelligence networks, grasp of geography, and sense of long

historical tradition to take a real

or supposed. This

the crusade

is

a

is

its

threatened predicament,

point which needs to be emphasized because the terminology of

often applied inaccurately to

Christians and precise usage

is

broad overview of Christendom and

all

the occasions in the decades before 1095

Muslims found themselves coming that the First

Crusade was the

to blows.

last in,

An idea which

and the culmination

when

underpins the imof, a series

of wars


MOUNTED WARRIORS

in

eleventh-century Spain. In the thirty years before the

y

First

Mi

i\

and

Crusade the frequency

intensity

of warfare

between Muslims and Latin

!

Christians increased. struggles in Spain

The

and

Sicily,

though not crusades, were significant precedents to the

extent that they contributed

towards

a

mood of religious

confrontation and

belli-

gerency within the papacy.

:-

â&#x20AC;˘

tant

to

as

something of

because

reflecting

fication

it

upon

a

of the crusade. This

shock to the communal system:

it

is

Urban

was

felt

'trial

runs'

which

an untenable view. lis crusade appeal

to be effective pre-

was different from anything attempted before. Contemporary commentators the crusade's attraction seldom argued in terms of a continuation and ampli-

of a pressing anti-Muslim

struggle. If they did they

and mythologized world of Charlemagne

much more It

essential features

plenty of evidence to suggest that people regarded Pope

is

of 1095â&#x20AC;&#x201D;6 cisely

i/f

century which had been crusading in character, effectively

in the eleventh

had introduced Europeans to the There

:

(d.

814) and

tended to hark back to the dishis Frankish

empire rather than

recent events in Spain or Sicily.

should be noted that the response of western Europeans to the First Crusade did not

depend on

a

developed hatred of Islam and

all

things Muslim. There existed, to be sure,


l8

ORIGINS

â&#x20AC;˘

crude stereotypes and misapprehensions: theists,

ideas

and fabulous

from

Those

in distant places.

first

much more likely battlefield. Most had

than on the

mixed

saders experienced

feelings

might

before had been diverted from

compliment

idle

blood and

life

Muhammad.

of the Prophet

But such

and

families in the dangerous

crusaders

who had

costly pursuit

gained prior experience of the

of

Mus-

done so on an unarmed pilgrimage to Jerusalem

to have

never seen a

Muslim

before. It

significant that the cru-

is

once they had grown familiar with their enemies' methods.

so impressed by the fighting qualities of the Turks that they speculated whether

their resilient adversaries

was no

was supposed that Muslims were idolatrous poly-

homes and

their

lim world were

They were

it

about the

short of amounting to a coherent set of prejudices which could motivate people

fell far

to uproot themselves

enemies

stories circulated

stories

in fact its

be distant

relatives, a sort

of lost

tribe

which centuries

migration towards Europe and Christian civilization. This

in an age

when

character traits were believed to be transmitted by

about the descent of peoples from biblical or mythical forebears went to

the very heart of Europeans' sense of historical identity and

communal worth.

Popular understanding of the crusades nowadays tends to think

in

terms of a great con-

by religious fanaticism. This perception

is

bound up with mod-

test

between

faiths fuelled

ern sensibilities about religious discrimination, and current political conflicts in the as far as the First

Crusade

is

Near East and

in the

West

as

on events

of western Europe's

also has resonances in reactions to

concerned, needs to be rejected.

sading in recent decades has been to focus at least as

gins

it

elsewhere. But

in the East.

much

it is

The

a perspective

thrust of research into cru-

attention

Crusading used to be regarded

historical development:

it

was

a series

which, at least

on as

ideas

and

institutions

operating on the mar-

of rather exotic and

irrational

The study of the crusades, moreover, tended to be domiwho approached the subject from specialisms in eastern Christian or Muswhich meant that their judgements were often unduly harsh. But now

episodes of limited significance.

nated by scholars lim

culture,

medievalists have

of western

become more concerned

civilization.

An

to integrate crusading within the broader history

important element of

this

approach has been an examination of

those features of western Europeans' religious, cultural, and social experience which can ac-

count for the enthusiastic interest shown

What, ible?

One

then, was

it

about

late

in the crusades.

eleventh-century Europe which

made

the First Crusade poss-

basic feature was the thorough militarization of society, a characteristic rooted in

The political units which had emerged from the slow and western Roman empire were dominated by aristocratic kindreds

long .centuries of development. painful dissolution of the

which derived their wealth and power from the control of land and asserted leadership in war.

An

inescapable fact of

life in

the resources, administrative expertise, and ciety unaided. elites

The

best they could

hope

their status

by

medieval Europe was that governments lacked

communications to impose themselves upon so-

for was to reach

which had day-to-day power on the ground.

The

accommodations with the ruling

ideal

authority (usually a king) and regional warlords to find a

arrangement was for central

common

purpose so that co-

operation and the pursuit of self-interest could combine harmoniously.

The ways

in

which


ORIGINS

European society was structured on the eve of the the last time such an

on

a

grand

scale.

accommodation between

19

Crusade were the distant legacy of

First

the centre and the regions had been attempted

In the eighth and early ninth centuries the Carolingian kings

who domi-

nated the western European continent had developed a political system which mobilized Frankish society for frequent wars of expansion in southern Gaul,

Italy,

Spain, and central

Europe. In part because convenient victims became ever scarcer, however, and in part because western Europe was forced by Viking and the

Muslim

rhythm of channelled aggression broke down

problems were exacerbated by

bitter civil wars

attacks to look to

as the

internal defences,

its

ninth century wore on.

common

consequence was the loosening of the bonds of loyalty and

West's

became concentrated once more

in the

A

purpose which had con-

nected the kings to the warrior dynasties of the regions. In one sense political verted to type, as power

The

between members of the Carolingian family.

life

simply

re-

hands of economically and

dominant kindreds. But the Carolingian legacy supplied an important added

militarilv

ingredient, in that the great nobles able to perpetuate

the 'princes' in the sense of 'those

who

ruled'

were

and exploit the surviving institutions of public governance, often with only

notional reference to the centre.

Since the 1950s historians have developed a thesis which sees the dislocation of royal power in the

ninth and tenth centuries as the prelude to even more

place in the decades either side of 1000. Because this dievalists call the mutation Jeodale, the feudal it is

worth sketching

in outline.

model of explanation

transformation

From around

momentous changes which took

—what

French me-

has hardened into an orthodoxy,

the middle of the tenth century, according to

the mutationiste view, the large regional blocs which were the remnants of the Frankish polity

themselves became subjected to centrifugal pressures from petty warlords,

had

risen to

prominence

as the princes'

tern of fragmentation, but

now on

a

many of whom

deputies in the localities. Repeating the earlier pat-

much

smaller scale, the local lords flourished by

com-

bining their economic muscle as landowners and their residual public powers with regard to justice

and military organization. Peasants found themselves subjected to increasingly bur-

densome free

rents

and labour obligations. Courts ceased to be public forums which served the

population of their area and became instruments of private aristocratic might, privileged

access to which was gained by entering into the lord's vassalage.

One

compelling demonstra-

tion of the lords' success was the proliferation of castles, particularly in the years after 1000.

Wooden tles

ish

structures for the

amounted

most

part,

but coming increasingly to be

to a stark geopolitical statement that

power

made of stone,

in large stretches

the cas-

of the old Frank-

empire had become thoroughly atomized. It is

worth noting that scholars have recently begun to question whether the received or-

thodoxy

is

accurate.

The

mutationiste

model,

it

has been argued, depends on an interpretation

of ninth- and tenth-century developments which alistically clear distinction

both too

between public and private

consigns the later Carolingians (the inertia

is

last

institutions,

one to be king

sooner than the evidence warrants.

It is

neat, in that

in

it

posits an unre-

and too negative, since

it

France died in 987) to powerless

also clear that the social

and economic status


ORIGINS

20

of those who worked the land was very

of overbearing

Nor was

lords,

Some

varied.

sank into serfdom under the pressure

but others clung on to their landed rights and

relative

the fate of the princes uniform: some, such as the dukes of

independence.

Normandy and

Aquitaine and the counts of Flanders and Barcelona, fought back hard against the petty castellans.

The

transformation of around iooo

may even be an optical illusion. Charters, the among our most important sources, become

records of transfers of lands and rights which are

noticeably less formulaic and

parent rejection of tradition

more

is

This ap-

discursive as the eleventh century progresses.

usually interpreted as a

symptom of a

shift

from public and

systematic to private and ad hoc judicial organization, a process with wide social and political repercussions.

But

change in the documents can be explained by other factors

if the

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

haps the old-style charters had been masking social changes for decades and were considered too inappropriate for an expanding and more complex world iste

thesis stands in

need of modification. Overall,

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

clear that the study

it is

per-

finally

then the mutation-

of the period imm-

entering a period of change. In recent years historians

who

ediately before the crusades

is

work on the ninth and tenth

centuries have generally been bolder than their eleventh-century

colleagues in daring to rethink their basic assumptions and reinterpret their evidence. effect

of a

rather like that

is

It is

too soon to predict

rising river pressing

how

of revision, however,

traditional interest in

the knightly

elite.

it

when

every allowance

one fundamental aspect of eleventh-century

The terminology of chronicles and

meaning of

miles

who fought on

since

it

made

for the desirabil-

coming

charters

is

society: the

dominance of

instructive in this regard.

to be called miles (plural

milites).

By

In classical Latin

had been the footsoldier who was the backbone of the Roman

legions, but in a significant shift

those

is

remains tolerably certain that historians need not abandon their

the eleventh century the warrior was the core

dam.

a

thoroughly new interpretations will influence our under-

standing of the First Crusade's origins. Even ity

on

The

of association the word now became applied

horseback. In the process

miles also

acquired

new

exclusively to

social connotations,

implied the ability to meet the great expense of obtaining mounts, armour, and

weapons by exploiting the surplus produce of extensive landed resources or by entering the honourable service of a rich fare also changed.

lord. In a related

By the time of the

First

development, the techniques of mounted war-

Crusade

it

was

common

for knights to carry a

heavy lance which was couched under the arm and extended well beyond the horse's head.

This weapon was

significant in a

charge which exploited the full

Above, script.

momentum of

It

enabled ranks of horsemen to deliver a

rider

and mount.

Its effective

deployment

the militarization of society: armoured knights on horseback in an eleventh-century Italian manuBy the time of the First Crusade mounted warriors formed the elite corps of western armies, just as they

dominated Below,

number of ways.

social

and economic

pope urban M on his

of the abbey

of Cluny on

25

bers ol the entourage which

life.

way to clermont. The pope

October

1095, three

accompanied him on

range themselves behind him.

Abbot Hugh

of

(left)

consecrates the high altar of the

new church

weeks before the opening of the Council of Clermont. his

journey through France, including

Cluny stands with

his

monks

at

Mem-

six senior ecclesiastics,

the other end of the

altar.


I

r^on*-:

| •

r-

•>«-••» •»--».

--^»-

kuno.codcm dte wupfb motuf teno inborn papa

ma uitrilT

ptmf cancolis facmnuirota ra.Iunc papa ittr faaido nnf falty

agjmcto*p alia faluns

W

tatnci »c©zl ejHflottfuialilmf

tbiur *td|)iHti.

,5H

if. .f »

»»»^»ms»

'

*-»-m>»^*»»'»

|.i/»»v»i

mtcUtiiq; conimaidauir/nift

dec erkaro fetro etutq; mca

n&nmiamf taken: potinfiat? iuagummcro ud okutu diuma tm- djgnan© licet incugmtm of.

foewmr/meota Tnonacbum mq; iromaftmi bwilfiufy Imtwo iicucnwnbililittgone

i~ja:: o

rf

-


.


ORIGINS

A

KNIGHT IN A TWELFTH-CENTURY Most of the principal elements

relief.

of the knight's equipment but not the lance. the favoured

The

are depicted,

spurs indicate that

method of fighting was on

horseback; but

it

was also possible to

operate on foot, as most of the knights

on the

when

First

their

Crusade were forced to do

mounts

died.

depended on rigorous training and co-operation, which promoted group had symbolic

value: the

ously and exclusively suited to ness.

of

its

Heavy

cavalry's

mounted combat

dominance on the

broader social and economic

Opposite,

solidarity.

And

it

battlefield

served to proclaim

its

bearer's distinctive-

was thus both a cause and a consequence

status.

the power of the saints: St Benedict of Nursia cures a man with a skin disease. Benedict was whose Rule became the standard blueprint for monastic life in western Europe.

sixth-century abbot

it

heavy lance was not the knight's only arm, but as the one most obvi-

a


22

ORIGINS

â&#x20AC;˘

Two

qualifying observations are in order. First,

important to avoid anachronistic and

it is

unduly romantic associations when considering the stage of evolution which knighthood had reached by the closing years of the eleventh century. Medieval knighthood tends to evoke

all-

uring images of chivalric prowess and courtly manners, the behaviour and colourful style of

an international cadre of knights whose interests and group consciousness were a major cultural force transcending barriers

a

of language, wealth, and

development of the twelfth and subsequent centuries. In 1095

was

as yet

no heraldic system:

a

communal

tus,

felt

fitting to identify

it

skilled

milites

all

And

The

in its infancy.

of images

in

There

impart-

vernacular expression of chival-

there were

no

clearly established rites

knights. Significantly, lords and princes were as indites

without added grandiose

adjectives,

made good. Great

third- or fourth-generation peasants

lords

and

were together immersed in a shared culture of warrior toughness, honour, and

horsemanship. Therein lay

Crusade was not

derstood

still

themselves part of the militarization of society but did not con-

a

potent force for cohesion which was to help the crusaders

when they found themselves exposed First

was

themselves wholeheartedly with their brothers-in-arms of lesser sta-

many of whom were

humble

ethos for

wary of having themselves described

which suggests that they sider

illiterate.

through song was no more than nascent.

of dubbing to cement generally

it

a significant consideration, given the role

ing information to a society which was largely ric values

But full-blown chivalry was

status.

enormous

to

a chivalric exercise in the

physical

way

and mental

pressures. But the

that later generations

would have un-

it.

Second, the mounted warriors' domination of society did not wholly negate the potential contribution of other types of personnel in times of war. Because the West's military organi-

of most pre-industrial

zation, like that

nomic and administrative its

cultural

services

hand

and

structures,

social milieu

from grooms,

it

societies,

was

and expect

it

was

bound up with wider

eco-

from

impossible to extract a sizeable cavalry force

Armies needed support

to function in isolation.

and cooks,

servants, smiths, armourers,

to fighting if needed.

intricately

all

There were footsoldiers with more

of whom could turn

their

specialist skills in the use

of

bows and close-quarter weapons. Few medieval armies operated without women who met the soldiers' various needs.

This

for success.

sade appeal. exclude

all

is

clerics

would

also be involved to minister to the

significant for an understanding

When Urban

II called for forces

army and pray

of the broad response to the First Cru-

to liberate Jerusalem

non-knightly participants, even though,

plain, the milites

it

as his surviving

proved impossible to

pronouncements make

were foremost in his mind and he was anxious that the crusade forces should

not be burdened by too ticular

And

many non-combatants. The

significance

of targeting the

milites in

par-

was that they were both the best soldiers the West had to offer and also the indis-

pensable core around which effective armies were able to coalesce.

The

launching of the First Crusade was

made

possible by a revolution which had over-

taken the western Church since the middle of the eleventh century.

of reformers,

first

tion to his son

with the support of the

Henry

IV,

German emperor Henry

had taken control of the papacy. This

From III

the 1040s a group

and then

in

opposi-

institution they shrewdly


ORIGINS identified as the best

means

Church. To seize power formers'

methods

to pursue their

at the

in fact ran

programme of

23

eliminating abuses within the

top might seem an obvious step to have taken, but the

re-

counter to the usual pattern of ecclesiastical self-renewal. His-

on

torically the Church's hierarchy has seen its role as acting as a brake

forces for change,

which are tvpically seen as coming up from below. This attitude has often been rather unfairly caricatured as

dogmatic and unresponsive traditionalism, but

the Church's understanding of institution

which has been created by human

historical evolution.

inevitable

The Church

is

initiative

rather 'apostolic',

or

down Simon Magus, who had

upon an episode

in

of ecclesiastical

is

is

asked to buy the

gift

as

its

roots

lie

it

exists as the direct

communicated by Christ

of the Holy

Spirit, in a relief

Acts 8:18â&#x20AC;&#x201D;24. Eleventh-century reformers attacked the practice of simony office

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

in order to limit lay influence in the

deep within

not a 'gathered' body, an

simply the result of haphazard

meaning that

consequence of God's intentions for mankind,

st peter casts

sale

itself.

Catholics believe that theirs

Church.

From

this

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

and

to the

expanding

the purchase or

emphasis on detachment,

however, there developed renewed interest in those roles lay people could legitimately play in Christian society.


24

ORIGINS

â&#x20AC;˘

apostles

too

and thence to the clergy of later generations. Given

much

too

this belief, a reluctance to

can be justified as sound stewardship of divine dispensation.

fast

the forces for change include elements within the Church's hierarchy

ever,

potentially enormous. This

The

reformers'

is

plementary

levels.

is

in the

second half of the eleventh century.

known

as the

Gregorian Reform after one of its most

programme

The

the impact

what happened is

often

and vociferous proponents, Pope Gregory VII (1073â&#x20AC;&#x201D;85).

energetic

itself,

change

When, how-

It

operated on two com-

Gregorians addressed themselves to aspects of the Church's conduct:

the morality, especially the sexual behaviour, of the clergy; clerics' educational attainments

and

their

competence to discharge

interference in the running office. it

To

their sacramental, liturgical,

this extent the reformers'

could operate satisfactorily

aims were principally

as the

medium of religious

the Gregorians' ambitions were also organizational. nial

problem was to harmonize

senior

churchmen

cal) law,

cultic, to ritual.

As with

activity at central, regional,

armed with supervisory and

legates

and pastoral

duties;

of churches and the making of appointments to

and

lay

ecclesiastical

purify the Church so that

On

a further level, however,

secular governments, the peren-

and

local levels.

To

this end,

papal

disciplinary powers, councils which routinely brought

together, an expanding

and better organized corpus of canon

and an emphasis upon the pope's

consistency into the Church's operations.

(ecclesiasti-

judicial authority, all served to introduce greater

The

full fruits

of the administrative reforms were

not to be realized until the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. But by the 1090s an important

and

lasting start

First

had been made.

A

consequence was that when Pope Urban launched the

Crusade he was able to mobilize the resources, enthusiasm, and communication

of many individual already

grown

clerics

and

religious communities, a

skills

body of collective support which had

sensitive to papal initiatives.

THE SINFULNESS OF THE LAITY.

In this

period very few lay people, other than

some kings and queens, were recognized as saints.

One of the

Gerald of Aunllac

from

exceptions was

(d. 909), a

central France. It

is

he was believed to have led a stantially influenced

count

significant that life

sub-

by monastic role

models.

SCrmmm AAj/ta odAo v&ezin


the war on rich

sin: the

monastic church of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire (Fleury). Monasteries such

on the donations of lay people,

in particular

members of the

military classes,

who wished

as

Fleury grew

to be associated

with the monks' reputation for holiness and their acts of intercession.

The preachers of the crusade would have been wasting their breath, of course, had not many Europeans been eager to respond to what was held out as a voluntary undertaking. The crusade was proposed as a devotional act of pilgrimage, and therein lay its attraction. The religious culture of medieval Europe can seem strange to modern observers: it should be borne in mind that much of what is nowadays regarded as distinctively Catholic is the product of the Counter-Reformation. The subject is, moreover, vast. Nevertheless it is possible to isolate some of the elements which help to explain the attraction of crusading. One fundamental feature of people's religious drives was that they were conditioned by reactions to sin

and an appreciation of

its

consequences.

No aspect of human

conduct and social interaction

was immune from the taint of sinfulness, and only those whose ducted

in strictly regulated

monks, and nuns tence.

The

garded

as a

laity

and

socially atypical

environments

lives

could hope to avoid some of the innumerable

were deliberately con-

celibate clergy hermits,

of everyday

pitfalls

exis-

respected and supported monastic communities because moral worth was re-

function of outward conduct. In the years either side of noo there was beginning

to develop a greater sensitivity to the idea that internal disposition

was the most important

part of pious expression. But actions, spiritually speaking, continued to speak at least as loud as

thoughts and words.

Such an emphasis upon deeds

expressed both in terms of

they could be remedied through penances constraints acting ural in social

upon

people's

lives.

An

little

or no privacy.

to regulate themselves by exploiting the

defined and

how

acute attentiveness to conduct was perfectly nat-

environments where virtually everyone lived

groups which afforded

how sins were

can seem mechanistic until one considers the

Thrown

in closely-knit

and introspective

intimately together, communities needed

power of convention to

fix

norms, an approach

rein-


lb

ORIGINS

â&#x20AC;˘

ÂŁ9

forced by the belief that aberrant behaviour compromised the solidarity of the group. Sins

were considered to be

among

the ways in which the equilibrium of small-world communities

could be upset. Social cohesion was therefore maintained by a dual process: wrongdoers were

shamed by means of encouraged to

lay

which was particularly fostered by the monks who set the The First Crusade was therefore preached at a time when to communal pressure, used to dwelling on their behavioural

feel guilt, a reaction

pace of eleventh-century piety.

many

and ritualized correction; and they were

isolation, public disapproval,

people were sensitive

shortcomings, and convinced that their spiritual welfare depended on taking positive action.

A

further noteworthy feature of medieval religious culture

sense of place. In a biblical

much

the

same way

is its

profound attachment to

that scholars were able to allegorize

passage while remaining convinced of

instinctively conflated religious abstraction

particularly evident at the thousands

of

its

factual accuracy, so people of

and physical sensation. This

saints' shrines

cast

accessible,

They enabled

the

classes

could be seen, smelt,

heard, and touched. Saints were a central element in eleventh-century devotion useful functions.

all

of mind was

which were dotted across western

Christendom: there Christianity, made anthropomorphic and

formed many

a

and moralize from

Church

and per-

to walk the tightrope of holding

out the possibility of salvation to the sinful populace while asserting Heaven's rigorous entry


ORIGINS

Far

left

the consequences of

damned, including kings and nakedness of the damned

is

27

sin: an angel locks the

clerics, in Hell.

The

an indication that sexual

behaviour, which the Church tried to limit, was seen as

one of the principal routes to it

sin.

By way of contrast,

was believed that Heaven after the Day of Judgement

would be populated by people Left

the consequences of

free

from sexual

drive.

of the

sin: the tortures

damned. The expectation of eternal punishment, comprising pain during this

life,

far greater

than any sensation

felt

was widespread and potent. Belief in

the physical reality of the agonies of Hell reinforced the idea that penitential acts, such as pilgrimage or

crusading, should likewise require endurance and suffering. This page,

divine judgement: the awakening of the

dead on the Last Day.

would be judged was made

in

It

two

after death;

was believed that mankind stages: a preliminary decision

and everyone would be bodily

resurrected and definitively judged

Judgement.

The

on the Day of

idea that one's actions in this

life

affected one's eternal fate was the central plank

of

crusade ideology.

requirements. Because saints had once been mortals themselves and so had an insight into

human

On

limitations, they were also able to act as intercessors in the heavenly hall

of

earth their physical remains and the objects associated with their lives emanated

beneficent spiritual power

upon which devotees could draw. In theory

saints

justice. virtus,

a

were not con-

strained by geography, but the belief was nevertheless deeply rooted that their virtus was spatially

concentrated around the

ritually perpetuated.

By

sites

where their

relics

were preserved and their

extension, the close relationship between idea

memory

and location was ap-

plied to Christ. Pilgrimage to the places where he had lived, died, and been buried was con-

sidered an exceptionally meritorious religious experience. In the eleventh century improved

communications through central Europe and an increase

in Italian

maritime

Mediterranean meant that more westerners than ever before were able to age urge by journeying to the II's

Holy Land.

sermon which launched the

First

It is

Crusade

Whatever aries'

we

are told, also

the

satisfy the pilgrim-

therefore unsurprising that accounts of Urban at

Clermont

in

November

1095 report that he

averted to the pilgrimage tradition. Many, he said, had been to the East or had. Urban,

traffic in

knew

those

who

used scare stories about Turkish defilement of the Holy Places.

their accuracy, they were potent stimulants because they

tapped into contempor-

habitual identification of pious expression and geographical space.


28

ORIGINS

â&#x20AC;˘

The many clues

surviving accounts of miracles which took place at shrines provide important

mood of religious

about the

around the time of Urban's appeal.

sensibility

from the shrine of St Winnoc

ple, a story

France, serves as a

good

ary form, the miraculum

illustration. It

monastery of Bergues

at the

itself

throw

The

composed according

Pentecost (that tic

way

though they may have some

that an idealized depiction

and behaviour. The narrative proceeds

summer) and

to say, the early

is

Some

church.

actual attitudes

large

of reality can

as follows. It

day, as the faithful in the nave pressed forward towards the shrine, a small blind girl,

where some of Winnoc's

cession,

God

become more assiduous Suddenly the

girl

relics

girl

in their attendance at the church

upon

voking the

in order to

A

see.

saint's aid.

The

which united the

The

was the central

girl

by selecting the

critical junctures:

maximize her exposure to Winnoc's

figure,

of course,

girl for special attention,

virtus,

and by

collectively in-

scene played out in the church served to cement existing solidar-

here the bonding between those who

identity

eyes began to haemorrhage.

the religious culture which activated crusade en-

nature of devotional behaviour.

but the group participated fully at

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

saint's inter-

Of particular interest is the way in which the actions of the crowd illustrate the rou-

communal

by co-operating

ities

through the

that,

should they be given such a sign.

became convulsed and the sockets of her

Several features of this story bear

tinely

prayed

a feretory, a

her sight. For good measure they added that they would

short time later she announced that she was able to

thusiasm.

who had

until she reached the

were being displayed to the crowd in

The people looked heavenward and

might grant the

One

to the assembled crowd, found herself isolated at the back.

She was therefore passed hand to hand over the heads of the throng

portable reliquary.

was

crowds had been drawn to the monas-

were local people, others outsiders attracted by St Winnoc's reputation.

become something of a mascot

front,

liter-

This means

to an established generic typology.

story's true interest lies in the

on

light

in north-eastern

should be noted that we are here dealing with a

that the events are unlikely to have unfolded exactly as described, basis in fact.

One exam-

locals

The monks, moreover, were not

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;and

new group

also created a

and the disparate collection of pilgrims from further

As the story stands

passive bystanders.

taneous outpouring of pious energy from the

of prompting, even collusive

lived nearby

laity,

but

it is

it

afield.

describes a spon-

reasonable to suspect a measure

stage-management, on the monks'

part.

A

consideration of

where and when the events occurred further suggests that the monks of Bergues made

it

their

business to create conditions in which the people's religious impulses could be stimulated and directed.

The

fact that the feretory

was being displayed when the miracle happened reinforces

the point: the excitement had been built reached, moreover, the heightened

mood

up

until

it

exploded

at the critical

could be sustained and channelled into

reaffirmation of faith by exploiting the tendency, very

common

described

how

mood of the

people

well,

using

it

to

make an

the faithful's prayers, loud and undisciplined,

chant coming from the

monks

in the choir.

Here

in

a collective

at that time, to react to ex-

citement or agitation through an expressive emotional outpouring.

understood the

moment. Once

The author

interesting

of the story

comparison

as

he

merged with the more orderly

microcosm was the eleventh-century


ORIGINS

Church

in action:

two groups, the

lay

and the

29

engaged in a relationship of mutual

clerical,

re-

inforcement. Each performed a distinctive role (here symbolized by the spatial separation beritualistic

devotion focused on the

Winnoc) and geared

to generating and main-

tween nave and choir) but within the unifying context of a points of contact (the shrine, the feretory, and taining

communal enthusiasm.

One

element of the story which might seem to

come more devout

if

it

were given a miracle.

On

crowd's promise that

jar is the

one

level this

is

thor was compressing into one manageable sequence of cause and effect a process whereby Winnoc's cult would have extended

its

would be-

it

a topos of the genre: the au-

much

lengthier

reputation and insinuated itself into

the locality's devotional habits. But underlying the reference to the crowd's promise there also a deeper sensitivity to lay sentiment, evidence for ert

of Nogent,

Laon

for example, tells the story

to procure a miracle cure

proposed cue, the

beneficiary, a

is

which can be found elsewhere. Guib-

of some knights who dared

a party

of canons from

from the Virgin Mary. The canons were daunted because the

mute youth, seemed

a hopeless case.

But the Virgin came to the

youth began to utter sounds, and the knights abjectly acknowledged their

res-

error.

Guibert's purpose in reporting the episode was to glorify the Virgin and demonstrate the authenticity plicitly

of her

relics

kept

at

Laon. But,

like the writer

of the Bergues miracle, he also im-

points to clerical anxiety that lay piety was fixated with the idea of quid pro quo.

The

was that the faithful were inclined to

fear

vary the intensity of their religious commit-

ment according

to

how

well their material

even their

preoccupations, their anxieties, curiosity,

tact

came

to be addressed through con-

with institutionalized religion.

The

sort of fears implied by Guibert

the Bergues author have been seized critics

and

upon by

to argue that lay religiosity in the

Middle Ages was

superficial

and

literalistic,

nothing more than the culturally acquired gloss

upon

basic psychological

But

this interpretation

pulses.

into question.

The

critics

and

social

im-

can be called

make

the mistake

of setting standards for what constitutes

the golden majesty of Clermont-Ferrand:

a

tenth-century depiction of a celebrated statue of the

Virgin and Child which no longer survives. Objects of religious art acted as a focus for both the clergy's

and the

laity's

devotional enthusiasm.

created as a clerical concession to the

but as

a

shared point of contact.

They were not laity's

needs,


ORIGINS

3°

ST

radegund,

saintly

virtus.

tees at the

woman. The power of saints survived their deaths, to be was the most commonly sought manifestation of anticipated the saints' intercessory role on behalf of their devo-

a sixth-century queen, cures a blind

drawn upon by the

The

faithful: the cure

help provided in this

of bodily life

also

afflictions

time of divine judgement.

genuine religious conviction which are anachronistic, since they are based on

how devout peo-

ple behave in confessionally pluralistic societies in the post-Reformation world. ics cling to

talismans, sorcery, divination, and so

Church had

to offer.

on

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;which

Here the mistake

the medieval Church's capacity to translate

from the pre-Christian

level

ters

is

of pious commitment throughout

and so

many

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

charms,

were more immediate and trusted than what made of applying much later standards to judge its own beliefs into other people's behaviour. Peo-

seldom being able to sustain

their lifetimes: illness, the onset of old age,

changes in personal status, and domestic and

heightened devotion in

era

is

ple in the eleventh century were not historically exceptional in

one

crit-

the idea that medieval people were indeed capable of deep religious impulses, but

that these were satisfied by tenacious pagan survivals

the

Other

communal

religious systems in

the base level of religious sentiment which

many is

crises

have regularly prompted

periods. This

is

the

norm.

What mat-

shared by most people most of the time

serves as a stable cultural reference point. If this standard

is

followed, western Euro-

pean society on the eve of the First Crusade appears thoroughly Christian.


ORIGINS

what seems

Clerical sensitivity to

a

something-for-something religious mentality can also

be interpreted positively as a sign of the Church's strength, since the sort of reciprocity anticipated by the faithful at Bergues was one, slightly aberrant, offshoot ciple

which the authorities

world and the next was governed by cause and

Church taught that

sins

of a fundamental prinbetween

actively propagated: the idea that the relationship

could be remedied,

effect.

At the time of the

at least in theory,

First

this

Crusade the

by acts of penance. For

lay

peo-

took the form of periods of sexual and dietary abstinence and

a dis-

ruption of normal routine: penitents were not permitted, for example, to bear arms.

Many

ple penances usually

pilgrimages were undertaken as penances. Attitudes,

it

should be noted, were beginning to

change, as people wondered whether mere mortals were capable of nullifying their sinfulness

by their own puny efforts without a helping hand from God's

of treating penances after the sinner has

erates in the

as

infinite mercy.

But the notion

simply the symbolic demonstration of contrition to be undertaken

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

been reconciled through sacramental absolution

modern Catholic Church

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

was

still

the system which op-

undeveloped. In the closing years of the

eleventh century the belief remained entrenched that penitential acts could suffice to wash

way

sin.

This does much to explain the potent appeal of the ceived as an act so expensive, long,

Urban knew how

which Urban

and emotionally and physically arduous that

to a 'satisfactory' penance capable of fessed.

First Crusade,

his audiences'

undoing

all

it

II

con-

amounted

the sins which intending crusaders con-

minds worked. The son of a minor noble from Cham-

pagne, he had served in the cathedral of Reims and the great Burgundian abbey of Cluny before pursuing his career in the papal court. His background equipped

him

to understand

the paradox at the heart of lay religious sentiment. Lay people offered ample proof of their

THE ABBEY CHURCH OF cluny (Cluny III) in southern Burgundy. Under construction at the time of the First Crusade,

was the

largest

Cluny

III

church in

western Europe, as befitted the status of one of Latin

Christendom's most prestigious religious communities.

Pope Urban at

II,

once a

monk

Cluny, consecrated the

church during his French tour.


Mi


ORIGINS awareness of their sinfulness, by undertaking pilgrimages, for example, or by endowing the

monks and nuns who approximated most

closely to the unattainable ideal

conduct. But their unavoidable immersion

in

for

them

to

perform

all

worldly concerns meant that

at last

was

The

laity

salvation without

tions

The

effect

Us

whose

could aspire,

abandoning

which accommodated

by Urban

The

as its

sins

were considered

among the most numerous and no-

accustomed dress and by channelling

its

instincts in direc-

ingrained social conditioning.

its

of a message framed

as

crusade message cut the Gor-

Guibert of Nogent shrewdly expressed matters, to deserve

in these

terms was electrifying.

The impact was doubled

autumn of 1095 and

tour of southern and western France between the

mer of 1096. Moving

was impossible

a spiritually effective activity designed specifically for lay people,

in particular the warrior elites

torious.

it

the time-consuming and socially disruptive penances which could

keep pace with their ever-increasing catalogue of misdeeds. dian Knot. Here

of sinless human

localities

sum-

an imposing authority figure through areas which had seldom seen a

king for decades, the pope drew attention to himself by consecrating churches and

nouring the

the

through which he passed by means of elaborate

(Once

again the close relationship

dent.)

The

largest suitable

between

ritual

and communal

urban centres were targeted

(twice), Angers, Tours, Saintes,

and Bordeaux, among

places was that they were effectively clusters

as

altars,

ho-

liturgical ceremonial.

religious excitement

is

evi-

temporary bases: Limoges, Poitiers

others.

The

particular merit

of these

of prestigious churches which had long served

as

now op-

the focal points of their regions' religious loyalties. They, as well as rural churches,

erated as centres for crusade recruitment. In the areas not covered by the papal itinerary other

churchmen busied themselves

most

active recruiting agents:

in generating interest.

many

Monks seem

to have been

among

the

surviving charters reveal departing crusaders turning to

monasteries for spiritual reassurance and material assistance. Enthusiasm for the crusade was

most intense

in France, Italy,

entirely unaffected.

touched

in the

ple in their tens

MoissAC. an abbey as

As one

West.

and western Germany, but few

historian

The proof was

memorably put

it,

areas

a 'nerve

of exquisite

palpable, as between the spring and

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

of thousands took to the road with one aim

in

of Latin Christendom were

~outh-western France which Urban

II

visited

feeling'

had been

autumn of 1096 peo-

to free Jerusalem.

during his tour of France. Monasteries such

Moissac, which were i.ften the largest and most renowned religious establishments in their localities and

which could draw on well-established pools of gating the crusade appeal.

lay respect

and support, played an important part

in

propa-


5

The Crusading

^looniicnt

1096-1271 SIMON LLOYD

ollowing

the Council of

Pope Urban

II

remained

Clermont and

in

concerned to provide leadership and guidance the First Crusade, very

Le Puy, appointed

as

much

his

own

extended

his

whom he

The

He

met

stay,

in

Chapter

1),

projected expedition

but Urban was naturally

formative stages of what would become

in the

creation.

corresponded with Bishop Adhemar of

papal legate to the army, and with

intended secular leader,

arms (described

France until September 1096.

was not the only reason for

to the East

his call to

Raymond

at least twice in 1096.

He

IV, count

of Toulouse, the

urged various churchmen to

preach the cross in France, and, as we have seen, he himself took the lead by proclaiming the

crusade at a central,

number of centres

and western France

yond France, many

in

at

in these

months.

He

that the crusade

who would be

and embassies be-

also dispatched letters

army should

militarily useful.

However,

consist fundamentally of knights and as the

news of what he had proclaimed

Clermont spread through the West, so men and women of all

tions took the cross.

around southern,

an attempt to control the response to his crusade summons.

Urban had intended other ranks

that he visited during his lengthy itinerary

Urban had

lost control in the

social classes

matter of personnel.

and occupa-

One immediate

con-

sequence was the appalling violence unleashed against the Jews of northern France and the Rhineland, the

come means

of a

first

series

of pogroms and other forms of anti-semitism that would be-

closely associated with crusading activity in succeeding generations. all,

of those responsible were drawn precisely from those

wished to keep

at

These bands,

form and the

home,

led

first

ally as the People's

especially

by men

Hermit and Walter Sans-Avoir, were

to depart, as early as spring 1096. Collectively, they arc

the

known

first

to

tradition-

Crusade, but in reality they were essentially independent groups of the

poor, lacking supplies and equipment, though

Low

and lack o(

discipline,

some contained or were even

led by knights.

Countries, the Rhineland, and Saxony in particu-

they sought to reach Constantinople, but

for food

Many, but by no

groups that Urban

bands of urban and rural poor.

like Peter the

Streaming from northern France, the lar,

social

many

combined with

failed to get even that far.

Their foraging

their sheer ferocity, naturally

alarmed the


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096-1274

35

â&#x20AC;˘

THIS HIGHLY FORMALIZED

plan of Jerusalem and environs (r.1170)

is

its

one of

number of surviving

a large

plans and diagrams of the

Holy

City, evidence

of the

very important place occupied

by the Holy Places

in

contemporary western religious sentiment. is

This one

particularly interesting as

it

shows below crusader knights, defenders of the driving

Holy

Places,

Muslims from the

field.

authorities in the lands through in the inevitable

armed

clashes.

shipped across the Bosphorus

tempted to take Nicaea but

which they passed, above

Those who did

in

August 1096,

failed, the

bushed and massacred near Civetot join

up with what has been

in

all

the Byzantines.

after

which they

Turks surrounding and October.

identified as 'the

Many were killed

get through to Constantinople were hurriedly

The remnant

split into

killing fled

two groups. One

at-

most; the other was am-

back to Constantinople to

second wave' of the crusade.

This, the backbone of the expedition, was formed of discrete contingents grouped around

one or more great

lords, representing the sort

Emperor Alexius had hoped of Toulouse, numerically the

for.

The major

largest;

of

effective military forces that

contingents were those

of:

Urban and

Count Raymond IV

Godfrey of Bouillon, duke of Lower Lorraine, and

his


36

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096-1274

brother, Baldwin

of Boulogne; Hugh, count of Vermandois; Duke Robert of Normandy,

his cousin Robert,

count of Flanders, and

Bohemond of Taranto and

his

nephew Tancred, who

the

kingdom of Jerusalem,

led the

Raymond would become

Godfrey, Bohemond, Baldwin, and

Count Stephen of Blois; and

his brother-in-law

Normans of southern

the

Italy.

first lords, respectively,

of

the principality of Antioch, the county of Edessa, and the county

of Tripoli. They began to leave for the East

summer

in late

1096, gradually mustering at

Con-

stantinople later that year and in early 1097. Their long trek finally ended in success over two years later

when Jerusalem

ney. Against all the odds,

fell

on

to the crusaders

15

July 1099. It

and despite fearsome suffering and deprivation,

managed

the ghastly protracted siege of Antioch in 1097—8, they had Places. It

The

no wonder

is

that

many contemporaries of 1101, but no one

Urban had conjured up would prove

in short, that the

crusading

important components, and defining far as

settlers after

in these years

triat

came

as well as a

much

mons being

to be established in the twelfth

prompted

calls for

and

help from the West,

declarations, although not

host of lesser and lesser-known expeditions shown by

The

more famous

siblings.

modern

in

were universal

ginning with the

fall

research

(This renders the traditional number-

deteriorating position in the East led to at least one crusade

directed at every generation in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries

all

cir-

dispatch of fur-

and neither did easterners always ask for a crusade

a crusade

crusades as their

ing anachronistic.)

no means

summoning and

form of crusade

in the

culture.

This pattern embraces most of the major crusades that have traditionally been

their appeals.

numbered

of

become one of the most

to

was fundamentally the political

required the

pattern

which were then endorsed by the papacy

it

would

against opponents other than

of late medieval western

concerned,

is

1099

thirteenth centuries whereby a setback in the East

aid was in the shape

could have predicted that what

Holy Land and

characteristics,

A

ther expeditions in their support.

to be as

Holy

miraculous.

movement would emerge

crusading to the Latin East

cumstances facing the

all

as

it

to be only the First Crusade, nor that the crusade

to be deployed elsewhere than in the

Muslims So

regarded

especially during

to liberate the

astonishing achievement of the expedition partly inspired the departure of 'the third

wave', the so-called crusade

come

had been an incredible jour-

calls to

arms

first

of Edessa to the Muslim atabak Zangi

Saladin in 1187, to recover them.

The

to bolster the Latin settlements in 1144

sum-

although by

and then, be-

and of Jerusalem

itself to

crusades declared on behalf of the Latin empire of Con-

stantinople (1204—61), created in the wake of the notorious Fourth Crusade which resulted in the

sack of the

Byzantines,

A

change

now in

city,

also

fit

the pattern; but these crusades were chiefly directed against the

established in Nicaea

approach and strategy

implications, should also be noticed.

through the Byzantine empire,

as

and seeking in

The

to restore the losses

of 1204.

crusading to the East, with considerable logistical First

we have

Crusade took the overland route to Palestine

seen.

So did the

forces

of the Second Crusade

(1147—9) that went East, led by King Louis VII of France and King Conrad

But the forces of Emperor Frederick last to

attempt

this.

The

I

'Barbarossa'

future, with the benefit

III

of Germany.

on the Third Crusade (1189—92) were

of hindsight,

lay in the decision taken

the

by his


Left.THE TERRIBLE SIEGE of Antioch

(October 1097â&#x20AC;&#x201D; June 1098) was the critical test of the armies of the First Crusade. This illustration, an example

of the school of illuminators shortly before

at Acre,

in 1291, captures

its fall

well the remarkable strength

of

Antioch s defences, one of the chief reasons for the protracted length of the siege. Below,

saladin's defeat of the

field

army of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem at the Battle of Hattin (4 1187) was disastrous since

kingdom

defenceless.

alization

is

it

left

July

the

This graphic visu-

particularly interesting since

Matthew Paris chose to make the loss of the Holy Cross the centrepiece. Saladin relic

>cmgmftt*$uc6

is

depicted tearing the precious

from the hands

of

King Guy.


38

â&#x20AC;˘

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

r

^r^emperor Frederick barbarossa drowned on is

shown

as a

^ $*v_

I

I,'

j

the Third Crusade before reaching the

Holy Land. Here he

crusader receiving from Henry, provost of Schaftlarn, a copy of Robert of Rheims's history of

the First Crusade, doubtless in the scription exhorts

him

to

hope of inspiring him

war against the Muslims.

to emulate the deeds of the

first

crusaders.

The

in-


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96-1274 fellow

monarchs Richard

I

of England and Philip

ranean to the Holy Land. Moreover,

it is

II

of France to

39

across the Mediter-

sail

from the time of the Third Crusade that the idea

of making Egypt the goal of crusade emerged

campaigning

as a serious alternative to

in the

Latin East itself This was sensible, since the wealth and political importance of Egypt within the Ayyubid empire established by

Saladm meant

then the Latin East could more easily be restored. this intention initial forces etta,

the

was the Fourth (1202—4), but

first

as

they advanced

crusade of King Louis

last

The

came

down

IX of France

if it

first

could be weakened, even taken,

crusade to depart apparently with

to be diverted to Constantinople.

of the Fifth Crusade (1217—29) were the

but disaster struck

be the

it

that

first

to

disembark

the Nile towards Cairo.

in

Egypt,

The same

at

The

Dami-

fate befell

(1248—54). His second crusade, which proved to

of the great international crusades to the East before

1300,

saw

his death at

Tunis

in 1270.

Some

other thirteenth-century expeditions did

been shown

earlier,

stressed that at the very time (1096) that the II

sail directly

to the

Holy Land,

but, as has

crusading was never necessarily tied to that location. Indeed, first

crusaders were en

quite unambiguously permitted, or rather urged, Catalan nobles

for the crusade to the East to fulfil their

vows

The

inception, was being simultaneously applied by the it is

must be

to Jerusalem,

who had

Urban

taken the cross

in Spain. In return for aiding the

Tarragona, they were promised forgiveness of sins.

ranean against Muslims. Given this precedent,

route

it

church of

crusade, then, at the very point of its

same pope

at

both ends of the Mediter-

not surprising that after the First Crusade

LOUIS

IX,

THE SAINT KING

of France, was the most

committed of all crusader kings.

He

died on his second

crusade at Tunis (25 August 1270), the last

of the great

international crusades to the

Holy Land, ing in some

his death

mark-

sense the

end of

an era in crusading history. Here, his coffin

on board ship

is

at

being taken

Tunis.


%w/ \^j \ยง; \m; \s> the battle of las navas de tolosa

(17 July 1212)

was the most decisive engagement

in the entire Christian

reconquest of Spain, confirming the gains of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and opening the way to

Granada, although that only

fell

in

1492. In the course

Christian commander, captured this battle banner.

of the

battle

Alfonso VIII of

Castile, the overall


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96 — 1274

41

Spain quick.lv became an established theatre for crusading expeditions, beginning with those

of 1114 and of a

series

Nor

1118.

The

nature and pace of the Reconquista was fundamentally altered as a result

of crusades throughout

this

period and beyond.

very surprising that the crusade also

is it

came

to be deployed rapidly against other

peoples on other frontiers of western Christendom. Particularly notable was the struggle between settlement.

The

Germans and pagan

Wends was

Saxons' war with the

and

Slavs to the north first

east

extension to

its

of areas of German

Pope Euge-

elevated into a crusade by

nius III in 1147, although previous to this, in 1108, crusading rhetoric had been

employed

in

an attempt to gain recruits. As the Drang nach Osten proceeded, so in time crusades came to be declared further and further beyond the Elbe, and along the Baltic: in Pomerania, Prussia, Livonia, Estonia, Lithuania, and Finland. Again, to the south, the brunt of the sudden, fero-

cious descent of the garians,

prompting

Mongols upon Europe would change

joint alliance against the

Two

first

of

a

number of crusades

century with the prospect of a

in the later thirteenth

Muslims.

further species of crusade remain to be considered. Both were controversial at the

time and continue to be

so.

The

first

involved the application of force against papal political

opponents within western Christendom been Innocent gle

was borne by the hapless Poles and Hun-

same year the declaration of the

in the

against them. Attitudes

in 1241

with Roger

II

who

II,

first

Norman

indicate a direction

reform popes of the

a

crusade in

The

king of Sicily.

evidence

of thinking and policy that had later eleventh

of Germany. Whatever the

Pope Innocent

bid to remove them from power.

in the

proclaimed such

III in 1199 against

is

It

of his

in the course

have

not entirely conclusive, but

it

does

roots in the holy wars declared by the

Henry IV

unambiguous crusade of this type was launched by

Markward of Anweiler and

Italy.

may

bitter strug-

century against their enemies, notably Emperor

case, the first

were opposing papal policy in

its

1135,

The

his supporters in Sicily,

who

crucial precedent set, other 'political crusades' fol-

lowed. In England, for example, a crusade was declared in 1216— 17 against both the English rebels

who had

who was chosen

Prince Louis of France,

land had by then become a papal to Innocent sub-vassals. cal

Magna

forced King John to concede

III in 121

3,

fief,

Carta and their French

in late 1215 to replace

and

its

king

a

John

papal vassal,

as king.

allies,

Like

under

Sicily,

Eng-

following John's submission

so action could be justified as force applied against rebellious papal

But of all these crusades, the most

significant, so far as their

momentous

politi-

consequences are concerned, were those declared against the Hohenstaufen emperors in

Italy

and Germany. So

critical

had the struggle with Emperor Frederick

pope's perception, that a crusade was

had control of southern ian allies.

By

early 1240

Italy

and

first

Sicily

proclaimed against him in

1239.

II

By

become,

in the

then, Frederick

and he had recently crushed the papacy's north

he was threatening

Rome

sades were declared against his heirs until 1268,

itself.

when

Upon

the last

Ital-

his death in 1250, further cru-

of the hated dynasty, Conradm,

was captured and executed.

The

period 1199— r.1240

is

an important one

since any inhibitions in papal circles

had

finally

in the history

of the crusading movement,

been overcome when

it

came

to the applica-


42

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

.

tion of the crusade against political opponents.

The same

period also saw diversification

another respect with the emergence of the crusade against heretics. Again there are clear

had been foreshadowed, not

dications that such action

was

finally

provoked

least

by Innocent

in 1208 to declare a crusade against the adherents

III,

the

in in-

pope who

of the Cathar heresy

The notorious Albigensian Crusade, much of the cultural, social, and political fabric of Languedoc, would proceed episodically for the next twenty years. Once more, precedent set, it was so much easier to launch crusades against other heretics, for example those against the Stedinger heretics in Germany in 1232, and against Bosnian heretics in 1227 in

southern France, by then very strongly entrenched.

which

and

failed to eradicate the heresy

but destroyed so

1234.

In sum, so far as applications of crusade are concerned, process of evolution from the time of the First Crusade.

we can

Urban

II

and plot

identify

saw

a clear

distinction in the

little

Muslim oppres-

merit to be gained from seeking to rescue Christian people and places from

sion in Spain and the Levant, and he considered the crusade to be an appropriate instrument to that it

end

both

in

theatres.

His successors drew out the

to other opponents of the Church.

of that position and extended Crusade, as

it

evolved in prac-

graphically in relation to the West's frontiers: simultaneously, crusade op-

tice, illustrates this

erations were being conducted in Spain Syria.

logic

The scope of the Second

Under Pope Innocent

ments of crusading against

III

and Portugal, and north-eastern Europe,

another major breakthrough occurred with the

heretics

and papal

political

as well as

first

deploy-

opponents. Both could be, and were,

depicted as oppressors of Christians and Mother Church, and

much

same

the

justificatory

framework, sentiment, and imagery that were used in papal bulls declaring crusades against

Muslims,

Mongols, were employed

Slavs, or

in the calls to crusade against

perors or Cathar heretics. Enemies within posed

no

less a threat

deed, as popes and others frequently stressed, they were these enemies were considered

crusade, the

more necessary than those

most potent weapon

its

tionably the

than the enemy without; in-

more dangerous. Crusades

Holy Land

to the

against

accordingly.

The

in the papacy's formidable arsenal, increasingly emerged,

then, as an instrument to be applied as

wherever

Hohenstaufen em-

and when popes saw

fit,

and against whomsoever and

use was appropriate. By the middle of the thirteenth century, this was unquesreality,

tent with each

but

it

should be stressed that by no means

all

contemporaries were con-

and every aspect of this broad development. Papal policy was one

thing, public

opinion another. If crusade was a

plied against

moving

target across time

and space

and where, then equally considered

as

in

terms of whom

an institution,

it

it

came to be ap-

was so with regard to

content, substance, and apparatus. This can be seen very clearly in the case of crusaders' spiritual

and temporal

privileges,

but a similar broad evolutionary pattern

is

to be seen, for ex-

ample, in the way in which crusades were promoted and preached, and financed and organized. By the end of this period, crusading had

complex business, of this

'the business

are considered below.

of the

cross' as

it

was described

become

at the time.

how

they were

an elaborate and

Some

key aspects


scenes of a battle

in the

course of the Spanish Rcconquista from a work produced for Alfonso

Castile (1252â&#x20AC;&#x201D;84), himself a notable crusader.

giving to

Mother and Child

The

blessing of the troops before battle

afterwards are revealing of the religious context of the

and

X

of

their thanks-

Recontjutsta.


44

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096 — 1274

Promotion and Preaching

The

core of all crusade promotion consisted of papal proclamation of the expedition in ques-

tion since popes alone possessed the requisite authority to declare a crusade and offer the spiritual

cient to

and material

privileges enjoyed

move men and women

by crusaders. But proclamation alone was rarely

to take the cross. Additional measures were needed. According

one account of the Council of Clermont, Urban

to

II

instructed the assembled prelates to

announce what he had said throughout the churches of their dioceses and to preach the

He

suffi-

cross.

himself proclaimed the crusade in the course of his itinerary around France, and he also

commissioned

specific agents to preach in particular localities.

gest that Urban's

hopes were

The

fully realized in practice, however,

lacked the means to publicize the crusade

call easily

ceses: ecclesiastical administrative structures

were

evidence does not sug-

not

least

because prelates

and automatically throughout

still

primitive,

their dio-

and the lack of a formal au-

thenticated crusade bull scarcely helped matters. Preaching, too, was in

its

infancy, an

unfamiliar act for most clergy. But the First Crusade provided a model, however rudimentary,

which would be progressively elaborated and extended upon

in the course of the twelfth

thirteenth centuries in the attempt to maximize the impact of the crusade

call,

and

with dissem-

ination of papal proclamations and local preaching remaining the fundamental components.

These

URBAN

will

II

be examined

preaches

in turn.

the First

Crusade (upper right) about Christ's in

redemption and death

Jerusalem (upper

the

Holy

defiled

left),

where

Places are imagined

by the Muslims, depicted

(below right) worshippers.

in the

A

form of idol

pilgrim or

crusader worships at the

Sepulchre (below

of the crusade.

left),

Its

Holy

the goal

referent

is

the

Crucifixion above.

i$p-/<» aacmtc* j>(toux$ tomt que Gadc&fit*


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

No

formal bull launched the First Crusade. In

this

unusual, since

it is

were proclaimed by crusade encyclical, the basic form of which was

Quantum praedecessores (1145) for the Second Crusade: an a crusade

From

is

a listing

It

of crusader

privileges.

was only in Alexander

Ill's

it

seems that dissemi-

pontificate that the attempt was

1181, in

particular, the

crusade bull Cor nostrum was published in

all

pope instructed

all

first

man-

to disseminate crusade bulls systematically at local level, crucially through direct

date to local prelates. In

by

why

section explaining

plain that the bull was to be publicized, but in practice

it is

nation was haphazard.

made

and

most of the others

finally established

commissioned to preach the crusade, and other

the letters of St Bernard of Clairvaux,

evidence,

initial narrative

necessary, an exhortation to take the cross,

45

"

prelates to ensure that his

churches and to announce crusader privileges to

of transcripts of the

the faithful. This was probably achieved by the production

letter in local

episcopal chanceries, which were then distributed to the individual churches of the diocese in question. This, at any rate,

few instances

we can

became the routine procedure

trace exactly the sequence

in the thirteenth century,

papal curia to provincial archbishops, thence to their suffragan bishops, and so on hierarchy to parish priest

level.

The whole

and

in a

of administrative measures leading from the

process

indicative

is

down

the

both of the increasing so-

phistication of the Church's administrative structures (possible with the greater application

of literacy to the ized

art

of government) and

also

Church under papal monarchy. Local

of the progressive establishment of a central-

matter of the crusade, as in other business, in a

was possible

in 1095.

This

much more

being the prototype. Later examples include Innocent

First

(1215)

being mandated to act in the

streamlined and sure way than

equally true with regard to crusade preaching.

is

Two types of preaching may be identified according The first was preaching before assemblies of Church Council

now

prelates were

and that of Innocent IV and Gregory

and Second Councils of Lyons

to occasion, audience,

and purpose.

or State, the Council of Clermont

Ill's

X

preaching at the Fourth Lateran

to the assembled dignitaries at the

(1245, 1274). Before secular assemblies,

two famous

examples are the preaching of St Bernard before Louis VII and the magnates of France

Vezelay

same

in 1146,

and

year. Indeed,

as well as

more

important

men

it

his

dramatic preaching

became

entirely

III

of Germany's Christmas court the utilize

such occasions,

recreational gatherings like tournaments, in an attempt to secure the in attendance, to

were highly stage-managed

The

Conrad

normal for crusade preachers to

affairs

vows of

launch promotional campaigns more broadly, and,

quently from the Second Crusade, to

chance.

at

make public

a prince's

assumption of the

planned weeks or months in advance with

parlement held in Paris in

March

1267

is

a

at

cross.

fre-

Many

little left

to

good example. There, Louis IX took

second crusade vow, followed immediately by three of his sons and others close to him,

his

his relics of the Passion deliberately

on public display

for the occasion: he

had

secretly in-

formed the pope of his intentions the previous September. Preaching of this type was aimed the

more humdrum

Clermont. Until the

at the very highest in society

carried out in the field.

It is

here that

we

and

is

to be contrasted with

see the real progress

late twelfth century, all the signs indicate that local

made

after

preaching was hap-


46

â&#x20AC;˘

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

FULK OF NEUILLY (d. 1202) was one of the most ardent, enthusiastic,

and inspirational

of all crusade preachers.

He

was engaged by Pope

Innocent

III in

the preaching

offensive launched for the

Fourth Crusade. Fulk

is

shown here preaching

the

crusade

in

northern France.

fmt

The great leap forward came under a new general executive office for the

hazard and unsystematic, lacking central co-ordination.

Innocent

III.

Already in

1198, for the

Fourth Crusade,

business of the cross had been established, one or

more executors being appointed

provinces of the Church for promotional and other purposes. preachers such as the famous Fulk of Neuilly. In

1213,

to specific

With them operated

freelance

more

elaborate

for the Fifth Crusade, a

structure was introduced. For almost every province an executive board was established, with legatine powers in the matter

to

them were

of the crusade, to implement promotional

first

time, guidelines were laid

down

should be preached. This universal structure was not used again though

promotional campaigns

sors were

in

more pragmatic and

stances in the West. But there

altogether

Answerable

delegates appointed to individual dioceses and archdeaconries within the

province in question. And, for the

later

policy.

more coherent and

some

areas, for

as to it

how

the cross

set the pattern for

example England. Instead, Innocent's succes-

ad hoc in their approach, dictated partly by political circumis

no doubt

intensive than

that, after his pontificate, local it

had been previously.

promotion was


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096-1274

The second major development concerned monk, might be

upon

called

clergy rarely did so.

This was the case

but with two important differences. dignitaries tended to

preaching personnel.

to preach the cross, although

become more

it

Any

47

â&#x20AC;˘

ecclesiastic, cleric

or

seems that the ordinary parish

in the twelfth century,

and

still

so in the thirteenth,

preaching of papal legates, prelates, and other

First, the

limited after the Fifth Crusade: to those stage-managed

occasions considered previously, and to the launching of promotional campaigns in individual provinces or dioceses. Increasingly, instead,

the mendicant orders, the Franciscan and

throughout Christendom

in the 1220s

and

They were admirably equipped

preaching.

more of the burden came

Dominican

friars,

to be taken

up by

once they became established

1230s. Thereafter, they

bore the brunt of local

for the task: they were professional preachers

virtue

of their apostolic mission, preaching on

closed

monks

a regular basis to the

by

populace unlike the en-

of traditional monasticism; they were well trained in the art of preaching; and

with their houses spread throughout the West, they possessed a network of centres from

which extensive local preaching could be conducted quite

easily.

After the Third Crusade, local preaching came to be closely planned in advance in the at-

tempt to achieve effort.

On

maximum

coverage, to utilize resources fully,

and to avoid duplication of

occasion, political problems arose to complicate matters, but preaching offensives

were rarely haphazard. Individual agents were deputed to preach the cross or over particular areas.

To do

this systematically,

planned

itineraries

at specific places

were called

the

for,

first

well-documented tour of this type being that led by Baldwin of Ford, archbishop of Canterbury, to

Wales

tury, partly

in 1188. Extensive tours like this

because of the reorganization brought about by Innocent

the area deputed to any one preacher ars,

tended to become rare

came

to be reduced as

in the thirteenth cenIII

and partly because

more personnel, notably

were deployed on the ground. Typically, by the later thirteenth century, one

the

friar

fri-

would

be responsible for preaching in only one or two archdeaconries, but even then he would need to follow an itinerary to ensure systematic coverage.

centrated

on urban

centres and, in rural areas, the larger

and the

lation concentrations inevitably, to places

assisted

on

day

finite

number of

vills.

This was sensible given popu-

preachers that were available.

They

clergy,

who were

sent advance notice that the friar intended to preach

at a specified place. Ecclesiastical censure

was threatened to compel both

form of

the parish clergy and their flocks to attend. If this was the stick, the carrot took the partial indulgence granted to those attending

ocent

III.

went,

where a good turn-out could be expected. In their preaching they were

by the secular

a particular

His preaching was fundamentally con-

sermons. This was

The number of days of remitted penance had

first

risen to a

made

available

maximum of one

by Inn-

year and

forty days by the end of the thirteenth century.

The

drive to intensify the local preaching effort

of crusade preaching

itself.

was paralleled by developments

Most of the themes used by

mained much the same from Clermont onwards, not

in the art

popes, bishops, and friars alike re-

surprisingly.

century preaching evolved quite profoundly, particularly with a

But from the

later twelfth

new emphasis on popular

preaching. This was accompanied by a remarkable growth in the production of aids for


48

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

â&#x20AC;˘

model sermons, manuals of

preachers regularly addressing popular audiences: collections of

themes, collections of exempla, and so forth. Crusade preaching specifically was deeply conditioned by this development, with the production of model crusade sermons, for example,

and handbooks designed to help the preacher piled f.1266â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 8 by the

in his task.

The most popular was

one compact work those materials and arguments that he considered,

into

that

Dominican Humbert of Romans, an exhaustive survey which

sade preacher himself, to be most useful.

Armed

com-

collected

former cru-

as a

with these sorts of materials, thirteenth-

century crusade preachers were far better equipped than their predecessors. In this respect, too, crusade

The

promotion had become more professional.

result

of the various developments outlined above was that by the

tury the

Church had

crusade

call,

tained,

successfully elaborated the

means

to expose

all

III,

as a result. It

and power of papal monarchy. However, even

the papacy never had things

of freelance preachers,

The

qualified than before.

that underlines the sophistication reached by the thirteenth-century

reflects the authority

cent

result

of the West to the

through systematic publication of crusade bulls and the privileges they con-

and by the deployment on the ground of local preachers better

Very few could have been ignorant of current crusading policy

ment

later thirteenth cen-

parts

was seen

all its

especially those

in the

own

way. For example,

is

an achieve-

Church and which

at its height

under Inno-

from 1095 onwards

a series

of the millennial tendency, latched on to the crusade.

bands of poor on the

First Crusade, or the so-called Children's

Crusade of 1212, or the Crusade of the Shepherds of 1251. Limitations to papal monarchy

in

practice can also be seen in the difficulties that popes faced in seeking to establish peace in

the West, vital for successful crusade recruitment. For example,

of popes persistently sought to

establish peace

France in the interests of the Latin East, but with

and when

it

from the

1170s a succession

between the warring kings of England and

They would

little effect.

crusade only as

suited them.

Personnel and Recruitment According to one account of the Council of Clermont, Urban the elderly, the infirm,

women,

firmed by his surviving

letters.

clerics,

II actively

sought to dissuade

and monks from taking crusade vows,

He knew that effective aid for the

not come from non-combatants, whatever their

zeal,

a stance

Christians of the East

con-

would

but from the military classes of society.

Warfare was for warriors, holy war was no exception, and other social groups should refrain

from

it.

Besides, such people

had prior obligations and

from crusading. For example, ioners' souls

if

a priest

responsibilities that disqualified

might be endangered, whilst monks were bound by

temporal warfare on behalf of

all,

leaving aside the fact that

their

vows to

spiritual

of non-combatants took the cross and departed,

not

churchmen were forbidden

bear arms. Twelfth-century popes maintained this attitude, but unsuccessfully. Large bers

them

were to go on the crusade, the cure of his parish-

especially

on crusades

to the

to

numHoly

Land, thereby causing immense problems. In particular, they placed intolerable strains on


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

49

â&#x20AC;˘

DURING THE ELEVENTH century the notion rapidly took hold that society consisted of three mutually

supporting orders: those those

fight,

those here.

who

who

work, and

who pray, as depicted The idea lay behind the

papacy's policy concerning

crusade personnel.

who

Those

pray and work should

stay at

home,

tion to those

their contribu-

who

fight

on

behalf of all being prayer and the fruits of labour.

available

the

food supplies, exacerbating,

if

not causing, the famine situations that developed on

march to the East and the consequent staggering

posed

a

major problem

for discipline

rise in prices

veloping friction with the Byzantines, the crusaders' supposed resources which

This

is all

would otherwise have been

starkly clear

the experience

available to others

from eyewitness accounts of the

prompted the monarchs who

the participation

of foodstuffs. They

and organization, and contributed not

led the

allies, all

more

First

the time

Third Crusade to take steps to prevent later

crusade leaders

followed suit were entirely successful; crusader privileges and the lure of the

is

consuming

useful than themselves.

and Second Crusades, and

of a host of non-combatants. But neither they nor

so potent that crusading, at least to the Latin East, retained

This

also

a little to the de-

its

Holy

who

Places were

considerable popular appeal.

another indication of the practical limits to papal power, further impressed upon us

when we allow under Innocent

Throughout

for the sharp shift in papal policy concerning crusade

vows that occurred

III.

the twelfth century, popes were generally strict concerning the personal ful-

filment of vows, permitting deferment, commutation, or redemption only in particular cir-

cumstances, such as the infirmity,

illness,

or poverty of the individual in question. Otherwise,

under threat of ecclesiastical censure, the able-bodied were expected duly to In

12.13,

however, Innocent

III

enunciated

a radical policy

change

in

fulfil their

vows.

connection with recruit-


50

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96 — 1274

ment

to the Fifth Crusade. Appreciating the practical problems caused by the presence of

large

numbers of non-combatants on campaign, he ruled that anyone, excepting only monks,

now

could

now be redeemed,

take the cross, but those vows might

seemed appropriate. His successors sought and by the mid-thirteenth century

a

make good

to

deferred, or

commuted

system of vow redemption for cash had been instituted,

the essence of which was the raising of moneys in return for the crusader's indulgence.

one could take the were urged

jority

of his or her value on the

cross, regardless

even compelled

support those best qualified

as

the implications of this in practice,

in the art

to redeem their vows.

of war.

battlefield,

The

Any-

but the great ma-

cash raised then went to

was a development which, again, could only

It

have occurred once the Church's administration had reached a certain level of efficiency and intensity,

and once,

too, the

volume of coin

in general circulation

had

expanded

sufficiently

through the sustained growth of the European economy.

Those classes

best qualified to prosecute crusading warfare came, of course,

from the military

of the West: those of the degree of knighthood and above, the seigneurial

class (in

purely military terms, the heavy cavalry) and their tactical auxiliaries. These last included sergeants,

mounted and

foot,

drawn from the non-military

crossbowmen,

strata

of society, would be needed

ample, clerics to administer the sacraments and, being chores; or merchants, to keep the

and so

siege engineers,

army

supplied. But

individuals, along with surgeons, stable lads,

it

of

them

in the field, that

nomic,

social,

lowed, so

A

and

a force

by

other ranks were organized.

political realities, that

sea.

and the processes involved

when

It is also

zeal

a

to crusades

is

class led, others fol-

appropriate here. ideological forces at work,

Crusading rapidly penetrated the cultural values

in recruitment.

and enthusiasm, or

call

class,

of

social

and

political structure, the

of each

medium

passed. Lordship ties were especially important because of the

his lead accordingly, because

Joinville's

that

took the

cross,

then

many of his

circle

would

fol-

of the pressures and inducements he could employ John of

record of the discussion between two of Louis IX's knights, on the eve of his as-

sumption of the cross

mas

members of the

which society was hierarchically organized with wealth and power massively concen-

trated at the top. If a king or great prince

low

an integral

their absence, analysis suggests that the precise personnel

through which the crusade in

a standard applicable to all

as

minority in each generation went on crusade. Leaving aside individual

force was largely dictated by the workings

way

in this

the case, given contemporary eco-

drawn between motivation and the

of ideal knightly behaviour. This was

but despite this only

mem-

as

campaign

was around them, and to sustain

it

of western knighthood, with participation soon coming to be widely accepted feature

the

But the core of crusade armies

where those of the seigneurial

some discussion of their recruitment

distinction needs to be

went on such

and other ranks, tended to participate

period, to the Easf or elsewhere, was always the knights;

others,

to deal with administrative

clear that as time

bers of a crusader lord's household. Sailors, too, were obviously crucial in question involved the transport

Some

for specific purposes: for ex-

literate,

seems

forth.

in 1267, provides

some might experience

perhaps the sharpest illustration of the awful dilem-

as a result.

One

observed:

'if

we do not take the

cross,

we


Left

THIS BEAUTIFUL TINTED LINE-

DRAWING, produced

in

of a crusader proffering well represent

England, year.

The image

God and

ideal

the

his

King Henry

who took

which the

England

f.1250,

homage may III

of

the Cross in that

captures well the

way

in

of military service to

Church had penetrated throughout Europe by

chivalric values this time.

Below:

among the marginal

DRAWINGS

in the Luttrell Psalter

visualization

suitably villainous Saracen

The

is

this

of a combat between a

and

a knight.

English royal arms on the knight's

shield suggest that the drawing depicts

the legendary duel between Richard

I

and Saladin on the Third Crusade.

1


52

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96-1274

â&#x20AC;˘

of the king;

shall lose the favour

be taking

it

if

we do take

self reveals that he, too,

influence, but the

from the

ual to stay at

forces were at work.

First

home

we

shall lose

God's favour, since we shall not

king.'

And John of Joinville him-

was pressed very hard to take vows. Lesser lords naturally exerted

same

There

are

Crusade onwards. Equally, then that

in his service,

man

if a

A

famous example

is

could find his crusading aspirations

Kinship

ties also

Edmunds who,

provided by Abbot Samson of Bury St

was prevented from taking the cross by Henry

II in

in

lord required a particular individ-

thwarted. This could even lead to outright refusal of permission to take the cross in the place.

less

innumerable examples of how a par-

took the cross immediately to be followed by those

ticular count, or bishop, or other lord his service,

it,

of displeasing the

for his sake but through fear

first

in 1188,

the interests of king and realm.

played a major part in recruitment throughout the history of the cru-

sading movement, partly because

There was, accordingly,

a

men

were predisposed to look to their kinsmen for support.

tendency on

crusades for sons to accompany their fathers, for

all

brothers to go with brothers, or for uncles to depart with nephews, but this pattern of be-

haviour should not be exaggerated.

It is

also apparent that families tended to

who

prospect of a crusade collectively, decisions being taken jointly as to ily,

if

anyone, should go, and

who should

that Frederick Barbarossa was

stay behind. It

is

approach the

exactly

no chance,

certainly

of the fam-

for example,

accompanied on the Third Crusade by one of his sons, whilst

the government of the empire during the crusade was entrusted to another, the future

Henry VI; and

peror

family conferences must have preceded the decisions of the brothers,

and nephews of Louis IX who accompanied the king on

sons,

Em-

his

two crusades. In some

in-

famous case being Henry

lis furious re-

actions to the vows, taken without reference to him, of his eldest son and heir

Young Henry

stances, crusading decisions led to family discord, a

and then of Richard

in 1183,

The

in 1187.

recruitment value of more distant

those extending beyond

members of extended

first

ties

of kinship

on crusade

together. It

assess, especially

unlikely that this was always or jointly.

took the cross having previously consulted

count of Sarrebruck and lord of Apremont, but the first

is

product of prior decisions to crusade

for example, does not say that he

IX s

not so easy to

and second cousin kinship, but time and again we can observe

family units

entirely chance, rather than the

barkation on Louis

is

crusade

is

John of Joinville, his cousin John,

fact that they jointly hired a ship for

em-

highly suggestive, John of Joinville deliberately stress-

ing their kinship in his account.

Above.

in

Christ on the cross, on

a reliquary

attachment to the scenes of past episodes

from southern France. The crusade, in Christian history.

rection, Jerusalem exerted a pre-eminent attraction;

spiration for a largely illiterate society, were Below,

the logistics of crusades,

of David delivering provisions to wagons hang

a

are

As

like pilgrimage,

was rooted

the location of Christ's death and resur-

and depictions of the Crucifixion, important sources of in-

common.

particularly those to the East, were complicated.

his brethren gives a

good

idea

loaded with helmets, mail coats, shields, and bags of food.

water bucket, a helmet, and cooking pots.

This

illustration (f.1250)

of thirteenth-century baggage

From

trains.

Two

the uprights above the wheels


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096-1274

â&#x20AC;˘

53

Ties stemming from local and regional association also had a bearing on recruitment. This is

seen operating most

clearly,

on crusades: such men, by

perhaps, in the contingents from individual towns and

virtue of urban social

used to acting collectively But knightlv classes, although

it is

stemmed

themselves partly

ties

and

were particularly

political structures,

of local and regional association also influenced the

not always easy to determine their exact role since these

ing to

list

of contemporary perceptions

especially revealing

is

who took the

those

ties

from kinship and lordship bonds operating within the regional and chronicler of

society in question. Nevertheless, Geoffrey of Villehardouin, participant in

the Fourth Crusade,

cities

cross in northern France by dividing

crete politico-geographical areas. First

he

lists

in this regard,

choos-

them up according

to dis-

Champagne who followed

those in

Count Thibaut of Champagne, followed by those from

Blois

the lead of

and the Chartrain under Count

Louis of Blois, then those from the He de France, those from Flanders, and so on. Geoffrey

of Villehardouin indicates

modern

for each contingent a

of the internal

ties

of kinship, but

on the individuals named by the chronicler has exposed other

research

We

internal links within these forces. classes

number

find a

combination of

of each of these regions firmly together: kinship

lordship

The

pattern, where the evidence

is

sufficient to

replicated in other crusade forces. In short, in the matter

men of a particular regional

society

and

loyalty

bound

ties,

pre-existent

the knightly

and looser yet no

common

of friendship, neighbourhood and acquaintance,

less significant ties

political outlook.

ties,

that

ties

experience,

and

draw firm conclusions,

of the crusade,

tended to act together

as in

is

other ventures,

as a group.

This

is

fur-

ther illustrated by battle formations drawn up on campaign. At Tunis in 1270, for example, Charles, king of Sicily, count of Anjou,

and count of Provence led the

Italians, Provencals,

and Angevins, whilst the Navarrese, Champenois, and Burgundians served under Thibaut, king of Navarre and count of Champagne. Sometimes this discreteness within forces was ually represented, as

ticipating in the

when

m

1188

it

was agreed that the crusading subjects of Philip

Third Crusade should wear red

crosses, those

of Henry

II

white,

II

vis-

par-

and those

of the count of Flanders green.

Although the of recruitment,

sorts

it is

of ties outlined above plainly exerted

important to allow for other factors

of a particular regional

society, or baronial

a

major influence on the pattern

if we are to explain

why some

knights

honour, or lordly retinue went on crusade and why

others did not. First, for various reasons, both spiritual and

mundane, some were undoubt-

edly sceptical of, or hostile to, crusading. Others, equally clearly, were crusade enthusiasts,

most obviously those who went on crusade or took the they plainly found crusading to be compatible

Others came to inherit

a dynastic tradition

lasted over

more than once

in their careers:

and

chivalric values.

with their spiritual ideals

of crusading, frequently reinforced by other

ditions transmitted through marriage. For those

the reconquest of Spain, which

cross

born into such

families,

many centuries, was fundamentally affected by the crusades some of the differences in the art of warfare between the

declared against the Moors. These vivid scenes reveal

two

sides, especially in protective

tra-

once precedents had

body armour, weaponry, and design of shields.


54

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

â&#x20AC;˘

been

set,

more profound, powerful, and poignant. That

the pull of the crusade was inevitably

weight of tradition might be vating influences.

An

purely of free choice, but ultimately

or not to the

call

of course, and the same

resisted,

true concerning other moti-

is

individual's recruitment to the crusade could never have

made

being

it

been a matter

was up to that individual to decide whether to respond

to his peer group as a whole.

Financing

Wars can be

cripplingly expensive for the societies

and individuals who wage them and the

crusades were no exception. Unfortunately, the total sums expended on any single crusade

cannot be exactly quantified vives, particularly for

magnitude of the

mented

is

as

we

some thirteenth-century

financial drain represented

Louis IX's

accounts

list

it,

but sufficient data sur-

crusades, to gain at least an impression of the

by these expeditions. Probably the best docu-

crusade, estimated by the French government in the fourteenth cen-

first

tury to have cost Louis 1,537,570

The

lack the detailed records to allow

sums paid

livres

tournois

for provisions

between 1248 and

France in 1254.

his return to

and clothing lor the king and

his

household, the

wages of knights, crossbowmen, and sergeants, the replacement and purchase of horses, mules, and camels, hire and provisioning of shipping, gifts and loans to crusaders, the king's

ransom the

after

he was taken prisoner by the Muslims in April

Holy Land, and

income of 250,000

so on. This

livres,

but

it

sum

equivalent to

is

1250,

more than

six

per cent of the crusaders accompanying him.

sums involved

in constructing the

for embarkation, or the costs incurred

dom

before departure.

nual income,

is

A

new

Nor

does

royal port

by Louis

it

figure closer to 3,000,000

it is

such

as

far greater

on campaign alone would

not surprising that finance was always

a

and

of Aigues Mortes,

livres,

and

loans,

around

specifically

as

this,

of course, does

Alphonse of Poitiers or Charles

The

total cost

of his

than the amount that the royal accounts for

indicate. In the light

of these considerations,

constant source of worry to

all

crusaders at

all

Moreover, crusades were not self-financing ventures; although the quantities of

The attempt

losses.

to raise funds was central to every crusader's preparations, the securing of ad-

equate negotiable treasure a

first priority,

but the exact expedients to which crusaders resorted

naturally varied greatly according to individual circumstances. Certain typical patterns

may

chosen

stabilize his king-

plunder and booty could be spectacular, they rarely outweighed expenditure and

haviour

55

or twelve times his budgetable an-

John of Jomville, and their retainers.

kingdom of France was

Louis's expenditure

social levels.

gifts,

it

allow for 'hidden costs', such as the

probably nearer the mark. Whatever the exact sum, even

lesser knights,

crusade to the

times his typical annual

in seeking to pacify

not allow for the individual expenses of great lords such

of Anjou, or

fortifications in

cannot be considered to be the total cost to the king since

has been estimated that Louis also subsidized, through contracts,

large

work on

nevertheless be identified. If a crusader had any savings then he

but chivalric society was not generally renowned for ing the cross, are

known immediately

thrift,

of be-

would use them,

although some individuals, on tak-

to have cut their expenditure.

Another obvious response


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96-I274 was to

call in

owed

debts

institutions, the crusader

would hope to gain

sum

spiritual

in return. In the case of ecclesiastical

support

as well in the

shape of prayers.

important role played by an individual's family, ac-

also clarifying the

is

55

to the crusader before departure, or to settle disputes with other

landowners, gaining tenunal security as well as a

Current research

â&#x20AC;˘

quaintances, and lords in his crusade financing. Just as he would look to his social network for purposes of recruitment, so could he expect a measure right gifts

from

his contacts.

classes as well as knights

Examples

are legion.

This

is

of subsidy through loans or outtrue of

and nobles. Urban confraternities and

for the crusade participation

of

members of other

gilds

available

we

shall see

members, for example. Furthermore,

their

social

made money as

later, contracts for crusade service were also employed, the lord paying for the service

of

knights on campaign, thus alleviating their financial worries, though certainly not solving

them

outright.

But

it

was exploitation of rights and material assets that from the beginning provided the

surest

means of

stock,

and

One of Earl Richard of Cornwall's and

sell his

from timber

was

raising liquid cash in sufficient quantities. First, there

was a commodity often sold to

chattels; timber, in particular,

actions

first

woods, while Alphonse of Poitiers sales for his

second crusade

on taking the is

known

townsmen

living

Count Hugh of St-Pol raise

money towards

under

established three, perhaps four, urban

involved in spectacular fashion

when

in

Scotland and handed over some castles

The

selling

11

89 Richard

I

serfs in

and

Marchâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;April

priv1202,

within his lands to

relaxed the

homage of

the king of

huge sum of 10,000 marks.

interests

of his county of Verdun to

Two

raise

of family and lineage were involved, but

early

money

examples are provided by Godfrey of for the First

the viscount of Bourges of both the city and the viscounty to his participation in the 1101 crusade.

abled John, count of tournois.

in

communes

sell rights

of land, however, especially the inherited patrimony, was another matter. This

sometimes happened for various reasons.

Bouillon's sale

down sum

Fourth Crusade. Jurisdictional rights were also

in return for the

was generally avoided since the long-term it

one instance,

their jurisdiction. In

quickly.

cross in 1236 was to cut

Lords might also enfranchise their

in 1270.

his participation in the

of produce,

money

to have raised a considerable

return for cash, as the measures of Alphonse of Poitiers again illustrate, or ileges to

sale

raise

Macon,

to go

Nearly 150 years

Crusade and the

King Philip

later, Philip's

on crusade by purchasing

his

I

sale

by

to help finance

successor Louis

IX

county for 10,000

en-

livres

money through variquestion. Most com-

Altogether more typical, from 1095 onwards, was the raising of

ous forms of loan, generally, but not always, secured on the estate in

monly, the device was mortgage or vifgage (in which the lender was repaid out of the profits

of the teries

do is

estate while in his possession). It appears that in the first century

of crusading, monas-

played the major role in providing crusaders with liquid cash in this way, although

find other creditors.

King William

pawned

II

Among

examples of lenders coming from within

'Rufus' of England, to

whom

the entire duchy of Normandy for 10,000

Crusade.

We also find other creditors,

his brother,

marks

we

a crusader's family

Duke Robert of Normandy,

in 1096 before

departing on the First

such as crusaders' lords and merchants, involved in the


56

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

â&#x20AC;˘

business, but

from the

available evidence

could be something of

this

it

seems that monasteries were dominant, although

impression deriving from the lopsided survival of certain

a false

types of record. For the thirteenth century, the picture

corporations were comparatively wealthy,

of credit for crusaders,

ment other

as for others,

rather different. Since ecclesiastical

is

not surprising that they continued

it is

as

sources

but as a result of economic growth and social develop-

possible lenders were increasingly available as alternatives.

The

was that

result

proportion of credit arrangements came to involve merchants, great magnates,

a greater

crusaders' lords, crusaders' kin, even

humble

and willing to do

knights, indeed, anyone able

business with the crusader in question. Society and

economy were changing, and

so inevitably

did this aspect of the crusading movement.

Perhaps the most significant change

in

crusade financing in these centuries lay in the emer-

gence of secular and ecclesiastical taxation specifically for purposes of crusade. In part, this

was

a

how

function of the experience of the very earliest crusades, notably the

expensive crusading was in practice, but

occurred without considerable growth

in the

it

First,

which taught

was also a development that could not have

notions and apparatus of the secular state and

papal monarchy, attendant centralization and administrative sophistication, and greater refinement in the concepts of crusade and Christendom.

upon

Secular taxation preceded papal measures in this regard, crusading lords drawing

the

feudal convention that vassals should aid their lords at times of need. Naturally, there was resistance to the establishment

an

opposed

aid, as

of the notion that

as of right a

have been established by the end of the twelfth century.

non-feudal tenants, such ample, allowed Louis royal

domain

general levies

conclusive,

seen to

lie

in 1166,

for his

from

may

Louis VII

as

IX

to raise perhaps 274,000

first

all

townsmen and peasants As

crusade.

first

livres

tournois

true of the tallaging

is

lord's

of

domain. This, for ex-

from the towns of the French

much depended on

more

political circumstances. is

far

from

for crusading purposes should probably be

measures taken by Louis VII and Henry

a tax

on the

royal levy of this type in 1146, but the evidence

and the origins of general taxation

when

The same

living

sovereigns, kings, exceptionally, could also seek

their subjects, although

have raised the

in the

crusading lord could exact such

to his seeking of a voluntary grant, but in France at any rate this seems to

II

to raise

money

for the

based on individual income and property value was decreed

Holy Land in their

do-

minions. This was followed in 1185 by a graduated tax in France and England on income and movables, again in aid of the specific crusading expedition

Crusade. for

It

Holy Land, but

the

first

was imposed, again,

in

both kingdoms, but

one year of the value of income and movables of

cepting crusaders

who would

compulsory

was the famous Saladin Tithe

receive the tithes

at a far all

tax precisely tied to a

(1188), to help finance the

higher rate than before, a tenth

subjects, lay

of their non-crusading

and

ecclesiastical, ex-

vassals.

The

massive, one chronicler estimating the yield in England alone at ÂŁ70,000, though

was not II.

as

much

as that,

and the

resistance to

it

in

Third

it

yield

France plainly limited the yield to Philip

Indeed, he had to promise that neither he nor his successors would ever impose such

again.

Nor

was

probably

a tax

did they, apparently. Nevertheless, the contribution to the financing of the Third


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96-1274 Crusade was considerable. Occasional taxation of thirteenth century, for example the twentieth ward's crusade of 1270, but never,

it

imposed

followed in

England

in

some

states in the

support of the Lord Ed-

in

seems, at the level of intensity of the Saladin Tithe; and

compulsory

generally these were voluntary not

this type

57

levies,

with a flavour more of almsgiving than

taxation.

This was not the case with papal taxation of the universal Church. Individual churches and

churchmen suffered demands

for

money

for the crusade

from the

outset.

William Rufus, for

Nor-

example, plundered English ecclesiastics to pay his brother the 10,000 marks agreed for

mandy

in 1096.

But

it

was only

set a precedent,

imposed

but

it

promised that

A

a tenth in

III

mandated

would not

this

was

triennial twentieth

Crusade, another in 1245 following the

final fall

of Jerusalem,

France and England, a quinquennial hundredth in 1263

equivalent to a twentieth for one year

—and

a sexennial tenth in 1274.

although exemptions became progressively more

versal,

He

of their revenues.

did of course, and the rate went up as well.

in 1215 for the Fifth

soon superseded by

Fourth Crusade, that Innocent

in 1199, for the

clergy to pay a fortieth for one year

all

These

common, and

taxes were uni-

for the

Holy Land

crusade; others were local and for other crusades, for example the taxes in France in 1209 and

1226 to support the Albigensian Crusade.

To

and transmit the proceeds of these

raise

system of collectors, whose actions itored.

The system

reached

his predecessors, especially

its

—and

the

zenith in 1274

Innocent

III

taxes

was a massive task requiring an elaborate

moneys they

raised

and Honorius

III,

By

this time, too, self-assessment

were very carefully

of tax

mon-

work of

the

divided Christendom into twenty-

They

six collectorates, a general collector appointed to each.

collectors.

when Gregory X, building upon

liability,

in

turn appointed sub-

envisaged by Innocent

III in 1199,

had given way to external assessment, thus reducing fraud through deliberate undervaluation. At

first,

the

moneys

raised were paid locally to crusaders or sent directly to the

for disbursement to crusaders

on campaign, but by the 1240s there was greater

popes granting the yields to individual crusade

leaders.

The sums

cumstances caused obstacles, were huge. Nearly 1,000,000 French church for Louis IX's the

first

crusade, for example.

first

four years of the crusade.

efficient indeed,

from the

wonder he remained solvent

for

No wonder, too, that there were so many bitter complaints

from the clergy throughout the thirteenth century concerning system was

centralization,

raised, unless political cir-

toumois were raised

livres

No

Holy Land

although

a

this obligatory taxation.

The

degree of fraud and embezzlement in such vast rev-

enue gathering exercises was unavoidable.

To

these

sums should be added

others: private gifts

and

legacies for the crusade, the coins

deposited by the faithful for the Holy Land in the chest placed in III instituted

penance for

a

the practice in 1199, and

vow redemption policy

And

the imposition

previously discussed.

can be seen from the magnitude of the grants

sources.

churches after Innocent

of the cross

wide range of crimes, the cross then being redeemed for cash. Above

the proceeds of the as

moneys derived from

all

all

Enormous sums were

as

were

raised,

made to individual crusaders from these

those crusaders, as we have seen, were by the thirteenth century to be drawn


58

â&#x20AC;˘

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96-1274

fundamentally from the military

funding

in their

classes.

The emergence and development of papal

crusade

support was the practical corollary of the central notion that since crusad-

common good of the

ing concerned the

Church, and since crusaders fought

in that cause,

then members of all other social groups should contribute and help sustain those

who

risked

on behalf of the one Christian commonwealth.

their lives

Practicalities

The growth

of crusades,

in external resourcing

of the greatest anxieties of all crusaders in the

very real and practical problems that face cipline,

more

command

directly,

structure

such

all

briefly surveyed above,

field,

but no

less a

armies: transport, provisioning and supply, dis-

and organization, leaving aside

as strategy

and

tactics in

helped to assuage one

cause for concern were those

the precise

field

opponent

issues involving the

of operations,

intelligence,

and

so forth. For the great crusades to the East, which particularly concern us here since the

evidence relating to these matters

is

superior compared to that surviving for other crusades,

such problems were considerably magnified by the sheer distances involved, the duration of the campaigns in question difficulties

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

anything up to

six years in the thirteenth

stemming from the international nature of such

enterprises.

century

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;and

the

These included the

challenge of effectively combining and articulating forces with different languages and

customs, and differing military traditions and techniques, often led by proud and trouble-

in

1

199, to

widen the

financial base of crusading, Innocent III

the mandatory taxation of the clergy for crusades.

The

throughout western Christendom to receive the alms of the

from Climping (Sussex),

is

one

survival.

took two important

other was to decree that faithful

a

initiatives.

One was

chest be placed in

all

to begin

churches

on behalf of the Holy Land. This

chest,


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the long, arduous siege of Damietta lasted between May 1218, when the first contingents of the Fifth Crusade arrived in Egypt, and November 1219, when it finally fell to the Crusaders. This illustration of one episode of the siege shows an assault on the chain tower.

some commanders who

animosities in the crusaders' homelands.

Crusade between Richard

When

forces.

Crusade

is

allowance

is

I

and Philip

made

some

A

II,

forces also

case in point

and the sour

is

the bitter rivalry

relations

First

relief

human

lessons were never (or never fully) learned; others, though learned, were not

of the Second Crusade,

is

own

he hoped. Hence

much of his

Odo

They should

learn

From

at least

launched and implemented.

to consider a

from the mistakes committed,

Innocent

draw on past experience and on advice

submitted to Gregory

partici-

of Deuil, the French historian

practical advice concerning routes to be taken

transport wagons to be used, for example. sciously sought to

experiences.

some crusade

an excellent example, since he wrote with the guidance of future

generations of crusaders explicitly in mind.

and

of the

surprisingly proved to be intractable, but, as ever in

pants to teach to posterity from their

On

on the Third

between their respective

transmitted to succeeding generations, and this despite an attempt by

moned

took with them

to the crusade in question present political

for such things, the astonishing achievement

thrown into even sharper

Some of these problems not history,

These

quarrelled amongst themselves.

and they might extend

as to

Ill's

how

The best-known recommendations

and the type of

time, too, popes con-

crusades might best be

are the surviving

memoirs

X in advance of the Second Council of Lyons (1274), which was sum-

new

international crusade to rescue the

Holy Land.

reaching the theatre of operations, crusaders had no option but to think

on

their feet

react to changing circumstances, despite any preconceived strategy. In so far as their fate

lay in their

and here

own

it is

hands, however, advance planning and preparation were clearly important,

possible to see a degree of progress

^cpltearenr.

?um <tu aunopwqi&ttr <it>caftwra rmcrftetn

ftr.£f»tcdty duamiliccfjtpt datmctmn mgwfftfplA

their inherited prejudices,

clc

momf intiautcultfy paruaw fhttncu cjuctttn^ wf aftcllaour.ur » cattdUtltf-ituT&f uictuaH

from the

First Crusade.

This was the

result

^


6o

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096 — 1274

partly

West

of some learning through experience, partly of changes

these changes then applied specifically to crusading

tication in the art cise

of government and administration

—and

partly

in the

of growing sophis-

West, which allowed more pre-

in the

planning and preparation of crusades by their leaders and participants.

It

may

be that the evidence has not survived, but for the First Crusade there appears to

have been very

little

advance planning on the part of the leaders. Presumably they communi-

cated with each other and set Constantinople as the mustering point, but that they lands.

had taken prior action over the

crucial matter

it

does not seem

of supply once they had

Very suggestive are the clashes on reaching Byzantine

fact that a negotiated

territory, for

own

left their

example, and the

agreement was reached with Emperor Alexius, concerning the furnish-

ing of markets for provisions

and the security and safe-conduct of the crusaders, only on

having reached Constantinople. atic

of warfare

in the practice

had arranged shipping

in

Nor

is

who

there any indication that those

their

crossed the Adri-

advance from the various ports, and the very events of the cru-

command

sade demonstrate clearly that no formal

structure

had been established before

departure.

With

the Second Crusade

come

of development, and from then on a reason-

clear signs

ably clear pattern can be identified. Concerning shipping, the

first

indication that an entire

crusade might go by sea across the Mediterranean comes in the negotiations between Louis

VII and Roger

II

of Sicily

in

1146—7, Roger offering to

supplies. Ultimately, Louis decided to follow

Conrad

make

III

available

both

his fleet

and food

along the land route. For the Third

Crusade, the intention was that the forces of both Richard and Philip would go by sea from

southern France. Richard raised

a considerable fleet in

Poitou which sailed in 1190 to meet up with the king missed, but ultimately this northern

fleet

1191.

Richard's

rival,

February

tract that has survived. In

The rendezvous was

joined with other ships contracted from Italian

ports to transport Richard's force to the East. wintered, in April

England, Normandy, Brittany, and at Marseilles.

Philip

Around zoo II,

1190, for 5,850

ships left Messina, where they had

negotiated the

first

crusade shipping con-

marks, he secured Genoese shipping for the

transport of 650 knights, 1,300 squires, and 1,300 horses, with provisions for eight

from embarkation, and wine with shipping contracted

in

for four. Thereafter,

lion's

share of the business.

hardships and attrition experienced by the

by the sufferings

in

doubtedly informed strategy in

Asia this

sea,

advance with one or more of the Mediterranean ports, Pisa,

Genoa, Venice, and Marseilles taking the

The

all

months

future crusades to the East went by

Minor of Frederick

first

generations of crusaders, confirmed

Barbarossa's

army on

important development. So, too, did the

the

shift

Third Crusade, un-

towards the Egyptian

eastern crusading, and the impossibility of travelling through Anatolia after 1204,

following the establishment of the hostile Byzantines in Nicaea. But the option of the sea route,

and thus the Egyptian

Mediterranean shipping Mediterranean became capacity,

and

strategy,

was only possible because of major developments

in the period. In particular,

feasible as western naval

capabilities of ships increased.

Key

in

long voyages across the width of the

power became dominant and

as the size, load

difficulties facing the transportation of large


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96— 1274

61

armies were also solved as a result of technical and technological advances. Especially important was the solution to the problem- of shipping horses, for without them armies with

The

knights at their core could be emasculated to the point of being practically useless.

Venetian crusade of

1123

seems to have been the

Land; by the time of the Third Crusade ously, however,

sading.

we must guard

For example,

it is

beaches of Egypt, his

this

to transport horses directly to the

As noted

familiar practice.

Holy previ-

of cru-

against seeing a steady learning curve in the practice

Louis IX's planning in advance to land on the

clear that despite

fleet in

first

had become

1248 was badly equipped for the task since

it

was comprised

overwhelmingly of sailing ships which grounded well before they reached dry land, the knights having to wade ashore. Oared ships were what was needed, as

had appreciated

in 1224,

when preparing

Emperor Frederick

of attacking Egypt on

for his original intention

II

his

crusade.

Turning to supply, both Louis VII and Conrad ence of the First Crusade. At any

of securing food supplies and

rate,

III

seem to have learned from the

both sought before departure to procure the

safe passage

from the

rulers

the Byzantine

Emperor Manuel Comnenus, Conrad

Hungary. Louis and Conrad also

set different

privilege

whose lands they would pass

through. In 1146 Louis, for example, wrote on this score to Roger

an option

experi-

II

the sea route was

himself,

still

and King Geza of

departure dates to ease supply and discipline

problems since they would be taking the same route, their forces to join only

at

Constant-

inople.

The

shift to the sea route necessarily

changed things

that normally the shippers agreed to supply food

tion for a stipulated

and fodder

number of months from embarkation. Sometimes other consumables,

ing great lords took to building

ships: large quantities

other consumables are apart from building eals

in

on Cyprus

in

show

for the forces in ques-

for the horses, were also included. In addition, crusade leaders

up

of bacons, beans, cheese,

known

I,

transporting

at

advance of his

them

when

it

them

to the East

flour, biscuit, galantine,

to have been aboard his fleet

up supplies

and accompany-

supplies of foodstuffs in advance and forwarding

the port of embarkation or, in the case of Richard

own

Surviving contracts

drastically.

and wine (or water)

on

to

his

wine, syrups, and

sailed in 1190.

Louis IX,

Aigues Mortes, laid up huge quantities of wine and cer-

first

wonder of the mountains of wine

crusade. John of Joinville, in a famous passage, speaks

barrels

and

hills

of wheat and

barley. Naturally, all

man-

ner of military equipment was also raised in large quantities for shipment. Surviving accounts, though fragmentary, supply details of the purchase of crossbows and bolts,

bows and

arrows, hauberks, horseshoes, stakes, beams, and so forth, and chroniclers' reports reveal the existence

on campaign of other

materiel.

Crusaders could, of course, hope to buy provisions,

arms, horses, and other necessaries in the

Holy Land, but

surviving accounts reveal

how

ex-

pensive this could be with the descent of crusading forces pushing prices up sharply. If the destination was Egypt, then plainly as

taken by ship from the West.

It

made good

much

materiel as

possible

would have to be

sense for crusade leaders to plan centrally and

provide what their forces as a whole would require by way of siege equipment, for example,


aigues mortes was one of the few Mediterranean trol in the thirteenth century. It

locations, with a natural harbour, in direct royal French con-

was here that Louis IX chose to construct a new town

barkation of his crusade in 1248. But most of it then was constructed in wood. are largely the

and

work of his

son, Philip

specifically for the

em-

and towers shown here

walls

III.

for individual contingents to take with

he, the

The

them what they could. John of

count of Sarrebruck, and their eighteen knights travelled down the

how Saone and Rhone Joinville tells

to Marseilles in 1248, their great war horses led along the river bank, accompanying their sup-

and equipment loaded on boats.

plies

Lastly, crusaders

needed to take what cash they could

to meet the expenses that they would inevitably incur on campaign. For crusade leaders, this

was especially important since they would be expected to meet some, their followers, is

Richard

their

own

I's

and

at least,

of the needs of

coin was also important to maintain the level of their forces.

taking into his pay on the Third Crusade those crusaders

resources.

Money

An

who had

could also be crucial for the internal discipline

example

exhausted

of crusading

armies.

Organization,

command

structure,

and discipline were always

the large, international crusades comprising contingents

fundamental

and

units, individual knights'

discipline; the

rivalries

lords' households, possessed their

problem was how to combine these units to form

then to establish a firm

The

and

critical issues, especially for

drawn widely from the West. The

command

structure over

between the leaders of the

First

all

own

structure

a larger division,

and

the divisions making up the one army.

Crusade and the kings who led the Second and


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096-1274

6}

Third Crusades pointed up the need for an acknowledged commander-in-chief to be appointed before departure, or at least on arrival in the East.

attempt in this direction with the appointment,

on

his death, of Boniface of Montferrat.

problem did not

arise.

When

The Fourth Crusade saw

the

a crusade

was led by one ruler of stature, the

Louis IX, for example, was indisputably the overall commander of his

two crusades. But the acceptance of a commander-in-chief was not

in itself always sufficient

to ensure cohesion and discipline. Partly in response to this problem, crusade leaders to

employ formal contracts drawn up

tions for service

on crusade were

ployed in the twelfth century; they became more ing

its

first

of Thibaut of Champagne, and then,

first,

common,

laid

if so,

as

came

advance of departure, in which the precise obliga-

in

down

in legally

none has

binding form. They

survived.

As

may

have been em-

the thirteenth century proceeded,

they did for other forms of warfare, the development reach-

term with the crusades of Louis IX. The 1270 crusade, above

all,

was organized from

down through contract usage. For Louis's own household on crusade, around 400 bound to him by contract, Louis granting money, transport, and, in some inboard, in return for the service of a specified number of knights to be provided by

the top

knights were stances,

the contractor. Louis also contracted with divisional commanders, such as Alphonse of Poitiers,

Guy of Flanders, Robert of Artois, and Edward of England. They had

under them of the number of knights

service

contracts,

some

specified, so in turn they

to ensure the

employed sub-

of which survive. In short, the 1270 expedition provides the fullest picture of

contract dated 20 July 1270, two English knights, Payn de Chaworth and Robert Tybetot, agree to Edward of England on crusade with five knights apiece in return for shipping, water, and a fee of 100 marks for each knight. Their seals are attached. By then, contract usage for crusading purposes had become in this serve

common.

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64

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1096 — 1274 crusade structured throughout by means of contracts, for shipping as

a great international

for

men. Crusading

in practice, in the

ways considered above, had developed

a

long way from

the First Crusade.

Some

A

Effects

movement

phenomenon

that diversified as the

and

momentous

movement were almost

the contemporary western world, leaving aside

some

in

a multi-faceted

crusade could not have failed to have had

the time. Indeed, the effects of the crusading

and influenced

become such

intensified to

its

way, directly or indirectly.

limitless;

few aspects of

immediate neighbours, were not affected

On

the stage of world history, crusading

played a major role in redrawing the political and cultural map, since the process

and complex

repercussions at

deeply conditioned

it

of expansion of Latin Christendom, contributing to the emergence of new Latin

states in north-eastern

Europe, the Iberian peninsula, and of course the East, although some

of these states proved to be only temporary. Within the West,

its

various applications also

helped to shape, even determine decisively, some political developments, most notably the victory

The

of the papacy against the Hohenstaufen emperors who threatened

fate

of the various parts of their empire became one of the major

politics in the later thirteenth century

and

sade did not destroy the Cathar heresy

far

it

to overthrow

issues

it.

of international

beyond. Again, although the Albigensian Cru-

was too blunt an instrument

it

drastically aff-

ected the politics and culture of southern France, the main beneficiary being the French

crown. For the

first

time, as a direct result of the crusade, French royal

meaningfully into Languedoc and to the Mediterranean. crusades, the papacy sought to give reality to in this period, the vision

coming

mon

important

in

And through

its

very declaration of

claims to direct the affairs of Christendom

closest to realization

On another level, crusading was selves, accelerating the

its

power was extended

under Innocent

III.

helping to change westerners' views of them-

process whereby they came to appreciate that they possessed a

com-

And

since

identity rooted in a shared cultural tradition, despite their local difficulties.

the distinctive and unifying characteristic was the shared Latin Christian culture, the vast

chasm which opened up between westerners and non-westerners was fundamentally in

religious

conception. In this sense, as total ideological war, the crusades dramatically increased the

xenophobic streak within western clusive

world view

in

related consequence

pogroms of 1096

culture, hitherto relatively

dormant, and heightened the ex-

which Latin Christian cultural superiority was taken for granted. was

a drastic

change

in

testifying to a new, persecuting attitude that

heart of western culture. Another perceptual change lay in the ideal

and

knightly

in practice, class's

came to penetrate

perception of

itself

One

Christian—Jew relations within the West, the

chivalric values,

soon established

way

in

itself at

which crusading,

as

the

an

and thus contributed sharply to the

and to the cultural distance that separated those of the

degree of knighthood from other social classes.


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1274

The impact cludes the

of the crusade in

more than

more mundane ways can be seen everywhere, but space

a very partial listing here.

movement developed,

so

From

the above survey,

it

will

more and more westerners became touched

one crusade sermon, probably more,

at least

vow redemption

in the course

policy was implemented and extended, so

65

pre-

be apparent that as

directly

by

it.

mid-thirteenth century, for example, there can have been few laymen and laywomen

not hear

'

of their

lives;

By the

who

and

did

as the

more and more of their contem-

poraries took the cross. Again, with the extension of crusade taxation and other fund raising

expedients, fewer and fewer pockets can have remained untouched, whether those of the peasant,

townsman,

cleric,

And

or whomever.

crusaders' thirst for cash obviously presented op-

portunities for those wishing to extend their interests in a particular locality, for example, since the supply side

of the land market was

the wealth of the Italian maritime republics was clearly enhanced by the for shipping and supply,

them

of crusade.

significantly eased at times

demands

and the establishment of the Latin settlements

Similarly,

of crusaders

in the East allowed

The need for weapons, foodstuffs, and other necesdemand in crusaders' homelands for a whole range know whether the economic stimulus stemming from

to extend their trading ventures.

saries also

provided temporary growth

of items, although

it is

impossible to

in

expenditure for the crusades was outweighed by the disruption that crusading also caused to

economic

These

life.

are but

in this period,

some

of the

more notable and obvious

himself, his family, his friends, his tenants. Yet

that the crusading

movement wrought perhaps

those caught up within

mentally scarred, the lives for

effects

of the crusading movement

but nothing directly has been said here about the impact upon the crusader

if

it

at the time.

they returned at

of crusaders' wives and

As

all;

it

its

was

at this very

personal and

most powerful and poignant

in all wars,

many

children,

same

and those otherwise entwined is

level

participants returned physically or

their lives could never be the

one reason or another. Modern historical research

human

influence for

only

again.

could

in the crusader's fate

now beginning

profundities of the crusading movement's impact at this fundamental

Nor

level.

to unearth the


The

;Statx of ^linil of Crusaders

Cast

to the

1095-1)00

JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH

men and women of all

rusading

attracted

in the First

Crusade was attributed by

a

classes.

The

involvement of the masses

contemporary to disorder, to an epidemic

of ergotism which was sweeping western Europe, and to economic

distress.

He

de-

many of the poor traveldomestic goods'. Pope Urban had not

scribed what appeared to be a passage of migration, with ling 'weighed

down by

wives, children

wanted unsuitable men and

and

all

women of this

their

sort to join a military expedition

wrote in 1097, 'been stimulating the minds of knights'

it

but precisely because he had all,

he and his successors

hard to prevent the unsuitable going, even after Innocent

III

had found

as a pilgrimage, a

in crusade redemptions. In the end, the cost official

he had, he

devotional activity open to

preached the crusade

found

of taking part proved to be more

a solution

effective

than

discouragement. There seem to have been substantial numbers of the poor in the

armies which marched overland to the East, but once expeditions started going by sea the

poor were

less able to

meet the expenses of the passage. Although there were always some,

creating problems for the leaders as

we have

seen, their

numbers

declined, while their self-

generated crusades, in which, perhaps, they responded to their exclusion from expeditions

which were anyway becoming more professional lar

the Children's Crusade of 1212, the

Crusade of 1309, and the Shepherds' Crusades of 1251 and 1320

Popu-

never succeeded in break-

ing out of western Europe.

The masses

were an important,

if irregular,

evidence about the way they thought or

element and

felt survives.

it is

When

disappointing that hardly any

we come

to the

more

substantial

crusaders, the merchants, craftsmen, and farmers, shafts of light break through at times. For instance, in

was very

ill

December in the

erty or spoil that

camp

1219 Barzella at

Damietta

Merxadrus, in

Egypt.

a citizen of

He made his

Bologna, drew up a will when he

wife Guiletta his heir to any prop-

might have been apportioned to him and he

tried to

make

sure that she

could keep her place in the tent they had shared with other crusaders. But such insights are


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95-I30O rare,

and good evidence

ing nobles and knights.

mentioned frequently

is

to be

found only for the

The more

67

and perceptions of the landown-

among them were prominent enough to be accounts. They had social positions to maintain and

prosperous

in the narrative

therefore the costs of households

feelings

â&#x20AC;˘

on crusade to meet, and,

since they

had property

to dis-

pose of for cash, they generated charters which often contain priceless information on their states of

mind.

Crusaders 'took the

cross',

tional public gatherings

which involved making

vow of a

particular kind, often at

under the influence of preachers whose business

audiences up into a frenzy.

It

it

emo-

was to whip their

has been suggested that by the third quarter of the twelfth cen-

tury the taking of the cross and the

rite

granting the pilgrimage symbols of purse and staff

were being merged into a single ceremony. This tinct.

a

may be

so,

but originally the rituals were dis-

King Louis VII of France went through two of them, separated

he was preparing for the Second Crusade.

He made

his

vow

in

time and space,

to crusade

on

31

March

when

1146 at

Vezelay, where a large gathering had assembled. Louis and the greater nobles took the cross at a semi-private

ceremony, at which the king was given a cross sent by the pope.

the preacher, St Bernard of Clairvaux, for the public meeting and stood

him wearing

his cross, obviously to

on

a

He

joined

platform with

encourage the audience. Such was the enthusiasm with

which Bernard's sermon was greeted that the packet of cloth crosses which had been prepared for distribution

was used up and Bernard had to tear

vide more. Then, over a year later

on

11

June 1147

at St

his

monastic habit into

strips to pro-

Denis, Louis received from the hands

of the pope the symbols of pilgrimage, the purse and the onflamme, the battle-standard of the French crown, given presumably in place of the

staff.

taking the cross. A crusader receives his cross from a bishop; he has already been given the scrip (purse) and a pilgrim.

The

staff

of

separate ceremonies of

taking the cross and receiving the symbols

of pilgrimage were merged twelfth century.

in the later


68

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95 — 1300

These procedures were

paralleled everywhere in the early decades

and knights had taken the

bles

purse and

staff,

and perhaps

would make

cross, they

which appears

also the blessing

of crusading. After no-

private arrangements to receive the

from

in the later rites,

a local

bishop, abbot, or prior. This second ceremony was sometimes associated with a financial

arrangement with, or a donation

May

the religious

for,

1096 in the chapter house of Lerins, Fulk

He

of property to the abbey.

emonies of

may

this type

on 22

instance,

of Chateaurenard donated quite

was handed a napkin (in place of the pilgrim's purse) and a

by the abbot, who enjoined the crusade on him

in 1248

community concerned. For

Doon as a

a lot staff

penance and also gave him a mule. Cer-

have continued long after the two

had been joined together:

rites

John of Joinville received the symbols of pilgrimage, and apparently them alone, from

the abbot of

Cheminon.

Introducing the cross as a visible symbol of the vow of commitment, Urban associated the taking and wearing of it in a highly-charged way with Christ's precepts, 'Every one that hath left

house or brethren or

hundredfold and

sake, shall receive an

man

any

will

(Matthew

16:

come

after

24 or Luke

by your sermons made us

me,

all

Some men responded

From

5

cm

wide

came

strips

by the

to distinguish themselves

Third Crusade

and follow me'

him

them and ordered

An

who

us to fol-

early twelfth-century sculpture

as

though

style or

it

measured

and, as

by

15

made from

cm. Contingents soon

colour of the crosses they wore

in the late 1140s for the

a ball

15

we have

Wendish

crusaders,

this practice

who wore

a

badge

already seen, at a planning meeting for

was decided that the French participants would wear red

it

'You

as

Lorraine shows a crusader wearing on his chest a cross

of a cross superimposed on

'If

branding crosses on their bodies, but the sight of the

of cloth; the cross looks

seems to have been introduced

the

in

29) and

19:

crosses'.

hysterically,

in

his cross

Syria the crusade leaders wrote to

ordinary cloth crosses must have been striking enough.

from the priory of Belval

up

take

our lands and whatever was

leave

(Matthew

shall possess life everlasting'

him deny himself and

let

14: 27).

low Christ by taking up our

my name's

or father or mother or wife or children or lands, for

sisters

crosses, the

English white ones, and the Flemish green.

Crusaders were expected to wear their crosses on their clothing

home

with their vows

fulfilled: in 1123

who was

and

a crusader

it

It

was important to do

should, therefore, have been posso.

sade were convinced that there was a reservoir of additional

could be deployed this sort

if

times until they came

the bishops at the First Lateran Council referred to

those 'who had taken their crosses ofF without departing. sible to tell

at all

only the Church would force laggards to

The

leaders

manpower fulfil their

of the

First

Cru-

in the

West which

vows.

Demands of

were made throughout the history of the crusading movement and attempts were

periodically

made

how large the reservoir of 'false crusaders' was. But it was who had had second thoughts than to make them do what

to establish just

a lot easier to rail against those

they had promised.

Another reason why

it

enjoyed special rights. At

was important to know who had taken the cross was that crusaders first

there was confusion, even

among

the higher clergy, about at


A

CRUSADER EMBRACED

BY His wife.

An

early

twelfth-century sculpture

from the

cloister

of the

priory of Belval in Lorraine.

The

crusader

is

dressed as a

pilgrim, with scrip and

staff,

and the cloth cross on his chest,

which he had to wear

until his

vow had been

fulfilled, is clearly visible.


70

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, 1095— 1300


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, I095-I30O least

â&#x20AC;˘

71

one of the privileges granted them by the Council of Clermont, the commitment by the

Church to protect

who had farm

and properties while they were away.

their families

taken the cross for the crusade of 1107,

in his viscounty

felt

by Count Rotrou of Mortagne,

Hugh

II

of Le

Puiset,

threatened by a castle thrown up on a

who

had, incidentally, been

on

the First

Crusade. Hugh's bishop, Ivo of Chartres, although one of the greatest canonists of the age, passed the matter over to a secular court. Violence ensued and

who

reallocated the case. Ivo pointed out that

cause

Hugh

appealed to the pope

churchmen could not agree what to do, be-

law of the Church protecting the goods of knights going to Jerusalem was new.

'this

They did not know whether

the protection applied only to the crusaders' possessions, or also

to their fortifications.'

By the thirteenth

dulgence, about which

of feudal service or

of a court

many of them had

more below, and

clearly defined, giving cru-

legal implications. Besides the in-

protection, they included a delay in the performance

speedy settlement

in judicial proceedings until return, or alternatively a

case before departure; a

exemption from

interest;

had become

century, however, the privileges

saders an advantage in law, because so

tolls

and

moratorium on the repayment of debt or the payment of taxes;

freedom for

a cleric to enjoy a benefice

for a knight to sell or pledge fiefs or inalienable property to raise

money;

in absentia

release

from

and ex-

communication; licence to have dealings with excommunicates and freedom from the consequences of interdict; the ability to use the crusade vow fulfilled;

and the right to have

a personal confessor

Crusaders obviously had a high

profile.

internationally.

minated

in their

of Taranto toured France

in his marriage to the king

nobles wanted

but there can be

activity,

adopted by them gained them honour

When Bohemond

of France's daughter

him to be godfather to

another not yet

No one has yet made a study of the effects on their

social standing of engaging in such a prestigious title Jerosolimitanus

as a substitute for

with wide powers of absolution.

their children.

little

doubt that the

neighbourhoods and even

in 1106, in a

triumph which

in Chartres cathedral,

He lectured about his

cul-

many French

adventures to large

audiences and his experiences as a prisoner of the Muslims became incorporated in the Miracula

of St Leonard, whose shrine he ostentatiously

First

Crusade families were

A much

less

still

visited.

Two

or three generations after the

proud of ancestors who had fought

welcome consequence of taking the

in

it.

cross was often obloquy.

No

group of

down on their heads such venomous criticism as did crusaders. The reason was that failure in God's own war fought at his bidding could not possibly be attributed to him, but only, as it had been in the Old Testament, to the unworpeople in the central Middle Ages brought

thiness

of the instruments

ideologically necessary to

of abuse from reactions

the carnage of war.

at

at his disposal, in this case the soldiers

blame them for every

home

A battle

of Christ. Because

it

was

crusaders were subjected to torrents

failure,

to the disasters of 1101 onwards.

scene from an English Life of St

Edmund,

of evidence that crusaders were often apprehensive and frightened.

illustrated in

r.1135.

There

is

plenty


72

â&#x20AC;˘

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1300

But whether a crusade was ancial ruin,

a success

or a

failure,

every crusader risked death, injury, or fin-

and apprehension shrouded the charters issued before departure

wood

1096 Stephen of Blois gave a

to the abbey of

Marmoutier

'so that

like a cloud. In

God,

at the inter-

his monks, might pardon me for whatever I have done wrong and me on the journey out of my homeland and bring me back healthy and safe, and watch over my wife Adela and our children'. He and many others found comfort in the thought that

cession of St Martin and

lead

intercessory prayers were being said for

them back home. According,

Ranulf of Chester, returning

the intercessors themselves,

unmoved

tossed and nearly wrecked by a storm, remained

became

active because at that time

'my monks and other

in 1220

it

must be admitted, to

from Damietta

until midnight,

religious,

in a ship

when he suddenly

whom my ancestors

have established in various places, arise to chant divine service and remember

me

and

I

in their

prayers'.

Stephen of

was echoed

many

in

about the security of the family he was going to leave behind

Blois's anxiety

peace. But everyone

companied by

effect

Robert was absent on the castellany in 1102 he was

may be why

this

First Crusade.

met with

anyone could be brought to arrangement with

and

that the absence

of peace decrees

a renewal

has

was an instrument of domes-

of leading magnates from the scene

the preaching of the crusade was ac-

church councils. Flanders suffered while Count

in

When Guy of Rochefort

a catalogue

justice'.

his brother

It

to canalize the bellicosity of the armsbearers

in this respect the crusade

must have known

would have the opposite

of protector the Church had assumed.

role

Urban had hoped

away from western Europe and that tic

of the

charters, in spite

often been written that Pope

came riding back

into his

of complaints; while he had been away

'scarcely

In 1128 Baldwin of Vern d'Anjou

Rual 'concerning

and

his land

came

to a very detailed

and

his possessions

all

his wife

with their only daughter'. Rual promised always to deal faithfully with the two women, never to try to take away property to which they

injured threat

them

'even to

posed by

a right,

and to aid them against anyone who

making war himself. The agreement, which demonstrates

a younger,

and probably unmarried, brother to

and the need to take steps

ter

had

to counter

it,

a crusader's wife

was witnessed by ten

men and was

clearly the

and daugh-

guaranteed by

Baldwin's immediate lord.

The

fact

is

that even in the thirteenth century

and

in

England, where the crown had taken

over the protection of a crusader's property, the experiences of kin, particularly

behind for several years to manage

estates

neighbours and litigious relations, could be

and bring up horrific,

and

families,

women,

left

surrounded by rapacious

judicial records reveal a depressing

inventory of the injuries of every sort to which they were exposed. William Trussels wife was

murdered pit.

six

weeks

after

he had

left

on crusade

in 1190

Peter Dufheld's wife was strangled while he was

deng came home to

find his daughter

and

heiress

prising that crusaders felt safer taking measures

of Le Louet put promised

a

his wife into the care of the

supplement to the sum

as

an entry

and her body was thrown into

marl

on the Fifth Crusade, and Ralph Ho-

married to one of his peasants.

of their own. For

not sur-

It is

instance, in 1120 Geoffrey

nuns of Le Ronceray d'Angers for gift

a

should she wish to become

a

a fee;

nun

he

herself.


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I^OO At the same time Fulk of Le Plessis-Mace arranged If

nuns to look

for the

he should not return, they were to allow her to marry or become

will

and that of her brothers and other

Touching arrangements were negotiated by Champallement, who had property to the 7

pension

monks

a recruit to the

to her

gift.

Second Crusade, Hugh Rufus of

a very sick or disabled brother called

of Corbigny, from the rents of which

Guy.

Hugh made

a grant

of

Guy was to be provided with a The monks would bury him in

die.

Just as vital to the interests

of crusaders were the arrangements they had to make for the

administration of their properties in what were

Crusade there seems to have been already

First

after his daughter.

nun 'according

an oblate and he guaranteed her entry

cash and kind, payable at fixed times in the year.

in

cemetery should he

their

as

73

should decide not to enter the com-

friends'. If she

munity he promised the nuns one of his nieces

a

â&#x20AC;˘

bound talk

to be long absences: at the time

of a three-year campaign and

of the

in 1120

Fulk

of Le Plessis-Mace was allowing for the fact that he might be away for a similar period.

Members of the family or neighbours or vassals could be made responsible for management. From the family it could be the eldest son, or a younger one, or a brother, for instance the first

crusader Gerald of Landerron's brother Auger, prior of St Pierre de La Reole, in whose

care Gerald left his castles

and sons. Auger promised to

himself would make them knights'.

was also quite

It

over these responsibilities, but sometimes

ered capable of the charge. In 1101

it

'rear the

common

sons until the time that he

Guy of Bre handed

mothers to take

for wives or

seems that there was no one

in a family consid-

custody of his land and daughter to a

neighbour, Oliver of Lastours, whose father and uncle had been on the expedition of 1096â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 9.

Among

Oliver later married her.

other early crusaders, Geoffrey of Issoudun

the hands of one of his vassals and his knights.

From

look after their

Hugh of Gallardon

left his castle in

entrusted his castle and daughter to

the late twelfth century English crusaders were appointing attorneys to

interests.

Crusaders knew that they were involving themselves in something that was going to be very costly, and

dence for the

we have

first

how

already seen

crusaders

expensive crusading was. There

coming home wealthy

of the campaign, although they certainly brought back churches with them.

Guy

f

rater,

made

Chiny,

a

A

and presented

crusaded with her husband

complete

set

of vestments

of gold and adorned with

jewels.

very

little evi-

and

severities

and showered European 'in

glory and abun-

knight called Grimald, passing by Cluny, became a con-

a will in the abbey's favour

who had

Ardenne

relics

of Rochefort was said to have came back in 1102

might mean.

dance', whatever that

is

after the crippling expenses

But these it is

with an ounce of gold. Hadvide of

Dodo of Cons-la-Grandville,

in precious cloth

gained on the earliest expeditions and

it

are the

not

and

only

a chalice

known

gave St Hubert-en-

made from

nine ounces

references to riches possibly

likely that there are

many more

to be found,

given the expenses of the return journey and the impracticability of carrying quantities of bullion or precious material over such long distances.

On repay,

the other hand, the survivors and their families had pledges to redeem and debts to

and

a pressing

need for cash led some men, and sometimes their

relations, to try to


74

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95-I300

â&#x20AC;˘

lessen the

damage by

resorting to whatever measures were available to them.

Matheflon came back from the East

and to

levy another

on

pigs,

in

noo he

tried to exact a toll

and he shrewdly turned to

nuns of Le Ronceray d'Angers. Early

in the eleventh

to the

then been built

in the parish

and within

its

a bridge

Fulk

I

of

he had built

an old dispute with the

century the village of Seiches-sur-le-Loir

nuns by Countess Hildegarde of Anjou. The

had been given

on

his advantage

When

enceinte a

castle

of Matheflon had

wooden church had been

constructed.

But the population had grown and Fulk and Le Ronceray had agreed to replace the church in stone.

The

and to fund side

church had been built and Fulk had agreed to surrender his share of the tithes

a priest, although he

was given

a substantial

of the bargain, however, and he had held on to the

were

came

at

odds up to the time he

to recognize that the nuns

which he agreed to return

if

left

on the

had

a case

First Crusade.

sum

He had

for this.

tithes, so that

he and the nunnery

While he was away

and made over the

not kept his

his

son

Hugh

tithes for another, larger

Fulk refused to accept what he had done.

When

sum,

Fulk got back

he wanted, or pretended to want, to nullify the agreement, but he was persuaded to endorse it

for an even larger

amount.


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, 1095-1^00

left)

75

THE TRUE CROSS.

A RELIC OF (far

This piece was brought

back to Europe by the crusader Berthold of Sperberseck in It

had belonged to the

first

1129.

cru-

sader Gerald of Schaffhausen

when he had been treasurer of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. spoil. Crusading was always

marked by foraging and looting immediate needs, but when

for

in 1204 the

Fourth Crusade

sacked Constantinople, the greatest treasury in Europe,

items were sent

triumph.

Mark

St

The in

home

in

cathedral of

Venice

a store-

is

house for many spectacular examples of this booty, brought

back to present to the saint his

supposed resting

The Nicopeia

(centre)

in

place.

Virgin, a

tenth-century icon embellished

with enamels and precious stones,

(this page)

An

eleventh-

century Byzantine chalice.

Fulk's share a

of the

tithes

of Seiches had cost the nuns

strong line in a related case. This involved a

tithes

of the

mill of Seiches to

turn he decided to to be sold with

it

sell

the mill

man

raising

presumably to

they would obviously enhance

abbess of Le Ronceray

when she

which may be why they took

called Geoffrey

Le Ronceray when itself,

dear,

money

Le Rale, who had sold the for his crusade.

On

his re-

settle his debts,

but he wanted the tithes

—and

he was furious with the

its

value

refused to be party to the

sale.

He

was hauled into the abbess's court, where he pleaded guilty and was

seized the mill, but he

fined.

Crusading was so unpleasant, dangerous, and expensive that the more one considers crusaders the

more astonishing

why did

their motivation

becomes.

What

did they think they were doing?

catastrophes, which might be expected to induce cynicism, indifference,

only heighten their enthusiasm?

Over the

last sixty years

and the ways

it

What

was

in their

and despair,

minds?

the theology of Christian violence has been intensively studied,

contributed, at an intellectual

and to crusading thought

And

in particular,

level,

to ideas

of Christian holy war

have become reasonably

clear.

The

in general

reactions of

men


the goal of early crusades to the east. The

The

small structure under the

dome of the rotunda

dalized by the Egyptians in 1009.

aedicule in the

Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem. tomb which had been van-

encases the remains of the cave


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1300

An

pilgrimage.

home

The

pilgrim

dressed.

His

hand he

carries his staff

scrip hangs

and

way

unshaven and sombrely

is

form

his

church of St Nicolas,

in a wall painting in the

Tavant, France.

on

early twelfth-century pilgrim

77

his shoulder. In his right

palm frond he

in his left the

has brought back from Jerusalem.

and

women

to the call to crusade are beginning to

be explained as responses to the popularization of

them by preachers

that ideology, presented to

in

ways which related to their day-to-day religious concerns. But even in terms of the history of theories

of Christian violence crusading was

The

development.

First

ing surge towards the

a startling

Crusade was the culminat-

Holy Land of

Holy Sepulchre which had

regularly

a cult

of the

spawned mass

pilgrimages to Jerusalem throughout the eleventh century, but

was not only much the

it

these pilgrimages; in being at the

it

also differed

same time

brothers, Geoffrey

a war.

largest

of

from the others

Two

Provencal

and Guy of Signes, took the

cross 'on the one hand for the grace of the

pil-

grimage and on the other, under the protection of

God,

to

wipe out the defilement of the pagans and

the immoderate madness through which innumer-

â&#x20AC;˘:...

able Christians have already been oppressed, captive,

and

my

and desired to go to

sins

killed

with barbaric

Sepulchre of the Lord which

Making

a pilgrimage

is

fury'.

fight the is

And

Muslims with the Christian people, and devotional

act,

requiring a frame of

splendour and panache, had been generally purely peaceful.

an expression of their love for their Christian brothers and

of its

it

was considered to be

It

was

sisters

a 'true oblation', a sacrificial

often flamboyant trappings, crusading was as

and the notion of a devotional war suggests saying a prayer.

mind which

is

who could certainly travel with The crusaders, on the other hand,

intended war to be an integral part of their penitential exercise.

to

to visit the

end of the spectrum from that of a warrior. The intentions of

eleventh-century pilgrims from the arms-bearing classes,

commitment

made

Limousin Aimery Brunus 'was mindful of

in Jerusalem'.

a penitential,

traditionally at the opposite

in the

a

form

much

officially

and

described as

for their

God, and

surrender of self In spite

a devotional as a military activity,

of war-service which can be

compared

to


78

â&#x20AC;˘

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95-I300

In preaching the First Crusade, therefore,

The notion

that

making war could be

Pope Urban had made

penitential seems to have evolved in the 1070s

out of a dialogue between Pope Gregory VII and a

made

The

writer

Jerusalem.

intellectually justifiable

it

his

journey to France, described his

ing armsbearers the chance of contributing to their

penance which did not

of

miliating loss

And

and 1080s

which had gath-

the idea, which was without

own

who had

a curial official

ac-

move, giv-

initiative as a pastoral

salvation by undertaking an act

abandonment of their profession of arms or

of

the hu-

and horses.

status involved in pilgrimaging without weapons, equipment,

commentary on

a

entail the

theorists

by associating warfare with pilgrimage to

of the Monte Cassino Chronicle, probably

companied the pope on

severe

of reform

circle

Urban took

ered around his supporter Mathilda of Tuscany. precedent, and

a revolutionary appeal.

the crusade as something deliberately created so that nobles and

knights could function as soldiers not just beneficially but devotionally,

is

to be found in

Guibert of Nogent's famous statement, to which reference has already been made: 'God has instituted in our time holy wars, so that the order

wake

.

.

.

might find

a

new way of gaining

of knights and the crowd running

And

salvation.

secular affairs completely by choosing the monastic

reers,

life

or any religious profession, as used

some measure Gods grace while pursuing

to be the custom, but can attain in

in its

so they are not forced to abandon

own

their

ca-

with the liberty and in the dress to which they are accustomed.'

Men

definitely

responded to

the priory of Aureil, but

of satisfying

now

his desire for a

the priory to use the rent

found to take

this.

he changed his mind; he must have seen

more

from

his place in the

In the Limousin, Brunet of Treuil had intended to enter

positive

life

A

similar case

from near Chateaudun, who had been involved moutier over property.

Odo

community and

would renounce

that he

buy him armour and

his entry-gift to

community.

fell ill

his claims

Odo the

Italy,

troubled by the contradictions for a Christian in the

life

young

arms

in the service

relative

Odo

was

Bevin

wanted to enter the

as his entry gift.

But when

had recovered and was now saying

Norman

he

knight Tancred had been

His mind had been

led.

uncertain whether to follow in the footsteps of the Gospel or the world'. spirits 'after the call to

persuaded

with the abbey of Mar-

local prior that he

on the property

that

that he preferred to go to Jerusalem. In southern

a

He

have been that of

in a lengthy dispute

and informed the

the prior returned from Marmoutier he found

may

crusade a way

in the

while remaining in the world.

of Christ, [which]

.

.

.

He

'divided,

recovered his

inflamed him beyond be-

lief.

So

radical

was the notion of a devotional war that

been no protests from senior churchmen.

If

it is

surprising that there

the First Crusade had failed, there

have been criticism of the association of war with pilgrimage, but participants and observers alike that

it

really

was

a

of the

letters

from crusaders and the eyewitness

tonishment that prevailed

in the

its

army which crossed

Antioch and eventually to Jerusalem, with the heavens

II.

One

narratives

is

to have

would

surely

triumph confirmed for

manifestation of God's

has certainly revived his miracles of old', wrote Pope Paschal tures

seem

of the

will.

most

'The Lord

striking fea-

the growing feeling of as-

into Syria in 1097

and proceeded to

glittering with coincidental but actual


THE NEED FOR THE SACRAMENTS IN WARTIME. Leff.

A

fully

armed knight

communion from on

detail

door

in

receiving

a priest in a

a thirteenth-century

Reims

cathedral.

Crusaders made confession and

took communion before every military engagement. Below,

martyrdom. Propa-

ganda often described crusaders

who

died on campaign as mar-

tyrs,

although the Church could

never be completely at ease with

such an idea and their names never appeared in calendars of saints because

dom

of their martyr-

alone. In this portrayal of

his death

from drowning on the

Third Crusade the soul of the emperor Frederick rising

from

his

I

body

can be seen to heaven.


divine assistance. The turning point to

many of the

at

Fordington

in

pyrotechnics

Crusade was the victory

after the battle

it

army

at

Antioch on 28 June 1098, which

of angels, saints, and the ghosts

of

was depicted over the door of the church of St George

Dorset.

comets, auroras, shooting

Christ, the saints, idity

Not long

by St George.

their dead, led

in the First

crusaders was accomplished with the assistance of an

'stars

—and

the nights disturbed by visitations:

and ghosts of crusading dead who returned to assure the

living

of the

val-

of relics or the certainty of heavenly rewards. The crusaders became convinced that the

only explanation for their victorious progress was that God's hand was intervening to help

them

physically

grimage.

The

and that

God

did approve of holy war's association with penance and

eyewitness reporters of the crusade came to use of

had been usually applied only

refined by commentators,

unique way theology

in 1103.

of

of Christ, the

way

up and

dwelt on the crusade's penitential character and stressed the

the euphoria

is

The weakness

demonstrated

of

more conventional

in a letter written

by Sigebert of

Always an opponent of radical reform, Sigebert attacked the idea of pen-

war expressed

quoted Paschal's

all

the

these were taken

course had demonstrated divine approval.

in the face

Gembloux itential

its

who

pil-

phrases which until then

— knighthood —and most of

to the monastic profession

of the cross, the heavenly Jerusalem, spiritual warfare

it

in a letter

letter,

which

from Pope Paschal

II

to

Robert of Flanders. Although he

referred specifically to Robert's return

Jerusalem, Sigebert did not once mention the crusade.

from the liberation of


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, 1095-1300 In the preaching of war as a devotion in 1096 and in the response of so ful to

many of the

8l

faith-

western Europe took an unexpected turning and the crusaders a step into the dark.

it,

In Chapter 2

has been

it

shown

that they did so because they were convinced that the effort

and suffering would do them good. Their exertions could Herbert of Thouars,

who went

to the bishop

also benefit their relations: in 1100

of Poitiers to

receive the 'dress

wanted an assurance that the rigours of the coming expedition would

The Council would bring

of

Clermont and Pope Urban had summarized the

in the indulgence.

As we have

Urban seems

seen,

of pilgrimage',

assist his father's soul.

benefits this penitential act

to have intended this to be an

authoritative statement that the penance the crusaders were going to undertake was likely to

be so severe that

it

would be

fully satisfactory,

ishment owed on account of their recent formed, but also any residue

left

paying back to

sins, for

God not only the

debts of pun-

which penances had not yet been per-

over from earlier penances which had not been satisfactory

enough.

One

has the impression, however, that in the aftermath of the First Crusade the crusading

idea

became dormant

of western Europe

in a large part

after all the efforts associated

with

the liberation of Jerusalem, to be revived forty- four years later in the recruiting drive for the

Second Crusade. Crusades to the East were preached, and

and to Spain

1139,

and

in 1114, 1118,

1122,

but

as

we have

a regular

seen, in 1106— 7, 1120, 1128,

and consistent response to these

appeals was to be found only in Flanders and in a belt of territory running from northern

Poitou through Anjou to the Chartrain, southern Normandy, and the Ile-de-France. in those

two regions that the traditions must have been kept

isolated

and sporadic, or non-existent. The Limousin, where there had been

alive.

It

was

Elsewhere, recruitment was a very large re-

sponse to the preaching of the First Crusade, seems to have produced no crusader between 1102

and

1146. It

is

not

as

though

provides us with the names of it

interest in the

many

Holy Sepulchre had evaporated

the region

pilgrims to Jerusalem in the early twelfth century

but

looks as though the old eleventh-century tradition of peaceful pilgrimaging had reasserted

itself.

Not

The same was

true of Champagne, another centre of recruitment for the First Crusade.

a single crusader can be

grimages to Jerusalem.

who

found between

Among

the

many

spent four years in Jerusalem from

became

a

1146,

but there was enthusiasm for

pilgrims of high status was 1

which again had responded generously

A

and

pil-

Count Hugh of Troyes,

104—8, and went again in 1114 and in

1125,

when he

Templar. During the same period no crusader has been identified from Provence,

Jerusalem, especially from

lies.

1102

similar picture

is

among

to be

in

1096, although there were

many

pilgrims to

the greater lords of the district of Marseilles.

found

if

one turns from the geography of recruitment to fami-

Early crusaders tended to be concentrated in certain kin groups, and this might lead one

to suppose that family traditions

peditions of 1096 and

1101;

of commitment to the movement were established

certainly

many of those who were

Crusade were following, or were intending to follow, fathers.

But

in

many of the

families in

in the ex-

taking the cross for the Second

in the footsteps

of fathers and grand-

which there had been concentrations of crusaders

in


82

â&#x20AC;˘

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I^OO

1096 there was

little

or no further recruitment until 1146.

sin sent four

men on

in between.

Of

prominent

the First Crusade and another four

the descendants of

in the First

The

Bernards of Bre in the Limou-

on the Second, but apparently none

Count William Tete-Hardi of Burgundy,

Crusade and seven individuals dominated the Second, but only one

appears to have crusaded between 1102 and 1146. In these kin-groups zeal It

of 1096 was only regenerated seems

several were

likely that to

it

looks as though the

in 1146.

many armsbearers

in the early twelfth century the First

been a once-and-for-all effort and the chance to undertake a penance of

Crusade had

and

this unique,

uniquely rewarding, kind would never occur again. After 1102 they turned back to their traditional devotional activities. Research it is

may reveal

between 1149 and

a similar picture

1187,

and

possible that the history of crusading as an established institution only begins with the

Third Crusade.

At any

rate the situation

ond Crusade

as a special

between

1102

and 1146 explains why St Bernard presented the Sec-

opportunity for salvation open to those

who took

puts himself into a position of necessity, or pretends to be in one, while to help

you

in

this that

I

He

your need.

those fighting for

him

wants to be thought of

and

are

the cross: '[God] the time he wants

as the debtor, so that

he can award to

wages: the remission of their sins and everlasting glory.

have called you a blessed generation, you

in remission

all

found

who

It is

because of

have been caught up in a time so rich

living in this year so pleasing to the Lord, truly a year

of jubilee.'

Bernard's oratorical treatment of the indulgence was magnificent: 'Take the sign of the cross

and you

will obtain in equal

trite heart.

The

measure remission of all the

cloth [of the cloth cross] does not fetch

faithful shoulder

certain to be

it is

you have confessed with

sins

much

if

it is

sold;

if it is

a con-

worn on

worth the kingdom of God.' But he was proposing

a

a pre-

cocious interpretation, the acceptance of which was delayed by the caution with which the

papacy treated

a

new

penitential theology in which truly satisfactory penances were consid-

ered to be impossibilities. years later.

With Innocent

It

was only to be adopted

the indulgence

satisfactory penance, but a guarantee of the act

sented to treat a penance as though that the indulgence really in a

came

into

it

was

its

But from the

first,

a

by Pope Innocent

III fifty

statement about the rewards of

of grace, mercy, and love by which

God

con-

may not be going too far to suggest thirteenth century, when it was formulated

satisfactory. It

own

in the

way people could understand, although

Thomas Aquinas had

definitively

became no longer

there was

to answer worries about exactly feeling locked into a

world of

still

when

sin

some confusion about it

became

it

and St

operative.

from which they could not

escape,

men and women understood well enough that the crusade offered them a chance of starting afresh. The charters of endowment issued by them tended to be expressed in terms of penitence and humility. So, only even

more

so,

were the expressions of self-abasement with which

lords renounced property or rights held back by

by

force.

As

pilgrims,

ticularly religious

them from churchmen or extorted by them

of course, they were reluctant to

leave

behind

men and women, and

communities, with grudges or complaints against them. In

Burgundy, followed by an entourage of his greatest

vassals, 'entered the

1101

Odo

parI

of

chapter of St Benigne


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1300

CANON LAW AND CRUSADING. In the middle of the thirteenth

century St

Thomas

whose portrait

Aquinas,

in a fifteenth-

century painting by Justus of

Ghent was based on an

earlier

copy, grappled with the anxieties

of crusaders about

the point at which their

indulgences became effective.

THOMAE- ACKINATl

de Dijon and, with the standing by,

I

monks

sitting

round the room and many members of their household

corrected the injuries which

ognized

my fault and,

happen

to return

having sought mercy,

(from the crusade)

I

I I

had been accustomed to asked that

I

should be absolved.

promised amendment

in future.'

arranged another melodramatic ceremony at Gevrey-Chambertin

he had unjustly imposed on the Cluniac

monks

inflict until

And

He

now. if I

I

rec-

should

seems to have

when he renounced

claims

there.

Preparations for a crusade were always shrouded in an atmosphere of penitence. At the

time of the Second Crusade

it

was rumoured that King Louis VII of France had taken the

cross either in sorrow for the loss

of life incurred when

a

church was burnt

down during

his


84

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, 1095-1300

â&#x20AC;˘

assault

on Vitry

Bourges. King

make amends

in 1144, or to

Conrad

for his refusal to accept a

of Germany was persuaded to join

III

after a

new archbishop of

sermon from St Bernard

reminded him that he would be subject to divine judgement. Philip of Gloucester apparently

made the vow after an illness which had interrupted a vendetta in which he was engaged, and Humbert of Beaujeu after he had been warned in visions to reform his behaviour. Penitenwhen western Christendom was

language reached a peak

tial

of Jerusalem to Saladin in 1187.

claimed the Third Crusade:

amend our works of

sins

piety;

The tone was

by the papal

set

incumbent upon

'It is

all

in a state

amend

first

in ourselves

God with penance

no one behind with

The

letter

went on to describe

companion John of his vassals

By

no

lead, the

surprise to find that sixty years

and

royal officials

his

his feudal court to allow the airing of any grievances

might have against him.

that time, however, another element was prominent.

He

arrived

most nobly of

cutcheons of his arms:

on which were gold. it

summon

Joinville to

It is

its

grudge moved King Louis IX of France

a

and judge on complaints about

to establish friar-enqueteurs to collect

and

what we have done wrong and then

the crusade as an 'opportunity for repentance and doing good'; and, following

later a crusader's desire to leave

which pro-

letter Audita tremendi,

turn our attention to the treachery and malice of the enemy'

crusade was preached everywhere in penitential terms.

loss

of us to consider and to choose to

by voluntary chastisement and to turn to the Lord our

and we should

of shock over the

And

seemed

as as

all,

his arms;

He

patyguks.

came painted below the had

at least 300

and to each shield was attached

he approached if

for his galley

or a cross

it

seemed

lightning was falling

as

though

from the

a

oarsmen

pennon on which were

his galley flew as the

skies at the

waterline and above with es-

with a shield

in his galley, each

his

oarsmen drove

arms beaten it

in

forward, and

sound made by the pennons and cymbals,

drums, and Saracen horns.

So John of Joinville described the of John of Ibelin, count of letters

Jaffa.

arrival in

Egypt, bedecked with the trappings of chivalry,

The popes had

tried to discourage

proclaiming the Second and Third Crusades had contained

but the growth of chivalry,

in

which

a Christianity

more

pomp and

strict

luxury

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

the

sumptuary clauses

secular than ecclesiastical was inter-

penetrated by martial and aristocratic elements, naturally strengthened tendencies such as the desire for least the

of

tion

chivalry. it

honour and renown which had been present

time of the Fourth Crusade crusading was chivalric

knighthood, and

its

more

ideals,

crusading from the

first.

From

at

enthusiastic practitioners were paragons of

At the very time crusading was becoming

was being coloured by secular

in

a chivalrous adventure, the highest func-

a

normal

and the balance within

feature it

of the European

scene,

between devotional war and

knightly enterprise was altering.

may

It

Most and

it

be,

of course, that

it

had always been more earthbound than the sources

reveal.

of the narratives of the First, Second, and Third Crusades were written by churchmen,

was only

in the thirteenth century,

when

the crusade cycle, the Chevalier du

Cyme with vS


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I^OO

1-J0

a

W "^

consequence of

â&#x20AC;˘

85

'* **

sin. Devils

and the damned on the tympanum of the door of the cathedral of Autun,

sculpted by Gislebertus in the second quarter of the twelfth century and demonstrating

any words could the anxiety about

sin

and

its

punishment which many crusaders

felt.

more

forcefully than


JERUSALEM AS A SHRINE at which to die. Men and women, including elderly crusaders, came to Jerusalem to end their days.

The

charnel chambers in the Hospitallers' ruined twelfth-

century cemetery-church at

Acheldamach,

just outside

Jerusalem, are

still filled

with the bones of pious Christians.

its

had entered the canon of chivalric

association of crusading with magic,

knights

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Geoffrey of Villehardouin, Robert of Clery,

pagne, John of Joinville

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;found

literature, that the

Conon of Bethune, Thibaut of Chamand

a distinctive voice in narrative

verse.

The

could have contributed to a strengthening of chivalric elements.

first

But three factors was a practice

as-

sociated with the movement, the temporary service of armsbearers in the East, not as crusaders but as secular knights.

The

tradition

of giving up time to help defend the holy places

or Christian outposts began with Galdemar Carpenel of Dargoire and William pellier in 1099,

tury and was

reached a peak in the career of Geoffrey of Sergines in the later thirteenth cen-

still

being expressed in service with the Knights Hospitallers on Rhodes in the

sixteenth century. It was already being described in precociously chivalric terms

the 1120s, after 1102

when

the sojourn of Charles the

was portrayed

in

as a knight,

against the pagan enemies of our faith

him

the

The second was upon

first fruits

in the

.

.

.

Holy Land

from

at least

for a few years

as prouesse in the service

of

Charles went to Jerusalem 'and there, bearing arms

fought vigorously for Christ the Lord and

of his labours and

.

.

.

con-

deeds.'

the increasing part lordship seems to have been playing as an influence

recruitment. In Chapter

the different ties

Good of Flanders

almost fourteenth-century language

God. After he had been belted

secrated to

V of Mont-

3

the subtle and

complex relationship between motivation and

of association has been described.

nificant motivating force, but a feature

that they were concentrated as

much,

if

Of course lordship had

of the responses to the not more,

earliest

always been a sig-

crusade appeals was

in certain families in circles

of vassals. At

the time of the First Crusade clusterings of crusaders were to be found in noble, castellan,


THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, I095-HOO and knightly families

in the

Montlhery

in the Ile-de-France.

Tete-Hardi of Burgundy, three were crusaders and crusade of 1120â&#x20AC;&#x201D;4.

A

87

Limousin, Flanders, Lorraine, Provence, the Ile-de-France,

Normandy, and Burgundy. Outstanding examples were the castellan family of

â&#x20AC;˘

the comital house of

Of the

Burgundy and

sons of Count William

Pope Calixtus

a fourth, as

grandson and granddaughter also took

house of Montlhery were involved

five

II,

preached the

Three members of the

part.

in the First Crusade, together with the

members of an

astonishing array of related families, of which Chaumont-en-Vexin sent four crusaders, St

Valery three, Broyes, Le Bourcq of Rethel, and Le Puiset two each, and Courtenay and Pont-

Echanfray one each. Indeed the two generations of twenty-three crusaders and the Latin East;

we can

this clan active at that

settlers, all closely related,

of whom

six

time produced

became major

figures in

picture a chain of enthusiasm stretching across northern France, and

beyond, for more distantly related were three crusaders from the family of the counts of Boulogne, including Godfrey of Bouillon in Lorraine, and eight from the family of Hauteville in southern

Italy.

The commitment of families of costs.

When

alienation

it

came

of their lands.

It

can be shown that

as

churches and

in their response to the issue

many of them adopted

tithes,

summoned

what type of property should be offered

conference surfaces in a Breton document.

sensible policies, dis-

over which their rights were being increas-

to decide whether assets could be saved and, if

A record of one such

for pledge or sale.

The

William did not want Thibaut's portion of the

of

his share

of

which was,

a mill

family

crusader Thibaut of Ploasme informed his

brother William that if he was not helped financially he would have to

selling part

from the

reform movement gathered pace. This suggests that there must have

been many conferences of the kin not,

demonstrated

is

to raising cash these families shared a burden that resulted

posing of properties, such ingly questioned as the

to the crusade

be

estate to

lost,

sell his

inheritance.

so he raised

in fact, already pledged.

Other

money by

early family

arrangements are complicated enough to suggest that similar discussions had taken place.

Hugh of

Chaumont-sur-Loire, the lord of Amboise, pledged

Robert of Rochecorbon

The South

ternal uncle.

not have to it

sell his

in 1096,

Italian

but in addition was given

Norman Tancred

inheritance. Savaric

his lordship to his cousin

a substantial cash

sum by

his

ma-

was subsidized by his guardian and so did

of Vergy bought

his

nephew's

fief

and then pledged

money to pay him. Before Fantin and his son Geoffrey departed from Thouars, some land to his wife and to Geoffrey, who then sold his share of it to his

to raise the

Fantin

left

mother.

One

can identify elements which

may

help to explain

why some kin-groups were

predis-

posed to respond strongly to the appeal to crusade, among them family traditions of

pil-

grimage to Jerusalem, attachment to Cluniac monasticism and the reformed papacy, and the veneration of certain saints. Female

members of these

the message to the families into which they married.

Burgundy, three were the wives of

first

kin, moreover,

Of four

appear to have carried

sisters in the

comital house of

crusaders and the fourth was the mother of one. Al-

though there were probably independent traditions

in the

Le Puiset

clan, its matriarch

was


88

â&#x20AC;˘

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, IO95 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1300

one of four Montlhery

of

sisters, all

whom

were the wives or mothers of crusaders; so were

both her daughters.

By

the thirteenth century, however, the chief motivating force seems to have been lordship.

Families were of course

from generation

when

age

very important, and traditions of commitment, passing

still

to generation, pressed hard

bonds were

feudal

on those

at their strongest

erating at a regional level, which

it

was

down

qualified to take the cross, but in the

now

patronage and clientage, often op-

had an even more potent

influence.

This seems to have

aff-

ected the picture of Christ presented in the propaganda, which was always responsive to the social values of the audiences

father

who had

more often the Christ as lord

lost his

we

as

Where

demanding

shall see, already to

commonly

Christ had been

be found

his sons to recover

from

service in a

The Lord

really has

his subjects.

been

by the loss of his patrimony.

afflicted

his vassals are faithful. If

anyone holds

a fief

of a

He

The image of

wishes to test his friends and to

and deserts him when he

liege-lord

body, your soul, and everything you have from the highest emperor; today he has to hurry to his aid in battle and, although

many and such

The

now

song dating from the Second Cru-

attacked and loses his inheritance, that vassal should rightly be deprived of his

punishment

described as a there was

it,

was dominant by 1200.

it

whether

addressed.

portrait of a king or lord

is,

sade, but

see

it

patrimony and was calling on

is

great rewards, that

due, and eternal

is

you

are

not bound to him by feudal

to say the remission of

life as well,

third factor was the popularity

saders were often prepared to serve

that

your

sins,

law,

he offers you so

however much penalty and

you ought to hurry to him of your own

of crusading

on

all

in

is

You hold your had you summoned fief.

free will.

other theatres of war. Enthusiastic cru-

several fronts:

Leopold VI of Austria crusaded

in

Spain and Languedoc, besides fighting in the Third and Fifth Crusades and taking the cross for the Fourth; the French knight Peter Pillart

and

to the East

for Charles

tury a feature of the attitude of

combat they were going

was recruited for both of Louis IX s crusades

of Anjou's crusade into southern

Italy.

noblemen to crusading was

to engage in

fight,

and against whom'. For obvious

by the fourteenth cen-

that the precise location

was of secondary importance.

ing the enemies of Christ, and at times 'they even displayed an

they would

And

What

of the

mattered was fight-

odd nonchalance about where

reasons, the alternative theatres did not

all

share the traditions of penitential pilgrimage associated with Jerusalem, although in the early thirteenth century there was an attempt by the leader of Baltic crusading to create a cult of

Our Lady tred

at

Riga and the myth that her dower land, paralleling Christ's patrimony, was cen-

on Livonia.

In the course

of time there was

eration or defence of Jerusalem (or aid to the

a shift in the goal of

Holy Land)

crusading from the

to the defence

lib-

of Christendom

in

general. Campaigning on behalf of the Christian Republic, as Christendom was often called,

was taking on more and more the character of war devotion. In the fourteenth century, service

most divorced from the gaged

in

campaigns

in

of God

in

defence of a state rather than war as a

through the demonstration of prouesse,

idea of penance, characterized the attitude

North

Africa or Europe.

al-

of crusaders who were en-


echoes of Jerusalem. The Holy Sepulchre Chapel in Winchester Cathedral. Under a massive figure of Christ and entombment. The walls were probably painted at the time of Bishop

are representations of his deposition

Peter des Roches's crusade of 1227, and the chapel

may

have been a place where local English crusaders gath-

ered to pray before departure.

It

may

well be that the cause

Templars, which

movement. The

is

of the

described in Chapter

series

denial of Christ as

celebre

crisis

9,

of crusading

contributed to the partial secularization of the

of charges against them opened with

God, the

crucifixion,

crucifix at their reception into the order,

after 1291, the downfall of the

and the

cross.

of trampling

it

articles relating to their alleged

They were accused of spitting on underfoot, and of urinating on

it.

a

In


90

â&#x20AC;˘

THE STATE OF MIND OF CRUSADERS, 1095-1300

any Christian society these charges would have been ticularly violent challenge to crusading theory

and the image of the cross were

The

central.

and

horrific,

but they also suggested a par-

traditions, to

which the authority of Christ

charges were publicized widely by the French

government and the public was presented with the appalling picture of a prestigious which claimed to embody denying

its

in regular religious

central tenets. It

is

form the

ideals

order,

of the crusade, blasphemously

impossible to gauge the damage these accusations did to the

movement, but they must have done some.

As crusading became teenth century

it

institutionalized

and

a

conventional option for knights in the thir-

was anyway bound to become

chivalry contributed

by diluting,

The concept of war

as a

if

only

penance and

slightly, the

vice for

God. The idea of a

it

The more

secular ideals

of course, and was

still

being ex-

by the Knights Hospitallers on Malta

had given way to the more conventional image of military

penitential war, one

of

revolutionary ideal proclaimed in 1095.

a devotion lingered,

pressed, although in an increasingly decorative way,

the eighteenth century. But

less radical.

of the most

radical expressions

in

ser-

of European

thought, was too uncomfortable to secure for itself a permanent place in the theology and practice

of Christian

violence.


5 001105 MICHAEL ROUTLEDGE

HE

literature

or else

of any period necessarily

to be popular. However, in the

it fails

'popular'

mean

quite

ample, the First and Second diffusion: in the

former

preoccupations of that period,

Middle Ages, neither

World Wars were popular because

there was

of, for ex-

some form of mass

music, which depended on mass literacy and a relatively

literate people,

and music-halls, so that something

like 'Tipperary'

reached millions of people in a relatively short time. In the case of the Second diffusion of this kind of material through

World War,

gramophone records and radio was even more

widespread and practically instantaneous. Yet such material would hardly be labelled ture',

popular though

it

was.

On

the other hand, the war-poems of Wilfrid

Brooke, novels such as All Quiet on

would not

nor

'literature'

what they would mean now. The popular songs

case, sheet

number of musically

large

reflects the

the

Western Front, Le Silence de

seriously be denied the claim to literary value

la

Mer, or For

Owen Whom

'litera-

or Rupert

the Bell Foils,

by anyone, despite their much more

restricted diffusion.

The

Middle Ages

difference in the

is

that restricted literacy

thus the literature will reflect the preoccupations of the literate

by which the erature' still

literature

written. 'Popular'

is

means popular

means whatever the educated man was writing

means

class:

restricted diffusion:

the class for which and

in the aristocratic courts,

for his audience to listen to.

and

'lit-

There was

another kind of writing too: Latin material intended to be read by the highly educated

clerks

and court

and chronicles tened

to,

scribes.

Neither

are the subject

this

nor

forms of writing such

'official'

We

of this chapter.

saw performed, considered primarily

are

as annals, histories,

concerned here with what people

as entertainment,

lis-

although the possibility of

other functions, such as instruction, exhortation, and propaganda will not be excluded.

The of a

period of the

first

four crusades coincides with the evolution in France and

rich vernacular literature

some

which does indeed

justice, at least as far as literature is

naissance'. In

There

are versions in

France, of a Chanson

period has, with

are

founded: the Chanson

de

almost certainly dates from about the time of the First Cru-

both French and

d'Antioche,

The

concerned, been called the 'Twelfth-Century Re-

both France and Germany the great epic traditions

Roland, the oldest epic in French,

sade.

reflect the crusades.

Germany

in Occitan, the literary

language of southern

an account of the siege of Antioch in 1098.

The

Canso

de la


SONGS

92

THIS ILLUSTRATION OF

CHARLEMAGNE AND ROLAND going into battle against the Saracens

is

&rt nnt

from the fourteenth-cen-

aw Mm

tury

manuscript of the Roman

made by

The

d'Aries

Bertran Boysset of Aries.

quality of the draughtsman-

ship here

may not be unconnected

with the fact that Boysset was a surveyor by profession.

s

Crotzada recounts in Occitan verse the so-called Albigensian Crusade.

the

more conventionally

historical accounts

There

are, in

addition,

by Robert of Cleri and Geoffrey of Ville-

hardouin.

The

early

French verse epics were known

done', extended to to

which they

mean

reflect the

as chansons de geste

(from the Latin

the deeds performed by a hero or by a group or clan).

crusades

and best known, the Chanson

is

a

matter of some controversy.

de Roland, is

based on

The

gesta:

'deeds

The

extent

action of the earliest

a real historical event,

although

remain uncertain. In the year 778 Charlemagne's troops were returning from

its

details

a successful

expedition into Spain when, at Renceval in the Pyrenees, they were attacked, either (accord-


SONGS

93

ing to ninth-century Christian chroniclers) by marauding Basques or (according to the

Muslims from Saragossa. The

thirteenth-century Arab chronicler, Ibn al-Athir) by

including Eggihard the seneschal, of the

march of

Brittany, all perished. It

mists of propaganda to

more than

What

impossible at this distance in time and through the

clear

is

is

of events

striking change of scale: the account a

is

rearguard,

the leader of the imperial guard, and Roland, duke

know whether Muslims were indeed

mere skirmish.

a

Anselm

involved or whether the fight was

had been

that by the eleventh century there

a

in the Chanson de Roland turns the incident into

major confrontation between Charlemagne's empire and the forces of Islam, culminating

in

Charlemagne's successful conquest of all of Spain and the enforced conversion of the citizens of Saragossa.

The emperor

has captured Saragossa and has the town searched by a thousand of his Franks. In the

Muhammad

synagogues and temples of Muhammad, with iron clubs and hand-axes, they smash the other idols so that

all

no devilry or superstition

and would serve God. His bishops

liever

of them opposes the

will

The

king [Charlemagne]

and lead the pagans to the

bless the waters

of Charles, then he has him imprisoned, burnt, or

dred thousand are thus baptized, is

will remain.

made

slain.

is

baptistry. If

More

[i.e.

willingly].

(11.

Roland

makes no mention of the crusade, and

image of the Muslims which

it

offers

is

we

shall see, the

deliberately distorted

his

account would have a special appeal

specific

as

it

is

a

propaganda.

form of vernacular writing

from about

the middle

No such writing survives

in this

ond Crusade or with

much

First

two

Crusade

The

examples

in Italian.

in

as a topic,

rare,

as

monsters and

nevertheless that

epic.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

are the 'crusade songs'.

but then

relatively little ver-

earliest are associated

Old

it is

with the Sec-

French. There has

true that songs which

many surviving pieces development of some other

but there are

an allegory, a

Occitan, about forty in French, thirty in German, one in Spanish, and

Whilst recognizing the problems of

definition, for ease

take 'crusade song' to

mean any song which mentions

Spain, in France, or in

Italy.

It is

Old French

discussion of what constitutes a 'crusade song', and

which the crusade plays some part

idea: 106

must be admitted

the Reconquista and are written in Occitan or in

have crusading as their only subject are comparatively in

what

period in which the crusades appear as a

nacular writing of any kind survives from this period.

been

It

of the twelfth century onwards. These

from the period of the

relation to

or Palestine. Never-

seems plausible that the poet was aware that

allusions to the crusades in Palestine are rare in the

But there topic

and bears no

image which the Roland presents of the Muslims

idolaters does find echoes elsewhere. Moreover,

3660â&#x20AC;&#x201D;74)

has been persuasively argued that the

it

known of the Muslims of Spain

an eleventh-century poet would have theless, as

one

than a hun-

true Christians, excepting only the queen [of Saragossa]: she

to be led captive to sweet France, for the king wishes her to be converted for love

The

and

a true be-

not very helpful to speak of crusade songs as a genre.

cluded reference to the crusades

in a

of reference we

will

the crusades, whether to the East, in

The

wide variety of poetic forms.

fact

is

that the poets in-

Among

the earliest such


ec&Uifcftefcnixmt ctyanvmt teimtmrnc^fr. Jft smauaaiaefclansout* ttostmsraawnof*^ ffigfe nfn ni gin amours tcmams aOm commant -? ygto fa^uantyaiu: quifrittifacmpcnce

y

^y^§?

n cc jxnnt qtietjc»09

aloit la picaanr tW5v»*tfc*»-m

the court was the place other courtly

activities: a

which crusade songs would have been performed. These

in

group of courtiers dances

a carole, others

illustrations depict

engage in gallant conversation, and a lady

holds a falcon.

Marcabru and Cercamon, can be found

songs, by the Occitan troubadours

which make moral,

political or personal points

the poet encounters a

maiden lamenting

Richard

I

all

the

German

of England

is

order to speak of the crusades.

sirventes

a

song

in

songs

which

A vous, amant, plus k'a nulle autre gent' (1188/91)

no evidence

The

Gaucelm

Faidit's plank for

such as Rutebeuf s 'Complainte de monseigneur

and debate poems such

en paradis' (1194). In short, there

res in

form of the pastorela

songs, laments for fallen heroes such as

(1199), panegyrics

Joffroi de Sergines' (1255—6), fui

a

for her absent lover. Later examples include courtly

love-songs such as the castellan of Coucy's,

and almost

—and

latter

as the

Monk

of Montaudo's,

that the poets devised

became

'L'autrier

new forms or

a subject for songs

and

gen-

a poetic re-

source.

The number

of songs surviving

French and perhaps ten

in

from the period of the Second Crusade

Occitan.

ceeding decades are often as

Those which do

much concerned with Spain

In the period after 1160 the growth in

northern French counterparts, the

more abundantly

reflected in songs.

late to these expeditions.

survive as

from

this

is

small:

one

with the expeditions to the East.

numbers and popularity of troubadours and

trouveres,

Most

means

that the

crusade songs by

in

time and from suc-

their

Third and Fourth Crusades

German

are

Minnesanger likewise re-

In southern France there are allusions, often prudently indirect, to

the Albigensian Crusade. Expeditions of the thirteenth century are reflected in a steady

stream of songs, principally

in

French and German.


SONGS If our opening statement

is

true then

so frequently reflected in song, the are songs

by such leaders

as

it is

more

almost superfluous to ask why the crusades were

so since several poets were leading crusaders. There

Thibaut IV of Champagne, by Folquet, bishop of Toulouse

the time of the Albigensian Crusade, and by such important magnates as

and

Guy of Coucy.

Moreover, many poets depended for their livelihood,

the patronage of prominent crusaders. in a 'letter-song' to Boniface

God

95

Conon of Bethune at least in part,

The troubadour Raimbaut of Vaqueiras,

of Montferrat, reminds

his

at

on

for example,

patron of his past kindnesses:

'I

me inasmuch as I found in you such a good lord, for you raised me arms and did me great good and lifted me up from low to high and, from the nobody that I was, made of me an esteemed knight, accepted at court and praised by ladies' ('Valen Marques, senher de Montferrat', 11. 5â&#x20AC;&#x201D;10). Raimbaut goes on to recall how praise

me

that he has helped

so nobly and gave

Boniface and he fought at the siege of Constantinople but reminds his patron that you can-

not

live

on reminiscences:

the figures on

this

marriage casket probably represent jongleurs, the professional performers who, in addition

to playing instruments, tumbling,

and

juggling, helped

the troubadours, trouvhes, and Minnesdnger.

by their performances to diffuse the crusade songs of


SONGS

96

With you

I

laid siege to

many

ing to emperor, king, or emir,

many

other potentates.

With you

posed to crown another was ever with you or Marquis, that

I

am

a strong castle,

I

a

mighty

citadel

and many a

am not you as much

But

had served

if I

richly as

I

rewarded by you,

it

in Petrion,

will

whom

poems which

turned-troubadour, the

praise heroes

Monk

I

have recalled to you, and you know, Lord

of the crusade tend to

of

A

a

refer to their generosity as pa-

between

who

did wrong in not going as quickly as you could to the king

such a good friend of yours, and that

Oh, how many good

sterling

3-43)

God and the monkgood example. God asks the monk

fictional debate

Montaudo, provides

11.

of King Richard.

failed to seek the help

Monk, you

as if

speaking the truth!

trons as well as to their warlike exploits.

why he

and

you de-

not seem

(ibid.,

Similarly,

belong-

fine palace

pursued to Philopation the emperor of Romania,

in his stead.

as if I

many

and the august Lascaris and the protostrator besieged

is

why

I

holds Oleron

who was

think he was right to break off his friendship with you.

marks must he have

lost in gifts to you!

For

it

was he who raised you up

from the mud. Lord,

I

would indeed have gone

prisoned. But the Saracen ship

to see

be plenty of wicked Turks there.

him were

it

not for your

A man

is

foolish

fault: for

you permitted him to be im-

how it sails? if it ever gets into Acre, there who gets mixed up in a dispute with you!

have you forgotten

('L'autner fui en Paradis',

THE FOUR GISANTS

in the

a

known

book.

33—48)

abbey of Fontevrault depict members of the powerful Angevin family: Henry

Eleanor of Aquitaine, Richard first

11.

will

I,

troubadour, William

and

IX

Isabella of

Angouleme.

It is fitting

that Eleanor, granddaughter

II,

of the

of Aquitaine, and herself a patroness of poets, should be depicted reading


SONGS

The

reference

is

to the

imprisonment of Richard by Leopold of Austria

A

return from Acre in 1192.

poem 'On and you

his poverty' (1270)

good King,

too,

in

pilgrimage to far-off Tunis,

same

.' .

.

similar idea, expressed in the

(11.

course of his recurs in the

by the Parisian poet, Rutebeuf: 'Death has caused

me much

loss

as has the

barbarous place, and the wicked, godless people have done the

20—4). Rutebeuf

the kind of people

in the

same jocular tone,

two voyages, have taken away good people from me, a

97

is

complaining that King Louis's crusade has deprived him of

who would normally

give

him

financial support.

Patrons and poets were in touch with events. But there are other reasons for the role played

by the crusades virtues to

in the court

poetry of this period.

which the aristocracy

laid claim, virtues

those of other classes. Since there was a close tion of land-holding, to one's suzerain,

some of these

virtues

and

consilium

usurped by marauders, which fail

to

do

so,

anonymous song of

The

1

4

5

distinguished

feudal.

They

f.1189.

— 6 makes

this.

The Holy Land

is

earliest

them from

include

commitment

The

must therefore do

hour of need

.' .

.

in

crusade

time of is

often

seen as God's rightful terall

then they are failing in their feudal duty: his lord in his

1

felt

and

between the notion of nobility and the ques-

may be termed

his vassals

condemned who abandons from about

which they

extols those values

it

(counsel and the rendering of justice).

expressed by poets in terms which express

him. If they

tie

surprisingly,

and an acceptance of the feudal duties of auxilium (armed help

attack by enemies)

ritory,

Not

'.

they can to restore to .

.

he must indeed be

('Vos ki ameis',

11.

n— 12)

says an

French crusade song, an anonymous composition

matters even clearer.

GISANT of Richard i. Richard, like his mother and his brothers, Henry and Geoffrey, acted as patron to a number of poets, notably the Monk of Montaudo who laments Richard's captivity, and Gaucelm Faidit who urges him to fulfil his promise to depart for Palestine.


98

SONGS mult

Chevalier,

Quant Deu Des Turs Ki

unt

li

Cher

estes guariz,

a vus fait sa clamur

des Amoraviz

e

fait tels

unt

a tort

deshenors.

ses fieuz saiziz;

Bien en devums aveir dolur,

Cher

la

Deu

fud

E reconnu

primes servi

pur segnuur. (11.

God

Knights, you are indeed fortunate that

who

the Almoravids seized his

edged

fiefs;

has issued his

call for

help to you against the Turks and

have perpetrated such dishonourable deeds against him.

we must indeed lament

this, for it

was there that

1-8)

God

was

first

They

have

illegally

served and acknowl-

as lord.

The message the knights as

is

hammered home

in

terms of feudal duty, in images of God as a

owing him the kind of protection that they owed to

promises Paradise to those

who accompany Ki ore

les

refrain

od Loovis

irat

Char s'alme en

Od

The

and

the monarch.

mar d'enfern

Ja

their suzerain.

seigneur

n'avrat pouur,

en

iert

Parei's

angles nostre Segnor (U. 9 -I2)

Anyone who now accompanies Louis

will

need have no fear of hell, for

his soul will be in Paradise

with the angels of Our Lord.

The

knights are reminded of their

'Knights, consider well,

to is

him who was put on

you who

are

own

skill in

the cross for you'

(11.

Christ's

wounds and Passion

tended to whip up the

skill in

arms, give your bodies as a gift

17—20). Louis VII

depicted renouncing wealth, power, lands, like a

life.

arms and of the debt they owe to Christ:

esteemed for your

are recalled.

man giving up

This

hearer's desire to take revenge

is

is

held up as an example: he

the world to follow a saintly

not merely a pious reminder:

it is

in-

on God's enemies who have deserved

it.

'Now he summons you because the Canaamtes and the wicked followers of Zangi have played many evil tricks on him: now give them their reward!' (11. 41—4). The conflict is seen as a tournament between Hell and Heaven: God summons his friends to join his team; he has appointed the date and the place

God's vengeance

will

Edessa

for the tournament; the prize will be salvation,

and

be wrought by the hands of the crusaders. They are reminded of Moses

Red Sea and of how Pharaoh and his followers were all drowned; one of a number of occasions in crusade songs when Muslims are equated with the followers of dividing the

Pharaoh. In several songs, the crusade strate that they

is

seen as the opportunity for knights and barons to

not only possess but excel in the qualities which distinguish their

demon-

classes.


SONGS God! shall

We

have for so long been brave in idleness!

go to avenge the doleful shame

our times the holy places have been

at

whom

he freed from the dark prison

Turks.

Know well, who

but those

those

lives will

now we

or Baron

.

whom .

of prowess

also accord perfectly with an

'Ahi,

Amours! com dure

hands of the

departie',

11.

25—40)

by the knightly and baronial .

.

.

who heeded

and

praise

The

They had

blame.

also

ideology of the crusade there-

who

the call were to be praised, those

were to be blamed.

what about

my wife?

way of thinking,

into a foolish

in the

as a suitable subject for a crusade song, they

in dialectical patterns.

All the cowards will stay over here, those says: 'But

now

is

important poetic requirement. Medieval poets and scholars had

fore provided a perfect structure: those

them

which

are to be avoided at all costs

been taught to think and to reason

it

him

those people will help

poverty, old age, or sickness prevents them;

been taught that the two principal functions of rhetoric were

were deaf to

how

these songs are addressed (they often begin with Chevalier ... or Seigneur

Such injunctions not only serve

.).

shall see

that cross

shamed unless

are

(Conon of Bethune,

classes to

be truly brave; and we

young, and rich cannot remain behind without suffering shame.

are healthy,

Idleness, shame, lack

will

be shameful for evermore.

when he died upon

who do not go

who

shall see

man ought to be downcast and sorrowful, for in God suffered death in anguish for us; if we now per-

where

besieged in the land of his holy patrimony;

is

we

which every

lost,

mit our mortal enemies to stay there, our

God

Now

99

I

who do not

wouldn't leave

for there

is

no

love

my

God, or

virtue, or love or

friends at any price.'

friend in truth except he

worth. Each of

Such people have

who was

fallen

placed on the true

cross for us.

Now

those valiant knights

who

God and

love

the

honour of

this

world

will set off, for they wisely

wish to go to God; but the snotty-nosed, ashen-faced ones will stay behind. They are blind,

no doubt of that, those people who

refuse just once in their lives to help

God and

I

make

lose the glory

of

the world for such a small thing.

(Thibaut of Champagne, 'Seigneurs, sachiez, qui or ne

The troubadour Marcabru For the Lord who knows

and the

title

of emperor.

of what kind?

—more

being done to

God

all

And

that

We

shall see

is,

and

8—21)

who go

star;

and that ever was has promised us to the washing-place will be

a

crown

do you know

providing only that we avenge the wrong that

is

both here and there towards Damascus.

who

will

first

criminal, there are so

be his true friend,

who

for,

many people and not one

pays honour to

through the power of the washing-place, Jesus

believe in augury

and divination

will

be put to

will

flight.

the lecherous wine-swillers, dinner-gobblers, fire-huggers, roadside-squatters will stay within the

place of cowards;

it is

others will guard their

away

that will be

than that of the morning

dwell amongst us, and the scoundrels

And

all

ira', 11.

of this technique.

a master

the beauty of those

Close to the lineage of Cain, the

God.

is

s'en

the bold and the healthy

own

whom God

wishes to test in his washing-place; the

dwellings and will find a very difficult obstacle: that

is

why

I

send them

to their shame.

(Marcabru, 'Pax

in

nomine Domini',

11.

28—54)


ioo

SONGS

Left,

marcabru was one of the most inventive and original of the

who

failed to live

up

of cortezia, particularly

to the ideals

in the

early troubadours.

context

of"

His

crusading,

invective against those

virulent and often ex-

is

pressed in deliberately coarse language. Right,

richard

is

here depicted

in a

pose which expresses his commitment to the crusade:

church; in the other the sword with which he defends for Richard written by the poets

The

Gaucelm

'washing-place' of which

crusade in Spain. This song It

more

expresses

clearly

social values 01 cortezia

some barons ally 'youth'

Faidit

it.

and

This

one of the

the heroic image which

is

and the crusade

or 'youthfulness'

earliest (f.1149)

of the

made between

moral touchstone. Marcabru

the

sees the failure

symptomatic of a decline

in joven

of

liter-

but not merely chronological youth; the term covers a range

of characteristics associated by Marcabru and others with

their positive

knight or baron: generosity of spirit, youthful energy, dedication. Those

62—3). Proeza

one hand the

and most famous of crusade songs.

than any other the association which the poets as a

in

reflected in the laments

a sustained allegorical representation

to support the Spanish enterprise as

support are 'broken,

is

Peirol.

Marcabru speaks

is

is

crestfallen,

weary of

means warlike courage and

proeza;

skill

but

model of the young

who

fail

to lend their

they love neither joy nor pleasure' (ibid., it

11.

also has connotations of enthusiasm and

an honourable pursuit of glory. Marcabru expects to find such characteristics amongst the

barons and their close followers.

He

cultivates in his songs the characteristic

image of a stern

moralizer castigating sloth and weakness of the flesh as well as any enfeebling of the hierarchy.

He

for virtue,

creates a picture

of the

ideal

baron

as energetic, ascetic, enthusiastic for glory

and

By combining

this

and aware of the obligations implied by

his social position.

image with religious allegory and with the dialectical structure of the sirvmtes, the

honour of


SONGS the ideal lord and his obligations are identified with the glory and religious imperatives of the

Those who do not go on

crusade.

the crusade are not being true to the values of their class.

Desnaturat son si

The French

de

l'afar

li

Frances

Deu dizon no

an indicator of a blamelessly moral

as

mav wash and worthy he

may

away towards Edessa and

deliver himself

life

Cercamon,

and

leave

that

of

is

will

to die for love of us'

an occasion of

rest

sin, a

esting development of this idea.

he

is

(11.

1—5).

us

all

as a

The

who was put on

place where

to give

is

men

He

without our help?'

it

The answer

in

is

on himself but was and

8— 11). The

full

of pity for us

his Sepulchre,

crusader's action

undertaken out of

pity,

in

our plight. If any

is

identified with Christ's

out of

love.

An anonymous

The

but some fools

will

bliss'

in

any

Bavar-

in greater say,

'Why

sacrifice,

this great suffering

not have pity upon

('Die hinnen varn',

redemption of sinners. The crusade

twelfth-century

is

an inter-

terms of Christ's

man now

then he will not be given heavenly

what

is,

offers

Holy Land has never been given

is

up the world which

betray even their friends.

points out that the

the

Holy

penalty for failing to respond to this

undertaken not out of necessity but out of pity: 'He did not need to take

his cross

mixture of avarice,

together to go and recover the

writing soon after Saladin's victory at Hattin

take care of

if

of the poem sug-

von Johansdorf, author of five songs on crusading themes,

ian poet, Albrecht

God

The

be reproaches after our death and the forfeiture of Paradise. This

case, unreliable,

can't

43—8).

sacrifice: 'Barons, Jesus,

promised to those who go on the crusade. To do so

need of help

it;

Peire Vidal's, 'Baron, Jhesus, qu'en crotz fon mes'

summoning

is

11.

which Cercamon depicts

mahestatz,

and cowardice.

crusade as repaying Christ's

Land where he came

and

man

from the burden which makes plenty of people stumble and per-

cross to save the Christian people,

summons

burdened with

a

as

he

(f.1202), sees the

'Now

evil:

he

(Cercamon, 'Puois nostre temps comens'a brunezir', is

as

sees participation in the crusade

as are

ish'

pride, falsehood, lust,

moral touchstone

behind the perilous world; for with such

this

gests that the 'burden'

64—5)

11.

means of avoiding

as a

from great blame, any such

free himself

will 2,0

(ibid.,

.

are seen as a conventionally

well as a social one. Marcabru's contemporary,

both

.

God's work.

are unnatural if they refuse

one would expect, the crusades

But, as

.

trouvere

11.

is

makes the same

point.

You who its

love with a true love, awaken!

speech that the day of peace has

take the cross for love of will see

who

He who

Do

not sleep!

come which God

him and who

The

lark

in his great

will suffer pain night

draws day towards us and

tells

sweetness will give to those

and day through

their deeds.

us in

who will Then he

truly loves him.

was crucified for us was not lukewarm

in his love for us

amins] and, for us, lovingly carried in great anguish the breast, like a gentle lamb, simple

hands and the

Holy

but loved us

like a true lover [fins

Cross, sweetly in his arms, before his

and pious; then he was nailed with three

nails, firmly

through the

feet.

('Vos qui ameis',

11.

1— 10, 21—30)


SONGS

102

The

idea

of the crusade

as

an act of love

is

part of the religious orthodoxy of the time, but

another connection between the crusades and love derives from a literary rather than an ecclesiastical source.

One of the

principal themes of medieval poetry

of the German poets, the name by which they

love. Indeed, in the case

is

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

known Minnesanger means 'those who sing of love'. Typically the poet adopts the persona of a man in love usually hopelessly so with an unnamed lady. The features which characterize the expression of this Jin 'amor in the are

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

songs of the troubadours,

trouveres

and Minnesanger

are longing, tension

and praise of the beloved. These features can be developed ple, if the

tension

is

we may be

unresolved,

from the

character and status, so 'distant'

heights where she dwells. There

gossip-mongers (known

as

elements of the love-song ing

may

may be

losengiers),

may be

which

is

unresolved,

number of ways. For exam-

in a

told the reason why: the lady

of

lover that he despairs

is

of such supreme

ever attaining the lofty

other obstacles and dangers: actual distance,

or the lover's timidity.

It is

not

difficult to see

transferred to the idea of crusading.

express the intention, as yet unfulfilled, to go

The

on the crusade, or

rivals,

how

such

unresolved long-

may be used

it

to

suggest the idea of the journey which seems so long and to which no end can clearly be seen.

Hartmann von Aue,

song written

in a

associates Minne with love

of God,

at

about the time of the Third Crusade, deliberately

as expressed in the

crusade

as a 'pilgrimage

of love': 'Lords

kin, I am making a journey; blessings on my land and people. No need to ask where I am going: I tell you clearly where my journey leads. Love (Minne) captured me and has freed me on parole. Now she has sent me a message that I should set out for her love. It is inevitable: I must go thither: how could I break my promise and my oath?' ('Ich var mit iuwern hulden',

and

11.

1-8).

He

only reveals towards the end of the second stanza that he

However, rather than exploiting the poets

associate

allegorical possibilities,

the idea of the crusade with the idea of

or the conventional situations of love-poetry. This

musicians playing (from portative organ, and tuned

left

is

it is

human

is

referring to the crusade.

more often

love,

the case that the

by adopting the language

increasingly the case as time goes by. For

to right) a bagpipe, a hurdy-gurdy, a wind-instrument (probably a

drums or

'nakers'; all

shawm),

noisy instruments such as might have been used to

stir

a

the

medieval military soul.

C artncti mouftm <\tmw& cft-tetotsli cfmuc i>

ozmxiifmt quixout dunepwirfdhue

f$$m

9f


SONGS

poem makes

the Second Crusade, only one surviving centurv,

and more particularly

left

earliest

ditional feature

knight

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

She was a young

listen to

my

joy,

and

are

for the

She

sigh.

shame perpetrated

castle;

going off to serve you, but this

a tra-

generally presented

The

knight attempts

and when

I

expected that the

new season

as well, she

mood.

said, 'Jesus,

against

is

a specific foundation.

because of the sweet

that,

persuasions, she soon changed her

She wept beside the spring and gave a heartfelt

row grows because of you, world

of a

beautiful of form, daughter of the lord

girl,

might be willing to

sorrow has

refused. In this case the maiden's

is

and the greenery might bring her

in all this

of the poem

encounters a maiden. She sings of the joys or pains of love.

to seduce her but

birds

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

T

of courtly song. In the usual pastore la the

exam-

behind by the crusader. Marcabru's

fontana del vergier' (r.1147) begins with the allusion to spring and nature which

'A la

I03

but by the end of the

this association,

become very common. The

has

it

from the point of view of the woman

ple sees matters

as a

Germany,

in

â&#x20AC;˘

king of the world,

you causes me great

my

great sor-

grief: the best

men

what pleases you.

is

my lover is going away, the handsome, the noble, the worthy, and the powerful; all that is left to me here is my sorry plight, my frequent longings, and my tears. Oh! Cruel was King Louis who issued the summonses and edicts through which sorrow entered my heart!'

It is

with you that

(11.

The king and

the crusade have been given the role that

dard love-song: separating true lovers. is both

shame of the

for the

of what

is

more

she has been forced to marry a illicit lover.

Her

A

later

in the stan-

an interesting twist in that the lament

for lost love,

and the woman complains chanson de

woman complains of her unhappiness in love, usually because man that she does not love, but finds consolation in thinking

of love from

afar'.

but the obstacle to happiness

defiance of the separation

losengiers

example adopts traditional motifs of the

This song, by Guiot de Dijon

lated to the poetic convention chanson defemme,

offers

of the holy places and

loss

usually praised.

femmr. a type of song in which a

of an

The poem

played by the

is

8-28)

is

has a powerful emotional core re-

(f.1190),

The

implicit narrative

is

the

same

as for the

here the fact of her crusader-lover's absence.

thoughts of him and in the unconventional keep-

lies in erotic

sake which he has left her. I

will sing to

I

see that

I

hear

the

I

comfort

my heart,

for

I

do not want to

die or to go

no-one returns from that foreign land where the

him spoken

of. God,

when

they cry,

man

'Onward', give Your help

is

my great loss, when my heart when

mad

because of

who

brings solace to

to that

pdgrim for

whom my

heart trembles; for

Saracens are wicked men.

shall bear

turn from

my it!

loss until I have seen a year

speaks to

me of it

However,

I

am

is

family,

a fool. God, when

they cry,

of

all

hopeful because

I

me

then that

I

can

feel

I

by.

He

is

is

on

a pilgrimage;

may God

do not intend to marry any

other.

grant that he re-

Anyone who even

etc.

accepted his homage.

from that sweet country where the man seems to

go

my

But, in spite

whom

I

And when

desire,

then

I

him beneath my mantle of fur.

the sweet

turn

wind blows which comes

my face

God, when they

towards cry, etc.

it

gladly,

and

it


SONGS

104

I

regret very

much

worn, so that beside

that

I

was not there to

might hold

I

me and

hold

my

in

it

him on

arms. At night,

night against

it all

set

my

the road.

when

He

love for

bare flesh to assuage

sent

his shirt

him torments me,

my

pains. God, when

('Chanterai por

The

me

mon

I

which he had place

they cry,

corage',

conventions of the chanson dejemme are cut across by the refrain which quite

11.

it

in

bed

etc.

1—20, 33—56)

literally places

the object of her love, the 'pilgrim', in the context of the crusade.

One of the

poets' favourite topoi (poetic conventions) was the idea of the lover's heart

being able to be apart from his body, crossing the distance which separated the lovers.

Fnednch von Hausen, who was killed

m

a poet in the entourage

on the Third Crusade, makes much of this

'Min herze und min

lip

dm

wellent scheiden':

of Frederick Barbarossa and was

in a

number of his

'My

heart and

my

songs,

most obviously

body, which have long

My body is eager to fight against the heathen, whereas my heart woman above all the world' (11. 1—2). The model for Friedrich's song was probably 'Ahi, Amours! com dure departie' by Conon of Bethune (nn88):'Oh, Love! How hard it will be for me to have to leave the best woman who was ever loved or served! May God, in his kindness, lead me back to her as surely as I leave her in sorrow. Alas! What have I said? I am not really leaving her at all! If my body is going off to serve Our Lord, my heart remains been united,

strive to part.

has chosen a

entirely within her sway'

Another

common

(11.

1—80).

topos

is

that of

dying for

'Jherusalem, grant

damage me

combined with an

interesting transformation

help for

me God,

there

is

one who dies for

no escape love, there

INSTRUMENTALISTS ARE

frequent in

subjects for miniatures

both Latin and vernacular manu-

scripts,

but

it is

difficult to

be sure

whether crusade songs were meant to be

accompanied or intended

for

voice alone, In this miniature the central performer, playing tuned bells,

fais',

probably represents King

David, as author of the Psalms.

for is

love'.

In an

anonymous

chanson de femme,

perhaps dating from the mid-thirteenth century, this

me: die

I

of the idea of crusading must, such

is

my

fate;

but

but a day's journey to God. Alas!

I

as I

an act of

am

is

love: 'So

well aware that,

would rather embark


SONGS

upon love'

that day if I could find is

woman and

to the

my

sweet love than remain here

the death

on the crusade of her

who

lover

forlorn'

all

loaded with two meanings: the conventional dying of

(11.

15—21). 'Dies for

has died for love of

something of an icon of the entire relationship between the

thodoxv.

It

'Jerusalem,

Marcabru's

which the

redeems the near defiant attitude

you

and

pastorela

naldo d'Aquino

(7.

me

doing

are

is

found

e

e

me

song 'Gia mai non mi comfortto' of Ri-

in the

mi

non mi

fa

dolente

Dio

vale

pregare.

crocie pellegrina,

perche m'ai cosi distrutta?

me

(11.

The

cross saves the people but causes

God

does not help me. Alas, pilgrim cross, why have you destroyed

Hartmann von Aue

sees a

heart sends her dear

husband on

more

to go

25—30)

mad, the cross makes

positive role for a this journey,

me

me

sorrowful and praying to

way?

in this

woman: 'The woman who with

providing that at

home

a willing

she lives in a way that

proclaim virtuous, shall purchase half of his reward. She shall pray for both of them

and he

So

stanza:

facie disviare,

Oi me,

will

first

salva la giente

la crocie

here,

expresses in the

1228).

La croce

all

stanza

and the crusade or-

love-lyric

woman

God. Her

The

an attitude which echoes that of the maiden in

a great wrong',

also to be

105

broken heart' which applies

a

death will thus parallel his and they will both have only a day's journey to God. is

far

shall

go and

fight for

both of them

we have considered the way

religious orthodoxy,

about the

reality

and the

literary

in

there' ('Swelch

which crusade songs

vrowe sendet lieben man',

11.

reflect the social aspirations, the

conventions of the time, but what did they have to say

of the crusades? One of the aspects most frequently mentioned

is

the dan-

hardly surprising when one recalls that the first of the known trouIX of Aquitaine, lost almost all his men on his way to the Holy Land. who took part in the Third Crusade, celebrates his own return in the song,

ger of the journey itself

badours, William

Gaucelm

Faidit,

He

'Del gran golfe de mar' (1192/3). in familiar surroundings.

afraid

The

deplores the fact that

some go

(11.

if

wicked intentions,

anyone goes to it

in despair

and

37—48).

silver' (11.

who go

he

lets

I

my ship is no longer swaying, and I He acknowledges the merit of the

God

sea,

no more than

pillage

or to save his soul

need not be

where one

suffers

when he

stricture

is

clear,

and

such

ills,

to sea with ill-intent will suffer sea-sickness!

is

Any man who

in order to

thinks he's

but there

piracy:

crusaders but

doing the right thing, not the

is

go of everything and throws

The moral

now

32—6).

very often happens that,

down, so that

delighted to be back

no longer need

to sea for

undergoes such discomforts to win

wrong one; but

is

sea voyage especially distressed him: 'for

of the winds, north, south, or west,

fear the swift galleys or corsairs'

those

did not care for the journey and

it all

on the

rob and with

up, he's

coming

away: soul and body, gold

perhaps also a playful sub-text:


Io6

SONGS

whilst secular music and musicians are sometimes depicted as dangerous occasions of sin, this illuminated from a twelfth-century Bible, depicting a jongleur, is an interesting early example of the fusion of art and

letter

which the crusade songs

religious fervour

typify.

Us expedition in home from Palestine, a letter of complaint: them how badly the French and Italians have

In 'Ez gruonet wol diu heide' (probably written at the time of Frederick

1228—9), Neidhart von Reuental imagines writing 'If they

ask you

treated us: that

army

is

dead

how is .'

.

it

goes with us pilgrims,

why we

.

(11.

me

a fool

who

tell

weary of this place ... we

38—42, 53—4).

wouldn't be put off going to

are

home by

He

is

all live

in misery;

more than half the

quite disenchanted with the whole business and

anything as relatively harmless as a sea voyage: 'He seems

remains here this August.

My

advice

would be

that he should delay

no


SONGS

107

home across the sea; that is not painful. Nowhere is a man better off than home in his own parish' (11. 71—7). The actual righting is rarely described in song. The deeds of the Muslims are usually re-

longer and go back at

ferred to briefly or in general terms:

'.

.

.

the churches are burnt and deserted:

God is no longer

11.

13—16,

on the taking of Edessa). The only

surviving crusade song in Spanish, however, gives a

more

circumstantial,

sacrificed there

.' .

.

('Chevalier

eye-witness, account

The anonymous

they are

detail

and

in chains

Jerusalem.

The

still

Jerusalem.

estes guariz',

though perhaps not

of Jerusalem by the Khorezmians

after the capture

in 1244.

poet claims to be writing for the ears of the Second Council of Lyons (1274);

no doubt the gory maidens,

of events

mut

is

intended to have a propaganda function: 'Then come the tender

in torment.

They weep

greatly in their affliction

and sorrow

in

Christians see their sons roasted, they see their wives' breasts sliced off while

living;

they go along the streets with their hands and feet cut off

They made

blankets out of the vestments, they

made

Sepulchre; with the holy crosses they

made

(sic!) in

of the Holy

a stable out

stakes in Jerusalem' (';Ay, Iherusalem!',

11.

91—105).

The terms in which the Khorezmians are spoken of in ';Ay, Iherusalem!' are reminiscent of much earlier crusade songs: 'These Moorish dogs have held the holy dwelling for seven and a half years; they are not afraid of dying to conquer Jerusalem. They are helped by those of Babylon with the Africans and those of Ethiopia has brought the Moorish hordes

many, more than the

are

Gavaudan, the

.

The

.

.

Now

.

because of our sins the dark day

same

21—7, 66—7, 71—2).

11.

of Christians, and

in Spain: 'Sirs,

Saladin captured Jerusalem;

it

has

still

The Moors

Christians are few, fewer than sheep.

Muslim

per los nostres peccatz' (1195) also attributes

to the sinfulness

to attempt the

.

stars' (';Ay, Iherusalem!',

in 'Senhor,

Holy Land

them

.

fears that

because of our

not been

won

such triumphs

sins, the

back; that

is

may encourage

power

increases:

the king of

Morocco

Saracens'

why

successes in

has sent out a message that, with his perfidious Andalusians and Arabs, armed against the faith

of Christ, he

the huge

will fight against all Christian kings'

on

drops, they are cast out

unconsumed.

down

He

the fields to feed themselves

The

references to his audience's

and the

fields.

They

Toulousain are ours and fierce

means of terror:

'.

.

.

home

There follows an account of

on

all

territory

and they

cue the inhabitants of Spain

the land that stretches

who

nothing

leave

he

for us! Provence

infidels'

is

bow seek-

and the

on

(11.

21—7).

He

a

urges his

(black foreign dogs) and to res-

The Muslims

as in the Chanson de Roland: 'In their first

the second the Micenians with their huge heads;

clear that

from here to Le Puy!" Never was such

cas negres outramaris

are in jeopardy.

make

make way

boast heard before from such false dogs, such accursed

same way

carrion,

rain-

Moroccans, Almoravids occupy the moun-

boast to each other: "Franks,

hearers not to leave their birthright to the

the

1—9).

speaks of their pride: they think everything belongs to them and will

before them.

ing to inspire or to recruit by tains

(11.

numbers involved and the brute rapacity of the enemy: more numerous than

are here treated in very

much

corps there are those of Butentrot, in

their spines, halfway

down

their backs,

they have bristles like those of pigs ... in the tenth, those of the desert of Occiant: a race

which never served Our Lord; never was known

a

more wicked people:

their skin

is

harder


io8

SONGS

than iron, they have no use for helm or hauberk, in battle they are faithless and cruel' (Chanson de Roland,

3220—3, 3246—51). Their sins are pride and faithlessness; they are animal-like;

11.

their strength lies in

numbers expressed, not so much

origins; their boast goes to the heart

of Christian

by

in figures, as

a recital

of their

tribal

of invasion and subjection.

fears

Since crusade songs frequently take the form of sirventes, both praise and criticism of individuals

and of

common. Marcabru's

political events are

The

the Spanish crusade rather than that to the East.

and to Richard

right way: 'Jesus Christ,

which

is

I

topic of the rival claims of the two en-

song which appeals to the emperor, to Philip

terprises recurs in Gavaudan's his nobles,

Lavador song urges the importance of

of France and

of England to help Spain. Salvation depends on choosing the

who preached

to us so that our end might be a

the right path' ('Senhor, per los nostres peccatz',

more than

II

the usual Christian

metaphor

way

for the

The

37—9).

11.

to salvation:

good

one, shows us

'right path' here

is

the path that leads to

it is

Spain.

Frequently poets urge barons or monarchs to take the cross, to set out, to do more than they have. that

.

.

.

all

Gaucelm

must

for the false race

who do not

where he suffered and died.

It

e

vas

fis

Amor'

(1188/9), speaks of the

him

believe in

are disinheriting

him and

insulting

him

shame

in that place

behoves everyone to consider going there, and the princes

so since they are highly placed, for there if

ferms

Faidit, in 'Tant sui

suffer.

is

not one

who

all

the

more

can claim to be faithful and obedient to him

he does not aid him in this enterprise.

To

the count,

my

lord,

I

wish to say

that, as

he was the

first

to have the honour, let

God

should have reason to thank him, for the praises come with the going

The

'count'

probably Richard, as count of Poitou, one of the

is

first

him

[itself]! (11.

take care that

54—64)

to take the cross after

the battle of Hattin. Virtually the entire career of Richard in connection with the crusade

may be is

traced through troubadour songs. His

not exactly a crusade song, but

No man who write a song.

my

ransom,

It is

is

I

I

a prisoner can truly

is

The

no wonder that

invade

(11.

1—6,

is

my

pris ne dira sa raison',

heart

is

sad

two

may

for the sake

of

winters.

when my I

if,

overlord oppresses

know

my

lands. If he were

for sure that already

I

now mindful

would no longer be

a pris-

19—24)

Philip

Normandy Peirol;

om

speak his mind except in sorrow; but to comfort himself he

a prisoner here for

II

of France who had taken advantage of Richard's imprisonment to

despite the oath which they had sworn in

other's lands for the duration

and by

nus

have plenty of friends but their gifts are poor; they will be shamed

remain

overlord

'Ja

written as from his prison in Vienna.

of our oath which we both swore together, oner here.

own poem,

of the crusade. Richard's death

both have a poor opinion of certain other

pensation for King Richard; and France with

its

December is

leaders:

1190 to protect each

lamented by Gaucelm Faidit 'England has but poor com-

flowers used to have a

lords, and Spain had another good king, and likewise Montfcrrat had

good king and good a

good marquis, and


m. -

.

7

-

<

>if3

.

{

A

SSq

'

.v

^3

richard ing song II

i,

is

captured on his way

home from

a plea to his supporters to

Palestine,

is

shown on

his knees before

pay his ransom, combined with

of France who had seized some of Richard's

Norman

Henry VI. His one

surviv-

complaint against his overlord Philip

The story of a poet, Blondel, having disown songs outside his window is apocryphal.

territories.

covered Richard's place of captivity by singing one of the king's

a


A picture OF cal culture

THE COURT from

thirteenth centuries.

The

the empire

had an esteemed emperor;

have' (Peirol, 'Pus flum Jordan,

The

influence of the flourishing literary in the twelfth

11.

monarchs of his time were

I

lyric in

God

If,

early

do not know how those who

15â&#x20AC;&#x201D;21). Peirol

was writing

far inferior to

now

will be-

or 1222 but

still felt

are here

this in 1221

those involved in the Third Crusade. If,

in the east-

was the victim whose rightful lands and inheritance had been usurped by

the Muslims, then for

Toulouse.

and

Occitania.

Albigensian Crusade produced an interesting situation for the poets.

ern crusades,

and musi-

Albigensian crusade drastically curtailed the power and wealth of the southern lords

and marks the beginning of the decline of the courtly

that the

The

the Cantigas ie santa Maria.

of the courts of Occitania had spread widely throughout western Europe

in the

some of the troubadours,

songs associated with the

this position

Reconquista, the

was occupied by the count of

menacing foreign hordes were

the invaders were the French. In 1209, Ray-

those of the Moors, for

some poets of Languedoc

mond Roger Trencavel,

viscount of Beziers, was rumoured to have been assassinated by order


SONGS of Simon of Montfort. Guillem Augier Novella's lament the

same way

for

him

treats the

French in

much

other crusade songs treat the Muslims: 'They have killed him. Never did any-

as

one witness so great an outrage, nor was so great a wrong ever done nor such a great departure

from the

will of

God

treacherous lineage, those Figueira, in his

famous

or Our Lord as the renegade dogs have committed, those of Pilate's who have killed him' ('Quascus plor e planh', 11. n— 16). Guilhem

sirventes, first

accuses

Rome

of having been responsible for the

Damietta because of the Pope's 'cowardly negotiations', then of offering French crusaders: 'Rome, in truth

don vou

delivered

killed the

good king of France by

('D'un sirventes

know, without a doubt, that with the fraud of a

I

up the barons of France

far',

36—42).

11.

luring

The

to

him

'false

torment

far

far

from

Paradise, and,

away from Paris with your

pardon' and the

'false

loss

of

pardon to the

a false

false par-

Rome, you

false preaching'

preaching' reflect Guilhem's

view that the expedition against the Cathars was no true crusade and could not attract the benefit

of a plenary indulgence. Louis VIII died

tracted in Languedoc.

the crusade, ter

and

in

him

carry

Where

Guilhem makes

summer

alike, a

off into the

fires

than the

clear that this expedition

man who of Hell'

sons,

and

songs, gave

is

a barrier to salvation: 'Thus, in win-

(ibid.,

11.

54—6).

him scope

The new form which

up, then,

we may

he used, the

finance

longer

love, a

of thought. From the point of view of the audience

for

as

from the crusade.

say that crusade songs served several purposes.

and a source of variations on the theme of courtly

much

mendicant orders, which he saw

IX and much-needed

point of view of the poet-performer, they provided material for

were written to be performed

dit,

to speak his mind, to refer explicitly to events, per-

attitudes, to rail against his favourite target, the

summing

a disease con-

French and German songs until we come to the works of

diverting both the attention of Louis

In

from

follows your path follows a bad guide, for the devil will

in the late thirteenth century.

trouveres

in 1226

conventional crusade songs identify the way to Paradise with

Political allusions are rarer in

Rutebeuf

Montpensier

at

sirventes,

a

From

the

counterpoint to

range of allegories and structures

we must not

forget that these songs

they presented, in a palatable way exclusive to their milieu,

the doctrine, information, and propaganda that was otherwise delivered by preachers or diffused by clerks.

how

At the same

time, the songs reinforced the audience's self-image

and showed

the crusade itself could confirm their possession of the virtues of nobility, holding

models

for

them

their worries

to emulate

and to

and uncertainties

inspire their

if things

the mishandling of God's enterprise.

esprit de corps.

went badly,

up

But the songs could also express

their protests against injustice or against


6

Mn qast

The

)

oq8-i 20,1

JONATHAN PHILLIPS

he

First

Crusade established

a Latin Christian presence

ranean seaboard which lasted for almost zoo years. tingents

from many

their different origins, the crusaders

word

ant were identified by the

The

'Franks'

a Christian

outpost long after the

fall

community

The Greeks

recovered

much

settled in the Lev-

in the

in the East.

Levant and the island

re-

of the mainland settlements. Following the sack

of Constantinople in 1204 the crusaders took control of pire.

who

by contemporary Muslims and Latins

capture of Cyprus in 1191 strengthened their

mained

on the eastern Mediter-

expedition contained con-

of Europe, including Flanders, Normandy, Languedoc,

areas

and Lorraine. Notwithstanding

The

most of the former Byzantine em-

of their territory quite rapidly but Venetian Crete and the

Latin principality of Achaea survived. Each of these western settlements had a distinctive identity.

This chapter

will

examine their character and their impact on the conquered lands.

The Latin East, 1098-1 18 7 Between 1098 and 1109 the Franks carved out four settlements region: the county of Edessa, the principality

county of Tripoli.

It is a

too

many emotive

sades because

it

North America

Some

historians believe that the concept of colonialism

associations to be useful

tends to evoke images based

is

when

discussing the history of the cru-

upon episodes such

or the Spanish invasion of the

definitions suggest that a colony benefit of, a

Mediterranean

controversial issue whether these territories were an early example

of western European colonialism. carries

in the eastern

of Antioch, the kingdom of Jerusalem, and the

New

of

World. They maintain that traditional

politically directed by, or

homeland, or subject to

as the British settlement

economically exploited for the

really large-scale migration.

These do not

fit

the Latin

settlements in the Levant before 1291.

Guibert of Nogent, writing

dom's new

colonists'.

land was conquered

The

it

in f.1108,

described the Frankish settlers as 'Holy Christen-

'When

this

but by a crusade and by the movement of

pil-

thirteenth-century writer of L'estoire

was by no chief

lord,

de Evades,

claimed,


THE LATIN EAST, 1098 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1291

II3

â&#x20AC;˘

grims and assembled people.' Conquest was undertaken to recover and assure the security of Christian control of the

Holy Sepulchre

in Jerusalem,

forward the concept of religious colonization.

The

and therefore

may be worth

it

putting

resulting 'colony' can be defined as terri-

tory captured and settled primarily for religious reasons, the inhabitants of which maintain close contact with their

and military

financial

homeland

on account of a shared

principally

faith,

and

their

need for

assistance.

After the capture of Jerusalem strategic and economic considerations dictated that the Franks' main priority was to secure the coastal cities of the Levant. In noi Arsuf and Caesarea

fell,

Haifa and Acre were taken,

in 1104

only major port

still

the Franks because

in 1110 Beirut

and Sidon, and

acted as a base for the Egyptian fleet to raid the coast and

Fulk (1131â&#x20AC;&#x201D;43) reduced the threat by constructing

on the

city

was the prelude to a successful siege in a

it

was the

kingdom of Jerusalem. King

castles in the vicinity

of Frankish authority over some inland regions was

of Ascalon and

1153.

The

establishment

Muslim

powers; Antioch, for example, faced a series of attacks from the Seljuk Turks between

and

1115.

The Franks had conquered

Armenian princes

rarely secure;

I

mo

parts of Cilicia during the First Crusade but their hold

was subject to Byzantine invasions, while the native

it

also contested control

and by the

late 1130s

had secured the upper hand

Dead Sea was

over the Latins. Frankish expansion to the south and east of the

King Baldwin

this

slow process and the eastern spread of

the Christian settlements was checked and sometimes countered by neighbouring

on the region was

The

to elude their control was Ascalon. This was particularly dangerous for

it

source of numerous incursions into the southern area of the

increased pressure

in 1124 Tyre.

and the lordship of Transjordan was established, based

initiated

by

of

al-

at the castle

Shaubak.

The

settlers

There was

had conquered an

area inhabited

a native Jewish population;

by

a bewildering variety

of races and

Druzes; Zoroastrians; Christians such

creeds.

Armenians,

as

Maronites, Jacobites, and Nestorians, together with a sizeable Greek Orthodox community.

There were

also

Muslims: both Sunni and Shi

1.

Some Europeans

were familiar with the east-

ern Mediterranean on account of pilgrimage and commerce but because the crusaders

wanted to capture and

Holy Land

settle the

the relationship between the Franks and the in-

digenous population was very different to that in any of their previous encounters.

An

important element

inhabitants. as a result

The

in the process

early years

of a policy whereby

to Christians. But

it

of settlement was the

of the conquest were marked by sites

of religious or

soon became apparent that

was counterproductive.

much

for

them

The

in 1101

steady flow of westerners

but again

came

relatively

to settle,

it

in

mo

the

A

own

second wave

few remained in the Latin East. Although a

was obvious that the Franks lacked

power to rebuild and defend urban communities. In consequence population changed. At Sidon

Franks had

to occupy with their

people. After the capture of Jerusalem many of the crusaders returned home.

of crusaders arrived

of the native

of massacres, probably

strategic significance were to be reserved

this

taken control of a large area of land; certainly too

Latins' treatment a series

their

sufficient

man-

approach to the local

Muslims negotiated the opportunity

to remain

on


-

the castle of al-shaubak (Montreal) was founded expand Frankish authority

Damascus

to

their land

in the

Egypt or the Red

and to

cultivate

Transjordan region.

in 1115 It

by King Baldwin

it

for the benefit

tion but

it is

in an

attempt to

from

of the Franks. Further north, Prince Tancred of

the wives of local workers to return from

mark

of Jerusalem

Sea.

Antioch was so concerned that native labourers should stay on

episodes did not

I

also controlled the important caravan routes

a definitive

his lands that

Aleppo where they had

he arranged for

fled for safety.

Such

turning point in the treatment of the indigenous popula-

evident that the Franks became aware of the need to

form

a modus vivendi with

it.

A growing sense of realism extended to relations between the Franks and their Muslim neighbours. Important activities such as trade could not take place without a high level of interaction between

them and numerous

fight all the time. In

ther and

amah

on

ibn

some

instances contact between

rare occasions there

Munqidh,

a

truces were agreed because

is

it

was simply not possible to

Muslims and Christians developed

fur-

evidence that close relationships formed. For example, Us-

contemporary Muslim commentator, was friendly with

a

group of

Templars who protected him from harassment by an over-zealous westerner. This incident also demonstrates ity to coexist

how

the occasional crusader found

with the Muslims

at

some times and

it

hard to understand the

to fight holy wars against

settlers' abil-

them

at others.


THE LATIN EAST, 1098â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1291 Because

it

was impractical for the Franks to drive out or persecute

observe the Latin

rite,

all

those

who

"5

did not

they adopted an attitude of relative tolerance towards other creeds,

whether they were eastern Christian, Jewish, or Muslim. All were permitted to practise their faith, albeit

had

under certain

restrictions; for example,

a status similar to Christians

and Jews

theory were not allowed to reside in the holy

of society

in the Latin East, at least

when

it

Muslims and

in Islamic states, city.

with

Jacobites,

Rome) were

was expressed

shall see,

Jerusalem, but in

Of the

1181

level

Above them were

native Christians, the

when

their

Church joined

allowed to preserve their religious autonomy, but in spite of being Chris-

meant

that they were excluded

Sepulchre. Religious differences notwithstanding, the Franks, particularly in the county

Armenian. The native nobility were seen the county

visit

in legal terms.

Armenians, and Maronites (before

tian their heretical beliefs

them and

could

we

Muslims and Jews formed the lowest

the eastern Christians and at the top, the Catholic Franks.

monophysite

Jews, who, as

became

a

as

from the precincts of the Holy

some intermarriage took

worthy marriage partners for the westerners and

Frankishâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Armenian enclave. Society in the

more polyglot and probably

less

place between

of Edessa where most of the population was

of the Latin East was

rest

integrated than in Edessa.

a twelfth-century ground plan of the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem,

showing

Christ's

tomb

in the centre

of the

The

circular plan

of the

lower, aerial view. site

was widely imitated elsewhere

in Latin

Christendom during the medieval period, the

Temple Church

surviving example.

in

London being one


Il6

THE LATIN EAST, I098-129I

â&#x20AC;˘

The Greek Orthodox community formed of Antioch.

cially in the principality

Urban

When

an important element in the population, espethe First Crusade set out

it is

likely that

Pope

and the crusaders themselves intended that the Greek Orthodox patriarchs of

II

Jerusalem and Antioch would retain their canonical authority; but military necessity and

who

worsening relations with the Greeks forced the leaders of the new settlements,

way not sympathetic

Muslims

Many

chose to

they could not hold

live in

but

fiefs,

ing and glassmaking.

On

Once

the situation had calmed down,

urban areas controlled by the Franks. Like

many were

non-Catholics

all

farmers; others were involved in trades such as dye-

several counts the Jews in the Latin East were treated

than their counterparts in western Europe.

dom

and fought and died along-

resist the invasion

in the early years of the conquest.

however, most opted to

were any-

Latin patriarchs and bishops.

m the Rhineland caused the Jewish population in the Levant to fear

News of the pogroms

the arrival of the First Crusade. side the

own

to Orthodoxy, to install their

They could

practise their religion

much

better

m relative free-

and they were not subjected to crude dress regulations compelling them to wear badges

or specially coloured clothing which advertised their faith and invited hostility and segregation. It

is

notable that

no

anti-Jewish

pogroms took

place in the Latin East,

m

contrast to

the situation in the West.

The

pattern of Frankish settlement was determined by the westerners' lack of manpower.

But while large numbers of settlers lived

in

urban

the Franks living safely in their castles or cities significant percentage in

which

free

of them occupied

is

villages

of most of

areas, the traditional stereotype

not entirely accurate.

now

It

appears that a

and manor houses. 'New towns'

(yilleneuves),

western peasants would be given land by a local lord in return for 10 per cent

of the produce appear to have been quite common.

The

coastal plains

of the Levant were

capable of supporting a range of crops.

fertile areas

Inland regions such as the district around the Sea of Galilee could also yield plentiful harvests.

A

favourable climate and the use of old

Roman

aqueducts and irrigation channels

lowed the farmers to complement their main output of

cereals with fast-growing

al-

summer

crops such as millet and maize. Vines, olive groves, and orchards also played a significant part,

and more specialized crops such

as sugar

and cotton were

also cultivated,

port market. Small-scale industries might be found in rural Edessa, but they contributed

little

to the

economy

as a

were concerned, apart from the change in overlord,

areas,

such

as iron-ore

mining

in

whole. As far as the native peasantry

appears that

it

mainly for the ex-

little

had changed. After

the initial brutality of the conquest the Franks usually treated the indigenous peasants well, principally

on account of their economic importance. They had

the role of Pope Innocent

III in

the development of the crusading

Deeply committed to the recovery of the Holy Land sades

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

it

was he

who

movement can

on the

scarcely be exaggerated.

launched both the Fourth and Fifth Cru-

he was nevertheless prepared to extend crusading against heretics and papal political opponents within

the West. sading.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

to pay revenue based

No less important, he decisively developed the preaching,

financial,

and organizational aspects of cru-


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the production of olive oil was and Levant. Most settlements contained an olive

in

lected the oil to be used lor cooking, lighting, pitaller infirmary at

Aqua

Bella in the

traditional Islamic kharaj,

a

mainstay of the rural economy of the

and making soap. The remains of

kingdom

this olive press are at the

villagers

worked

particularly those

West, very

and Acre were

little

land was held in

for their lord for a specified time each week.

life

continued largely undisturbed the urban

on the coast

developed dramatically.

of the Latin East became thriving commercial centres that attracted international trade. Tyre

Hos-

of Jerusalem.

the basic functioning of agricultural

of the Levant

operated manually or by a draught animal. Vats col-

olive groves. In contrast to the

demesne, the 'home farm' where

centres

areas remains

which could be up to one-third of arable crops and one-half of the

produce from vineyards and

While

some

press, either

a substantial

The

ports

volume of

outlets for the trade routes of the Orient

and the

Frankish settlements' position as a meeting point between East and West meant that the mercantile cities

of Genoa,

Pisa,

and Venice took great

interest in

them.

The

Italians appreciated

the settlers' need for naval help to conquer the coastal strip and they extracted a price for their

support. In return for their participation in the siege of Tyre the Venetians negotiated rights to one-third of the city and cial

Abovr.

by

its territories,

and numerous

privileges regarding fiscal

immunity. In consequence of arrangements concluded

pride in family. Windows

Hugh Despenser

family, Below,

with

a

in the

in other cities, the

and

judi-

merchant com-

south choir clerestory of Tewkesbury Abbey, commissioned 1540—4

bequest from his mother, Eleanor de Clare.

They comprise

a

row of portraits of her

which was one of many associated with the crusading movement.

developed chivalry.

In this miniature, painted in 1490, crosses are evident, but the French king, his

horse splendidly caparisoned, leads the other noble crusaders in what looks more like a hunt, with the penitential ethos which should have been integral to crusading.

little

sign

of


Il8

THE LATIN EAST, 1098-129I

munities usually occupied their

own

clearly

demarcated

The Genoese

districts.

quarter in

Acre, for example, contained a central square bordered by the church of St Lawrence (Genoa's

The

patron saint) and a palace containing a law court.

district also

accommodation

ways, as well as bakehouses, shops, and

had

willingness to ignore papal prohibitions about trading with

war

but Italian shipping was crucial to the Latin

to the West. After the capture of Jerusalem the to the East rose dramatically,

numbers of westerners

large

Muslims

settlers

number

raw materials used

in

because

of Europeans

for instance in their

it

provided a

who wanted

and by transporting pilgrims to the Levant the to visit the holy places.

both by spending money on

living expenses

fortified gate-

for visiting merchants. Occasionally

the Italians' commercial instincts overrode their religious affiliations

for

own

its

The

lifeline

to travel

Italians enabled

pilgrims also helped the economy,

and by making donations to

ecclesiastical instit-

utions.

was

It

the settlers. able

commercial terms, however, that the

in

The

Italian

merchants provided most benefit to

substantial flow of goods through the ports of the Levant generated a size-

income for the Franks,

of the wide-ranging

especially in the first half of the thirteenth century,

tax exemptions held

merce they encouraged was more than enough to compensate for the in the first instance.

and

in spite

by the western traders the sheer volume of com-

Traders from Byzantium,

North

privileges given to

them

and Iraq did not possess

Africa, Syria,

the same immunities as the Italians and had to pay taxes on sales and on goods arriving and leaving the ports.

adopted local in the

Many of

practices, particularly

Frankish East.

The Muslim

Marino SANUDo's MAP OF ACRE. streets

Muslim

in origin,

showing how the

when they proved

profitable.

Acre was the busiest port

these dues were

writer,

Ibn Jubayr, described

A fourteenth-century map illustrating the

seem to have been accurately drawn,

as

in 1185:

it

city before

Acre

it fell

is

settlers

... a port

The main The customs

in 1291.

were the walls and the Venetian and Pisan markets.

house, however, has been replaced by an 'inner harbour' which never existed; presumably the source of this and

other

maps made

the best of an ink-spill. ""?'

i.ioi

tn»a

"im^

K^li

3*** '

h

>u>$$

.... ;

'

jjgj

ram u f

n.i

v..-

"utin

^"•(Viii

,

Hgnti

J'imioitcp

W L cmplum. I

toucrrt

•"»&

miilwd mmroicC'


THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — I2c;i of call for

all

ships. It

and Christian merchants from men, so that

it is

and

the focus of ships

is

all

caravans,

and

regions. Its roads

hard to put loot to ground.

It

stinks

and the meeting place of Muslim choked by the press of

streets are

and

119

being

it is filthy,

full

of refuse and

excrement.'

Goods

arriving

that existed in the tables, ity

by sea would be landed and transferred to one of the numerous markets

main

ports. Smaller markets dealt in everyday items such as fish or vege-

and others specialized

was the spice

in

export products such as sugar.

trade: a considerable

The

chief source of prosper-

volume of goods from the Asiatic trade routes passed

through the Frankish settlements bound for Byzantium and western Europe. Cloth was a

common

import from the West.

Officials

weighed the goods and items were taxed, mostly

according to their value, but, in the case of bulk products such as wine, cording to quantity

7 .

The

would award an individual fief,

from

a

a particular tax. After these grants

political

and

grain, ac-

had been deducted by the market or port

concerned the remainder of the money would be paid to local and central

The

oil,

of taxes varied from 4 per cent to 25 per cent. A king or lord proportion of the profits, sometimes in the form of a money-

level

office

treasuries.

development of the kingdom of Jerusalem demonstrates how the Franks

rec-

onciled familiar western customs with the need to adapt to the circumstances which faced

them

could run their

The

The great lordships resembled European-style marches where the own affairs with regard to the administration of justice and foreign

in the East.

inhabitants of these palatinates were, therefore, potentially outside royal control.

lords also held money-fiefs,

property.

which were

These helped to ensure

less

common

this

Many

of territorial

was required from

all

losses.

of them, whereas

As

in the

might be commuted for money. The king held the wealthiest and most prestigious

territory including the ports

of Tyre and Acre and, of course, the

he lost various regalian rights during the twelfth century, such the right to shipwrecks, his status as anointed ruler,

meant

policy.

West, in addition to their landed

their financial survival in the face

vassals of the king, however, military service

West

in the

nobles

that as long as he

was

a capable individual

city

combined with it

was

of Jerusalem. Although

as the

his

minting of coins and

economic power-base,

rare for his vassals to challenge his

authority successfully.

Although the chief court vassals,

in the

kingdom was

the

High Court, attended by

the kings

own

an occasional but significant forum for debating the political direction was a parlcmenl

attended by nobles, senior churchmen, leading members of the military orders, and sometimes the important townsmen. Parlements agreed to the levying of extraordinary general taxes to help pay the cost of warfare, as in 1166 and able

husband

often a westerner

matic matters. In

1171

an assembly discussed

the nobles wanted to send envoys to his intention to travel in

1183,

or they might debate the choice of a suit-

for an important heiress.

They could

whom in the West to

also consider diplo-

approach for military help:

Europe and were shocked when King Amalric revealed

person to Constantinople to seek the support of the Greeks: they

protested vigorously but the king had sufficient authority to execute his plan.


120

THE LATIN EAST, 1098 — 129I

Before the accession of the leper-king Baldwin

had the upper hand either

in their relations

is

King Amalric's

of the tenants-in-chief

This created

a direct link

greater nobility.

The

—known

assise

sur

of Jerusalem generally

in 1174 the rulers

They could impose

by legislation or through the manipulation of royal

example of the former vassals

IV

with the nobility.

la ligece

as rear- vassals

between the crown and most

of

down that all homage to the king.

which

should pay

if their lord

meant

their oaths to the king

An

of land.

rights to dispose cii66,

liege

laid

fief-holders, potentially bypassing the

king benefited from this arrangement because he could

port of the rear- vassals

their control

was in conflict with him. The

call

on the sup-

gained because

rear- vassals

that they could take complaints about their lord directly to him,

whereas previously the independence of the great

fiefs

had allowed great lords to

act with im-

punity towards them. It

was not

magnates to become too powerful and he could

in the king's interest to allow the

forestall this in a

number of ways.

When

an individual died without heirs the lordship

Holy Land,

verted to royal control. Given the high mortality rates in the frequently and kings sometimes considered dividing

and by definition

less threatening, lordships.

up the

this

re-

happened quite

number of small,

territory into a

Another method of reducing the nobles' power

was to give them landholdings scattered within the boundaries of other lordships. Opponents

would

therefore find

it

more

difficult to

form

well have been successful in consolidating the strength 1140s onwards, the heavy costs

Muslim

raids

meant

These

a territorial power-base.

of maintaining

of the crown, but

fortifications

in

practices

any

and sustaining

from the

losses caused

and

that the nobles were being forced to concede land

case,

might

by

castles to reli-

gious houses and the military orders.

A noticeable feature of the ruling families of the tury was the prominence of women.

were a particularly dynamic group.

The

When

of Fulk's attempts to

II

rule in his

their infant son, Baldwin, were

own

right he could not

Baldwin

came of age

III,

in 1145

was only

13

years old

and Melisende acted

was extremely

rare, as

as regent for

strated; indeed, outside the Latin East,

deemed necessary women,

Latin Christendom

As the

to rule in her

struggle in Jerusalem developed, in their

for a ruler to lead troops in battle, a requirement

yet in the

woman

Queen Urraca of Leon-Castile (1109—26)

son formed their own separate administrations and issued charters

to rule out

him. Baldwin

the opposition in England to the succession of Matilda

the only figure comparable to Melisende.

usually

When he died in 1143

but his mother refused to hand over power and ruled for seven more years.

In the context of twelfth-century society this was remarkable: for a right

crowned co-

command enough sup-

port to displace Melisende and he was forced to govern with the queen. his son,

of Jerusalem (1118— 31)

the king died his eldest daughter, Melisende, her

husband Fulk, formerly the count of Anjou, and rulers. In spite

Latin settlements during the twelfth cen-

daughters of King Baldwin

kingdom

of Jerusalem

is,

own

demonperhaps,

mother and

own names.

It

was

which was judged

probably the most exposed region in

Melisende held on to power. She appointed a military commander and

evidently governed with sufficient authority to satisfy the leading

men of the kingdom,

cause Baldwin could not gather enough support to displace her until

11

52.

be-

Even when he


tpwume nntt0uuii4 mitbie^uii torn* got

m eftotr^mumnctnc

qui ttUr4nmrtwfngtuÂŤ

*toefcj HUNTING WAS pastime

A

COMMON

in all areas

of the

Levant. In this illustration

from

lei

a thirteenth-century

manuscript of the chronicle of

William of Tyre, King

Fulk of Jerusalem

falls

to

his death after his horse has

stumbled chasing

a hare

outside the walls of Acre in

November

finally

gained the upper hand, Melisende continued to play an influential role in the govern-

ment of Jerusalem; but her younger

sister,

these difficulties were as nothing

compared to the upheaval caused by

who attempted to rule the principality of Antioch after the The princess was opposed by most of the local magnates and

Princess Alice,

death of her husband in

1130.

in her efforts to stay in control she

sought the support of the Greeks, the Muslims of Aleppo,

the counts of Tripoli and Edessa, and the patriarch of Antioch.

ended

1143.

after seven years

westerner

whom

when she was

the local nobles

had

A

forced to concede power to invited to

highly divisive episode

Raymond of

Poitiers, a

marry her daughter.

Relations between the rulers of the Frankish settlements were generally quite good

though occasionally tensions came to the territories. it

Each had

was obviously

The

Latin East consisted of four different

and was capable of independent

in the settlements' interests to pull together against

tions between Jerusalem ally close

surface.

a distinctive character

and

its

and the count was

owed no formal

action, although

common

enemies. Rela-

smaller northern neighbour, the county of Tripoli, were usu-

a vassal

of the

king.

The

counts of Edessa paid homage to

Jerusalem, and by the 1130s they were also vassals of the prince of Antioch. tioch

al-

The

prince of An-

obligation to the king of Jerusalem but in theory was subject to the


rtfNfr


THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 129I overlordship of the Greek emperor, as

we

shall see.

None

the

123

the Antiochenes needed a

less,

strong relationship with those in the south because they were often forced to turn to

Jerusalem for military help.

On fifteen occasions between mo and 1137 the rulers

assisted their co-religionists in the

The

gent in the principality. tioch fought

north and for thirteen of those years the king acted

more

in 1113, 1129,

assistance. It

is

and

1137,

but

it is

as re-

men from An-

relationship was not entirely one-sided because

on behalf of Jerusalem

settlement which required

of Jerusalem

plain that Antioch was the

possible to discern a

more competitive edge

between the four settlements around the time of the Second Crusade. William of Tyre, twelfth-century historian of the

France arrived

him and

ited

at

Antioch

kingdom of Jerusalem, wrote

March

in

him

tried to persuade

1148 representatives

that

a

when King Louis VII of

of each of the Latin

territories vis-

to base himself in his particular land, regardless of the

needs of others.

The first major setback to Muslim atabak of Mosul, Minor of two large armies of

In the 1140s the military situation took a turn for the worse. affect the Latin settlers

came

in

December

1144

when Zangi,

captured the city of Edessa. Although the march across Asia the

Second Crusade, led by Louis VII and King Conrad

combined

down

force of crusaders

within a week.

Christians to

make

the crusaders,

It

seems

and

settlers attacked

likely

now

III

the

of Germany, was a

disaster, the

The

siege broke

Damascus

in July 1148.

that fear of Muslim relief forces

not satisfy the

a tactical error, but this simple explanation did

who

accused each other of treachery.

The

had compelled the settlers

and

westerners returned home, leaving

the Franks to fend for themselves.

The northern

had always had the worst of the Muslim onslaught and

settlers

their situa-

tion began to deteriorate further. William of Tyre wrote that the Christians were under such

pressure that

Nur

it

was

they were being ground between two millstones. Zangi's successor,

as if

al-Din of Aleppo, worked hard to draw together the disparate

northern Syria. In 1149 he killed Prince

Raymond's head was sent to the caliph

Raymond of Antioch at Baghdad to mark Nur

in

Muslim

the battle of Inab and al-Din's position as the

Sunni Muslims' leading warrior. His influence extended southwards and control of Damascus, which meant that the Christians faced a united first

time.

At

this

lordships of

in 1154

Muslim

he took

Syria for the

point the political situation was finely balanced; the Muslims were an in-

creasing threat to the Franks, yet in Baldwin III of Jerusalem (1143—63)

Amalric (1163—74), the

settlers

and

his successor,

had two strong kings who were prepared to confront

their

enemies.

The

keystone of Amalric's policy rested on the control of Egypt.

were weak and with prevent

Nur

him capturing Egypt and surrounding

st anne's

church,

Jerusalem.

the hands of Benedictine nuns

win Us daughters, was

a

The Shi

al-Din in control of both Aleppo and Damascus

A

rare surviving

'i

it

Fatimid caliphs

was

example of a twelfth-century crusader church.

and was constructed with royal patronage

member of the community.

essential to

the settlers by land. Between 1163 and 1169

r.1140

when

Yvette,

The

site

was

in

one of King Bald-


THE CATHEDRAL OF OUR LADY AT TORTOSA. The most complete surviving cathedral

from the crusader

The structure (centre) may represent period.

first

the

church dedicated to the

Blessed Virgin Mary.

Amalric made no

less

than

from growing Muslim of Egypt,

it

five

hostility, let

was plain that the

place they sought help

attempts to conquer Egypt. But in order to defend themselves alone contemplate such ambitious schemes as the capture

settlers

from was western Europe. The

to guard the holy places

raison d'etre

on behalf of Latin Christendom. The

of the Frankish

who

patrimony because

of the Holy Land was of concern to

in theory the welfare

settlers also tried

first

states

was

real affinities of the settlers

were with their co-religionists in Europe,

The

The

themselves needed greater military resources.

they anticipated would help to defend Christ's all

Christians.

hard to exploit their family connections with western nobles to en-

courage people to take the cross.

From

1160

onwards they sent

Europe asking for

new

number

for help.

crusades.

Some

a series

of

letters

The papacy backed up financial assistance

and envoys to the leading men of western

these appeals by issuing letters which called

was sent to the Levant and, more importantly, a

of medium-sized crusades set out for the East led by

men

such

as the

ders and Nevers. Short-term military assistance of this sort was, of course,

the settlers really wanted was a large-scale crusade.

Louis VII of France and King Henry these

two

rulers frustrated their efforts.

II

They focused

counts of Flan-

welcome but what

particular attention

on King

of England, but the political differences between


THE LATIN EAST, 1098 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1291

The need to?

An

Where

for substantial military assistance remained.

answer was Byzantium.

from the

first,

of Devol

(1108)

could the

else

settlers

The Greeks had been involved in the affairs of the in conflict with Bohemond of Taranto until in

12.5

â&#x20AC;˘

turn

Latin East

and they had been

the Treaty

Bohemond had sworn fealty to the emperor and acknowledged him as overThe presence of a substantial Orthodox population in northern Syria also

lord of Antioch.

encouraged Greek involvement with Constantinople and in

King Baldwin

in the region.

late 1150

III

decided to form closer

ties

he allowed the Greeks to secure a foothold in northern

Syria by purchasing the remaining Frankish lands in Edessa. Relations between the Greeks

and the Latins soon developed perial family.

peror

Nine

further. In

11

Baldwin married

58

years later his successor, Amalric, did likewise.

And

would be Egypt, but

Nur

in early 1169

could implement their agreement. This threat to the

the

kingdom of Jerusalem and

West Amalric

where

of the Greek im-

in the interim the

Manuel Comnenus wedded Maria of Antioch. These marriages enhanced

a

Muslim

in light

success dramatically increased the

of the continued lack of large-scale help from

He

he paid homage to Manuel.

travelled to Constantinople in 1171

was the

It

first

time that a king of Jerusalem

journey and this dramatic gesture demonstrated

come. Further Greek assistance arrived

in the

al-

al-Din took the country before the Christians

latest

persisted with his pro-Greek policy.

likely that

it is

had made such

Em-

the prospects

of the Frankishâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Greek

for military co-operation. It was intended that the primary goal liance

member

a

Levant in

The

1177,

how

desperate he had be-

but the rapport between the two

powers ended with Manuel's death

in 1180.

though on

of Greek intervention had influenced the Muslims' ap-

rare occasions the fear

proach to the

For example,

settlers.

northern Syria

after

relationship

Nur

in 1164, his lieutenants advised

had not been

a great success, al-

al-Din had crushed a Frankish army in

him

Antioch and to destroy the remaining Franks, but he was convinced that Greek reprisals would result

if

of

to continue into the principality

Nur

al-Din rejected the plan because

he captured too

much

Christian terri-

tory.

The

year 1174

marked

a

turning point for both the Franks and their enemies. In

al-Din's death presented the Franks with a golden opportunity and,

they had arranged for a Sicilian

fleet to assist

them

for them, just as the Sicilians reached the Levant,

in

by sheer good fortune,

another attack on Egypt. Unfortunately

King Amalric

fell ill

paign failed and the Sicilians returned home. This disappointment was fact that Amalric's heir, effectively

Baldwin IV, was

and could not father

a leper,

children.

May Nur

and died. The cam-

compounded by

the

which meant that he was incapable of ruling

Baldwin struggled on until his death in

1185

but he

presided over an increasingly divided kingdom. This was a period of intense feuding between

two

rival factions

ends.

The

of nobles who sought to manipulate the unfortunate king to

succession of his infant nephew, Baldwin V, changed

within a year. Yet as the Franks became recover

its

strength.

Nur

more and more

The

name

own

and the child died

Muslim world began

al-Din's lieutenant in Egypt, Saladin, succeeded

constructed a coalition of Muslim forces which, in the against the Franks.

little

divided, the

serve their

him and by

1186

to

had

of the jihad, he prepared to turn

Christians needed help urgently and a delegation led by the patriarch


126

â&#x20AC;˘

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-I29I

abu ghosh Church of the Resurrection. This twelfth-

century pilgrim identified as

site

was

Emmaus,

the

place where Christ appeared to disciples following his

crucifixion

This

and resurrection.

illustration

shows the

crypt containing an altar

which stands over the socalled Spring

of Emmaus.

of Jerusalem and the masters of the military orders

Europe to help defend the Holy Sepulchre; the

tried to persuade the rulers

settlers

of western

were so desperate that they even

kingdom to Philip II of France and Henry II of EngThey were left isolated. In 187 Saladin invaded and on 4 July crushed the settlers' forces led by Guy of Lusignan, who was the King-consort of Baldwin IV's sister, at the battle of Hattin. The Franks' lack of manpower was exposed and their settlements lay almost deoffered in vain the overlordship of the land.

1

fenceless. In the succeeding

months Saladin occupied ]erusalem and pushed

the Latins back

to the coast, leaving Tyre as the only Palestinian city in Christian hands; Tripoli

were

less affected,

and Antioch

although both lost territory on their eastern borders. As we have seen, the

western response was the Third Crusade.


THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 129I

127

Cyprus In

May

1191

Richard

of England captured Cyprus

I

from Isaac Comnenus,

ber of the Greek imperial family. Richard was sailing towards the his fleet

including the ship carrying his sister and his fiancee

during a storm.

prompted Richard

Isaac's hostile reaction

compelled the Cypriots to surrender. In spite of his status itated to take land

tory on his the island

own

from

behalf.

formed

a Christian ruler,

The

seizure

although

it is

mem-

Holy Land when part of

—had

to shelter off the island

to use force

and

soon

his troops

Richard had not hes-

as a crusader

clear that

a renegade

he had acquired the

terri-

of Cyprus was hardly an act of religious colonization, yet

a very close relationship with the other Latin Christian settlements in the

eastern Mediterranean

and came to play an

integral role in the defence

of the Holy Land.

Given favourable winds the journey from Cyprus to the Syrian coastline could be accomplished in a day. tions.

Its

meant that

location

it

was an obvious supply base for crusading expedi-

This was most apparent during the

first

crusade of King Louis

reaching the eastern Mediterranean Louis spent eight

companied by King Henry

The

months on the

IX of

and he was

island

and leading Cypriot nobles when he invaded Egypt

I

On

France.

in

ac-

June 1249.

Frankish Cypriots were not always so keen to help such expeditions and during the Lord

Edward of England's crusade form

in 1271— 2

some of them

military service outside the island

in the past

it

for only four

had been

months

tried to argue that they

and that when they had

in a purely voluntary capacity.

They

assisted their king elsewhere

finally

agreed to serve

him abroad

a year.

Richard sold the island to

Guy of Lusignan,

and successor Aimery established

a

the former king of Jerusalem,

whose brother

dynasty which ruled Cyprus for almost 300 years.

pared to the Latin settlements on the mainland, Cyprus was raids,

should not per-

far less susceptible to

Com-

Muslim

although fear of external attack caused Aimery of Lusignan to seek the overlordship of

the western emperor

Henry VI

who was also granted a crown by the westwhen he married the heiress to the more time in Acre than in Nicosia this did not mean

in 1195.

Aimery,

ern emperor, became king-consort of Jerusalem in 1197 throne, Isabella that the

I.

Although he spent

two kingdoms merged. Their

institutions

remained separate and Aimery refused to

allow the financial resources of Cyprus to be absorbed in the defence of Jerusalem.

He

was,

however, prepared to consider deploying the islanders' military strength on behalf of those

on the mainland. His marriage two kingdoms were ruled, for

to Isabella

a time,

In order to consolidate Frankish rule knights,

mounted

sergeants,

produced no children and on

on Cyprus the

also

early

and burgesses territory and

offset the recent territorial losses to Saladin

Cyprus which meant that

justice

Lusignans granted hundreds of

rights, a policy

which

on the mainland. There were no

was more closely under royal control.

prudent enough to ensure that no

his death in 1205 the

by different dynasties.

castles or walled

also helped to

palatinates

on

The Lusignans were

towns were held by

lay vassals, a prac-

tice that rulers

elsewhere in the Latin East could not contemplate because of the threat of

Muslim

Such factors prevented the nobles from building up regional power-bases and

attack.


128

â&#x20AC;˘

may

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

29

help to explain the relative calm on the island, apart from an externally inspired

between 1229 and tria

1

1233.

The

only non-royal fortresses were probably those

which formed part of the extensive

Fertile shore plains, terraced valleys,

estates held

other important product although

grew

rapidly,

Kolossi and Gas-

by the Hospitallers and the Templars.

and the use of irrigation channels meant that Cyprus

Wine was

an-

were so viscous that contemporaries

re-

could produce substantial quantities of cereals, sugar, and olive

some

ported they could be spread on bread

at

war

civil

varieties

like

honey.

with the city of Limassol the

first

oil for export.

Under Lusignan

rule the Cypriot

centre of commercial activity.

economy

The

island's

position as a natural stopping-off point for traders on their way to the mainland and the

growing

of the

interest

Italian

merchant communities contributed to

Venetians had secured privileges during the period of Byzantine

nans the Genoese became increasingly prominent, particularly after the 1233.

King Henry

I

Famagusta began to overtake Limassol miles closer to the mainland and

After the

Cilicia.

war of 1229 to

as the

Armenian merchants

also en-

commercial capital of the island because

more convenient

it

was

for the growing trade with Syria

and

of Acre in 1291 Europeans were prohibited

fall

in return for

Towards the end of the thirteenth century

tered into trading agreements with the Cypriots.

fifty

civil

(1218â&#x20AC;&#x201D;53) needed naval help and the Genoese assisted him

substantial commercial privileges. Pisan, Catalan, and Cilician

The

prosperity.

its

but under the Lusig-

rule,

Muslims. Western merchants made use of Ayas

from

in Christian Cilicia

direct trade with the

and Syrian Christians

transported merchandise from the Levant to Famagusta to enable Europeans to purchase

Cyprus became

a

key staging post on

commerce generated meant

One

that

a

it.

major international trade route and the volume of

Famagusta became

a

wealthy and cosmopolitan

city.

of the biggest changes brought about by the Frankish conquest was the establishment

of the Latin Church.

The

majority of the native population was Greek Orthodox but a Latin

archbishop became the senior churchman and the Greek bishops were required to subordi-

knowledge the primacy of the pope, were not forced to accept. lower clergy were sis.

less

The Orthodox were

also

compelled to ac-

a situation that their co-religionists

on the mainland

nate themselves to their Catholic counterparts.

The Orthodox

archbishop formally agreed to this

prepared to accept Catholic jurisdiction. There were

it

in the eucharist

symbolized for them the resurrection, led to thirteen Orthodox believers being

martyred, while numbers of their co-religionists were excommunicated.

thodox community was exacerbated by the

by the

but the

moments of cri-

One, following from the Greeks' insistence on the use of leavened bread

because

in 1261,

local

Church.

The

quality

The

injury to the

Or-

Franks' appropriation and use of property owned

of the surviving Latin cathedrals, churches, and monastic

buildings testify to the dominant status of the Latin Church during this period.

For over half the period between 1205 and 1267 the government of the crown of Cyprus was marked by minorities and regencies. Ibelin family,

One consequence of this was

which was already well established

in the

force in Cypriot affairs. In caziS Philip of Ibelin

King Henry

I.

the emergence of the

kingdom of Jerusalem,

became regent

as a

powerful

for his nephew, the infant

Philip had sufficient support to brush off a challenge to his authority

from


the fourteenth-century

cloister

was founded before 1205 by monks Jerusalem in

1187.

of the Premonstratensian monastery of Bellapais on Cyprus. The house

who

The monastery grew

the period of domination by the Latin

fled

from the mainland

to check the

power of the

II,

who

Ibelins, led at this

ties.

He

invited

He

arrived

on the

island in 1228, was deter-

John of Ibelin to

Hilanon

mainland and when the regency of

a banquet, received

arrested.

Cyprus to

five

him

cordially

and then had him

northern mountains. Shortly afterwards, Frederick

in the

a papal invasion

of southern

Italy

left for

the

civil

war

on Cyprus. Richard

as

Fi-

besieged their castle at Beirut and fomented opposition to

them on Cyprus. John secured the backing of a Genoese

fleet

and the majority of the Cypriot

population, and by 1233 he had routed imperial forces on the island.

emperor on Cyprus was ended

sur-

compelled him to return home, he sold

imperial supporters. There followed four years of

langieri, the imperial marshal,

in 1247

The

overlordship of the

when Pope Innocent IV absolved King Henry of any

oaths he had taken to Frederick and the See.

Henry without any

John was forced to hand over Henry before escaping to

the Ibelins struggled to defeat the imperialists in Palestine as well as

Holy

The em-

claimed custody of the young king and the profits from royal proper-

rounded by armed men and the castle of St

remains testify to

time by Philip's brother, John.

peror was furious that they had ignored his rights as overlord by crowning reference to him.

its

Church on Cyprus.

Henry's mother, but the Emperor Frederick

mined

had overrun the kingdom of

after Saladin

very prosperous during the thirteenth century and

kingdom came under

the direct protection of the


130

THE LATIN EAST, 1098 — 1291

>•

1 *ltai"^k

^*"

<(*

in 1219

the fifth crusade captured

the Egyptian port of Damietta and

Jerusalem, John of Brienne. His control over the city was shortlived because in late 1221,

but in the interim John had marked his authority by issuing coins.

head with the words

IOHANNES REX. On the reverse,

a cross

it

it

was given over to the king of

was recaptured by the Muslims

On one side can be seen a crowned DAMIETTA.

and the word

-sLt< :

,«fc'-

henry

11

though

in title only after the fall

had

a turbulent reign as king

shows the king on

King;

Hugh

his throne

III

of Cyprus between

of Acre

and on the

in 1291.

assumed

silver

1285

and

1324.

He

was also the king of Jerusalem,

Mamluk

of Cyprus.

a vital role as

and Hugh's

as well in 1269. Christian

efforts to focus the Franks' remaining

Sultan Baybars were unavailing, as we shall

Cyprus was flooded with

refugees.

The

island

moved

the mainland.

see.

into a

the remaining outpost of Latin Christianity

Mediterranean and the obvious point from which to try to re-establish

on

al-

gros dates from his rule on Cyprus and on one side

of Cyprus (1267—84) became ruler of Jerusalem

strength against the in 1291

This

reverse the lion

Palestine was riven by faction-fighting

Acre

*

After the

new

in the

era in

fall

which

of it

north-eastern

a Christian

presence


castel tornese (Clermont),

a castle in the Frankish

Villehardouin between 1220 and 1223. a small

down

open

yard.

the hill to

To

Morea. Most of the structure was

A hexagonal inner fortress (centre of picture) enclosed

built

by Geoffrey

living quarters

I

and

the right of this can be seen the start of the wall of a far larger courtyard which stretched

encompass

stables

and storehouses.

Frankish Greece

On

12

April 1204 the city of Constantinople

fell

to the Fourth Crusade.

There followed three

days of looting. In advance of the assault the crusaders had decided to elect a Latin emperor

who would

control one-quarter of the territory conquered from the Greeks and in

Count Baldwin of Flanders was crowned. The remaining vided between the Venetians and the other crusaders. pire

May

1204

three-quarters of the land was di-

The

occupation of the Byzantine em-

by colonists was a direct consequence of the crusading movement, but there was nothing

religious torial

about

it.

It

was a conquest driven primarily by the prospect of financial and

gam. In the case of Venetian Greece, the

settlers' close ties

and economic direction provided by the mother-city ciated with a safety

more

of a relationship usually asso-

conventional definition of colonialism. In fact, the prosperity and relative

of Frankish Greece drained

ligious colonies'

are facets

terri-

with Venice and the political

of the Levant.

settlers

from the Latin East and thereby weakened the

're-


y

i

****

'

&*ÂŤ

^i^g^J''-:^

for reasons of security the Frankish sisted

of a ground-floor

Phylla on the island of

cellar

settlers in rural

Greece tended to occupy fortified towers.

with the entrance and living quarters on the

first

floor

Most con-

and above. This pair

is

at

Euboea (Negroponte).

The impact of the

Latin conquest varied widely, largely because the westerners themselves

were from different backgrounds which were reflected in the methods of government they im-

posed upon the indigenous population. The Greeks were accustomed to all

free

men

which

a society in

were subject to the same law, regardless of social or economic standing.

The

Latins introduced a highly stratified society with different laws for nobles, burgesses, and peasants.

The

dox

were treated

faith

land was divided up into

fiefs

and Greeks who remained

loyal to the

Ortho-

Soon, however, the basic distinction between conquerors

as villeins.

and subjects became blurred. The Franks needed to exploit the resources of their new tories

and the simplest way to do

They

utilized the archontes,

plexities

this

was to adapt the existing Byzantine

former imperial landowners and

of the tax system. The

archontes

were, in effect, the

officials,

fiefs

from the

of Greek knights being dubbed, which demonstrates the Frankish hierarchy. This

bound

com-

From

settlers.

latter half

1262 there

of the is

thir-

evidence

that the archontes were beginning to enter

the locals' interests to those of the settlers and helped to

compensate for the Franks' numerical weakness

in the face

Bulgarian state to the north and the Greek exiles in Asia chontes

to penetrate the

Greek nobility and although they

remained religiously and culturally separate from the Franks, by the teenth century they had begun to receive

terri-

fiscal structure.

of attacks from the

Minor and

Epirus.

As

hostile

far as the ar-

were concerned, movement into the Frankish feudal system was a way to improve their

position and

may

help to explain

why

the Greeks in occupied areas rarely rebelled against

their western overlords.

Venetian holdings included Crete, the European coast of the Sea of it

Modon

and Coron

in the

southern Peloponnese, and

Marmara. Crete was the most important of these because

was located at a key point on the trade routes between Egypt, Syria, and Constantinople.

The

Venetians impinged

less

on the Greeks than the other westerners did because they main-

tained a centralized bureaucracy, and imperial prerogatives, such as fiscal dues, were kept


THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 129I under

a single authority

Greece.

subjects.

in the

occurred elsewhere in Frankish

East the Franks did not try to impose the Catholic

for the

few westerners

security

who

lived in rural districts

was hard to find

it

might use

local

Greek

churchmen tended

ones. Catholic

a priest trained in the

priests to

their

new

In consequence, isolated sett-

rite.

Demand grew

this led to a de-

from

their subjects

at least in theory.

of the Peloponnese peninsula and Crete encouraged economic expansion.

fertility

for the export

as luxury items

and

often in fortified towers for reasons of

Latin

perform the sacraments for them and

and on Venetian Crete intermarriage was banned,

ever.

on

to live in urban areas

gree of hellenization. Culturally, however, the Franks remained separate

The

rite

The size of the Orthodox population would have made such a policy impractical The Franks did, however, elect a Latin as patriarch of Constantinople and replaced

Orthodox bishops with Catholic

lers

as

A podestd was elected to govern but his powers were limited by directions from Venice.

As elsewhere anyway.

and not distributed to individuals

I33

such as

Emperor Henry

silk, I

of bulk products such

as wheat, olive oil, wool,

and wine,

and the Franks grew wealthy. They were by no means

(1206—16) had

managed

to consolidate their hold

as well

safe,

how-

on Thrace but

within a decade the Greeks, ruled by an emperor in exile in Nicaea, had recovered almost

of the lands they had

lost in Asia

all

Minor. The threat of a Mongol invasion temporarily pre-

vented the Nicaeans from finishing their work, but in July 1261 the Byzantine Emperor

Michael VIII reclaimed Constantinople for the Greeks. Other Frankish settlements enjoyed better fortune.

Achaea was the most glamorous, and under the Villehardouin princes

became regarded

as

one of the

finest manifestations

of chivalry

in

Christendom.

its

The

court

princely

court at Andravidha was perceived as a finishing school for the flower of French knighthood, a

view which reflected close cultural

ties

between the

writer remarked that the French spoken in

Geoffrey

II

settlers

Achaea was

as

good

(1229—46) demonstrated the style of the Achaeans

ponnese accompanied by eighty knights with golden spurs. bles to entertain themselves with

of their palaces. Very

little

and

as

their

homeland.

as that in Paris.

A

later

Prince

he rode through the Pelo-

A period of peace allowed the no-

tournaments and hunting;

fine frescoes

adorned the walls

of this culture survives today.

In 1259, however, Geoffrey's flamboyant successor Prince

William

(1246—78) was cap-

II

tured by the Nicaeans in the battle of Pelagonia and before he was freed he was forced to

swear an oath of fealty to his enemies. Achaea was to survive but

it

could no longer act inde-

pendently.

Latin Palestine and Syria, ll8y—izgi In July

1191, after

a notable success

the seizure

of Cyprus, Richard

by helping the Frankish

I

of England and Philip

settlers regain the

the holy city

had not been achieved.

of France achieved

port of Acre. By the end of the

Third Crusade the Christians had secured the coast from Tyre to adin permitted pilgrims to travel freely to Jerusalem, even

II

if the

Jaffa

and

a truce

with Sal-

primary aim of recapturing

Saladin's death in 1193 afforded the Christians an

oppor-


1^4

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I29I

â&#x20AC;˘

tunity to consolidate their recovery.

economic growth

terized by

in the

The

early decades

Frankish

of the thirteenth century were charac-

states, a series

of succession

and

crises,

num-

a

ber of crusades to Egypt, the conquest of which was believed to be the best route to the

reoccupation of Jerusalem.

The kingdom of Jerusalem's economic in the eastern as the

more than

prime outlet for their goods. The English chronicler, Matthew

income of the king of England

the

may be doubted,

the

Levant.

officials to the

the king secured

pounds of silver at that time.

kingdom of Jerusalem was

communities increased

cantile

their involvement. Pisa,

The merchants

more revenue from

profited

taxes,

Even

a year if the

wrote that

Paris,

around 1240:

this

The

Italian

meantime, the

mer-

Genoa, and Venice sent permanent

from the increased volume

in

commerce and

but eventually the trading communities became so life:

in 1256

commer-

between the Genoese and the Venetians led to the war of St Sabas in Acre,

structive conflict

was

accuracy of the figures

certainly wealthy.

powerful that they began to exert a destabilizing influence on political cial rivalry

centre

Mediterranean, but around the 1180s the Asiatic trade routes began to focus on

the royal revenues of Acre were worth 50,000

for Acre

was dependent on Christian control of

most of the twelfth century Alexandria had been the dominant commercial

Acre. For

Acre

survival

a de-

which also involved the Frankish nobility and the military orders. In the

relative security

of the coast meant

a considerable rise in the population

Tyre and Acre. Jewish communities flourished in urban

nomic opportunities

there,

and swollen by migrants determined to

Acre, in particular, contained a noted

Having taken the

community of Jewish

cross for the Fifth

Crusade

in 1215, the

of

by the eco-

areas, partly attracted

Holy Land.

settle in the

intellectuals.

Emperor Frederick

II

was supp-

osed to have joined the expedition but political problems in the West prevented him from departing. In 1225, however, he

married Isabella prestige

II,

and Frederick intended to

his involvement in the

when he him.

became

fell

ill,

of Jerusalem when he

The crown of Jerusalem carried considerable enhance his position as Holy Roman Emperor through

Holy Land. By 1227 he had assembled

own

delaying his

The emperor

closely involved in the affairs

the heiress to the throne.

finally set

a sizeable

departure even further, Pope Gregory

crusading army but

IX excommunicated

out for the East in June 1228. His actions on Cyprus have been

outlined above and he encountered further difficulties on the mainland. Isabella had died

during childbirth and he claimed and received the regency for his infant son, Conrad,

was

in the

West.

He

was determined to restore the power of the crown, which had suffered

since the reign of Baldwin IV, but the leading nobles,

lenged, were determined to resist him.

was their

skill in legal affairs.

An

who

One of their most

interesting

did not want their dominance chal-

important weapons

in this struggle

development had been the emergence of a school

of jurists, closely associated with, and including members

of,

the baronial families.

gins of this lay in a peculiarity of feudal service in the Latin East, the obligation

to give

conseil,

prestige

had

assistance in the presentation

of vassals who were

fallen the laws

who

skilled in this

of a case

in court, if called

way was enhanced by the

upon

fact that

of the kingdom, which had been written down and kept

to

The

of a

do

ori-

vassal

so.

The

when Jerusalem in a chest in the


THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I29I

*35

THE ARRIVAL AT ACRE of John of Bnenne in September 1210. John travelled to the Levant in order to

marry Maria, the

heiress to the

throne of Jerusalem. John was older

than most westerners invited to

marry important

heiresses in the

East but he began a remarkable career as a regent

and ruler

eastern Mediterranean his days as

in the

and ended

emperor of Constantino-

ple (1228â&#x20AC;&#x201D;37).

An

illustration

from

a

thirteenth-century continuation of the chronicle of William of Tyre.

church of the Holy Sepulchre, had been in

consequence

memory and custom

lost.

There could be no recourse to written law and

dictated judgements in the early decades of the thir-

teenth century, in direct contrast to developments in Europe where there was a growing reliance

on written records rather than memory. There emerged

lawyers, skilled in the art

of public pleading and,

initially at least,

a

group of high-profile

dependent on

their

mem-

ory of past procedures. As the study of law blossomed, a number of important legal works were written, above have seen

(p.

the jurists'

The

the Livre dejean

d'Ibelin (f.1265),

written by that count of Jaffa

84) arriving with such panoply in Egypt.

own

role in deciding ties.

all

sense of importance although

who

ruled the

it is

fronted them.

They

undeniable that they played a prominent

kingdom of Jerusalem

nobles exploited the legal training of rejected his cortfiscation

We

whom we

must be wary of being dazzled by

at a

time of absenteeism and minori-

some of their number when Frederick con-

of Ibelin

fiefs

around Acre and opposed

his

attempts to advance the position of the Teutonic Knights ahead of the hereditary claimant to the lordship of Toron.

The

assise

sur

la ligece,

which had been instituted

in the twelfth cen-

tury by King Amalric to strengthen the crown, was now, under very different circumstances,

turned to the nobles' advantage. Since the law had stated that against a vassal without the formal decision

to the king as

much

as to

any other lord;

a lord

could not take action

of his court, the nobles insisted that

if justice

this applied

was not forthcoming they maintained that

they were entitled to use force to reoccupy any confiscated

fiefs

and could withdraw

their ser-


I36

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 129I

vices, in

theory leaving the king powerless.

The

Ibelin fiefs were regained by force

of the Teutonic Knights the prospect of losing military

case

back down.

The outcome of this

weakness

an indication of the strength of the nobility.

as

episode, however, was as

service

much

a reflection

Frederick enjoyed far better fortune in his dealings with the Muslims.

Egypt by the Fifth Crusade had perturbed the Egyptians and, Frederick's expedition

and

politically

and

in the

compelled Frederick to

of the emperors

The

invasion of

fearing the consequences of

weakened within the Ayyubid confederacy, the sultan

al-Kamil agreed to surrender control of Jerusalem in February 1229, although the Muslims held on to the Temple area and would not allow the city to be fortified.

agreed and Frederick promised to protect the sultan's interests against

Muslim. Frederick staged an imperial crown-wearing ceremony

tian or

A

ten-year truce was

all his

enemies, Chris-

in the

Holy Sepulchre,

even though his status as an excommunicate resulted in the city being placed under an inter-

by the patriarch of Jerusalem.

dict

populace

as

Frederick's departure did not

when

in 1231 his lieutenant,

basing less,

He left the

East in June 1229, pelted with offal by the local

he made his way to the port of Acre.

mean

the end of imperial involvement in the Latin East:

Richard Filangien, tried to take control of Beirut, the

opposition on a sworn confraternity

its

at Acre,

managed

Richard retained control of Tyre and the kingdom was

their opponents, led

to frustrate him.

his enemies.

and representatives of the two

Italian

None

the

between the imperialists and

by the Ibelms. Richard appropriated Venetian revenues

encouraged the merchants to side with imperialists

split

nobility,

The Genoese

in Tyre,

which

were already hostile to the

communities offered to betray Tyre to the

Ibelm faction. In the summer of 1242 these forces combined to expel the imperialists from the

city.

a client

tional

This required

argument to

rad had

a legal justification

and the

jurist,

Philip of Novara (d. 1265),

of the Ibelins and our principal source of information for

come

end. Since

ending of Frederick's regency.

justify the

of age

—which would

Conrad had not come

The

Queen

who was

produced

a fic-

maintained that once Con-

his father's regency

to the East to claim the throne, there was

gent and his nearest relative in Palestine, ick's place.

He

not occur until April 1243

this period,

still

would

need for a

re-

Alice of Cyprus, was appointed in Freder-

emperor's supporters soon lost what

little

remained of their influence in the

East.

The kingdom of Jerusalem was not heavals. In 1201 claimants

tioch

and many years of

the only settlement to be affected by political up-

from Armenia and Tripoli began conflict followed before

to dispute the succession

Bohemond IV

of An-

(1219—33) triumphed.

He

ruled over both Antioch and Tripoli, although the legal and administrative systems of the two settlements remained distinct.

och was heavily influenced by

yii.an

The

its

kale (Castle of the Snakes).

A

large

Greek community. The

politics

of northern Syria were

huge thirteenth-century fortress standing high above the Pyramus

and overlooking the plain of Adana. The this region,

prince chose to reside in Tripoli and in his absence Anti-

castle

was a key stronghold for the Armenian rulers

and the remaining structure probably dates from the

first

who

hall of the thirteenth century.

river

controlled


35*

^^H

t .*'


caesarea from the south-east. The town was captured by the crusaders in 1101 but the surviving walls date from the work ordered by King Louis IX of France during his stay there between March 1251 and May 1252. The remains of the port are clearly visible and on the southern breakwater stands the twelfth-century citadel which was originally separated from the mainland by a water-filled moat.

largely

complicated further by the influence of the military orders which were based castles

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Margat, Baghras, Tortosa, Crac des Chevaliers, and Chastel Blanc

semt-independent forces

The

era

in the region, as

of relative prosperity ended

we

powerful

constituted

shall see.

in the 1240s.

tan of Egypt and discovered that they had stirred allied

in

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;and

The up

settlers

broke a truce with the sul-

a hornets' nest

when

the

Muslims

with the Khorezmians, a displaced people forced into nomadism by the Mongols.

Jerusalem was lost in August 1244 and two months later the Christian forces were crushed at the battle of the

first

La Forbie

in

which over 1000 knights were

crusade of King Louis

IX of France.

Louis's invasion

by

Mamluk

Jaffa,

of Egypt

New

calls for

After the disaster which befell

French king remained in Palestine and organized, defences of Acre, Sidon,

killed.

help resulted in it

in

Egypt, the

at great expense, the refortification

of the

and Caesarea.

led, as

we

shall see, to the

replacement of the Ayyubid dynasty

government. Around the same time the Mongol armies appeared on the scene.


THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 1291 In 1258 they sacked Tripoli (1252—75) gols

Baghdad and two

became

their

ally,

Mongols

at the battle

of Ayn

passed to the formidable Sultan Baybars,

The

settlers' lack

manpower

of

Jalut in 1260.

The

who soon imposed

39

Bohemond VI of Antioch-

years later attacked Aleppo.

but the leaders of Jerusalem, pincered between the

and the Mamluks, allowed the Egyptians to pass through

victory over the

J

Mon-

their territory before their

leadership of the

Mamluks

his authority in Syria.

A strategy based

dictated their military response.

on hold-

ing isolated strongpoints, often under the control of the military orders, was a key element in the defence

of Frankish

territory.

army and provide adequate garrisons

The

Christians had insufficient troops to

form

a field

for their fortified sites as well, although Louis IX's inn-

ovation of establishing a permanent French regiment in the East was a positive development.

Financed largely by the French monarchy, the force consisted of about 100 knights, along with

crossbowmen, and mounted and foot sergeants. Unlike the military orders the defence of individual sites and therefore could be deployed in a

became customary

for the captain to hold the position

more

it

was not tied to

flexible fashion. It

of seneschal of the kingdom of

Jerusalem (the royal deputy in the High Court and the administrator of royal castles) which

demonstrates the regiment's standing in the East. Overall, however, the French regiment was a case

of too

little

too

late.

The

Franks' offensive action was usually restricted to raiding, be-

cause with their limited resources they could hardly envisage permanent territorial gains, and

pitched battles were generally avoided. Unless crusaders were in the East the Franks' inferior

numbers meant

that the unpredictability

of battle held

far greater risks for

them than

their

AN EARLY FOURTEENTH-CENTURY manuscript illustration from the continuation of the chronicle of

William of Tyre showing the Muslim attack

on Acre

in

April— May

1291.

Engineers mined the towers while archers rained incendiaries

down

explosives

and

on the defenders. After

a terrible struggle the city finally fell

to the Sultan al- Ashraf Khalil 18

May.

on


140

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

â&#x20AC;˘

opponents.

The

careful strategy

to a passive

1

29

Franks' military problems were exploited by the brilliant generalship and

of Baybars, who methodically cut back the area under

form of defence, the

settlers

could only watch

their increasingly sophisticated castles such as sist

enemy

the huge

invasion forces.

tian-controlled territory too.

The Mongol

From time

would shrink even

invasions of Iraq

Confined

were devastated. Even

Margat and Crac des Chevaliers could not to time a city or fortress

further.

The

would

fall

re-

and Chris-

Frankish economy began to decline

and north Syria had disrupted the trade routes and the

Black Sea replaced the Levant as the terminus for society suffered financial strain.

their control.

as their lands

Hugh

III

much

oriental

of Cyprus found the

governable in the face of a claim from Charles of Anjou,

commerce. All sections of

kingdom of Jerusalem un-

who had bought

the crown

from

a

pretender to the throne, and he decided to concentrate his attention on Cyprus. In 1286 his successor,

King Henry

dour, but the

and on

town

On

5

May

The

had

closing the net

on the remaining

A

vast

many of the

the final resistance was crushed and within three

ever

The

months

Latins in the eastern Mediterranean

been occupied by Muslims:

ironically, a

pressed itself through religious colonization was

which had always been

settlements. In 1287 Tripoli

army battered

king and his nobles escaped to Cyprus but

the mainland had ended. that

regained Acre and was crowned amid great pageantry and splen-

April 1291 the final assault on Acre began.

walls.

28

II,

Mamluks were

in Christian hands.

now

its

fell

way through the

defenders perished.

the Christian hold

on

no longer ruled any land

movement which had

originally ex-

exploiting the resources of territories


7

3M

Mn

in the

<gast

logsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; i2gi JAROSLAV FOLDA

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 7TK

hen

ceeded wonderfully in

Urban

fulfilling

famous speech

II in his

many

at

of the

monuments.

their brethren in the

Holy Land and

artistic traditions

from Europe were

He

had

main goals

how

on arms

called

July 1099, they suc-

articulated

by Pope

the infidels

from the heathen.

Crusade brought with them

in the First

from Lorraine, the Meuse

had dese-

bearers to go to the aid of

to liberate the Christian holy sites

which the participants

varied, deriving

15

Clermont. Urban had vividly described the

oppression of Christian churches in the East, and crated or destroyed Christian

The

on

the armies of the First Crusade took Jerusalem

Valley,

France, southern France and South Italy in the late eleventh century.

Normandy,

The

the

He de

crusaders also car-

ried certain portable art objects with them: essentials for a long expedition such as prayer-

books and

liturgical vessels (chalices, portable altars, reliquaries, etc.); there

standards, arms and armour, and, of course, coins,

Lucca among other rived in the

places.

Holy Land,

The

remarkable fact

is

common

that,

when

currency from Valence and these

European crusaders

The

changes varied according to

medium and

and were apparently caused by the new context and environment and the and

on

artistic milieu: a

media such

as

to serve.

There was

also a rich

is,

and

project,

special functions

different multicultural socio-religious

bringing together of artists and patrons from diverse backgrounds;

icon painting to deal with;

Christian, that

ar-

the art they sponsored there changed rapidly and dramatically from

that associated with their homelands.

the art was called

were also painted

Byzantine, Syrian, and

Muslim monuments from which

new

new materials such as the local stone; and the local Armenian artistic traditions and artists as well as

to learn.

The new

art

of the Franks

is

sometimes called

'Crusader Art'. It

took several years for the

tifications

settlers to consolidate their

remarkable conquests of 1099. For-

and church buildings were needed everywhere, but very

from the three northern settlements of Edessa, Antioch, and is

coinage: strongly Byzantine-influenced coin design at

little figural art

Tripoli.

survives

Most oi what we

have

Antioch and Edessa, but designs

firmly rooted in French (specifically Toulousain) numismatic tradition at Tripoli.

It is in

the


142

ART

Latin

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 1291

IN

kingdom of Jerusalem,

from Beirut to 'Aqaba, that Frankish

stretching

artistic activity

can be observed most fully throughout the twelfth century.

With

the capture of Bethlehem, Jerusalem, and Nazareth in 1099, the crusaders re-

established Christian control over the

main holy

of Christendom

sites

the birthplace of

Christ, the site

of Calvary and the Holy Sepulchre, and the place of the Incarnation

the agenda for

some of the most important

Two of these

tury.

Bethlehem served

The

tury.

and

1187

sites also

as the

art

sponsored by the Franks

served important political roles.

coronation church of the Latin kings

it

became the coronation church from

would be centred on Bouillon died, his

and

vary,

setting

in the twelfth cen-

church of the Nativity in

of the cen-

in the first quarter

church of the Holy Sepulchre was the burial place of the Latin kings from 1100 to 1131

Given the importance of the Holy Sepulchre,

the

The

this

complex

this

not surprising that

from the very beginning. In

site

tomb was placed

onwards.

it is

at the entrance to the chapel

11 00,

of Adam

provided a precedent for every subsequent king before

momentous

Holy

decision to install Augustinian canons at the

tered residence was built for

them

to the east of the Byzantine

1187.

artistic attention

when Godfrey of at the

In

foot of Cal-

1114,

following

Sepulchre, a large clois-

triporticus,

that

is,

the arcaded

courtyard of the Byzantine church of the Holy Sepulchre rebuilt in the 1040s.

At about the same time attention was concentrated on the aedicule of the Holy Sepulchre,

tomb which stood within the Anastasis rotunda. Daniel of Chernigov, who visited the Holy Land in the years 1106 to

a small free-standing building sheltering the

The Russian 1108,

pilgrim,

mentioned

a life-sized silver statue

the Franks. Daniel's testimony

of Christ that was placed on top of the aedicule by

our only source for what must have been the

is

effort to beautify the Sepulchre. In 1119, however, the aedicule

with marble sculpture and mosaics. culated as a

woodcut

1520s give us

some

in the fifteenth century,

gramme of redecoration accounts. art

and Jan van

all

of the

early

work

at the

artistic activity

Bethlehem

it

was getting underway

was the pilgrims to the holy

in

of the pro-

to us only by later pilgrims'

church of the Holy Sepulchre featured

site

Jerusalem sponsored by king and patriarch,

who

icons for the church of the Nativity. In the south Glykophilousa

was painted directly on the

of 1130 can be read among

monumental painting

its

extant.

and her son. Furthermore, Bethlehem can only

Thus

fifth

Here

a

a cave

is

an icon of the Virgin and Child

column. Along with prayers and

work

as the earliest

labels, the date

dated 'crusader'

Byzantine-trained western artist combines the Greek ensensibilities for the

human

relationship between

Mary

indicated as the background in this work, which here at

refer to the grotto of the Nativity

for the first time, site-specific iconography

artist

apparently commissioned devotional

aisle,

inscriptions, identifying this

throned madonna type with Italian

an

known

cir-

image from the

Scorel's painted

not, unfortunately, record details

the Franks sponsored, which are

notable that

Breydenbach,

rooted in western European traditions.

While in

It is

do

Latin'

was completely redecorated

The famous drawing by Bernhard von

idea of the aedicule, but

first

is

beneath the crossing of the church.

seen in

a

work

conversant with Byzantine, western, and local traditions.

for a pilgrim painted by


ART

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I2CjI

the virgin and child glykophilousa, dated column of the Church of the

known work

of 'crusader'

on

1130,

I43

â&#x20AC;˘

a south aisle

Nativity, Bethlehem. This, the earliest

monumental

painting, was executed by a

painter of Italian background working in a Byzantine style. Three

kneeling figures depicted below the framed image are probably pilgrims

who commissioned be represented

the icon and specified that the seated figures should

in a cave, the

grotto of the Nativity being just a few

metres away.

The

1130 fresco is

an important example of the shift we see

with the second generation of settlers. Fulcher

in crusader art

of Chartres had commented on the transformation of outlook

in a

famous passage written about the time the crusaders

captured Tyre

now become in this

in July 1124: 'For

Orientals.

made

land been

who was of Reims

we who were Occidentals have

He who

was

a

Roman

or a Frank has

into a Galilean or a Palestinian.

or Chartres has

now become

birth; already these are

unknown

to

many of us

of

a citizen

We have already forgotten the places

Tyre or Antioch.

He

of our

or not

men-

tioned any more.'

The

who

patrons

arts after 1131

especially

Queen Melisende,

the church of the builder.

stimulated this transformation in the

the

important had goldsmiths'

Holy Sepulchre

The handsome True Cross

about

1138.

Fulk's

Holy Sepulchre. Fulk was

relics

reliquary

now

in Barletta

of

A

manuscript by early

Byzantine-trained 'crusader' artist

1135.

covers,

mous with

who

a reli-

major expeditions. So

that an important centre for in

Jerusalem just south of the

and

The

a 'crusader'

Psalter

in

Jerusalem

of Melisende.

No

ex-

illustrators (including Basilius, a

signed the Deesis image) combined with a northern

embroiderer for the

psalter, a 'crusader' ivory carver for the

silk

spine of the

book embroidered with

decoration of the book reflects crusader taste that Byzantine was synony-

aristocratic style in artistic terms,

sensibilities.

their

in

persons collaborated on the production

team of four

French scribe for the calendar and text of the Latin

silver thread.

crowned

a great castle

was probably made

most important commission was, however, the least seven

book

all

become

work had grown up

pense was spared on this manuscript. At this luxury

rulers to be

to produce the characteristic double-armed cross reliquaries for pilgrim pa-

trons.

King

first

His armies carried the ensign of the kingdom,

quary of the True Cross, on i\

of Jerusalem, King Fulk, and

were the patriarchs

This manuscript

is

the

and

it

reflects

Melisende's Orthodox religious

most important extant work from the scriptorium of the


144

â&#x20AC;˘

ART

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I29I

the entry into Jerusalem and the Last Supper from the west lintel on the south transept facade of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The images of Christ's life on the historiated lintel appear to refer to the holy sites a pilgrim would visit before coming to the church. The Entry into Jerusalem was remembered each year at the Golden Gate in the east wall of the city, which was opened specially for the Palm Sunday procession, before clergy and pilgrims proceeded to the Coenaculum to commemorate the Last Supper on Holy Thursday.

Holy Sepulchre

in the twelfth century and,

along with the

1130 icon in

Bethlehem,

repre-

it

new phase of crusader art in which East and West are distinctively integrated. Queen Melisende was a figure of extraordinary importance in the Latin kingdom from

sents a

to

1161:

two

she was the daughter of King Baldwin

kings,

Baldwin

III

and Amalnc;

powerful force in politics and the

II,

1131

the wife of King Fulk, and the mother of

as has already

been pointed out

arts, at least until 1152,

Chapter

in

when Baldwin

III

6,

she was a

took control.

Melisende, as the daughter of a Frankish father and an Armenian mother, was the embodi-

ment

of the

new

eastern perspective seen in the arts of this flourishing period.

The

1140s were

an especially remarkable time for her patronage and crusader art in general.

William of Tyre, the famous historian of the Latin

East, writing in the 1180s, tells us that

Melisende commissioned the building of the convent of St Lazarus Lazarus s

Tomb

for her younger sister Yvette.

numerous other major works: one of her

as the

earliest projects

church of the

Bethany

Melisende must have had

may have been

at the site

of

hand

in

a significant

the rebuilding of the

Dome

of the

Templum Domini and Melisende may have

helped

convent of St Anne while Yvette lived there, that

Rock was consecrated

at

is

prior to 1144. In 1141 the

sponsor an entire new programme of mosaic decoration along with a splendid iron-work grille

around the rock

plum Salomonis

inside. In the early 1140s, the royal residence

to the south side of the citadel, an undertaking in

have been heavily involved.

was moved from the Tem-

which she obviously must


ART

The most the

and

patriarchal cathedral,

state

say remarkably

little

about the church

church of the Latin kingdom

1149, fifty years after the crusader

but

it

pilgrimage church,

was dedicated on

15

July

conquest of Jerusalem, and shortly after the leaders of the

Second Crusade had returned home to Europe.

ill-fated

plan to rebuild the Byzantine church had apparently evolved in the early 1130s after

moved from Bethlehem

the coronation ceremonies were ried out in the 1140s. sites

145

outstanding project of the 1140s was, of course, the rebuilding of the church of

Holy Sepulchre. Chroniclers

The

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-1291

IN

The programme was

to Jerusalem; the

impressive; as

we

will see in

main work was Chapter

car-

8 the holy

were reorganized within the context of a unified architectural complex anchored by the

Holy Sepulchre,

aedicule of the

the

hill

of Calvary, and the Prison of Christ. For

this pur-

pose a western pilgrimage-road church plan for the crossing, choir, and ambulatory with rad-

was introduced to integrate the pre-existing rotunda into a single building with

iating chapels

two domes,

a bell tower,

programmes of

The

is

and

magnificent

a

and non-figural

new southern main

capitals were introduced

which only one image of Christ

at least reflected in the design

survives; the Anastasis

of the

seal

Major decorative

entrance.

on the

of the church and the Calvary chapels were given

entire interior

saics of

lost

figural

interior

a vast

mosaic

and

exterior.

programme of mo-

in the eastern apse

now

of Patriarch Amalric of Nesle (1157—80). The

south transept facade was resplendent with mosaic imagery of the Noli Me Tangere and hand-

some carved

scenes illustrated the

Over the

from

the latter deriving

lintels,

life

of Christ

as related to

right door, a vine-scroll lintel

image of the Crucifixion

in the

in this

holy

evoked the

tympanum

programme of the Holy Sepulchre was gamation of East and West

Italian sources.

rich

schemes

at

located in and around Jerusalem.

arbor vitae

under what may have been an

varied, a magnificent statement

unique crusader project. As the culmination of a long unsite

the crusader church of the

probably not fully finished

a project

Holy Sepulchre

role in the rebuilding

set a

high standard for

of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, she

abruptly dropped out of public prominence following Baldwin in 1152.

The

tomb, located gin.

of the amal-

Bethlehem and Nazareth yet to come.

Whatever Melisende's power

door, a series of

left

above. Overall the architectural and decorative

and

dertaking to decorate this most important holy until well into the 1150s

sites

Over the

in the Valley

That she was

Ill's

forceful accession to

only subsequent project with which she can be associated

a

of Jehoshaphat,

remarkable

woman

is

just inside the entrance

of the

is

her

handsome

Tomb of the

Vir-

reflected in the eulogistic verbal portrait accorded

her by William of Tyre.

Baldwin

III

began

the

Tower of David,

his

mother.

He

his reign

that

is

by introducing

a

new

royal coinage identified with an image

the citadel of Jerusalem where he had wrested

followed this with a great military victory in

which had remained

in

1153,

of

power away from

the conquest of Ascalon,

Fatimid hands since 1099. Meanwhile both the military orders of the

Knights Templar and the Knights Hospitallers were beginning to take a major role in the defence of the Latin East. During this period of relative prosperity and stability, churches in

honour of St John the Baptist were erected

at

Ramla, Gaza, and Sabastiya. The cathedral

at


the tomb of the virgin half of the twelfth century.

of Jehoshaphat, Jerusalem, was

in the Valley

Our

Lady's

tomb

was, of course,

rebuilt

other royal women, both residents and pilgrim visitors, were buried here. notable.

A handsome

chamber tomb was prepared

and decorated during the

empty because of her assumption

first

into heaven, but

Queen Melisende was the most and down twenty stairs on the

for her, inside the entrance

right side.

Sabastiya,

which contained the tomb of St John, was the

to receive a

programme of

French churches:

of Sens

this

historiated capitals

church

is

(see pp. 165â&#x20AC;&#x201D;6). In fact

Romanesque Baldwin

style,

III

on

its

first

major Latin church

facade, in a

manner

unusual because of its direct architectural

most Latin churches were

with broad pointed arches,

was not known for

was. Shortly after his accession to

flat

roofs,

power

in 1163,

the Byzantines against the Fatimids in Egypt.

and often

a

dome

this

end

in

East

many

the cathedral

Levantine-

over the crossing.

younger brother, Amalnc,

Amalric sought to forge

With

ties to

built in a distinctively

his artistic patronage, but his

in the

similar to

a

new

alliance with

mind, he introduced

coin type which emphasized the Byzantine Anastasis rotunda in the church of the

new Holy

a

Sepulchre, ordered that his regalia be designed along Byzantine lines, and married a Byzantine princess, Maria, in 1167.

act

of political

statecraft

and

His most important ecclesiastical

artistic

commission was

Emperor Manuel Comnenus and Bishop Ralph of Bethlehem decoration of the church of the Nativity.

also an important

diplomacy. Between 1167 and 1169 Amalric joined in

sponsoring a complete

re-


ART

The unique programme of mosaics and joint project in

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 1291

IN

fresco painting carried out at

A

147

Bethlehem was a

which Orthodox and crusader traditions were brought together

patrons, artists, and goals, with fruitful artistic results.

in

terms of

bilingual inscription in Latin

and

Greek on the south wall of the bema (sanctuary) of the church, now very fragmentary, recorded the commission.

The

Latin praised King Amalric as a 'generous friend, comrade of

honour, and foe of impiety', Emperor Manuel as 'generous donor and pious as 'generous

.

.

.

as the mosaicist

The programme was enormous, on

a scale

who

finished this task in the year 1169.

with the interior of the church of the Holy

Sepulchre. Mosaics of the Virgin and Child, feast scenes of the

all

strongly Byzantine in style

and grotto

respectively.

Down

and iconography

clerestory

of Christ, and the Nativ-

were located in the apse, transepts,

six

Coun-

provincial councils (north wall). Between the

windows, striding angels progressed towards the apse; below the councils there

were bust-length portraits of the ancestors of Christ. large

life

the nave there were images of the Seven Oecumenical

of the Church (south wall) and

cils

and Ralph

worthy of the bishop's throne'. The Greek version referred to the three

donors and identified Ephraim

ity

ruler',

image of the Tree of

Jesse.

On

On

the interior west wall there was a

the columns of the nave below, additional devotional

icons of eastern and western saints were added in fresco to

complement the images previously

painted.

Left,

reverse of one of the

David depicted

m a beaded

Queen Melisende, Right,

to yield rule

reverse of the

brother Baldwin

first

III

regular royal issue of billon deniers, that of King Baldwin

of the kingdom

The Tower of

billon denier

in 1152.

from the reign of Amalric, who changed the design

in the 1160s. Like his

he chose an architectural motif, in this case an image of the interior of the Anastasis ro-

tunda, emphasizing the Byzantine core of the Church of the thirteenth century.

III.

inner circle was the royal residence in Jerusalem, where Baldwin forced his mother,

Holy Sepulchre. This coin type

lasted well into the


148

ART

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 —

IN

This project was a variety

A

transept.

Venetian

Ephraim,

Thus, for

a

endom, we

a

artist

part. Basilius, mosaicist

named Zan,

that

is

of the angels

find a multicultural

raphy by a number of

artists

Psalter,

team of

was Syrian

seems to have overseen the work.

one of the holiest

at

working together under

artists

sites in

joint

Christ-

Frankish—

integration of eastern and western elements of style and iconog-

from

different traditions

much

but occurs here on a

medium of mosaics and

thodox content

from

artists

in the nave,

John, appears to have worked in the south

monk and mosaicist,

Greek Orthodox

The

influenced

development because many

major programme of monumental painting

Byzantine sponsorship.

Melisende

29

a milestone in crusader artistic

of backgrounds took

Orthodox.

1

therefore quite reminiscent of the

is

larger scale.

Here the

the Greek of most council texts

in the council texts,

and strong crusader elements

heavily Byzantine-

combine with Syrian Or-

such

as the

Tree of Jesse,

the use of bilingual inscriptions, Latin for the text in the image of the Seventh Oecumenical

Council, and the very idea of an inscription to identify patrons and artists

markably

rich,

The work

harmoniously integrated, and high quality

at

fresco painting

at

Abu Ghosh,

Chevaliers far to the north

at the

but none in mosaics.

fall

chapel of their castle at Belvoir with

Templars sponsored

nis.

a large

Damascus Gate

artistic projects in the

ture during the last years before the

and

to produce a re-

Bethlehem apparently inspired a variety of other decorative programmes

most important subsequent

1170s

result.

It is, therefore,

Latin

of Jerusalem

handsome

in 1187.

and important workshop

The most important endeavour

surprising to find that the

kingdom were

The

carried out in sculp-

Hospitallers decorated the

figural sculpture in the early 1170s

in the

1180s to decorate their conventual buildings in

in

chapel, at Bethany, even at Crac des

Temple

and the

area in Jerusalem in the

and around the Templum Salomo-

in the 1170s, however,

was the project sponsored by the

archbishop of Nazareth to rebuild and decorate the church of the Annunciation over the holy site

of the House of the Virgin, where the Incarnation had taken

The

place.

church of the Annunciation was the only Latin church to receive a

portal sculpture in the

manner of French twelfth-century examples:

a

full

programme of

tympanum with an

en-

throned image of Christ Incarnate with angels, voussoirs (arch-stones) with signs of the zodiac,

and

statues

on

either side

programme was

sculptural

of the doorway of apostles and prophets. The most

creative

reserved for the interior, however, where the aedicule over the

grotto of the Annunciation was given a series of remarkable polygonal capitals. These capitals

represented narrative incidents from the

church

at

Nazareth, according to tradition,

rectangular capitals appeared

monument. Very

on the

piers

likely these sculptors

in

lives

of the apostles who had founded

honour of the Virgin Mary. Moreover,

this

larger

of the church immediately surrounding the shrine

were 'crusaders', that

is,

Frankish

settlers

born

in the

Latin East, trained in their craft by French masters, working in a dynamic fluid style in the local stone

under the influence of indigenous Christian traditions

as well as

of Muslim arch-

itectural sculpture. It

ture,

was

a

bold choice to decorate the holy

site

of Nazareth primarily

in

monumental

remembering of course that the sculpture was no doubt intended to be painted.

sculpIt

was


\itnrq\ienuai pufatit imct trvpgnT (iimfec- f&Cteiwttf orcfa^er&u fat)

tifmift pot (mn U wmtxx

to Jut Left:

developing chivalry.

of Damietta

in

Egypt

St Louis at the siege

manuscript

in 1249, in a

illumination painted in Christian Acre, Palestinian coast, in f.1280. In spite

piety

no

::â&#x20AC;˘;_

the

cross has been included bv the illustrator;

the scene

de

on

of Louis's known

is

dominated by representations of his

fleur

lys.

Below,

left:

peter the hermit. This

illustration

is

taken from an Occitan account of the crusades, entitled Pasazia '!

et

auxilia terre sanete,

which constitutes

v

the longest section

of a vernacular version of Paul of

Venice's Chronologia magna (early fourteenth century), a

kind of summary history of the world.

Below, right:

by the time of louis ix's expedition,

crusade songs, in particular those of the Parisian poet Rutebeuf, have become more specifically political. Familiar themes

\Cx

ovanete ftfVfon 4tor cr

0m ammtl. p^f paflcr en U tcrrc ceftine*

<ÂŁr enuou un

<m tenant fomit ete & fc0

$ms qui armercnt m lifle

still

recur, however: the poet

still

laments because the most noble and most generous patrons have accompanied the king to Palestine and left

him without

financial support.


yif.

i-

rr


peter

raising the

Tabitha capital

widow

from

at Jaffa,

a

from the Church of

the Annunciation, Nazareth.

The

figural sculpture at

Nazareth, dating probably

from the

1170s,

was the

largest

such commission for any

major holy

site

and

is

some

of the best twelfth-

century work to be found

anywhere.

The archbishop of

Nazareth apparently featured this

medium

his church

to distinguish

and holy place

from those

in

Jerusalem and

Bethlehem.

a choice ily

apparently

made

to give Nazareth a distinctive identity in contrast to the

Byzantine-influenced projects at Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Finally,

dicated a

new

combining

level

it

was

medium with

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;and

in

artistic activity:

eastern stylistic influence and iconographic

elements in the service of a programme specially attuned to a unique holy

most important achievements and monumental

a choice that in-

of maturity and development within the realm of crusader

a distinctively western

more heav-

site.

crusader art were to be found in painting

architecture. In the 1170s

and n8os, however,

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Previously the

both miniature

figural sculpture be-

comes the newly prominent medium.

the ethos of the teutonic knights. The production of highly symbolic fourteenth-century Prussia under the Knights. This one dates from f.1400. Ladv, the patroness of the Teutonic Order, holding an apple in her

When

opened, her body reveals the figure of

Knight

is

depicted

among

God

holding

the worshippers (far right).

left

Schreinmadonnas was a feature

When

closed the image

hand while her

a crucifix.

A

child stands

is

of

of Our

on her knee.

grey-haired and bearded Teutonic


150

â&#x20AC;˘

ART

IN

THE LATIN EAST, 1098-1291

Following the death of King Amalric in

1174, the fortunes

cipitously.

King Baldwin IV

to leprosy.

His successor, Baldwin V, reigned

of

8.

royal

valiantly

attempted to fend

of the Latin East declined pre-

oft Saladin,

for less than

but he succumbed

two years before he

in 1185

died, at the age

Sculptors from the Templar workshop prepared the most elaborately decorated of

tombs

for the

boy king

the Coenaculum, the site of the Last Supper, in the church of St

one of the

important

site is

few which

reflects

crusader projects before the

last

some authentic Gothic

influence

configuration of twelfth-century crusader

Following their catastrophic defeat Jerusalem on 2 October

tlers lost

almost

fatal,

The

Horns of Hattin on 4 July Latin East, and crusader

When Jerusalem

was purified of the

cler wrote: 'Jerusalem

Sion. This

on the otherwise Levantineâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Romanesque

blow by Saladin, not only because of the

the destruction and dispersals.

Mary on Mount

of Jerusalem, and one of the

fall

art.

at the

1187.

all

Others worked on a project to rebuild and decorate

in 1186â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 7.

filth

1187, the

was dealt a

art,

set-

severe,

of land and resources, but also by

loss

was taken, Imad ad Din,

of the

Frankish

a

Muslim

chroni-

hellish Franks.'

In order for the Frankish settlements to continue, political, ecclesiastical, and commercial

and

viability

stability

kingdom and

Latin

of Cyprus

re-established.

I

of England, but the major holy

continued after

art

The Third Crusade

on the holy

The

sites

of Acre and Tyre were now the main

dramatically: the ports

sites

places inland. All

were not regained.

of Acre

but

its cir-

of its production were

altered

1187, especially after the retaking

cumstances and context were fundamentally changed.

a focus

at least partly restored the

major new component was added to the Latin East with the conquest

a

by Richard

in 1191

Crusader

had to be

cities

in 1191,

because there was no longer

of the major patrons had relocated: the patriarch of

Jerusalem, the Hospitallers, and the Templars were headquartered in Acre, and the king

no

longer necessarily resided in the Latin kingdom: he sometimes lived on Cyprus. Patronage ex-

panded, becoming

less exclusively aristocratic

and patriarch were joined by merchants and the coast.

Thus

devotional use,

ecclesiastical,

and more bourgeois: the king

from commercial towns and ports along

while the religious function of some crusader art continued for liturgical and

new

tinctively tied to

a part

and

soldiers

its

non-religious, secular purposes emerged. Crusader art

roots in the Latin East, to the

of the commercial and

Holy Land

artistic 'lingua franca'

specifically,

becomes

less dis-

and becomes more

of the Mediterranean world

in the thir-

teenth century.

Some

slender threads of continuity were apparently maintained from twelfth-century de-

velopments. Manuscript painting was produced by scriptoria in Acre and possibly Antioch in the 1190s.

Acre

A missal now

in the tradition

San Danieli del

in

Naples was probably done by

a south Italian artist

of the scriptorium of the Holy Sepulchre.

Friuli,

shows exquisite and

influenced style and iconography in a series of historiated

Jerusalem or the West.

The

A monumental

distinctive Byzantine,

working

in

now

in

bible,

Armenian, and even Syrian-

initials

unlike anything from

possibility exists that the unique features

of

this artist

can be

explained in the context of Antioch, despite the absence of comparable examples from this period.


ART

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

IN

1

29

1

â&#x20AC;˘

I5I

Wmww fflP;'K

the mid-thirteenth-century St Francis chapel in Kalenderhane Camii, Istanbul, (left) Reconstruction of the programme of painting, (right) Franciscans witnessing miracles. St Francis's visit to Egypt in 1219 to confront the sultan no doubt stimulated the growth of his cult in the Latin East. The paintings in this chapel bear a close resemblance to the style

Because the holy III

sites

of the Arsenal

remained

in

Bible.

Muslim hands

sent another crusade to the East in 1202.

tinople and a third Latin enclave

came

after the

As we have

into being in the

Third Crusade, Pope Innocent

seen,

it

was diverted to Constan-

Near East

empire, consisting of Constantinople and Frankish Greece, generated

but

little

painting or sculpture survives on the churches.

Whether

after 1204.

much

The

Latin

castle building,

there was manuscript illu-

mination and icon painting remains an open question, but one major fresco cycle with images

of St Francis

from

f.1250.

especially in the

compensated

is

extant in a Constantinopolitan chapel of the Kalenderhane Camii, dating

Enormous booty from

form of reliquaries and other goldsmiths' work, sent back to Europe, partly

for the interruption

of the flow of pilgrims' souvenirs from Jerusalem

Despite the ransom paid by Louis however, there

the sack of Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade,

is little

Latin empire before

IX

for the relics

of the Crown of Thorns

after 1187.

in the 1240s,

evidence that a thriving Frankish metalwork industry developed in the

its

demise.


152

ART IN THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 129I

â&#x20AC;˘

two

apostles painted

in

f.uoo on the vault of

Hospitaller castle of Margat. ceiving the in style

Holy

The

Spirit in tongues

scene

is

a north-east

room, possibly the

sacristy, in the

that of Pentecost, with the twelve apostles seated

of fire. The two apostles

chapel of the

on two benches

illustrated here reflect standard Bvzantine

re-

models

and iconography.

In the Latin kingdom, the need for castle building remained a top priority even while truces between Franks

and strengthened

of 1202: the the

and Muslims kept the precarious peace. The Hospitallers enlarged

their great castle at

entire system

of outer walls and towers was added

main chapel was redone with

Temple was executed

Crac des Chevaliers, perhaps shortly

a

new south

for an external chapel

at this

after

an earthquake

time and, in addition,

entrance and a fresco of the Presentation in the

on

its

north

side.

The

paintings at Crac and in

the castle chapel of Margat, done in the 1200s, are important because they demonstrate that the military orders and especially the Hospitallers sponsored figural arts for their soldiers.

Farther south, the Templars built Chastel Pelerin in the winter of 1217â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 18, with

made

available

of Austria. tural tively

A

from

a crusading expedition led

remarkable round church,

components of

this castle,

now

by Andrew

in ruins,

is

II

manpower

of Hungary and Leopold VI

one of the most

distinctive architec-

but the only figural decorations to survive are three sensi-

carved heads in Gothic style on corbels from the great

hall.

Finally, the castle of


ART Montfort was

built in the hills west-north-west of

in the late 1220s, to

THE LATIN EAST, 1098 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

IN

Acre

at the

29

1

153

.

time of Frederick lis crusade

be the headquarters of the Teutonic Knights. Montfort was one of the

crusader castles to be excavated; a variety of objects was found on the

earliest

1

on bosses

small-scale figural sculpture, large-scale foliate sculpture

site,

including

for vaulting systems,

and

fragments of glass for stained-glass windows. After 1204, a variety of expeditions set out to aid the

Of these,

Holy Land.

who, although excommunicated twice

ironically

managed

it

was only Frederick

II

gain the holy

not by conquest, but by diplomacy. In February 1229 he signed a treaty

sites,

in the process,

to re-

with Sultan al-Kamil by which Christians reoccupied the holy places of Jerusalem, Bethle-

hem, Lydda, and Nazareth, but no new building or other significant arently allowed at these sites

Very 1240s

is

little

important

artistic activity

was app-

under the terms of the agreement.

art associated

with the Latin kingdom from the

late 1220s to the early

known. Manuscript illumination apparently continued with the production of the

Riccardiana Psalter and a sacramentary

was also executed, but received no suitable reliquaries

made

in the Latin

England from the Holy Land of Aubigny had

his

now

in the British Library; the Pontifical

kingdom, possibly

in the 1230s

and 1240s

Bromholm and Westminster.

at

Holy Sepulchre

in

in Jerusalem, were received in

tombstone inscribed, decorated, and placed

entrance to the church of the

of Apamea

presumably

figural decoration. Significant relics,

Philip

just outside the

main

in 1236, the last

known

resumed and

August 1244 the Khorezmian

crusader burial at this

holy place.

When

the truce

of 1229 expired,

hostilities

in

Turks overran and sacked Jerusalem. Only Bethlehem and Nazareth among the major holy places remained

open

to Christians thereafter. In the

of the Holy Land

came

to the aid

Latin

kingdom where he

and the

Jaffa,

and building

kingdom

religiously

a

in 1248.

When

wake of

his attack

new

life

European

King Louis IX

failed,

he went to the

resided for four years, rebuilding fortifications at Acre, Caesarea,

new

and

castle at Sidon.

Louis had a strongly reinvigorating impact on

artistically. Religiously,

the king manifested his exemplary devo-

tion by his symbolic visit to the holy site of Nazareth in places to

this disaster,

on Egypt

Christianity. Artistically, Louis

is

restating the centrality

1251,

of these

apparently responsible for breathing

into crusader painting at Acre.

Two major

manuscripts produced

at

Acre during Louis's sojourn redefined what crusader

painting would look like in the second half of the thirteenth century. a selection

gramme of

of Old Testament

texts translated into

frontispiece decoration.

Old

The

Arsenal Bible was

French, assembled with a royal pro-

These panel miniatures established strong

Sainte-Chapelle in Paris, highlighted ideals of kingship in the

Holy Land, and

links to the

celebrated the

women of the Old Testament, possibly as parallels to Louis's intrepid wife, Margaret, who accompanied him on crusade and ransomed him from prison in Egypt. In style the Ar-

strong

senal Bible

is

a distinctive

blend of Gothic stained-glass ornamental motifs and Byzantine-

influenced form executed by a crusader artist trained in the Franco-Italian tradition. closely

comparable to aspects of the St Francis frescos done

in

Constantinople.

It is


154

ART

IN

THH LATIN EAST, IO98 — I29I


ART

The same Franco-Italian

THE LATIN EAST, I098 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

IN

in the

second of the Acre manuscripts, the Perugia Missal. This manuscript its

found

style parallels that

now

in the

Arsenal Bible and

closely

is

and iconographical

an entry commemorating the

ecclesie

Acconensis

appearance of icon painting as an important

parent between 1250 and 1291. the twelfth century,

ber survive, almost

it is

all

on

Whereas

com-

f.1250.

new medium of crusader

art

most ap-

is

half of the thirteenth century that the greater

monastery of St Catherine's,

in the

Sinai:

Sinai with very sim-

icons painted for Frankish patrons already existed in

from the second

painting, these icons are the

on

12 July, explicit evidence that this

crusader artist in Acre

a

significant be-

is

Furthermore, the Perugia Missal calendar preserves

features.

Dedicatio

codex was written and decorated by

The

155

â&#x20AC;˘

comparable to icon

on Mount

extant in works preserved in St Catherine's monastery

pare the Crucifixion in the manuscript to an icon of the Crucifixion ilar stylistic

1

formal characteristics under strong Byzantine influence are found

cause

painting

29

1

most problematic

Mount

Sinai.

Among

terms of determining the

in

all

num-

crusader

artist's

back-

ground, place of execution, patron, and function, but they also provide us with some of the

most outstanding crusader work of the period. side

and the Anastasis on the other iconography

ian background, the

inscriptions are large, linear proclivities

Some

is

is

is

A

bilateral icon

with the Crucifixion on one

such an example. Probably done by an

a

artist

of Venet-

combination of Byzantine and Frankish elements, the

handsomely designed Latin

close to the Byzantine

model

texts,

and the expressive

style

with strong

was copying.

it

crusader icons show the hands of several different painters.

A

triptych also

now

at

St Catherine's has an enthroned Virgin and Child flanked by angels as the central interior

image, combined with an unusual set of four scenes of the

and sorrows of the Virgin, on the scenes

is

interior of the

clearly very closely associated

throned Virgin and Child was done by

a

of Christ

life

two wings. The

style

reflecting the joys

of the

life-of-Christ

with the Arsenal Bible miniatures, whereas the encrusader painter in the manner of Italian thirteenth-

century painting under the influence of Byzantine icons.

The est

Virgin and Child image of the triptych forms a point of reference for one of the great-

problems of crusader

art after 1250.

How

does the variety of crusader painting relate to

Byzantine (Constantinopolitan and provincial), Armenian, Italian (Maniera Greca), and

Cypriot (Maniera Cypria) art of this period,

as well as the art

of the

'lingua franca', that

is,

painting thoroughly Byzantine-influenced, but clearly non-Byzantine in origin, for which a specific place of execution, a particular artistic context,

The Virgin and Child of the tic

components and

is

triptych, for example,

is

a

patron cannot be identified?

probably from Acre, whereas the Kahn

initial (b)eatus vir from the Riccardiana Psalter, which executed in Jerusalem before

and

clearly crusader in its

its fall

in 1244. Isaiah

may be

admixture of artis-

Madonna

in the

National

the last extant manuscript to have been

and Habakkuk prophesy the coming of Christ, which

is

real-

main scenes depicting the Annunciation and the Nativity. The iconography and style are strongly Byzantine and may be the work of a Sicilian painter under commission from a German patron, possibly the ized in the

emperor Frederick

II.


156

ART

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — I29I

MID-THIRTEENTH-CENTURY icon of St Marina from St Marina of Syria was a

Tripoli. fifth-

century virgin, whose father entered a monastery in the

Qadisha him.

valley taking her with

The

icon

is

remarkable for

raised gesso decoration

its

the painted designs

on

its

and frame,

both of which imitate more costly metal coverings.

Comparison with extant at

Mar

frescoes

Marina, south of Tripoli,

suggests that

it

was made

in the

region where St Marina's cult originated.

Gallery of Art in Washington,

DC,

has been proposed to be Constantinopolitan and

sentially purely Byzantine, while the

Pushkin Madonna

Maniera Greca and said to be from

Pisa. Against these

1260s, the

in

Moscow

is

identified as art

is

es-

of the

important examples of the 1250s and

famous Mellon Madonna

in the National Gallery in Washington, DC, appears to Where was it done, for whom, and for what purpose? problem, much progress has been made in the study of crusader

be a work of the 'lingua franca'.

Despite this

difficult

icons, revealing a previously

on

stylistic

diversity

grounds and to Sinai based on

also have crusader icons for

George,

unimagined

now

in the British

of origins. Besides icons attributed to Acre

site-specific

iconography

in the period 1250—91,

we

which attributions have been proposed to Lydda (an icon of St

Museum), Resafa (an icon of St

the Qadisha Valley region near Tripoli (St Marina,

now

Sergius,

in the

now on

Sinai),

and to

Mcnil Collection, Houston).

icons, such as various Virgin and Child Hodegetria icons now may shed important light on contemporary developments on Cyprus. After Louis IX returned to France in 1254, Frankish power declined steadily

Other problematic

in St

Cather-

ine's,

relentless

Mamluk

conquests. In these dangerous times,

it is

remarkable that

in the face

of

artistic activity


ART

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1291

THE FIRST CRUSADERS Antioch

in a

â&#x20AC;˘

1

57

attack

manuscript of a

French translation of William

of Tyre's Chronicle. The French painter,

working

a purely Parisian

during the

last

in

Acre

in

gothic style

decade of the

Latin kingdom, has been

dubbed the 'Hospitaller Master' because

among

his

patrons was a prominent

member of the Order of St John.

continued

at Acre,

freres inland

and indeed

a

new

secular art developed.

and growing more and more

Cut off from

their Christian con-

isolated, the settlers increasingly relied

on

artists

who came from the West. The last major crusader artist so far identified was a manuscript illuminator who came from Paris after 1276 and worked in Acre during the last decade of its existence.

Heading

a large

and productive workshop, the Hospitaller Master produced

His output included toire Universelle,

nacular,

Old

illustrated codices

the Livre

de Cesar,

of the

and even the

History of Outremer Livre des Assises

wide

by William of Tyre, the His-

by John of Ibelin,

all in

the ver-

French. His style was purely French Gothic of the 1270s, to which the eastern

ambience contributed new aspects of colour and iconography. His

mained unfinished and died during the

Of those

a

mostly secular, for members of the Order of St John and others.

variety of illustrated books,

his

final siege

Frankish

last

manuscript cycle

re-

hand has not been found elsewhere; we may wonder whether he of Acre

settlers

who

in

May

1291.

survived the siege of Acre,

some

relocated

on Cyprus where

the Hospitallers and Templars briefly established their headquarters. Frankish culture in the

eastern Mediterranean lived

on

in

Lusignan Cyprus, Frankish Greece, and

after 1309

on the


158

ART

one of

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 1291

IN

a pair of thirteenth-century

from the Church of the

silver candlesticks

Nativity, Bethlehem.

These

examples of the kind of that

would be found

are

prime

liturgical objects

in all

major churches

under the Latins, although few have survived.

This candlestick was inscribed

in

Latin with the following warning, in niello:

'Cursed be he

who

the place of the

carries

me away from

Holy Nativity

in

Bethlehem'.

island of

Rhodes. But the multicultural, cosmopolitan crusader

settlements

on the Syrian and

Palestinian coast,

and quantity, or richness and

changed circumstances

Crusader

art

diversity.

had characterized the

and especially the Latin kingdom of

Jerusalem, was never equalled by the developments in these quality

art that

The

more

provincial circumstances in

Latin Orient lived on in markedly

after 1291, but crusader art did not.

developed in

all

media during the twelfth century, but flourished

teenth mainly through architecture and painting. After 1187 fluenced with occasional Syrian and

Armenian

it

was

aspects that

still

in the thir-

strongly Byzantine-in-

combined with important

western European components, especially French and Italian traditions, to produce a distinctive multicultural regional

'lingua franca'

tures of crusader art

time to time,

phenomenon. While crusader

of the Mediterranean world,

it

—and

was not

it

did not lose

certain crusader artists

a colonial art.

its

art participated in the artistic identity.

Although certain

fea-

appeared to be strongly colonial from


ART

The development of crusader new

drawn holv

was markedly

less

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 129I

159

coherent between 1187 and 1250 than

its

focus and vitality to the enterprise.

Whereas crusader

sites in

had

Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth, after 1250, indeed after 1187, the pilgrimage

ably prosperous commercial port cities, especially Acre. is

art in the twelfth century

function and inspiration directly from the religious and political importance of the

aspect declined sharply. In the thirteenth century, crusader art

vives

â&#x20AC;˘

but the re-establishment of a centre of crusader painting in Acre between 1250 and 1291

earlier,

gave

art

IN

The

became an

art

fact that so little

of the remarkof this

art sur-

testimony to the policy of destruction and 'cleansing' of the Frankish presence in

Muslim-held

territory. Christian

holy places were tolerated after 1291, but at Nazareth and

elsewhere the stipulation was that 'stone shall not be set

upon stone

to rebuild the church'.

Ultimately the crusades failed to realize the goals which Urban had enunciated at Cler-

mont and

in 1095.

this

Yet collectively the crusaders produced art that was magnificent and complex,

accomplishment,

at least, lives

on

to this day.


8

Architecture

in

Latin <9ast

the

iog$-i57i DENYS PRINGLE

lmost

five

centuries

of

from Romanesque

development,

architectural

to

Renaissance, are represented in the buildings of the Latin settlers on the Levantine

mainland and

Cyprus. In view of the mixed cultural background of the in-

in

comers and the

diversity

the East, what

perhaps most striking

is

both coherent and

of

local cultures

distinctive.

One

is

and building traditions that they encountered

that there

do seem

contributory factor

may

to have

emerged

styles that

in

were

have been the materials available

for building.

Stone was the traditional building material

Limestone and sandstone were readily ascus), eastern Galilee, tar

and

plaster.

in the

available,

and

Middle Ages throughout the Levant.

basalt in the Jabal

and the Horns Gap. Chalk and limestone

Quarries were often located near building

sometimes be transported

several kilometres.

At Belvoir

sites,

also

Druze (south of Dam-

produced lime for mor-

though

finer freestone

might

in Galilee (1168â&#x20AC;&#x201D;87), for example,

while most of the castle was built from local basalt quarried from the surrounding ditch, the

Mount Hermon, some

chapel was built of a fine white limestone brought from Little

15

km.

away.

In Syria and Palestine a harder type of limestone, walls, while a softer type,

known

as maliki (or 'royal'),

doors, windows, and sculptural ornament. In

was semi-marmorized, allowing the fine marble used

it

some

known

as narl,

was normally used for

was the freestone favoured for quoins,

areas,

such as Bethlehem, the limestone

to be used as a substitute for marble. However, virtually

on such monuments

as the royal

quisite architectural sculpture associated with the

tombs

in the

Holy Sepulchre or

all

the ex-

Temple Area was derived from antique

columns and sarcophagi that had been imported during the

Roman

and Byzantine periods.

Antique column-drums, both marble and granite, were also reused by the Franks,

as

by the

Fatimids before them, to add solidity to harbour works and fortifications at Acre, Ascalon, Sidon,

Jaffa,

and Caesarea.

Deforestation was already well advanced by the time of the

Muslim conquest

in the sev-

enth century. In the Middle Ages timber suitable for building was therefore only to be found


THE CHURCH OF THE NATIVITY, BETHLEHEM.

The

existing church dates

from the reign of the emperor Justinian

From

1

1

30

I

(527â&#x20AC;&#x201D;65).

onwards the

columns were painted with representations of eastern

and western

saints,

and

in the

1160s the walls were covered

with mosaics through the joint patronage

of King

Amalnc and the emperor Manuel I Comnenus.

in pockets: for

example

in the cedar forests

Aleppo Pine and Stone Pine outside beams

of

Beirut,

Mount Lebanon

from which the bishop was permitted to take

for his cathedral in 1184. Certain buildings, such as the

lomonis) and

Dome

of the

Rock (Templum Domini)

Bethlehem, had roofs

tivity in

or in the famous forests of

made of timber

in

Aqsa Mosque (Palatium Sa-

Jerusalem and the church of the

had been imported

that

and when the roof at Bethlehem was repaired around

1480, the

wood had

in

Na-

Byzantine times;

to be brought

from

Venice. In general, however, although timber was often used during construction as scaffolding and as centring for vaults and arches, and although

such

as the

Tukla

more

in

mezzanine

some buildings had timber

floors in the castle towers at Qal'at

north Syria, and the projecting balconies

at

Yahmur

(Chastel Rouge) and

Qal'at Jiddin (Judyn) in Galilee, the

more than

usual material for floors, roofs, balconies, and stairs was stone. This, perhaps

anything

else, gives

pressed itself on a

the 'crusader' architecture of the Levant a particular character, which im-

German

pilgrim to Jerusalem in 1172,

who

finished with high-pitched roofs after our fashion, but have

Timber would

features,

also have

been used for the internal

fittings

noted, 'The houses

them

level

of houses,

and of a castles,

.

.

.

are

not

flat shape.'

and churches;

but these have rarely survived. Architectural metalwork has also mostly gone, though some of the wrought-iron grilles that surrounded the rock in the situ

and

in the

mosques.

nearby Islamic

Museum, and

Templum Domini may be seen

other similar pieces

survive,

both

in

reused in Cairo


l62

ARCHITECTURE

THE LATIN EAST, I098-I57I

IN

Although the patrons of building works ary record or even inscription, in

and

Jericho,

on occasion through

Greek and Arabic

who

those

identifies

at the

are

sometimes known to

by document-

us, either

inscriptions, the builders themselves rarely are.

One

Orthodox monastery of Choziba between Jerusalem

restored the monastery in 1179 as Syrian Christians:

Ibrahim and his brothers, the sons of

Musa of Jifna.

Indeed, the corps of skilled masons

throughout the Latin East seems to have included Greeks, Armenians (whose masons' marks appear on the church of the Annunciation in Nazareth), and Syrian Christians,

as well as

Franks.

The Kingdom of Jerusalem,

the

Counties of Tripoli and Tdessa, and

the

Principality of Antioch

Muslim

on the construction of new churches and

restrictions

sources of the indigenous Christian communities tered by the crusaders in

when they

arrived in Syria

meant

the dwindling

numbers and

that the church buildings encoun-

and Palestine were generally small and few

number. During the reign of the caliph al-Hakim (996—1021), most of those

sphere of influence had been destroyed, including the church of the urrection)

Fatimid

in the

Holy Sepulchre

(or Res-

itself.

In 1036, however, the Byzantines were permitted to begin rebuilding the

Other Orthodox churches

rebuilt

The Jacobites

dictines the churches

The opportunity

Holy

Sepulchre.

during this period around Jerusalem included the

monastery of the Cross (f.1020— 38) and the churches of St John Sabastiya.

re-

also rebuilt the church

of St Mary

in

'Abud

at 'Ain

in 1058,

of St Mary Latin and St Mary Magdalene (for nuns)

Kanm

and

and

Italian

Bene-

in Jerusalem.

for rebuilding following the crusader conquest was seized not only

the Latins, but also by indigenous Christians. In the 1160s, the

at

by

Armenian cathedral of St

James was rebuilt and expanded, with a new south-facing narthex. Although the general planning of this church was evidently dictated by the requirements of the Armenian

of the workmanship seen

in the capitals

buildings of the period; furthermore, the struction

work

Magdalene, bly dated

itself

in the

and doorways

is

lines.

The

much

found on Frankish

similar to that

masonry marks on the narthex suggest

was organized along western

liturgy,

large Jacobite

that the con-

church of St

former Jewish quarter (now the Muslim quarter) of the

city,

Mary

also proba-

from the twelfth century.

In the 1160s

and

1170s, a

period of relatively cordial relations between Emperor Manuel

Comnenus and Kings Baldwin

III

I

and Amalnc encouraged the rebuilding of a number of Or-

thodox churches and monasteries, including those of Choziba, St Elias (near Bethlehem), St John the Baptist beside the Jordan, and St Mary of Kalamon near rebuilt in Jerusalem included the small

domed

Jericho.

Orthodox churches

churches of St Michael the Archangel and the

Dair al-'Adas (convent of Lentils), besides St Nicholas and St Thecla. In Bethlehem, the paintings and mosaics in the sixth-century church of the Nativity were renewed with imper-


ARCHITECTURE

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-157I

â&#x20AC;˘

163

^"***+*M.

â&#x20AC;˘3

Lf/h

**.-#.

plan of the twelfth-century church of the Holy Sepulchre and the convent of the Augustinian tomb of Christ; (2) rotunda; (3) crossing and choir; (4) chapel of Calvary;

canons: (1) aedicule enclosing the (5) apse; (6) crypt-chapel

of St Helena; (7)

cloister; (10)

dormitory [above];

(11)

chapter house; (u) kitchen;

(14) refectory; (15) parvis. Right,

the choir of the church of the Holy

enclosing the

of the by

ial

city.

fire in

Tomb

The

Sepulchre, Jerusalem. This was added to the Byzantine rotunda

of Christ and was consecrated on

15

July 1149, exactly fifty years after the crusaders' capture

apse was rebuilt by the Orthodox, with Russian help, after the church was seriously

damaged

1808.

assistance, even

Bethlehem,

though the church was under the authority of a Latin bishop. Indeed,

as in the

Holy Sepulchre and

St George's cathedral in Lydda,

it

in

seems that com-

munities of Orthodox and Latin clergy existed side by side in the twelfth century.

The

church of the Holy Sepulchre represented not only the patriarchal cathedral of

Jerusalem but also the holiest of rection of Christ. Between 1042

all

the holy places, the site of the death, burial, and resur-

and 1048, the rotunda covering the

Tomb

of Christ had been


164

â&#x20AC;˘

ARCHITECTURE

IN

THE CATHEDRAL OF JUBAYL

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-I57I

(Gibelet), as rebuilt following an earthquake in 1170, with an open-air baptistery

attached to the north side.

rebuilt as a first

church by the Byzantines,

who added

a gallery

and an east-facing

apse.

During the

half of the twelfth century, the Latins enlarged the building by demolishing the apse and

constructing a

new

choir and a transept to the east, thereby bringing

all

the traditional sites

associated with the Passion, such as the Prison of Christ, Calvary, Golgotha, and the Place of

Anointing, under one roof.

Constantine

I

(335)

To

the east of this,

on the

site

of the large basilica constructed by

and destroyed by al-Hakim (1009), they erected

conventual buildings for the canons

ground chapel of St Helena,

who

built to

served the church.

commemorate

The

a cloister

surrounded by

cloister covered

an under-

the discovery of the relic of the True

Cross.

Nothing

many of the

is

known

of the architecture of the patriarchal cathedral in Antioch. However,

cathedrals of the Latin archbishops and bishops survive or are

tiquarian or archaeological record.

The

known from

an-

grandest of all were the cathedrals of the archbishops


ARCHITECTURE of Tyre and Nazareth. The the building, following

new

church on the

its

site in

latter

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 1571

IN

measured some 68 by

m.

30

overall. Little

now

165

remains of

destruction by Sultan Baybars in 1263 and the construction of a

1959—69.

It

appears, however, to have been a three-aisled basilica

of

seven bays, terminating in three deeply recessed apses; the eastern bay of the nave was roughly

square in plan, suggesting that piers were cross-shaped,

The north

pilasters.

House

aisle

of the Virgin).

it

may have been

covered by a

dome

and had an engaged column on each

or lantern tower.

face, as

The nave

had the responding

aisle

enclosed an aedicule covering the Cave of the Annunciation (or

The

cathedral of Tyre was of comparable size, but had projecting

transepts.

The

other cathedral churches seem to have been more modestly proportioned. At Caesarea

the remains of the cathedral were excavated in i960— 1. 55

by 22 m., had three

aisles

The

building, measuring overall a

with semi-circular eastern apses. In

common

mere

with other smaller

churches the vaulting was supported on rectangular piers with an engaged column on each face; the tile

nave was apparently groin- vaulted, as probably were the

pavement composed of reused mosaic

The

tesserae

Traces of an opus

aisles.

and fragments of marble were

sec-

also found.

building was probably completed by the middle of the twelfth century, but the east end

seems to have been lasters are different

rebuilt, possibly after

damage sustained

from the old ones, and do not

fit

The new pi-

in 1191 or in 1219—20.

precisely

on

to their bases.

While

the

rebuilding was in progress, a temporary apse was constructed in front of the sanctuary to

allow religious services to continue without interruption.

Cathedrals of comparable size and style were also built in the twelfth century at Beirut, Jubayl (Gibelet), Tortosa (Tartus), Karak in

Moab, Hebron

(St

Abraham), and Lydda (St

George). In Hebron, the plan had to be compressed in order to

fit

within the Herodian

precinct above the Cave of Machpelah, the burial place of the Patriarchs and their respective

The

wives.

present building probably dates from soon after 1120,

cave was accidentally discovered by one Isaac,

of the Augustinian canons and

cathedral at Jubayl (Gibelet) also has a

of having replaced an

would have been

earlier structure.

a three-aisled building

apses, the nave arcades carried east

the entrance to the relics

of Abraham,

and Jacob were recovered.

The result

when

and west

faces, the

ing was severely stored.

As

somewhat As

of six bays, the

on elongated rectangular

nave barrel-vaulted and the

damaged by an earthquake

at Caesarea, in the rebuilding,

irregular

originally east

ground

end terminating

piers with

1115

onwards,

it

in semi-circular

engaged columns on their

aisles groin-vaulted.

in 1170, after

plan, possibly the

planned from

which only

its

However, the buildeastern half was re-

which here concentrated on the south

aisle,

the

engaged piers were replaced by plain rectangular ones. Attached to the north side of the third bay,

and apparently predating the 1170 earthquake, stands an open-air

baptistery, consisting

a dome on pendentives. Some development in style may be seen at Sabastiya, which was probably built in the 1170s. The church was rectangular in plan (54 by 26 m.) with a projecting central apse, the outer face of which was decorated, as at Beirut, with rounded pilasters. The central nave had four

of three chevron-moulded arches supporting


l66

â&#x20AC;˘

ARCHITECTURE

bays, three

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-1571

IN

of which seem to have been covered by sexpartite

rib-vaults, while the

the east seems to have formed an inscribed transept, covered by a piers that

dome

second from

or lantern.

The

nave

supported the vaulting alternated with free-standing pairs of columns, which

would have carried the

clerestory

and the quadripartite rib-vaulting of the

study by Nurith Kenaan-Kedar suggests that this building

is

likely to

aisles.

Recent

have been designed and

constructed by someone familiar with the cathedral of Sens, whose archbishop, William, was a benefactor

of Sabastiya

Jacob's Well,

which

is

in the 1170s.

To

stylistically similar

the same period also belongs the nearby church at

though different

At Tortosa the cathedral was probably begun

in the

in plan.

second quarter of the twelfth century,

but was not completed until sometime in the thirteenth; thus the capitals of the nave show a stylistic

Romanesque

progression, from

at the east

end to

early

Gothic

at the west.

ber of occasions in the twelfth century the Frankish inhabitants of towns such as

and Nazareth had to take refuge on church roofs when under Muslim

attack.

of Tortosa, however, appears to be unique among surviving Latin churches dence for fortification.

A

pair

of rectangular tower-like

sacristies

On a num-

Jaffa,

The

in

Lydda,

cathedral

showing

evi-

which project from the

north-east and south-east corners of the building were evidently intended to provide flanking cover, and the buttresses attached to the north and south walls probably once supported

machicolations serving the same purpose (as on the

late thirteenth-century

church of Saintes-

1-f

thk cathedral of tortosa wall

and the projecting

sacristy

(Tartus),

from the south-west, showing the protective buttresses along the south

which acted

as a defensive

Hanking tower

at the south-east corner.


ARCHITECTURE Manes-de-la-Mer

in the

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1571

IN

Camargue). Camille Enlart also found evidence for

a pair

â&#x20AC;˘

167

of towers

over the western aisle bays. This transformation of the church into a small castle appears to date to the 1260s,

The eral,

when Tortosa was being threatened by

distribution of Latin parish churches reflects that

with the exception of certain particular

Acre where settlement

in the countryside

areas,

such

the

Mamluks.

of the Frankish population. In genas the territories

of Jerusalem and

was widespread, westerners seem to have been con-

centrated in towns, with smaller numbers of them settled in villages, castles, and rural teries. size,

ing.

In Gaza, Ramla, and Nablus the parish churches

though

in

Gaza one may doubt whether

rival

the inhabitants

monas-

the cathedral churches by their

would

ever have filled the build-

Smaller three-aisled parish churches are found at Amiun, al-Bira, al-Qubaiba, Yibna, Bait

Nuba,

Saffuriya, Tiberias,

and Qaimun. Village churches, however, were more often simple

box-like buildings with a barrel-vaulted or groin-vaulted nave

churches occur

at

Fahma,

Sinjil, Baitin,

and

a semi-circular apse; such

Dabburiya, Zir 'in, and 'Amwas, and in the

cities

of

Tiberias and Beirut.

Another important element

in the Latin religious establishment in the East

was repre-

sented by the religious orders. In the twelfth century, Augustinian canons rebuilt the church

of the Ascension on the

Mount of Olives

to an octagonal plan, reflecting that of the

plum Domini (Dome of the Rock), which they

also served. In the Valley

Tem-

of Jehoshaphat a

the coenaculum (or Cenacle) on Mount Sion, Jerusalem. This chapel occupied part of the south gallery of the church of St Mary of Mount Sion. It commemorated the upper room in which Jesus ate the Last Supper with the Apostles and the Holy Spirit descended on them at Pentecost.


l68

ARCHITECTURE

â&#x20AC;˘

IN

THE LATIN EAST, 1098 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1571

GATE HOUSE

L JJ rzHLl

KE.Y J

12th

"

i-13-iti

Later

Century

sxrorK

After C.Enlarr

plan of the Cistercian abbey of belmont (Dair Balamund), near

new church was

Tripoli,

gate

of the

city the

church of St

Anne was

it.

9

of the Virgin, and the

The

Jerusalem after the Holy Sepulchre was St

Sion, built

of the Dormition of the Virgin. All that

is

Last Supper.

The

fied in the late fourteenth

but opinion

is

early

century

divided on whether

or to the brief period

is

it

the chapel

the

came

the old Byzantine church,

one of St Lazarus,

to Latin

ventual buildings.

of the Franciscans;

hands between 1229 and 1244.

on Mount Tabor, marking

1143 Benedictine nuns, under the patronage of King Fulk

dedicated to Sts

built above the

associated with the upper

into the hands

and Queen Melisende, established the abbey of St Lazarus

now

site

originally dated to the years immediately preceding 1187

when Jerusalem returned

of the Transfiguration. In

church in

Gothic rib-vaulting of this structure was probably modi-

when

Otitside Jerusalem, the Benedictines possessed a large church site

largest

on the supposed

a southern gallery chapel that

would have overlooked the sanctuary of the main church and

room of the

in 1157.

Just inside the Jehoshaphat

served by Benedictine nuns.

Mary of Mount now remains of it

2.1

founded

Tomb

built over the Byzantine crypt enclosing the

buildings of a Benedictine abbey were laid out to the west of

t

tomb

itself

in Bethany,

incorporating both

Mary (Magdalene) and Martha, and

and associated with

a

new

cloister

a

new

and con-


ARCHITECTURE

The

Cistercians of

and another

1157,

Morimond

also established at

A daughter house

Ain Karim

ings laid out

around

a small rectangular courtyard or cloister.

plan, however,

tomb

over the

and

1283, the

The West

a

in

of Belmont, called

and the conventual build-

They

A more

have

little in

common

classic Cistercian

church

represented by the cruciform building erected by the Premonstratensians

is

of the prophet Samuel on

Mount Joy,

north-west of Jerusalem. Between c.izzo

Carmelites also built a small church and cloister in the

western edge of

169

The modest layouts of these

in 1169.

three houses have a family resemblance, with single-celled churches

with the normal type of Cistercian plan found in the West.

â&#x20AC;˘

Belmont near Tripoli

established a daughter house at

called Salvation near Jerusalem in 1161.

Woods, was

St John in the

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-I57I

IN

Mount

Wadi

al-Siyah

on the

Carmel.

church architecture of the military orders deserves special mention. Although in the

number of surviving Templar and Hospitaller churches and

chapels have circular or

polygonal plans, apparently imitating the rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre (or in the Templars' case arguably that

of the Templum Domini),

in the Latin East their churches

were more often

conventionally rectangular. Such, for example, are the Hospitallers' castle chapels at Crac des

and

Chevaliers, Margat,

Jerusalem (St built

Mary

Belvoir,

and

around 1140 to commemorate

appropriately enough,

it

tel

Pelerin ('Atlit)

Abu Ghosh

(Castellum Emmaus).

Christ's resurrection

was associated with

grimage route. Similarly, the Templars' were rectangular, the

German hospital in The latter was appearance on the road to Emmaus;

their churches at Bait Jibrin, the

of the Germans), and

a road-station serving a

twelfth-century pil-

Tortosa and Chastel Blanc (Safitha)

castle chapels at

taking the form of a keep or donjon; but the chapel built at Chas-

latter

sometime

after 1218

was twelve-sided and that

at

Safad (1240â&#x20AC;&#x201D;60) was also

possibly polygonal.

In addition to religious buildings, the Latin settlers constructed a range of secular works

throughout the period of their occupation of the Levant. Apart from ceived relatively civil

little

scholarly attention, partly because

many of them

fall

have re-

into the class

of

engineering rather than architecture, and partly because the lack of diagnostic architec-

tural traits, such as sculpture or

whether a given structure

Most of the towns and and the same

work on to a

castles, these

thm

is

is

masonry marks, means

cities

true of their

much

it is

often difficult to be sure

of the Latin East had existed before the crusader conquest,

town

walls.

Consequently there

walls in the twelfth century. After 1187, however,

coastal strip,

that

Frankish or Muslim.

is

scant mention of building

when Frankish

control was reduced

greater effort went into strengthening the defences

as Ascalon, Beirut, Tyre, Sidon, Acre, Caesarea, Jaffa,

and Tortosa, often with

of towns such

direct assistance

from the West. For their water supply, most towns

relied

on

cisterns

and

wells,

though

in the case

of Tyre,

Antioch, Caesarea and Jerusalem, these were supplemented by ancient aqueducts. Covered

markets of the twelfth century survive in Jerusalem, where some of the shop fronts bear the letters

sca anna, showing that they belonged to the abbey of St Anne. In Acre part of the


PART OF THE COVERED MARKET STREET, Or SUq, that was built by

Mehsende by

Queen

1152.

Two

decades later Theodoric, a

German

pilgrim to Jerusalem,

wrote, 'Almost

all its

streets

paved with large stones

are

and many of them

are

enclosed above by a stone vault,

with windows placed

here and there to admit

light.'

iP^

royal

customs house, or

Cbaine, survives in the

Ottoman Khan al-'Umdan. Crusader harbour

works, incorporating those of the Abbasid and Fatimid periods, survive at Sidon, Tyre, Caesarea, Arsuf,

and Acre; and

a thirteenth-century

bath-house has been excavated

in the

town

adjoining the Templar castle of Chastel Pelerin.

Documentary and urban house. ing

on

The

archaeological evidence suggest the existence of two different types of

and with

oriental type, closed to the outside street

to a central courtyard, containing a cistern to catch the rain

by written sources

in Jerusalem,

and by excavated examples

its

main rooms open-

from the

at Caesarea.

roofs,

The

attested

is

latter

were ap-

parently built in the eleventh century, but were extended and kept in use by the Frankish new-

comers

in the twelfth.

The second

type of house

is

similar to those

bordering the Mediterranean, with shops, magazines, or a

ground

level

and

several floors

loggia

of domestic apartments, or

found

in the

West

opening on to the

'solars',

in areas

street at

above. Examples are

recorded in Jerusalem, Acre, Caesarea, and Nablus.

Although

in

most

cases the inhabitants of the cities built

from before the conquest, some new foundations

upon an

infrastructure existing

also occurred. In Acre, the

new suburb of


ARCHITECTURE

THE LATIN EAST, 1098 — 1571

IN

171

Montmusard was formally laid out and walled by 1212, increasing the size of the city by half as much again. The walled faubourg attached to the Templars' Chastel Pelerin was probably built and occupied between the 1220s and 1265, when it was sacked by Baybars. We also find Frankish 'new towns', which although primarily agricultural had burgess courts and special-

tradesmen among their inhabitants, indicating that they were in

ist

ing. At al-Qubaiba (Parva Mahumeria), al-Bira

effect

towns

(Magna Mahumeria), and

in the

mak-

al-Zib (Casal

Imbert), the settlements had regular plans, with houses laid out end-on to a main street and

with burgage plots running back from them. At al-Shaubak (Montreal) in Transjordan and

Mi 'iliya (Castrum walls

of a

Regis) in Galilee, however, the settlements were set within the encircling

royal castle.

In the countryside a range of secular building types record. Functionally they

may be

categorized as follows: castles, held by major lords or mil-

itary orders; small castles or semi-fortified

son

forte',

manor houses

or the English 'moated manorhouse'

estate centres or court buildings (curiae),

men; and the ordinary

village

represented in the archaeological

is

the equivalent of the French 'mai-

held by lesser lords, knights, or sergeants;

occupied by estate

officials,

stewards, or village head-

To relate these many of them are ruinous and

houses of Franks and indigenous inhabitants.

categories to the surviving buildings, however,

not

is

easy, since

undocumented.

Few

village

houses survive, though some have been partially excavated.

built structures in the

the

ground

floors,

and domestic accommodation above.

A handful of hall-houses are known,

Khirbat al-Burj, Kidna, and Bait

at

a free-standing two-storey building,

13.3

'Itab.

The

hall

on the

first floor.

on the south. The

courtyard by means of an external staircase. In

by the knight John Gothman

A number

in order to

hall

1161,

Bait 'Itab was sold to the

of Jerusalem, appears to have been an longing to the Hospitallers,

are

known. Some of them

a central

Holy Sepulchre It

seems

likely

also probably rep-

the village lands of Aqua Bella, west

on

ecclesiastical building, quite possibly

who owned

al-Ram (Rama, Ramatha), north of Jerusalem, may be

obliged to pay their rents.

The

general

at

when

Castles representing the centres of lordships

Indeed some

castles

identified as the

which the inhabitants of the 'new town' were

form of a building

indicator of a particular function, especially

some hall-houses and courtyard

an infirmary be-

the village in the 1160s. Another, which developed

courthouse of the Holy Sepulchre's steward,

fensibility.

around

had formed the centre of his lordship.

resented the centres of lordships. But one, established

at

set

was now approached directly from the

pay his ransom from the Muslims.

of other such courtyard buildings

around a tower

was originally

In a secondary phase,

was incorporated into a courtyard building, consisting of four ranges

courtyard, with an entrance

latter

by 29 m., with a door defended by a slit-machicola-

up to the

tion and a stair within the wall leading

therefore that the hall

solidly

'new town' of al-Qubaiba have an urban character, with workshops on

good examples being those

it

The more

little

is

therefore not always a reliable

survives.

would have had broadly

similar functions to

buildings; the principal difference lay in their degree

seem

to have developed

of de-

from unfortified or semi-fortified


172

ARCHITECTURE

structures. In those

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-1571

of St Elias (al-Taiyiba) and Belmont (Suba), for example, north-east and

west of Jerusalem respectively, an original inner ward, consisting of a courtyard building with

minimal provision for

More

active defence,

was

surrounded by

later

following the contours of the

a sloping talus,

a polygonal outer enceinte with

site.

obviously defensible structures were towers, of which over seventy-five have been

documented

in the

by an enclosure

kingdom of Jerusalem

alone,

some apparently

developed in time into fully fledged

wall; others

Mirabel (Majdal Yaba), and Beaufort (Qafat al-Shaqif Arnun).

seem to have had

a

domestic purpose. This

isolated,

Many

those in the castles of Tbillin, Qafat Jiddin, Qaqun, al-Taiyiba. Indeed, not only

is

Madd

al-Ram and

and and

the general layout of these towers similar to that of a

below 60—70 m.~ internally) may have served

ample

as refuges

and lookout

larger

al-Bira,

a

terrace roof,

flat

but analysis of their internal areas shows that they were often or comparable (i.e.

of the

al-Dair, Burj al-Ahmar,

hall-house, comprising a living area above a vaulted basement and below a

towers

Latrun,

towers, however, also

particularly obvious in the case

is

ones, such as the bishop's tower at Bethlehem, the stewards' towers at

'Umm

some surrounded

castles, as at Tripoli,

size.

Smaller

broader range of functions, for ex-

posts. But even a relatively small tower like that at Jaba',

which

was sold to the abbey of St Mary of Mount Sion by the knight Amalric of Franclieu

(Jloruit

had

1171— 9),

Other

a solar

castles

chamber on

its first floor.

appear to have been conceived from the start with military rather than do-

mestic considerations in mind. Examples include the four-towered castles which William of

Tyre describes being built to encircle Ascalon in the Safi), Ibelin

(Yibna), Bait Jibnn, and possibly Gaza. In

Hospitallers. Its garrison living in

ings set castle

community, with

built

accommodation

Blanchegarde (Tall

36 Bait Jibrin

from

for the lay

1168 onwards, it,

a

group of knights claustral build-

where the four-towered inner ward had

garrison.

and

that these

However, such

a fifth

tower

and

service buildings

castles

were not peculiar

and

Ibelin were granted to secular owners,

Mi 'iliya (Castrum

may be assumed

was granted to the

and other

and an outer ward containing

members of the

(Dair al-Balah) and

al-

A similar type of plan is found in the Hospitallers' later

to the military orders, for Blanchegarde

royal castles. It

1140s:

a dormitory, refectory, kitchens, chapel,

around the central courtyard.

of Belvoir,

11

and

would therefore presumably have consisted of

containing a bent entrance added to

Darum

1130s

Regis), both

of which existed by

would have contained

1160,

were

a hall, chambers, chapel,

and

kitchen for the lord or castellan.

The

(Judyn), which the Teutonic Order

built in Galilee in the early thirteenth century to a typi-

cal

Rhineland

castle plan,

castles of

Montfort (Qafat Qurain) and Jiddin

with a principal tower and adjoining accommodation block en-

closed by a high curtain wall, also demonstrate that in castle planning the military orders were

accustomed to adapting secular

castle types to their

During the twelfth and thirteenth fortification in the Latin East.

centuries, a

They included

own

needs.

number of advances were made

the development of

in the art

more sophisticated

of

gate-

ways, defended by elaborate combinations of gates, portcullises, and murder-holes, often, as at Belvoir, Tyre,

Sahyun, Tortosa, Jerusalem, and Caesarea, with an indirect or bent approach.


the frankish keep, or

donjon,

added to the Byzantine

castle

of Sahyun between

1108

and

1132.

This massive

tower, standing 22 m. high with walls over 4 m. thick, not only represented a significant strengthening

posed

east wall

of the

castle,

but also contained residential accommodation on

its

upper

floor.

of the

ex-


174

â&#x20AC;˘

ARCHITECTURE

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1571

ground plan and section of Chastel girt

Pelerin

one of the

last

Frankish strongholds

in the

by the Templars from 1217/18 onwards on a

sea-

'concentric' defences proved so effective that the castle

was

( Atlit),

promontory between Haifa and Caesarea. The

built

kingdom of Jerusalem

to be

Curtain walls were constructed with rows of arrow-slits

abandoned

August

in

at different levels,

1291.

and with project-

ing machicolations at the wall-head to prevent attackers approaching their base. significant advances, however,

enemy and

his siege towers

The most

concerned the proliferation of outworks, designed to keep the

and stone-hurling

artillery at a safe distance

from the main

walls.

Similar developments were also taking place in western Europe, though they lagged behind the East, where the Franks had already encountered 'concentric' planning siege to places such as Jerusalem (1099), tles,

Acre

(1103),

when they

Tyre (1124), and Ascalon

concentric planning occurs at Belvoir and Belmont before 1187, and at

Some of the more

(1153).

They

structures

1192.

form only

include Hospitaller Crac des Chevaliers and Margat, and

Templar Chastel Pelerin and Tortosa, the

Remains of other

In cas-

Darum by

spectacular concentric-plan castles, however, achieved their final

in the thirteenth century.

first laid

latter of

which were never taken by

from the period of Latin occupation may

still

assault.

be found

in the


ARCHITECTURE

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 1571

IN

175

countryside; they include horizontal water-mills and dams, cisterns, bridges, roads, stables, kitchens,

and

industrial installations

producing sugar,

salt, olive-oil,

wine, iron, glass, and

lime.

Cilician Cilicia

Armenia (1100/2— zj jj)

was settled by increasing numbers of displaced Armenians from the mid-eleventh cen-

tury onwards, under the aegis of the Byzantine emperor. In January 1199, the

Leo united king.

his dynasty with the rival pro-Byzantine

Although the kingdom

lasted until 1375, culturally

remained very mixed.

it

Byzantine province already partly settled by Turks, from 1097 coastal areas were also colonized

Rubenid Baron

Het'umids and had himself crowned

Cilicia's

A

former

southern and eastern

by Franks; and from the 1190s onwards, the Venetians, the

Genoese, and the military orders were also granted concessions. Although King Het'um able to reach an

who

accommodation with

the

Mongols

were to represent the greatest threat, and

who

in the 1240s,

were

it

I

was

was the Mamluks of Egypt

finally to extinguish the

kingdom

in

1375-

The tecture.

turbulent history and cultural diversity of Cilician

The

fortresses.

on

a

structures that have left the

Armenia

is

reflected in

its

most obvious imprint on the landscape

archi-

are the

However, the dating and cultural attribution of these have only recently been put

sound footing, thanks to the work of Robert Edwards.

guish Armenian work

are: irregular

Among

the features that distin-

planning, following contours of the

site,

often with a suc-

cession of baileys, one below the other; the rounding of external angles and use of rounded

or horseshoe-shaped towers; the splaying of the base of the wall; the lack of keeps or

the castle of the seat of the

sis,

donjons;

near Kozan, which replaced Anavarza as the capital of Rubenid Cilicia by f.1190 and was

Armenian

patriarch

stone, over 680 m. in length.

from

1292.

The

irregular plan follows the contours

of an outcrop of lime-


176

ARCHITECTURE

IN

THE LATIN EAST, 1098 — 1571

"

~^'\

the frankish keep, or

donjon,

added to the

:

^fe-:

Anavarza between 1098 and 1108 and predating the

castle of

building of the castle by the Armenian barons T'oros

•"->•-

I

and Leo

re-

II.

battlements with rounded-topped merlons, divided into sections by interposed towers; a lack of ditches; gates having an indirect approach to them, and wing-doors with a draw-bar, pre-

ceded by a slit-machicolation; gatehouses containing either a bent entrance or two gates separated by a vaulted passage with stirrup bases

and

vaults.

Leo

it

a single stone;

and a

and

a preference for

pointed arches

cistern.

now

it

appears that a good

number

date from the preceding

the rival Het'umids and Rubenids were establishing themselves in the region.

the First Crusade,

work of various

periods.

whose participants added

Armenian phase

is

early twelfth century,

At Anavarza,

to

it

for example, the castle predates

by constructing

a donjon

represented by modifications subsequently

dated by an inscription to 1187— 8.

Silifke,

embrasured or casemated loopholes with

has often been assumed that most of the Cilician castles date to the period

castles contain

the final

holes;

castles also contain a chapel

was crowned king,

when

period

Many

I

and rounded heads cut from

Most

Although after

murder

which Leo

I

The

island castle

and Het'um

I

of Korykos was

repaired.

Other

a

on part of the

made

to

it,

site;

which

are

Byzantine work of the

castles,

such as Baghras and

appear to be essentially Frankish works.

In addition to the larger castles, which served both as baronial or royal residences and as

garrison posts, a

number of other

fortified structures arc recorded.

Ihev include watch posts,


ARCHITECTURE

IN

THE LATIN EAST, 1098 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1571

the east wall of the baronial chapel graphed by Gertrude

that

T

oros

built in the castle

I

of Anavarza

in

1111,

nicate with neighbouring inhabited centres by

in Frankish Palestine

and

signal or messenger;

fire

and towers belonging to minor lords or

similar in function to the hall-houses

the longer sides, defended by

basement led up to the main sites called

and

Syria.

Sinap, one near

slit

One

machicolations.

living area,

such, Belen Keslik Kalesi,

A

which was

Lampron and

stair in the

lit

castles,

fief holders that is

a two-storey

of one of

corner of the barrel-vaulted

by slit-windows. At Gosne and

at

two

the other near Candir, the estate houses have

many of them

sited high in the

in Cilicia appears to have

and Misis, which

are

mentioned

as

been based principally

Taurus mountains. Settlement on the coast or

the plain was limited, and except for Sis (destroyed by the

Mamluks

in 1266), Tarsus,

acter, built so

vatilted aisles,

it

Adana,

first

decades of the twelfth century.

is

It

western in char-

has three barrel-

supported on colonnades.

Most of the is

seems during the

in

having churches, urban settlement was unusual. Indeed,

the only urban church to survive, that of St Paul (or the Virgin) in Tarsus,

nificant

commu-

turrets or buttresses clasping the corners.

For reasons of security, Armenian society

on

photo-

estate houses,

building, measuring overall 18 by 8.5 m., with a ground-floor entrance in the centre

rounded

as

Bell in 1905.

consisting of small enclosures sited to survey roads and to allow their garrisons to

found

177

Z9f

>^

are

â&#x20AC;˘

surviving

Armenian churches and chapels

the church which T'oros

I

are in castles.

One of the most

built for his ancestors in the south bailey at

sig-

Anavarza


178

in

ARCHITECTURE

mi. Unfortunately

1905. It

gular,

was built

in

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 1571

IN

this has

smooth

become badly ruined

aisles

it

was recorded by Gertrude

poured rubble concrete

ashlar with a

with three barrel-vaulted

since

The

core.

plan was rectan-

The

terminating in inscribed semi-circular apses.

cades were of three bays, carried on plain rectangular piers with

Bell in

moulded imposts.

ar-

Originally

the interior was decorated with frescos. Both the west and the south door had a lintel and relieving arch,

composed

largely

of antique

The

spolia.

west front also had windows lighting

the aisles and an oculus in the gable; the quoins were enhanced by decorative pilaster strips,

and below the cornice ran an inscription recording the apsed

room was added

At Candir,

the church of the constable

similar to that

but

may have

are separated

of the church of T'oros

taken the form of a

from the

builder. In a secondary period an

to the north side of the church.

aisles

I,

domed

Smbat was dedicated

but

it is

hall rather

than

plan

in 1251. Its general

less well preserved. Its vaulting

a barrel-vaulted hall.

is

has fallen,

The side

apses

and nave to form small barrel-vaulted rooms with the appear-

ance of sacristies. This church also had an apsed side chapel or narthex added on to

its

south

side.

Chapels form a more numerous

class

of

ecclesiastical building.

Mostly they consist of

single-celled barrel-vaulted nave, with semi-circular apse, either inscribed or nally.

Sometimes,

as at

rounded

a

exter-

Maran, Cem, Meydan, and Mancilik, they form part of the defensive

circuit.

Cyprus ugi—ijyi Cyprus, where Frankish dominion lasted for almost four centuries, has the most extensive chitectural

development of any of the areas

of St Sophia

in

settled

by Latins, from the

early

ar-

Gothic cathedral

Nicosia to the Renaissance facade of the Palazzo del Provveditore (1552) in

Famagusta. While Nicosia was the centre of royal and ecclesiastical administration, from 1291

Famagusta on the

east coast

in the Levant; despite the

mid-nineteenth century,

assumed

Acre's role as the principal western commercial centre

robbing of stone from

its

circuit of

town

walls

its

still

buildings to construct Port Said in the encloses the

Latin churches to survive anywhere in the East outside Jerusalem

The commencement of work on

most exceptional group of itself.

the cathedral church of St Sophia in Nicosia

is

credited

Montaigu (1217—49), though there is some evidence to suggest construction had begun earlier. It was not until 1319, however, that the nave and narthex

to Archbishop Eustorge of that

were completed by his successor Giovanni del Conte, and 1326 that the building was consecrated.

The form

is

finally

that of a thirteenth-century French cathedral, with the difference

that the roofs above the vaulting are not

of timber but

are terraced according to the

custom

The building has a nave with ambulatory. The nave piers are

of the Levant; furthermore, the western towers were never completed.

and

aisles

of

five

bays terminating in a rounded choir

cylindrical, while the vaulting of the

ambulatory

is

carried

on four reused antique columns.

Five subsidiary chapels were attached to the church, including a

Lady chapel (1270)

in the


THE CHOIR OF THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH of St Sophia, Nicosia, dating

from the

first

half of the

thirteenth century.

south transept,

a

chapel of St Nicholas in the north transept, and a chapel of St

Aquinas also on the south, the

latter

being decorated by the

late fifteenth

Thomas

century with

painted 'legends of the holy doctor'.

The

cathedral church of St Nicholas in Famagusta was begun around 1300, and an in-

scription west

of the south door records

Bishop Baldwin Lambert in style the

The

first

headed

1311.

a

resumption of work on

To judge from

structure seems to have been completed within the

sight

of its west

front, with its three large

window, and

its

(1220sâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1230s); indeed, the allusion

on the instructions of

the uniformity of its confident French Gothic

main

six-light

it

half of the century.

doorways with gabled canopies,

once prominent bell-towers,

may have been

first

intentional, since

its

reminiscent of Reims

it

was here that the Lusig-

nan kings of Cyprus were crowned king of Jerusalem. As with most Latin buildings East, however, western influences were not restricted to a single source,

the interior has

begun

in 1262.

more

in

common

wheel-

is

and the

in the

detailing of

with the rayonnant architecture of St Urbain in Troyes,


l8o

ARCHITECTURE

Of the (now

eighty churches that Nicosia was said to have had in 1567, only half a dozen or so

They

remain.

the

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 — 1571

IN

the late fourteenth-century flamboyant

Gothic church of St Catherine (now the Haidar Pasha mosque). dards

tan church of St Nicholas

(now known

A

decline in building stan-

of the Orthodox metropoli-

discernible in the early sixteenth-century north facade

is

Our Lady of Tyre

include the early fourteenth-century Benedictine abbey of

Armenian church of the Virgin Mary) and

south of the parvis of St

as the Bedestan), located

Sophia; while the interior represents a blending of Greek and western late Gothic and Renaissance styles, the builders' attempt to imitate the flat

and

main west door of the cathedral appears

lifeless.

While

in the

two main

western styles predominated, even in the churches of the Or-

cities

thodox, Nestorians, and Armenians, a more Byzantine style prevailed in the countryside.

Some country

churches, however,

as at the family

padistes at Kalapanayiotis.

to

them

of Latin immigrants:

for the use

A small chapel built on a royal estate

the distinction of having the is

had chapels added

Lam-

chapel of the Gibelets at Kiti and the monastery church of St John

name of the mason,

Basoges,

Pyrga

at

not only has

in 1421

inscribed over the south door, but

decorated inside with paintings, including one representing the Crucifixion with kneeling

figures

of King Janus and

church

at

Franco-Byzantine style

Few

his wife Charlotte

Morphou, which combines

may be

a

of Bourbon. In other buildings, such

dome

as the

Greek

with Gothic vaulting and foliage ornament, a

discerned.

rural Latin monasteries survive.

carpment overlooking the north coast

founded by King Aimery (1194— 1205),

The most

is

Bellapais, built

on

a rock es-

of Kyrenia. Originally an Augustinian house,

east it

impressive

adopted the Premonstratensian rule under Arch-

bishop Thierry of Nicosia (1206— 11). Benefiting from generous endowments from King

Hugh

III

around tury.

(1267—84) and his successors,

a rectangular court, to

The

church, dating

two bays with flanking ing chancel.

was

a

aisles, a

grew

refectory lay

rich

and

influential.

a rib-vaulted cloister

The

was added

early thirteenth century, lies

buildings are set out

in the fourteenth cen-

on the south;

it

has a nave of

crossing with inscribed transepts and a rectangular project-

On the east was the dormitory,

The

dercroft.

which

from the

it

above the chapter house and

on the north and the

cellarer's

a barrel-vaulted

un-

range on the west, beyond which

kitchen court; somewhere on this side was probably located the royal guest apartments,

which King

Only

Hugh IV

(1324—59)

is

known

to have built for his

own

use.

the rock-cut ditch remains of the earliest Latin castle in Cyprus, that built by the

Templars

at Gastria in 1191.

Another

early castle,

cavation, was Saranda Kolones at Paphos.

stroyed by an earthquake in 1222. Although

on account of its

which

is

known only from

This was evidently it

built

soon

archaeological ex-

after 1191

and was de-

has been ascribed to the Hospitallers, largely

similarity to Belvoir, the evidence

is

not conclusive.

It

had

a regular

con-

centric plan.

The

inner ward was rectangular, with rectangular corner-towers and a rounded

tower on the

east,

containing a bent entrance below

differently

shaped towers, including

a chapel.

The

outer wall had a variety of

cylindrical, rectangular, triangular, cutwater,

onal; the rectangular outer gatehouse also

had

a

and polyg-

bent entrance, and was approached by

a tim-


Leff.THE BYZANTINE

EMPEROR MANUEL COMNENUS

(1143—80) and his Frankish wife, Maria of

The

Antioch.

as part of the

and the Greeks during

settlers

Below,

couple married on Christmas

left:

Day

1161

growing rapprochement between the this period.

deesis miniature in the Psalter of Queen

Melisende, signed at the feet of Christ by the painter, Basilius,

who was one of four working on

the codex.

A Byzantine-inspired image referring to the Last Judgement, with

Mary and John

with Christ, this was the

last

the Baptist interceding

of twenty-four

New

Testament

illustrations.

Below, right:

the front ivory cover of the

of Queen Melisende, with medallions of the

King David and the Virtues and Vices interstices.

Scenes from David's

life

Psalter life

of

in the

were an

appropriate choice, reflecting the contents of the

manuscript, the psalms, and the theme of kingship on the

Holy Land. The carved

a textile,

ivory,

designed to resemble

was originally gilded and painted to create

sumptuous

a

effect.

&> ii&VAfi I

-

5*

.'

"

-O

\* -

'•w

fy

•-;©

'k •

*


ARCHITECTURE bcr bridge spanning the rock-cut ditch.

ment suggests

The

that soon after completion

it

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-I57I

construction of a sugar mill in the

was being used

as

castle's

l8l

base-

an estate centre, whatever

its

purpose may have been.

original

Sugar cane was an important cash crop of the south-western part of Cyprus under the Latins.

The

Hospitallers' castle of Kolossi, built by the master Jacques de Milly in 1454, lay

of

at the centre

phos) a pair of

and next to

a sugar-producing estate,

refineries

sugar factory. At Kouklia (Old Pa-

with water mills for crushing the cane, and remains of the kilns for

boiling the liquid and crystallizing

manor house. Another

a

factory,

in

it

which

ceramic moulds, have been excavated near

in the

a royal

mid-sixteenth century belonged to the Cornaro

familv of Venice, survives at Episkopi. In Latin Cyprus,

except for those belonging to the military orders, seem to have

all castles,

been under direct royal control. In Kyrenia, the Lusignans inherited a Byzantine

castle,

some

80 m. square, with cylindrical corner-towers and an outer wall or barbican on the south, de-

fended by cutwater-shaped towers. In the thirteenth century, they rebuilt the north and east walls

which faced the

sea,

and added new outer walls to landward on the west and south con-

taining chemins de ronde leading to arrow-slits; the castle presumably

had corner- towers, but

The royal apartments lay on the west, congate. The final Latin phase was in 1544—60,

only one D-shaped one on the north-east survives.

with a chapel over the inner

trolling the entry,

when

the Venetians converted the castle into a regular artillery fortification by rebuilding the

west wall, infilling the space between the double walls, and adding rounded bastions at the

north-west and south-east corners, and an angled bastion on the south-west.

The

thirteenth- to fourteenth-century royal castles in the Kyrenia range

(Dieudamour), Kantara, and Buffavento

They have phy. More

also

irregular plans, with a succession

regular planning

is

found

in

made

of baileys arranged to

James Is

St Hilarion

use of sites fortified in Byzantine times.

castle

of Sigouri

suit the natural

topogra-

which had

a rectan-

(1391),

gular layout and corner-towers, surrounded by a ditch, and also apparently at

La Cava, near

Nicosia. In the Venetian period, particular attention was given to improving the defences of the

major

cities.

In Famagusta the

first

campaign of works ran from 1492 to 1496 and included

the thickening of the Lusignan citadel walls and the addition artillery defence; the

top

town

tains.

The second campaign

north-east corner, the ing

wall was also provided with

firing over a sloping glacis

two outer

and other guns

in

torium from the time of King Louis IX's residence

a

compliment to

for

artillery

on

the south-west, preceded by a rounded ravelin contain-

frontispiece to the Book of Judith from the Arsenal

and may have been

rounded bastions, with

it

(1544—65) included the octagonal Diamante Bastion at the

Land Gate on

and including

of rounded bastions to

casemates in their flanks covering the cur-

gates at right-angles to the inner one,

translated into French

two

texts

and the Martinengo Bastion

Bible, the

in the city.

north-

foremost extant commission of the Acre scrip-

The twenty

selections

from the Old Testament,

of Judith, Esther, and Ruth, focused on heroines

Louis's wife, Margaret,

at the

who had accompanied him on

in the

Holy Land

crusade.


â&#x20AC;˘

ARCHITECTURE

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98-I57I

THE CII circular design of the Venetian of the

walls

of Nicosia (1567-70)

streets within the fortifications still reflects that

is

best appreciated from the

of the inner part of the medieval

city.

air.

The

layout


ARCHITECTURE

IN

THE LATIN EAST, IO98 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I57I

west corner, an angled bastion with onllons protecting the flanking the leading

North

Italian experts in artillery defence

works, including Michele Sanmicheli and his

artillery.

183

â&#x20AC;˘

A number

of

were involved in the design of these

nephew Giangirolamo, who died

in

Famagusta

in 1558.

In Nicosia, the circular wall, with rounded towers, eight gates and a ditch, which had been built

by Peter

II in 1372,

quately defended.

placed by a

It

was considered by the Venetian engineers to be too long to be ade-

was therefore demolished, together with

much reduced

of Giulio Savorgnano,

this

circular wall enclosing the

had three

each designed to contain 200

incomplete when Nicosia

four artillery pieces.

viving outside Italy.

that lay outside

it,

The

and

re-

under the direction orillons,

ditch and outworks were

still

on 9 September 1570. None the less, the walls of examples of Italian Renaissance fortification sur-

to the Turks

Nicosia represent today one of the finest

all

centre. Built

and eleven angled bastions with rounded

gates

men and

fell

town


9

The

JWiHtarn orders 1)20-1)12 ALAN FOREY

T

Origins and Foundations

he emergence of military

characterized the religious early twelfth centuries.

were similar

to,

and

was combined with

though

all

orders was one facet of the growing diversification which

in part

of western Christendom

life

Members of military

in the later eleventh

orders lived according to rules which

based on, existing monastic regulations; but

fighting. Military orders

and

a religious

way of life

were also mainly composed of lay brothers. Al-

these orders had brother chaplains, the majority of members were lay brethren, and

authority rested mostly in their hands. In the leading orders they were grouped into the two

ranks of knight and sergeant, with the latter rank comprising both sergeants-at-arms and non-military sergeants. Perhaps surprisingly,

many

military orders in addition included

women members, although these did not participate in military activities. The first military order was that of the Temple. It was founded in Jerusalem 1120,

and gained

Solomon, where

its its

name from

about the year

the building which the crusaders identified as the

headquarters were established.

tion to pilgrims travelling through the

Its first

an obvious need:

Crusade the roads

it is

in the

clear

from pilgrim

kingdom

Temple of

function was to provide protec-

Holy Land, but within

a

few years

it

was forming part

of the Christian military forces against the Muslims. In undertaking these tasks, filling

some

it

was

ful-

writers that in the years following the First

of Jerusalem were by

no means

safe;

and

in the early

twelfth century the rulers of the Latin settlements lacked sufficient troops. It

has sometimes been suggested that the Christian military order was created in imitation

of the Muslim institution of the

ribat,

which has been defined

as a fortified convent,

whose

inmates combined a religious way of life with fighting against the enemies of Islam. Yet there were significant differences: those serving ited period,

and

arc to be

compared with crusaders

tary orders. It has, moreover, not been

Jerusalem

in ribats, for

in the early twelfth

example, usually stayed for only a lim-

rather than

members

demonstrated that those

of Christian mili-

living in the

century were aware of the existence of the

kingdom

Muslim

of

institution.


TEMPLAR STABLES

1

1

plars

had

IN

When

Jerusalem.

the

Tem-

their headquarters

Aqsa Mosque (Temple

at the

of Solomon) they used

underground

stables at the

south-eastern corner of the

Temple

area.

The

twelfth-

century pilgrim Theoderic,

who wrote of the

stables'

'wondrous workmanship',

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

asserted

with some

exaggeration

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

that they

could accommodate 10,000 horses.

The

military order can in fact be seen as a product of contemporary Christian society. Fight-

ing for a proper purpose had

of

charity,

come

to be widely regarded as a

means of salvation, and an

and thus an acceptable function for laymen wishing to lead

some

canonical prohibition on taking up arms, which has been seen by

development of the military order, applied only to about the new institution. brethren

felt

A

letter written in the

clerics.

act

a religious life: the

as

an obstacle to the

Admittedly, doubts were voiced

Temple's early years shows that even some

uncertain about their vocation. This was partly because in the Middle Ages any

novelty tended to be viewed with suspicion.

order was seen by voiced by those

some

who

as

still

A

further cause of concern was that a military

being inferior to a contemplative institution. Opposition was also

regarded fighting for any purpose to be sinful. This stance seems to

have provided the most significant criticism of the

new

which St Bernard of Clairvaux sought to counter

in his

institution,

work De

and

it

was mainly

laude novae militiae,

this

view

written in

support of the Templars. Yet, although doubts were expressed, the Templars quickly received widespread approval Troyes

in 1129,

in the

Church,

as

is

apparent from the proceedings of the Council of

when Templar observances were discussed and formulated

time the order was also beginning to attract patronage in this rapidly increased, so that within a

vents in

most western kingdoms.

many

into a rule.

At

that

countries of the West, and

few years the order was establishing subordinate con-


l86

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 — 1312

Despite the success of the Templars, in the Holy Land no other

of the Temple; but

in imitation

The

Jerusalem were transformed into military orders.

by the mid-i^os, although not

all

kingdom of in

was assuming military

sick,

historians have accepted that Hospitaller

The Teutonic Order

brethren themselves had taken up arms by then.

German

orders were founded

Hospital of St John, founded

Jerusalem before the First Crusade for the care of the poor and responsibilities

new

several existing religious foundations in the

developed out of the

hospital established at Acre at the time of the Third Crusade; and the house of reg-

which

ular canons,

later

became the military order of St Thomas of Acre, was

similarly

founded during the Third Crusade. The transformation of these two foundations occurred in 1198

and the

Lazarus, earliest

first

later 1220s respectively. It

mentioned

is

not

however,

clear,

its

members

are

the leper hospital of St

assumed military

in surviving sources in 1142,

engagements in which

when

known

duties.

to have participated

is

Amongst

the

the battle of La

Forbie in 1244. Surviving sources provide

A

little

information about the reasons for these transformations.

precedent had obviously been set by the Temple, but

followed. In

some

it is

not altogether clear why

it

was

cases there were certainly particular influences at work: the militarization

mi iwcumou

.

file fkliioi-

ynr reiif ranur.t

co f<mr

e

i1

fiTr

v i« feicnnvci)

>o rtl c fa

tiifif

c-ftvttv

m^notrnir.^Ufnu

limn'"-

icil

Wfff.fnfe-fufiilV-fvnvffoicnr, Critrr tcmf fotnmft to ottr ft fomm ew'ttturiV

Wtr mawCNptf.il

culiti-

eftcim tvttn

l/RlQl^-nQiAQL' (

frc

naur

.1

futi

(am

cVicfcim flu ntiqtirrtnf

lutvefbavjrmr.Cfafl

[(|oiVc circlo f

wayolo

Acrer'fiiiflbif .l)vlco rlmfo

tnat%a-£ffr1*tvftn>cfwtffttenfen1-l rcvv* feint*

ym-'fani*Rl»clcai>U«*feM11Wr J'.lrrinriln nauio incur ef fi»i«i*jrcur c\-\>ir.iilto oivais "

Cmir

tint

nrfc

lof Xu lu.ir fii

ttnaTnerajftrfitlajW 1 I oo ntrrla four ^^«*H

W tn on.

.

v-v.,nv. E,„,irfivf.1-tiit>n.-liifttAivl,an>tW. d a.mj* twr.*ifimrTiH«r>«1iif ofr lcir. WiiV K. ..ur1m-«iirmri WV.

\

map of acre. of the St

In the thirteenth century the

city depicts the buildings

Thomas of Acre and

(T»fr

t»W%ntn

crofW* yntqt mur o" cfrff" vtftm

kingdom of Jerusalem was centred on

Acre.

Matthew

of the Temple, the Hospital of St John, the Teutonic order

St Lazarus.

Paris's

map

(hospital des alemans),


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 — I}12

I

GRANT OF THE CASTLE OF UCLES TO THE ORDER OF SANTIAGO IN II74. The

1

E

187

miniature from a Santiago cartulary shows Alfonso VIII

«uo aft t«v J»- iHfottib:l U tspiu fcWU

of Castile and

his wife

Leonor conferring Ucles on l> ~

r~

* -HI

1

,

the master, Pedro Fernandez.

of San-

In the 1170s the order tiago,

which had been

founded

in the

kingdom of

Leon, was becoming an

inter-

national order.

of St Thomas of Acre owed much to Peter of Les Roches, bishop of Winchester, who was the East at a time

when

the house of canons was in decline. But there were also

factors. In particular, the

foundations in question

except St

more

Thomas of Acre

in

general

probably

had members who were capable of fighting, and these would have received encouragement to take

on military duties because of the constant shortage of warriors

Although the

institution

of the military order

first

peared on other frontiers of western Christendom.

were the Templars and Hospitallers. sula only as a source

of income and

Templars to participate

in the

They had

recruits,

emerged

The

at first

first

in the

in the

Holy Land.

Holy Land,

orders to take

been interested

it

up arms

soon apin

Spain

in the Iberian penin-

but in 1143 the count of Barcelona persuaded the

Reconquest, and the Hospitallers had taken up arms against

the infidel in Spain by the middle of the twelfth century. But in the third quarter

of the cen-

tury a series of local military orders was established: Calatrava was founded in Castile in

and Santiago

Leon

in

in 1170.

The

Aragon, was created about the year

1173,

and by

1176 the order

which

Avis had been established in Portugal, as had San Julian de Pereiro cantara

later 1170s

in the

kingdom of Leon. The only

centuries,

later

became known

at the

and Santa Maria de Espana, which emerged

turn of the twelfth in the 1270s.

Spanish foundations were military orders from the outset, and were established

of the Temple and Hospital. But

in explaining their creation,

count the aspirations of their founders and

as

the forerunner of Al-

military orders founded in Spain between the

and 1300 were San Jorge de Alfama, which was created

and thirteenth

1158,

order of Montegaudio, whose possessions lay mainly in

first

members

it is

These

in imitation

necessary to take into ac-

the founder of Montegaudio, for


ISO

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20— I3I2

member of

example, was a discontented kings

who supported

assistance

on

Castile as a

tred

land,

—and

of the Spanish

also the attitudes

hoped

for military

and Santa Maria de Espana was apparently supported by Alfonso

means of gaining naval help

on control of the

it.

at a

of Gibraltar.

Straits

emerged because the Templars, to unable to defend

Santiago

their foundation. Christian rulers in Spain clearly

It

whom

time when

much of the

X

of

conflict with Islam cen-

should also be noted that the order of Calatrava

the castle of Calatrava had earlier been given, were

Local orders had the further advantage that they did not have to send

part of their revenues to the

Holy Land;

and, by favouring a

number of foundations,

rulers

could ensure that no one institution became too powerful: this consideration probably ex-

shown

plains the favour

to

Montegaudio by Alfonso

II

of Aragon. Spanish

rulers also

have envisaged using these local foundations against their Christian

at first to

rivals,

seem

but the

leading Spanish orders quickly extended their holdings throughout the peninsula, and

adopted

a neutral stance in conflicts

Despite royal support, not first in

Temple

1 1

all

between Christian kings.

Spanish orders flourished. Montegaudio was amalgamated

88 with the ransom hospital of the

in 1196;

themselves Calatrava.

at

Holy Redeemer

at Teruel,

and then with the

and although some brethren refused to accept that union and established

Monfragiie, on the river Tagus in Castile, this group was later swallowed up by

While

these unions occurred because of difficulties encountered within

Monte-

gaudio and Monfragiie, the union of Santa Maria de Espana with Santiago was occasioned

by the losses sustained by Santiago

in the battle

of Moclin

in 1280.

The

other Spanish orders

survived and expanded, but they remained essentially peninsular institutions; although there

were various proposals to extend their

activities to

North

Africa, the

Holy Land, and even

the Baltic region, none of these plans had lasting consequences.

In central Europe, unlike Spain, the

up arms. In the

early thirteenth century reliance

on the Teutonic Order. These played nia,

which was completed

century.

Temple and Hospital were not the

orders to take

was placed instead on new foundations and

a leading part in the subjugation of Prussia and Livo-

despite setbacks and rebellions

The Swordbrethren and

first

the order of

protection and assistance for missionary

Dobrin were

activities:

by the end of the thirteenth

originally established to provide

the former was founded in Livonia in

1202 with the support of Bishop Albert, and the latter was established in Prussia, probably in 1228,

on

Duke Conrad of

the initiative of Bishop Christian of Prussia and the Polish

Masovia. Both of these orders were, however, amalgamated with the Teutonic Order

in the

1230s.

This order had

Hungary gave

it

first

extended

its

interests to central

Europe

in 1211,

when Andrew

II

of

the district of Burzenland, which lay to the north of the Transylvanian Alps

and faced the pagan Cumans. The Teutonic Order possibly saw the scope for expansion than was

likely in the

Holy Land, where

well-established Templars and Hospitallers. Yet in 1225

it

was

Andrew

offer as providing in

more

competition with the

expelled

it,

cause the order was seeking to achieve independence of the Hungarian king.

It

apparently be-

was about

time, however, that Conrad of Masovia, who was then under pressure from the Prussians,

this

of-


THE MILITARY ORDERS, UZOâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1312 fered

it

the region of Culmerland.

peror Frederick

The subsequent

negotiations, which also involved the

paved the way for the establishment of an independent state

II,

under the authority of the Teutonic Order. By about 1230

it

Although fighting

in this

on these

pulsion from

fronts, there

Hungary and

failed,

its

was

Em-

had begun campaigning against it

also es-

authority there was not as extensive as in Prussia.

way the Teutonic Order appears

Hungary and Poland were Masovia to

its

189

in Prussia

the Prussians, and later in the decade, following the union with the Swordbrethren, tablished itself in Livonia, though

â&#x20AC;˘

still

to have

become

the only military order

a place for other orders in central

Europe. After

its

ex-

establishment as an independent force in Prussia, the rulers of

likely to

turn elsewhere for help.

re-establish the order of

Dobrin

at the castle

An

attempt in 1237 by Conrad of

of Drohiczyn on the

river

Bug soon

however, and the Templars do not appear to have settled permanently at Lukow, on

the eastern borders of Poland, which was given to

them

in the 1250s. In the

same way the

Hospitallers did not take over the permanent defence of the district of Sevenn, which stretched

from the Transylvanian Alps

of Hungary Bela

Danube and was

assigned to

them by

Bela

IV

in 1247.

IV had hoped

schismatics;

to the

for Hospitaller assistance not only against pagans, but also against

and although

Hospitallers,

in this case aid

was not forthcoming, farther south the Templars,

and the Teutonic Order did contribute to the defence of the Latin empire of

Constantinople, which had been created in 1204 after the Fourth Crusade. As crusades were

being launched increasingly frequently in the thirteenth century against Christian opposition, it is

not surprising that campaigning against the Greeks was considered

a military order. Efforts

were in fact also

made during

a

proper function for

the thirteenth century to establish and

use orders for the purpose of fighting against heretics, papal enemies, and disturbers of the

peace within western Christendom.

On

to intervene in internal conflicts in the in 1267 expected the Hospitallers to

claimant in South

Italy.

a

number of occasions popes urged

military orders

kingdoms of Cyprus and Jerusalem, and Clement IV

support Charles of Anjou against the

last

Attempts were also made to establish new orders

Hohenstaufen

in the

south of

France to combat heresy. These met with no lasting success, but in Italy the order of the Blessed Virgin

Mary had

a longer history:

its rule,

compiled

in 1261, defined its functions as

the defence of the faith and of ecclesiastical freedom, and the suppressing of

Such developments were, however, of minor

significance,

civil

discords.

and throughout the twelfth and

thirteenth centuries the primary function of military orders was to fight against non-Christians

on the

frontiers

of western Christendom.

Military Roles In the leading orders, the brothers

who

could give military service comprised both knights

and sergeants-at-arms. In military matters the difference between them was of degree rather than of kind.

The

knights had more elaborate armour and, whereas sergeants usually had only

one mount, knights were allowed three or

four. But,

although sergeants might be used as in-


190

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20-1312

â&#x20AC;˘

weapons and equipment of the two groups were

fantry, the

of the type found

stituted a light cavalry

manent members of an

in

some Muslim

similar: the sergeants never con-

armies.

by individuals who lived with,

order, but they were at times assisted

and fought alongside, the brethren of an order for

These brothers were per-

a term. In the

Holy Land

of this

assistance

kind was presumably provided mainly by crusaders coming from the West.

The Templar

Rule devotes three clauses to these men, and service of this kind continued to be given into

demand

the thirteenth century. Orders could normally also

and

vassals,

cluded

some

some

turcopks (turcopoles),

cases

On

at least in

all

ements

who

a

The

Many

and peace

of the military orders comprised only one out of several

more independent

role in Syria

command, and

castles

own

make war

the orders normally observed this ruling, despite

papal protests. Spanish kings were not, however, trying to

did launch expeditions of their

number of Muslim

el-

and the

and they sought to maintain firm control over military under-

charters issued to military orders in Spain stated that they were to

at the king's

were in

leadership of the Spanish Reconquista was in the hands of the Chris-

tian rulers of the peninsula,

takings.

who

in-

bow.

in the Christian forces, but they enjoyed a

Baltic than in Spain.

own

their

Holy Land paid troops

were recruited from the native population and

mounted and equipped with

fronts the contingents

from

military service

areas mercenaries were hired. In the

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

stifle all initiative,

some

and the orders

narrative sources, for example, record the capture

by Santiago and Calatrava

in the late 1220s

and

early 1230s

of a

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

but

such expeditions took place within the confines of royal policy. In the East, by contrast, Bo-

hemond

III

of Antioch

in 1168

allowed the Hospitallers to make war and negotiate truces as

they desired, and promised to observe any cease-fire agreed by them.

made by Leo

dom

II

of Armenia

in 1210.

There

is

similar promise was

no record of concessions of this kind

in the king-

of Jerusalem during the twelfth century, but the decline of monarchical authority there

allowed the orders in the thirteenth century to pursue their tine

A

and

Syria. In the early decades

own

them

ing an aggressive stance in the north, and this enabled

neighbouring Muslim

rulers;

and further south they formulated

Egypt and Damascus, while

later in the century, as

own

It

truces with the invader.

greatest

was

policies

throughout Pales-

of the century the Templars and Hospitallers were adopt-

in the Baltic,

to extract tribute

their

Mamluk power grew,

own

from

policies towards

they negotiated their

however, that orders consistently enjoyed the

freedom of action. In Prussia the Teutonic Order was subject to no superior power,

and although

in

Livonia the Swordbrethren and later the Teutonic Order did not in theory

Henry of

enjoy such complete independence, no one held authority over them in the

field.

Livonia thus wrote of the master of the Swordbrethren early

century that he

'fought the battles of the Lord, leading and

commanding

in the thirteenth

the

army of the Lord on every

ex-

pedition, whether the bishop [of Riga] was present or absent'.

The

warfare conducted by the orders on the various fronts also differed to

aims and method. In Syria and Spain the primary purpose of control over land: the conversion of

Muslims was not

quest was accompanied by the baptizing of pagans.

some

extent in

offensive warfare was to assert

a direct aim. In the Baltic, however, con-

The

Baltic region

was also different

in


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I}12

baghras.

It

was probably

in the 1130s that the

the north of the principality of Antioch.

Templars were given the task of defending the Amanus march illustration

is

a nineteenth-century engraving

finally

abandoned

in 1268.

campaigns were often conducted

in winter,

when marsh and

of Baghras, which the Templars

castle

that

The

ment

easier.

But on

all

Mediterranean

in the eastern

it

was only

at the

Templars and Hospitallers were developing sizeable

On the

land, the orders' activities

field.

river

in

of the ruins of the

were frozen, and move-

fronts the military orders were concerned mainly with warfare

Even the order of Santa Maria de Espana did not devote and

191

â&#x20AC;˘

on

land.

itself to fighting exclusively at sea,

end of the thirteenth century that the fleets

of their own.

comprised both the defence of strongholds and fighting

in

In Palestine and Syria during the twelfth century the Templars and Hospitallers

were entrusted with a growing number of castles, which were either given or sold to them by rulers

and nobles who lacked the manpower or resources to defend them adequately.

been estimated that five castles in

the

in 1180 the Hospitallers

It

has

were responsible for the defence of about twenty-

the East. Already before 1150 Bait Jibrin and Gaza, near the southern borders of

kingdom of Jerusalem, were held by

lesser fortifications in their

the Hospitallers and the Templars respectively, while

hands came to include forts which

lay along pilgrim routes

and

provided refuges for those travelling to Jerusalem or the Jordan. In the twelfth century, however, these

In 1144

two orders held more

Raymond

II

castles in

northern Syria than

of Tripoli gave the Hospitallers

a

in the

kingdom of Jerusalem.

group of strongholds, including Crac

des Chevaliers, near the eastern borders of his county, while in the north of the principality


the castle of segura de la sierra

in

Andalusia was given to the order of Santiago

period of rapid Christian advances in Spain. In 1245

who had

earlier

been based

it

became the

seat

of the

in 1242,

during a

of Castile,

order's comendador mayor

at Ucles.

of Antioch the Templars were entrusted with the Amanus march. The most important Hospitaller castle in the principality

mer lord of

'realised that

he could not hold the castle of Margat,

Christianity, because

Most of these

castles

later recovered,

was Margat, which the order received

of

excessive expenses

as

was necessary

its

for-

in the interests

and the very close proximity of the

infidel'.

were lost in the aftermath of the battle of Hattin. Some, however, were

and other strongholds were newly acquired by the Templars and Hospitallers

in the thirteenth century, while the

Teutonic Order also

at that

time became responsible for

garrisoning and defending castles, particularly in the hinterland of Acre. ing

in 1186, after

The

orders were tak-

on the main burden of defence.

The castles:

orders' responsibilities were not limited to supplying

manpower

for the defence of

they also undertook the building of new strongholds as well as the repair and exten-

sion of existing ones.

Among Templar

constructions were those of Chastel Pelenn, built on

the coast in 1217/18, and Safad, which was rebuilt after the place had been recovered from the

Muslims

in 1240. Besides building

new

castles,

such as Belvoir, the Hospitallers also extended

Crac des Chevaliers, where an outer enceinte was added about the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

Less

is

known

in detail

number of frontier

about building operations

castles in the peninsula passed

in Spain,

under

but

it

is

clear that a large

the orders' control. In

Aragon and

Catalonia during the twelfth century reliance was placed mainly on the Templars and Hospitallers: an attempt by Alfonso

II

to

promote the order of Montegaudio

in

southern


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Aragon came

to nothing. But in the southern part

same way, on the other

used by Portuguese rulers

side of the peninsula, the

in the twelfth century,

}

I

2

193

of the kingdom of Valencia, conquered to-

wards the middle of the thirteenth century, the Aragonese King James tiago. In the

I

chiefly favoured

I

San-

Templars and Hospitallers were

while Spanish orders, especially Avis and

Santiago, were preferred in the thirteenth. In the centre of the pensinsula, however, the Castilian

and Leonese kings consistently

and Santiago

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

relied

to undertake the defence

mainly on Spanish orders

of frontier

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

particularly Calatrava

castles.

In the Baltic region the orders built as the conquest progressed. This was done, for

example, by the Teutonic Order as

Haff

in Prussia. In

it

advanced along the

Livonia the orders similarly

river Vistula

made an important

building. In both districts, the primitive pagan structures assault

and were replaced, although the

mostly of

came It

the

wood and

earth,

and

it

later that

contribution to castle-

of wood were often

early fortifications built

was not until

and then the Frisches

during

fired

by the orders were themselves

more sophisticated

structures be-

norm, with brick being extensively used.

should not be assumed that

all

the castles in the orders' hands were defended by large

garrisons of brothers. In 1255 the Hospitallers stated that they intended to maintain sixty

mounted troops

at

Crac des Chevaliers, and

essary to garrison Safad. But these are given,

and the number of brothers

it

was reported that eighty Templars were nec-

amongst the

in a castle

largest figures to

was often

much

which credence can be

smaller, particularly in the Baltic

PLAN OF THE TEUTONIC order's CASTLE OF MEWE. Although built

early fortifications

by the Teutonic order

in

Prussia were fairly primitive,

by the

later thirteenth

century

it

was constructing

more elaborate strongholds.

The

order was given the

district of

Mewe, on

bank of the

new

the west

Vistula, in 1276;

building there probably

began towards the end of the century.


194

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1312

â&#x20AC;˘

A

region and Spain.

chronicler reports that only seven brethren were left at

Vistula, after the Teutonic

Order had

fortified

it

in 1231.

And some minor

Thorn, on the

fortifications

had

no permanent garrison of brethren.

The

brothers defending a castle were, however, assisted by auxiliary troops. These might

include vassals from the surrounding district. But colonization by westerners was often necessary before adequate aid

from

and

subjects could be obtained,

some

in

regions resettlement

constituted a significant stage in the process of securing Christian control over border districts.

Although colonization on the

the orders

commonly sought

numerous settlement

orders' lands in Syria appears to have

been very limited,

to attract settlers to their lordships in conquered parts in Spain:

charters issued by the orders have survived. Yet

to attract settlers to lands which had been lying waste and were

still

it

was not always easy

under

threat,

and the

process of resettlement in Spain was slow, while in Prussia colonization by western peasants

make much progress

did not sians

had been

until the closing years

finally subjugated,

and

in

of the thirteenth century,

after the Prus-

Livonia there was never any large-scale settlement by

western peasants.

The at

orders were nevertheless often praised for their

times they offered stout and determined resistance.

work

The

in

defending frontier

castles,

and

Hospitaller castle of Belvoir held

out for more than a year after the battle of Hattin, and Saladin was at that time unable to take either Crac des Chevaliers or Margat. In the

same way,

in 1211 the

brethren of Calatrava

at their castle of Salvatierra, in Castile, when it was attacked by Almohad caliph. There were, on the other hand, occasions when strongholds rapidly fell. The Templar castle of Gaza surrendered without a fight after the battle of Hattin, and sev-

maintained lengthy resistance the

eral

of Calatrava s

some

in 1195. In

fortresses in Spain were quickly lost after the Christian defeat at Alarcos

cases, particular factors explain success or failure.

Gaza was surrendered by

the Templars in order to obtain the release of their captured master, while according to Is-

lamic sources

it

was the exceptional position and strength of Margat which enabled

main under Hospitaller control

after the battle

military and political situation, rather than fate

of the

Alarcos,

moved

it

of Hattin. Yet

more

was

difficult to retain castles, especially

put a viable force into the

the orders in Syria faced the growing

field.

to re-

particular factors, which determined the

orders' strongholds. After severe defeats in battle, such as those

in order to

it

was usually the general

it

when

garrisons

And when

of Hattin and

had been reduced or

in the later thirteenth

power of the Mamluks, and could not look to

armies for help, garrisons could not easily hold out for long;

it

re-

century relieving

was sometimes even thought

preferable to surrender in return for a safe-conduct for the besieged, rather than fight to the bitter end. In the 1260s

lowing widespread

and could not be

numerous

revolts,

castles of the

Teutonic Order

in Prussia similarly fell fol-

because they lacked the resources to maintain prolonged resistance

relieved. Yet, in

defending strongholds, the orders were seeking to under-

take a task which could not easily be fulfilled by any others. In the field the military orders were

and

it

is

not usually obliged to provide

difficult to assess the size of their

a fixed

number

of men,

contingents on any front. But the numbers of


fare &nf£tyi<*iarer pnttfhf ql^^r^

namifla quctouTval?; tmfui£uii.tafi

UU-

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rut arinnnur

(g

n^^^^^rSivmaufa^uAvc.

to

m

I &s

^

J&

<%$*

battle between christians and khorezmians. In the

dom

of Jerusalem suffered

piebald Templar standard

is

battle

of La Forbie (1244), the forces of the king-

hands of the Khorezmians. In Matthew Pans's drawing, the

a severe defeat at the

carried bv a knight fleeing

from the

battle.

The

military orders' contingents at

La

Forbie were in fact almost wiped out.

A

brethren seem to have been relatively small, even by medieval standards.

from the Holy Land

in 1187

of that year and that

a further 230

reported that the order had lost sixty brothers

had been 'almost completely bie in 1244 stated that the thirty-three

had been

annihilated'.

killed in the battle

A

at

Templar

letter

Cresson in

May

of Hattin: the central convent

further letter written after the defeat at

Templars and Hospitallers had each

La For-

lost just over 300 knights,

with

Templars and twenty-six Hospitallers surviving. These orders may therefore each

have been capable of putting a force of about 300 brethren into the

field in the

kingdom of

Jerusalem. If these figures are accepted, the joint contingents of these two orders were similar in size in the

and

second half of the twelfth century to the force raised through the feudal

in the thirteenth century their contribution

The

was proportionately

military orders were less significant numerically in the Iberian peninsula.

tiago lost

its

master and

fifty-five

levy,

greater.

When

San-

brethren at the battle of Moclin in 1280, the loss was seri-

ous enough to occasion the amalgamation with the order of Santa Maria de Espana; and

in

1229 the Templar contingent comprised only about a twenty-fifth of the force which attacked

Mallorca, even though the Temple was the leading military order in the Aragonese realms.

But

it

should be remembered that the Christian rulers of Spain could

tingents

of secular Christian troops than

ern Christians comprised a

much

kingdoms than of the crusader

upon

larger con-

their counterparts in Syria could mobilize, for west-

larger

states,

ation of military service, as well as

call

proportion of the population of the peninsular

and the Spanish

rulers

made

use of the general oblig-

demanding contingents from the

nobility.


196

â&#x20AC;˘

THE MILITARY ORDERS, M20â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1312

Chronicles reporting fighting in the Baltic region also give the consistent impression that the

numbers of brethren

raised locally. ter

The

Livonian

Rhymed

of the Teutonic Order

comprised 180 out trict

in

in the field

in

were small by comparison with those of other troops

Chronicle, for

Livonia

a total land force

example, states that in 1268 the provincial mas-

summoned

of 18,000.

all

the available brethren, and that these

It is also clear

that

major advances

in that dis-

were often dependent on assistance provided by crusader contingents. Thus conquests

Samland

in 1255

were effected with the aid of Ottokar

II

of Bohemia, the margrave of Bran-

denburg, and a large force of crusaders.

Despite their limited numbers,

at least in the

East the brethren's bravery and determina-

tion were held in high regard by their opponents: the chronicler Ibn al-Athir, for example, de-

scribed a Hospitaller castellan of Crac des Chevaliers as

The

'a

bone

in the gullet of the

Muslims'.

many secular contingents. The Templar Customs include strict regulations about conduct in camp and on the march, and the brethren of all orders were, of course, bound by a vow of obedience, which was reinforced brethren also provided a

more

disciplined force than

by the threat of severe penalties for disobeying orders

murai. in Tun templar in

France never served

in the field. In all leading orders the

church at CRESSAC-SUR-CHARENTE. Although most Templars

in the H.ist,

murals such

as this

entering the order

reminded them of the Temple's primary purpose.


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 — I312 punishment

for desertion in battle

was expulsion, while Templars who launched an attack

without permission lost their habit for all acts

of disobedience in the

field,

Templar master James of Molay perior to other troops.

Some

I97

The

a period.

threat

of censure could not eliminate

but several crusade theorists agreed with the view of the

that,

because of their

theorists also

vow of obedience, brethren were

saw the military orders

in Syria as

su-

having the ad-

vantage of experience. Certainly, leading officals in the orders had usually given long service,

although

in the

recent recruits,

young.

Long

Temple the rank-and-file knightly brethren

who

service

losses suffered at

jected advice ever,

served in the

Holy Land

in the East

were normally

fairly

for only a limited period while they were

still

and experience did not, of course, always produce sound decisions: the

Cresson

in 1187

and committed

occurred when the Templar master Gerard of Ridefort

his troops against a

much

larger

on

the advice given by leading brethren of the orders

Muslim all

force. Usually,

re-

how-

fronts revealed a realistic

assessment of the political and military situation, and often tended towards caution. During the

Third Crusade the Templars and Hospitallers advised against besieging Jerusalem, partly

on

the grounds that during a siege they

would be exposed

to Saladin's forces, just as during

the conquest of Mallorca the Hospitaller prior counselled the Aragonese king against at-

tacking the

Muslims

in the hills

behind Inca because of the attendant danger. Brethren

frontier regions were not fanatics,

it— to

and were prepared

if

the military situation

in the

demanded

fight alongside non-Christians.

In the eastern Mediterranean region, the orders' experience and knowledge were often utilized by placing contingents of brethren in the vanguard and rearguard of crusading forces, as

happened during the Fifth Crusade and Louis IX's Egyptian crusade. They were not assigned this role in

Spam, where the bulk of the secular

helped to provide a nucleus of an army lize

most

at the start of

secular contingents very quickly.

and

affected by the limitations

secular forces.

On all fronts

forces were Spanish; but there they often

restrictions

Nor

campaigns,

as

it

was

difficult to

mobi-

was the service given by brethren usually

which commonly characterized that provided by

crusaders usually fought for only a limited period, while in Spain

there were normally time limits

on the

Ubeda was abandoned by some

Castilian

service

town

owed by

subjects: thus in 1233 the siege

militias because their

of

term of service had ex-

pired.

Yet in practice brethren were not always themselves available to fight against the

Their arms were

at

infidel.

times being turned instead against fellow Christians in defence and in

pursuance of the orders'

own

interests.

Examples can be provided from

all

fronts. In Livonia,

the Swordbrethren in 1233 were in conflict with the supporters of the papal legate Baldwin

of

Alna; in the East the orders became involved in the internal political conflicts which characterized the thirteenth century, such as the rels;

and the same happened

thirteenth century.

These

in Castile,

activities

war of St Sabas,

as well as

which was beset by

engaging

in private

quar-

political instability in the later

used up resources which might otherwise have been em-

ployed against Muslims or pagans. In Syria the orders' independence also meant that they

could refuse to give service when asked; and although military orders enjoyed

less

freedom

in


190

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 —

I

3

1

2

Spain, they were displaying a growing reluctance to give service there in the second half of the thirteenth century.

monses

after orders

The

had

of the Aragonese kings include not only repeated sum-

registers

failed to

respond to a

first

request for service, but also threats of ac-

tion against the orders' property for non-compliance with royal demands. Yet, if there were

times

when

made

significant contributions in the field against the infidel,

military orders could not be relied upon, in the East

an important role century, Amalric is

in the garrisoning

of Jerusalem was

On

all

French king that

'if

fronts they played in the

the battlefield, the Hospital and

wounded; but

military orders

some Spanish

charitable activities

orders appear to have provided care for

—which formed

were mainly performed away from the

task of ransoming Christian captives, that order pitals in

was to be used for

most

after they

field

part of the functions of

of battle.

in 1188,

When

and the rule of Santiago stated that

parts of the Iberian peninsula. for the care

had become military

orders.

The

all

booty taken by

ransom hos-

sick,

and they continued

in the later twelfth century

itable

work, the pilgrim John of Wurzburg,

and

ings,

that: 'a great is

number of sick

who

visited Jerusalem in the 1160s,

—both men and women—

daily restored to health at great expense.

When

I

was frequently pointed out during their but they

like all

This duty was partly

trial,

other military orders

fulfilled

its

char-

wrote of the

gathered in various build-

is

was

there,

I

learned from the

report of the servitors themselves that the sick totalled up to two thousand.'

tality,

this task

Pope Alexander

expressed concern that the Hospital's military functions were adversely affecting

Hospital

in

was amal-

Hospital of St John and the Teutonic

of the poor and

Although

it

Montegaudio assumed the

a similar purpose. Santiago came, in fact, to possess

Order had both been founded

III

it

it'.

gamated with the ransom hospital of the Holy Redeemer

as

mid-twelfth

we can achieve anything,

Activities

the injured and all

in the Baltic region they

and defence of strongholds. Already

telling the

through them that we are able to do

Other

and

and on

The

Templars,

were under no obligation to provide hospi-

were expected to dispense alms regularly.

by assigning to the poor

a tenth

of the bread baked and used

Templar convents.

Members of all

orders inevitably became involved in estate management, and the Teutonic

Order assumed responsibility orders in the the

Temple

Holy Land

for the

government of the whole of Prussia, while the leading

also wielded considerable political power. Several orders

also developed

banking and moneylending

interests.

used as places of deposit for money, jewels, and documents. sized that the orders' military and religious character task,

although

it

should not be assumed that

cated in well-fortified strongholds.

Some

all

It

especially

Their convents were often

has sometimes been empha-

made them

particularly suited to this

convents away from frontier regions were lo-

deposits were merely for safekeeping, but orders

could also arrange the transfer of goods from one place to another. Operations of this kind were facilitated by the network of convents which the leading orders possessed throughout


THE MILITARY ORDERS, H20-I}12

Many

western Christendom.

deposits were of an occasional nature, but

a current account with the Temple,

payments on

his behalf.

which regularly received the

some

many

I99

individuals

had

made

revenues and

client's

For much of the thirteenth century the Temple

treasury for the French kings; and

.

in Paris acted as a

nobles, including several of Louis IX's brothers,

had

accounts with the Templars there.

The Templars ple,

also

became

they were advancing

exam-

particularly important as moneylenders. In Aragon, for

money

as early as the 1130s,

and

in the later thirteenth century they

were regularly making loans to the Aragonese crown. In the twelfth century, loans were usuallv

sought

order to meet a special need, but in the following century borrowing became a

in

regular feature of government financing: rulers' cash obligations were increasing, and to financial needs they often anticipated their revenues

meet

by resorting to short-term loans. They

turned to those whose capital was sufficient to provide large sums, and these included not only firms of Italian merchants, but also the Templars, although there were occasions the Temple was royal favour

it

itself

obliged to borrow in order to meet royal

could not

demands

money: to

for

when retain

easily reject requests for loans.

Resources

The

orders' military

diture,

and charitable

and were dependent on the

activities inevitably necessitated very

availability

of adequate resources. Income was obtained

various ways. Successful warfare was itself a source, usually in the in

conquered

ceived

territories,

while on

some

much of their income from

The Temple and

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

because they

form of booty and

fronts tribute was also obtained. But

in

estates

most orders

property situated in regions away from frontier

re-

districts.

Hospital were able to assume a leading role in the defence of the Holy Land

unlike rulers and nobles in the Latin East,

obtained locally

considerable expen-

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

who had

could draw regularly on sources of revenue

on income

to rely mainly

in all parts

of western Chris-

tendom. These were, however, the only orders which gained considerable holdings

in all areas

of the West. Gifts in regions away lay society,

from the borders of western Christendom were made by

though patronage by the secular clergy was limited. By

all

ranks of

their donations, benefac-

tors were in part seeking to further the Christian cause against the infidel. In the twelfth century, the

concept of holy war was

patronage

at a

still

comparatively new, and influenced patterns of

time when the popularity of older monasteries was waning.

particular reasons for supporting a military order: a gift

on

a crusade, while

rience

some patrons were men who had taken

Some had more

a substitute for

factors were also in their

sometimes influenced by personal and family

links,

world and in the next.

gifts all

a military

and geographical

of importance: benefactors often patronized an order which had

neighbourhood. But by their

in this

going

the cross and had personal expe-

of the orders' military and charitable operations. In deciding to patronize

order, individuals were

both

was sometimes

a

convent

donors were seeking divine favour, to be shown

The names of patrons

were included

in prayers said in

an


200

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 —

1

order's convents, although benefactors

3 1 2.

of military orders did not usually seek to found new

convents in the way in which monasteries were

commonly endowed by wealthy

patrons.

Twelfth-century benefactors expected the income from their donations to be used primarily for military

and charitable purposes. In the thirteenth century, however, there was

tendency for patrons to make for

gifts for the

lamps which were to burn before

obtain the

more

material benefits

endowment

of chantry priests,

altars in orders' chapels.

such as maintenance

and

Some donors

—which

a

growing

for masses or

also expected to

were frequently assigned to

monastic benefactors. Military orders added to gifts of land by purchasing property. revenues in a

way which would bring long-term

more numerous than donations, although and purchase were very varied military orders could not, like

states that,

and

They were

some

in

and charitable

some monastic foundations,

The second

gifts of

.

horses and armour or of cash were

more of their revenues

to retain

those

who made

for their

own

use.

.

.

also obtained

from the papacy

and the

common, and

sick, 'the

fields, vine-

like'.

This

list

the orders also re-

income or allowed

papacy, for example, allowed

a seventh

a partial

gift

costly,

on the kinds of

namely, lands and

The

an annual benefaction to an order to have

and most orders

ted,

were

of the rule of the Teutonic

ceived privileges, which either provided opportunities for increasing their

them

made by

activities

place restrictions

clause

yards, townships, mills, fortifications, parish churches, chapels, tithes,

not exhaustive:

purchases were

because of the expense of warfare and of caring for the poor and

brothers can have both movable and immovable property

is

investing surplus

districts

usually not as valuable. Acquisitions

in nature. Since military

property which were considered acceptable.

Order

profit;

of their penance remit-

exemption from the payment

of tithes. Orders could also increase their income by involving themselves in the land recla-

mation which was taking place

THE TEMPLE CHURCH IN London. Military orders depended on the favour of

many

of

whom

entered an order shortly before death or chose burial there.

These

effigies are

William Marshal, and

his

second

of

first earl

Pembroke, who died both of

whom

received burial in the

Templars'

London

of

in 121Q,

son William, the earl,

most

Moneylending was

thirteenth centuries.

patrons,

in

church.

parts of western a further

Christendom during the twelfth and

source of income, although few details have


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I3I2 survived of the profits made. It was

commonly

however, that the orders also sought to

said,

and

increase their revenues by abusing their rights

privileges.

Although military orders had various ways of obtaining wealth, not

and

their importance. In Syria

in Spain,

where the

thirteenth century, opportunities for profiting

201

â&#x20AC;˘

Reconqitista

from war

came

all

of these retained

to a halt in the mid-

against the infidel dwindled;

and

in

most districts away from the Christian frontiers the flow of donations declined in the thirteenth centurv, as did the

number

of purchases.

with patrons, while the decline

Orders were not only

of revenue. Estates

purchases

in

The is

military orders were losing their popularity

to be related to the orders' financial situation.

failing to increase their wealth: they

in the

Mamluks

East were lost as the

were also losing existing sources

advanced: in 1268 the Hospitaller

master was claiming that he had received no revenues in the kingdom of Jerusalem for eight years.

But the frequency of papal threats against those

of rights anywhere

military orders shows that the retention

such

who

western Christendom required

did manage to encroach on those rights were the sec-

were anxious, in their

own financial interest, to restrict the orders' privileges The orders were also affected by more general trends,

those

such as the right of burial.

in matters

in

the possessions of the

who

constant vigilance. ular clergy,

Among

who harmed

as inflation,

and

in

many

parts of western

Christendom income was reduced,

at least in

the short term, by warfare and other disturbances.

Nor

should

it

be imagined that most of the revenues which the orders did receive could

be devoted to military and charitable

Templar and Hospitaller income dent there, for

it

was

in the

West

in

activities,

or investment in property.

Payments

Essex, was used for this purpose.

also

consumed

revenues: according to at Cressing, in

favour an order needed.

owed

The

orders' disposable

income was

to outsiders. In the thirteenth cen-

tury earlier exemptions were restricted: thus tithe exemptions were limited by Innocent

and were further reduced by

ular rulers, faced

compromises

local

after conflicts

with diocesans.

III

Some

m

sec-

by growing financial needs, similarly sought to reduce the exemptions from

taxation which their predecessors tribute to

resi-

had to be made to those who were promised

further reduced by the dues and taxes which were

1215,

of

that the majority of Templars and Hospitallers lived. Reli-

an inquest compiled in 1309, more than a quarter of the Templars' income

men whose

large part

western Europe was used for maintaining brethren

gious obligations in the form of chantries and masses also

maintenance, and to

A

new forms of general

had

earlier granted.

The

orders were also expected to con-

taxation which were being exacted in the thirteenth century

by both kings and popes: although the papacy did not demand contributions to taxes which it

imposed

in aid

of the Holy Land, the orders were on various occasions asked for subsidies

for papal needs in the West.

While some of the smaller to

become

orders, such as Monfragiie, never possessed sufficient revenues

viable, even well-established

when taking on

additional burdens or

foundations often experienced financial

when they had

difficulties

suffered serious military setbacks.

The

Hospital, for example, overreached itself by giving over-enthusiastic support to plans for the

conquest of Egypt in the

1160s,

and

in

Spain the Castilian king found

it

necessary to subsi-


wheat barn at cressing temple. The and supplies drawn from

military orders in the

their estates in western

Europe.

The

Holy Land depended

illustration

is

increasingly

on revenues

of one of two thirteenth-century

barns belonging to the Templar convent at Cressing in Essex.

dize Calatrava after

its

losses in the aftermath of the defeat at Alarcos. Yet during the course

of the thirteenth century there

is

growing evidence of more long-term

financial difficulties

experienced by the leading orders. References to debts increase, and these were by no means always short-term debts. At the beginning of the fourteenth century the Hospitallers sought to

overcome

new

financial difficulties in

building; but a

lief in the

Germany

partly by restricting recruitment

more common solution was

to alienate property.

short-term, but at the expense of long-term income.

and banning

This might provide

re-


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Both

charitable

} 1

2

â&#x20AC;˘

203

were affected by these problems. In 1306 the Hospi-

activities

master was asserting that his order no longer had the resources to maintain the sick ad-

taller

and on

equately, that,

and military

I

Templar masters claimed

several occasions in the later thirteenth century

because of poverty,

it

might become necessary to abandon the Holy Land. In Spain the

master of Santiago was similarly arguing in

were scarcely adequate to

1233 that his resources

defend his order's strongholds, and the growing reluctance to give service in the Iberian peninsula appears to have been occasioned by financial problems. it

Many

orders were finding

increasingly difficult to carry out their obligations.

Recruitment

A

steady supply of recruits, as well as of cash resources, was needed, especially as the

was

tality rate in military orders

Most

tive nature.

likely to

be higher than

military orders recruited mainly,

in religious

though not

exclusively, in

postulants to the Spanish orders came principally from the Iberian peninsula, and bers of the Teutonic

one region:

most mem-

Order were German-speaking. Only the Templars and Hospitallers

ularly attracted applicants

looked to France

mor-

houses of a contempla-

reg-

throughout western Christendom, although even these orders

as their chief area

of recruitment. As

in

monastic orders, however, there were

entry requirements. All recruits had to be of free status, and in the thirteenth century knightly

descent was required of those wishing to enter the rank of knight. Knightly recruits to the

Temple and Hospital

at that

time also had to be of legitimate birth. Knightly postulants

comprised, however, only a minority of recruits in orders such as the Temple and Hospital: the majority entered the rank of sergeant. In

most orders married postulants were not allowed

to join without the assent of their spouses,

and

health and financial status. In the earlier

regarded as

recruits were further questioned

Middle Ages,

religious houses

about their

had commonly been

suitable places of refuge for deformed or handicapped offspring, and the military

orders particularly wanted to avoid being saddled with these; they also sought to ensure that

they were not burdened with a recruit's debts. Although in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries there

igious

life

was growing opposition

should make a

gift

on

Although

it

was not

Church to the requirement

entry, this practice

These orders were, however, more tion.

in the

in line

uncommon

records of the Templar

trial

show

was slow to die out

in the military orders.

with current Church practice in rejecting child obla-

for sons

being placed in a noble household, children

under no obligation to take vows; and

that recruits to the rel-

of nobles to be reared

who

lived in the

several orders set

in a convent, instead

of

house of a military order were

minimum

that in practice a few joined

age limits for entry.

when they were only

The

10 or

11,

but these were exceptions: the average age of recruitment was the mid-2os.

As

is

clear

deprived of

from the wording of regulations, however,

all

say in their children's choice

siderable proportion

this

did not

of career. Younger

of recruits, were, moreover, often

in

sons,

mean

that parents were

who comprised

a

con-

need of a livelihood. The words ad-

dressed to postulants at admission ceremonies imply that entry was seen by

some

to offer a


204

THE MILITARY ORDERS, 1120 — 1312

comfortable existence. In some instances siderations

rich

cruits,

also

and had enough

'they asked

sading period, fighting against the infidel

may

lightly.

to

do

made by one he was noble

this, since

stress the spiritual

To some,

That con-

social status.

suggested by the claim

Yet most surviving sources

land'.

God, and of securing

is

him why he wanted

and these should not be discounted too

serving

promised enhanced

of these kinds were often of importance

Templar that when he joined and

it

concerns of re-

especially in the early cru-

have seemed a more comprehensible way of

There was, however,

salvation, than enclosure in a monastery.

who Nor

also the further factor that military orders were less exclusive than monasteries: those

might enter monasteries only

as conversi

could become

members of a

full

military order.

should family and neighbourhood links with an order be overlooked when explaining

re-

cruitment. Difficulty in attracting recruits was

some foundations, such sufficient

Hospital cruiting

as

most often encountered

numbers of postulants. But once they had become

though

attracting few clerical postulants

enough laymen

in

most

Matthew

an order's early years; and

—seem

had

Temple and

little difficulty in re-

their orders

many

Some

pos-

the intervention of influential patrons,

Paris reports that after the defeat at

and Hospitallers 'admitted to

established, the

to have

parts of the West, even in the thirteenth century.

tulants were able to gain admission only through

the chronicler

in

Montegaudio, may never have overcome the problem of attracting

La Forbie

in

and

1244 the Templars

selected laymen'. In the thirteenth century

the situation faced by military orders in the Iberian peninsula

may

not, however, have been

so favourable.

Organization In the years immediately following

its

of brethren under the leadership of

foundation, a military order consisted of a small group

a master: at this stage little

needed. As property and recruits were gained, however,

it

governmental machinery was

became the norm to

establish sub-

ordinate convents, both in frontier regions and elsewhere. If expansion was considerable, an

intermediate

tier

needed, since

it

of government between convents and an

became

difficult for

needed by which resources and

order's headquarters

was soon

masters to supervise distant convents, and a system was

recruits could easily be channelled to frontier regions

from

convents in other parts of western Christendom. Orders which fought on several fronts also required a military leader in each district.

The forms of

organization then existing in the

monastic world hardly suited the purposes of military orders, and the more important of these adopted the practice of grouping the convents in a region into what were called

provinces or priories. Although there were variations in detail, the leading orders adopted a three-tier

system of government.

In frontier districts, convents were often located in castles and had military responsibilities,

whereas elsewhere a primary task was the administration of property

district.

Most members

of a convent were normally lay brethren, though

in the

surrounding

some

orders, such


Left.

EFFIGY OF

CONRAD OF THURINGIA, MASTER OF

the teutonic order, 1239â&#x20AC;&#x201D;40,

in the Elisabethkirche,

Marburg. Conrad belonged to the upper

nobility,

but

came from minority of brethren in the more

leading officials of military orders usually lesser families.

Only

a

important orders engaged

in fighting:

most brothers

died in their beds, rather than in battle.

Below,

mural at the convent of sigena

aragon.

in

Several military orders, including the Hospital

of

St John, Santiago and Calatrava, had convents of sisters; these devoted themselves to a contemplative

were not usually involved

in the care

of the

life

sick.

and

The

murals in the Hospitaller convent of Sigena were destroyed by

ÂĽ

si.

fire in 1936.

V

.v"


2o6

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20-I312

â&#x20AC;˘

had

as Santiago,

a

number of separate convents

for clerics,

and

several military orders pos-

many

sessed houses of sisters. Convents of sisters sometimes contained as

members, but male houses away from handful of brothers,

The head of a

who

were

far

frontier regions usually contained

outnumbered by the outsiders who

lived or

worked

a

there.

convent was generally called a 'preceptor' or 'commander' and was normally

imposed from above, and not elected by the members of the house. was followed, and

rule

as forty or fifty

no more than

in frontier districts

He

he led his brethren in the

had

field;

to see that the

he was also

re-

sponsible for the administration of his convent's property, from the revenues of which in nonfrontier districts a portion officials,

had to be paid each year to

his superior.

He

had few subordinate

but was expected to govern with the advice of the conventual chapter, which nor-

mally met once a week. Heads of provinces or priories were also appointed from above, and

had functions

similar to those

of commanders. In the Temple, Hospital, and Teutonic Order,

heads of provinces in western Europe were normally under the obligation of sending a

sponsion of a third of their provinces' revenues to headquarters. At

few assistant

officials,

this level there

but provincial masters were counselled by provincial chapters, which

met annually and were attended by heads of convents. At the headquarters of the leading master was assisted by

ders, the

military responsibilities, ever,

and

who presumably met

practice

who included a grand commander, a who had charge of clothing; these offices

officials

a drapier

encountered in smaller orders.

vent,

re-

were again

A master would

consult the

each week in chapter, and

of holding periodic general chapters,

at

all

or-

marshal with are not,

members of his

how-

central con-

orders of any size adopted the

which some brethren from the various

provinces were present.

At

all levels,

therefore, officials were counterbalanced

by chapters.

On some

issues,

such

as

the admission of recruits, there was often a requirement that decisions should be taken at

chapter meetings, and

it

also

became the norm

for several other types

rendered. In

some

trans-

orders the latter obligation was linked with a periodic surrender of offices:

appointments were therefore also commonly made tice

of business to be

when dues were paid and accounts

acted there. Central and provincial chapters were occasions

at

chapter meetings. Yet officials in prac-

enjoyed a considerable freedom of action, and were not dominated by their subordinates.

Provincial and general chapters

and not been

all

little

sistent

met only

infrequently,

chapters had seals of their own. Even

when checks did

desire to shackle officials too rigidly. It was usually only

misconduct that subordinates stepped

the central convent sought to

vow of obedience perhaps remembered strictions

and lacked continuity of membership;

on

in, as

exercised a restraining influence

seems to have

had been per-

there

in the

Hospital in 1296, when

a series

of recent masters. The

happened

remedy abuses perpetrated by

exist, there

when

on subordinates, but

that in the secular world there was a similar reluctance to

it

should be

impose permanent

re-

rulers.

Officials did not,

on

the other hand, always find

it

easy to maintain close supervision over

Masters of the leading military orders were seeking to exercise author-

all

their subordinates.

ity

throughout western Christendom, and

in orders

based

in the

Holy Land

the situation was


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20-I}I2

SEAL OF THE

207

SWORDBRETHREN

in livonia, 1226.

This

seal,

depicting a cross and a sword, is

in the

name

and brethren reads:

of the master

the legend

S[IGILLUM]

MAGISTRI ET FR[ATRUM] MILICIE XPI

LIVONIA

military orders

had

made more

difficult

by the

graphically. Visitation

a

customary practice

commonly

also

of their own.

were not in a central position geo-

fact that their headquarters

became

seals

DE

but masters of

in all the bigger orders; yet,

although

heads of provinces could carry out this task in person, masters of orders usually had to act

through delegates. There was obviously the possibility of a trend towards provincial independence, especially as most brothers were natives of the district where they resided, and there

was ter.

a

danger that local

and

ties

Yet, although provinces

loyalties

would take precedence over obedience to the mas-

sometimes defaulted on

their financial obligations, the only seri-

ous attempt to achieve greater provincial independence before 1300 was that made

of the thirteenth century by brethren of Santiago

in Portugal:

at the

end

with the support of the Por-

tuguese king, they succeeded in reducing the master's authority over them.

Convents of

had the

clerics or

of sisters, unlike those

right to elect their

own

in

which

lay brethren

predominated, often

head; and lay brothers were, of course, subject in spiritual

matters to their priestly colleagues. But the government of military orders rested mainly in the hands of brethren

who

were lay brothers, and

brothers. Leading central officials

at the

upper

levels in the

hands of knightly

and heads of provinces usually belonged to the rank of

knight, and knights were certainly the largest group at the Temple's central convent, where

the day-to-day business of the order was conducted. general chapters, and in the

They were also the largest element are known to have predominated

Temple and Teutonic Order

in in


2o8

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20— I3I2

new masters, for these consisted of eight knights, four sergeants more local level, knights were usually in charge of convents belong-

the committees which elected

and one chaplain. At the

ing to the leading orders in frontier regions, but in other areas of western

manders were often

sergeants,

and they sometimes had knights among

seem

these regions, appointments

to have been determined

made up

than rank. Chapters of local convents were also

comprised the

largest

group

in areas

make

various ranks did not always

away from Christian

by

Christendom com-

their subordinates. In

suitability for a post, rather

of

largely

frontiers.

sergeants, as the latter

The

roles assigned to the

for harmony, but the only prolonged dissensions between

ranks seem to have been those in Santiago and Calatrava, where clerics repeatedly complained

of encroachment on clashed

on

a

their rights,

and

in the Hospital,

number of occasions with

where the

sisters

of Sigena

in

Aragon

the head of their province.

Military orders did not have complete control over their

own

affairs.

Although most en-

joyed the privilege of exemption and were thus freed from episcopal jurisdiction, they re-

mained subject to papal a

authority,

and popes intervened when they considered that there was

need for correction. There was also occasional papal interference

in military orders: this

happened

in

appointments to

either for political reasons or because a

offices

pope wished

to

favour a protege. Intervention of this kind was also practised by kings, and for the same reasons, while the dispatch of responsions to the ular rulers in the West. Military orders

were, however, subject to

more

Holy Land was on occasion hindered by

which were

affiliated to

ing Calatrava, Montegaudio, and Santa

not always known, although

Maria de Espana, were

in the case

circumstances of the order's foundation:

it

of Calatrava

no longer hold

it.

The

The

castle

affiliated to the Cistercians,

reasons for these arrangements

affiliation is to

was established

had accepted responsibility for the defence of the plars could

other religious foundations

regular external supervision. Several Spanish orders, includ-

while Avis and Alcantara became affiliated to Calatrava. are

sec-

be explained by the

after the Cistercian

of Calatrava

in 1158,

abbot of Fitero

when

the

Tem-

relationship which was established was similar to that

which obtained between Cistercian houses, with the head of the mother house having the right

of visitation, and

a role in the election of masters. Yet

most

military orders were in the-

ory subject only to the pope.

Conventual Life Recruits to military orders took the normal monastic vows of poverty, chastity and obedi-

ence

the exception was Santiago, which admitted married

they were expected to

and eating since

live a

coenobitic form of

life

in a refectory. All brothers resident in

men

to full

membership

—and

within a convent, sleeping in a dormitory

convents were obliged to attend services but,

many were illiterate, they were merely expected to listen as chaplains recited offices, and number of paternosters for each of the canonical hours. The periods between

to say a certain

services were taken

up by

practical pursuits. Meditative reading

was not expected of

lay

brethren; and although literary activity was not entirely lacking in the military orders, the only


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 — books found for the

most Templar convents

in

conduct of

services.

at the

time of the Templar

trial

I

}

I

2

2CX)

were those needed

Administration and charitable work occupied some brethren,

while sergeants often performed household or agricultural tasks. Little

is

known, however, of

the military training and exercises undertaken during periods of peace. Rules and regulations

were merely concerned to ensure that

of secular knighthood, such

activities characteristic

hunting and hawking, were shunned. In the words of the Templar Rule, ate for a religious order to indulge in this

way

in worldly pleasures',

'it is

as

not appropri-

although in waste lands

members

brethren of Calatrava were allowed to eat animals they had hunted. Unlike monks,

of military orders were in fact permitted to eat meat, though usually on only three days a

week.

The

fasts to

which they were subjected were

also less rigorous than in monasteries,

additional fasting without permission was prohibited. Although

main periods of

except in the Baltic

and

the

campaigning season, and although only

fasting did not coincide with the

a

minority of brethren were actually engaged in warfare, the concern was to ensure that brethren were strong enough to fight. As in monasteries, silence was normally to be observed at

mealtimes, although the Templar Rule did accept that ignorance of sign-language might

some

necessitate

talking during meals. In the matter of clothing the

by allowing

a concession

linen, instead

Templar Rule

also

made

of wool, to be worn between Easter and All Saints be-

cause of the Syrian heat. But simplicity was to be maintained in clothing and equipment, and

extravagance avoided.

Graded schemes of

penalties were devised to punish those

with sentences ranging from expulsion to merely

a

who

contravened regulations,

few days' penance, sometimes accompa-

nied by a beating. Yet decrees could not prevent breaches of discipline, and there were also

some permitted tirety.

There

officials,

is

of observance. The

relaxations

common

life

was not maintained

and by the beginning of the fourteenth century ordinary brothers

headquarters

at

in its en-

growing number of references to rooms or quarters belonging to individual

a

Limassol appear to have been occupying

ences to dormitories

—both

in leading

and

in smaller

cells

houses

or

rooms of

are,

some permitted

at the Hospital's

their

own. Refer-

however, encountered in

the records

of the Templar

tions: these

were sometimes, though not always, justified by military needs. Rules concerning

dress

trial.

and equipment were not

pitaller statutes, for

of gold and

silver

There were

also

relaxations

relaxed, but were difficult to enforce. Thirteenth-century

The enforcement of a

strict

restrictions

on hunting uniformly observed.

regime of life in military orders was often hindered by the ab-

to assess his suitability for the religious

life,

the mid-thirteenth century recruits to the Teutonic in the

Temple

it

at the

received

him

on

a probationary period,

Order could be admitted without

by

a novi-

disappeared altogether. Even when there was no probationary

period, however, orders did seek to provide

undertaken

who

and which would also have provided an oppor-

tunity for instruction. Although Calatrava continued to insist

and

Hos-

example, contain repeated condemnations of embroidered clothing and

on equipment. Nor were

sence of a novitiate, which would have allowed both a postulant and those

tiate,

of food regula-

some

instruction: in the

end of the admission ceremony, when the

recruit

Temple

this

was

first

was told of the penalties


2IO

â&#x20AC;˘

THE MILITARY ORDERS, 1120 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1^12

refectory at the headquarters of the hospital of st john in acrh. Although by the late thirteenth in the military orders had rooms or cells of their own, the common life

century a growing number of brethren

was not

totally

abandoned, and

in the larger

houses meals were usually

still

taken in a refectory.


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1312 for various offences

not have been

and given

a very effective

details

about the daily routine. Yet for the recruit

way of learning and, although

there were periodic public readings

in the

Temple,

as in

of regulations, the records of the Templar

fourteenth century reveal widespread ignorance and inaccurate knowledge

this

211

â&#x20AC;˘

could

other orders,

trial in

among

the early brethren.

Very varied assessments were given, for example, about the number of paternosters to be said

The

for each office.

absence of a novitiate, together with the

illiteracy

evitably created special problems; but declining standards were a

of many brothers,

in-

common phenomenon

throughout the monastic world.

Critics

and Changing Roles

Although the flow of donations was maintained

jected during the course

cism.

of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries to

The doubts which had been

by some

later writers,

expressed

and that they devoted

those

Paris in his Chronica majora

Brethren

who

Some

critics

and

it

widening range of criti-

emerged were echoed

They were

argued that brethren lived a

was held

that, in

life

of ease and

consequence, the

and the dean of Lincoln

at the

Council of Lyons in 1274.

did reside in frontier regions were blamed for a readiness to use force against

fellow Christians. This complaint was frequently

pitallers,

a

first

many knights in frontier regions, especially the Holy Land, who voiced this argument were the St Albans' chronicler

Matthew

region,

the institution

their revenues to this end. It

orders were not maintaining as

among

and

pride and avarice. But there was also growing censure of the uses

to which the orders put their wealth.

as they should:

when

but the orders were increasingly attacked on other grounds.

commonly accused of both luxury,

until well into the thirteenth century,

continued to come forward, the military orders became sub-

recruits to the leading orders

made of the Teutonic Order

in the Baltic

was also claimed more widely that the orders, especially the Templars and Hos-

were turning their weapons on each other because of the bitter rivalry which was

thought to

exist

between them. Rivalry was further seen to hamper

battle. Effective military action against

Muslims

in the East

fruitful co-operation in

was also thought to be hindered

by the independence enjoyed by the orders, while another claim was that military orders

in

the eastern Mediterranean region were reluctant to pursue aggressive policies towards the infidel.

When,

for example, the

Templars and Hospitallers counselled against attacking

Jerusalem during the Third Crusade, they incurred the censure of French crusaders.

were in fact thought by some to be on rather too friendly terms with the Muslims. other hand, the English Franciscan Roger Bacon in the 1260s criticized all.

His argument, which was one of expediency, was that

conversion of the

Teutonic Order

infidel.

This was

in the Baltic

clearly a

tors.

criticisms

Nor

were

all

On

the

for fighting at

their military activities

impeded the

minority view, but the Swordbrethren and the

region were on various occasions criticized for not furthering

conversion and for adopting policies which hindered

Such

them

They

must obviously be seen

who commented on

it.

in context. All religious orders

had

their detrac-

the military orders uniformly critical: these institu-


212

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

â&#x20AC;˘

tions

had

I 3 1

among

their defenders, even

those

who

were

at

times ready to pass censure. Popes

expressed criticism, but they also supported the orders throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. result

Some

of the

were clearly biased.

critics

The

privileges granted to the orders

secular clergy lost

by the papacy, and

income and authority

as a

in the thirteenth century they

were also repeatedly being asked to contribute to taxes in aid of the Holy Land. In the Baltic

many

region

were, moreover, not basing their

had become the conventional ited

Some of the

detractors were rivals of the Teutonic Order.

comments on personal

view.

Many

critics

understanding of the orders' position.

orders' resources,

Holy Land. But

few signs of affluence.

The

what

were also ill-informed and had only a lim-

They had an

exaggerated notion of the military

and therefore assumed that these orders should have no

ing the defence of the

opponents

orders'

experience, but merely repeating

inventories

difficulty in financ-

drawn up during the Templar

trial reveal

extent of rivalry was similarly exaggerated. Complaints about the

orders' policies towards the infidel in the

Holy Land

are to be explained partly

by miscon-

ceptions and differences of outlook. Crusaders often lacked a clear understanding of the po-

circumstances in the East and did not comprehend where the interests of the Latin

litical

settlements lay in the long term; they had

come

to fight the infidel

and favoured aggressive

without thought for the future.

policies,

Yet not

all

criticism

was

unfair.

The

orders did at times abuse privileges; and the use of

arms against fellow Christians could not always be

justified

while the Teutonic Order's determination to assert

then in Prussia suggests that

by the argument of self-defence,

independence

its

first in

Hungary and

was concerned not merely with furthering the struggle against

it

the infidel.

Towards the end of the thirteenth century the military orders were thought by many to be in

need of major reform. The

treatises,

pendence argued

ecclesiastical authorities, as well as the authors

devoted considerable attention to the matter. in the eastern

that, to

avoid

many

some or

1291. In

some of these

all

theorists,

the provincial councils which were

sessed to discover

councils

how many

it

it

was

of the military orders should be amalgamated. This

such as

summoned

Raymond

Lull

and Peter Dubois, and

to consider the issue by

by

also

Pope Nicholas IV

was also advocated that the orders' resources should be

in as-

knights could be maintained from their lands. Peter Dubois,

however, was of the opinion that their properties in the in other

of crusading

suggested that the orders' inde-

Mediterranean region should be curbed, but more frequently

rivalry,

view was advanced by

Some

West should be

confiscated and used

ways for crusading purposes.

Although some

theorists looked forward to a future

assume the leadership of the Christian cause

when

in the eastern

a single military

order would

Mediterranean, the proposed

forms were not implemented. Change resulted instead from altered circumstances

the church of the holy sepulchre, Jerusalem. The south rates a mixture

was added by

of Western and orientaJ

1153,

and was

styles

built over the

and motifs.

The

re-

in frontier

facade was completed by 1149 and incorpo-

bell-tower (which has

now

lost its

upper stage)

eleventh-century Byzantine chapel of St John the .Apostle.


j46ow

The

CRAC DES CHEVALIERS.

:

Hospitallers,

castle in 1144,

who

were given the

undertook extensive

and construction work

repair

there,

including the building of the outer enceinte at the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. fell

to the

Right:

ST

Mamluks

The

stronghold

in 1271.

BERNARD, CISTERCIAN ABBOT

of clairvaux. St Bernard, the leading

churchman of the West

in the

second

quarter of the twelfth century, played an

important role

Templar Rule In Praise of the militiae), in

critics

in the

in 1129,

compiling of the

and

^uewfiBois

also wrote

New Militia (De

laude novae

which he sought to answer

of the Temple's military

activities.

ftmams

oipttoDtir

gunDtfpacrccmltho miUtrmamrtiortim

^dansquttfdtgmra trfcfi^fco

dtgmtante


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1}12 regions.

It

took place most gradually

mid-thirteenth century.

Christians. Spanish rulers ian rivals, as

came

where the

in Spain,

The emphasis

Reconquista

to a halt in the

shifted towards involvement in conflicts between

to expect military orders to give service against their Christ-

happened when the French invaded Aragon

caught up in the internal struggles of the

in 1285;

and

in Castile the orders

later thirteenth century. In the eastern

ranean, the collapse of the Latin settlements in 1291 might point; but the losses

had come

seem to provide

of that year did not immediately destroy the orders'

and Hospitallers, together with St Thomas of Acre, moved which was only 100 miles from the Syrian

from

coast,

and

raison d'etre,

role for themselves

Minor. Apparently France, where

it

moved

it

was

their headquarters to Cyprus,

Holy Land. Yet

the Hospitallers en-

decade of the fourteenth century created

first

a

by conquering the island of Rhodes, off the south-west coast of Asia

in the

meantime the order of St Lazarus transferred

no longer had

Order established themselves were

for

The Templars

in the following years several expeditions

current discussions about the best way of recovering the

new

Mediter-

Templar and Hospitaller masters entered the

there, while

countered problems in Cyprus, and in the

were

a clearer turning

not apparent to contemporaries that the Holy Land had been lost for good.

against Islam were launched

213

.

a military role, while the

headquarters to

its

master and convent of the Teutonic

But in 1309 the headquarters of the Teutonic Order

in Venice.

from

again to Marienburg in Prussia, and

became

that date the order's interests

centred in the Baltic region.

The Trial of

the

Templars

While other orders were assuming new the order's headquarters were then rested

on the

initiative

recruits were forced to

still

roles, the

in

Cyprus

of King Philip IV deny Christ, to

It

spit

Temple was abolished. In October

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

1307

the Templars in France were suddenly ar-

was claimed that during admission ceremonies

on the

and to engage

cross,

indecent kissing;

in

brethren were also accused of worshipping idols, and the order was said to encourage sexual practices.

Pope Clement

master, James of Molay, and

V

numerous Templars had made confessions, he ordered

ern rulers to arrest the Templars and seize their property. able difficulty

was encountered

the Templars shut themselves year. In the early

months of

in their castles

and

some

prelates in

parts

of

Italy

all

and

countries of the West.

1311

cases for

three Templars admitted the truth

plars

who

of the main accusations.

late in 1311 to

more than

had been conducted by

results varied.

most Templars admitted the more serious

of Vienne met

west-

a

of the accusations was delayed by

inquiries

The

some

Although

charges,

in

It

inquisi-

France and

no confessions on

these issues were obtained in Cyprus, Aragon, Castile, or Portugal, while in

that the Council

all

only district where consider-

resisted, in

1308 further investigation

squabbles between Philip and the pope, but by tors

The

implementing the pope's instructions was Aragon, where

in

up

homo-

protested against Philips action, but after the Templar

was against

decide the fate of the order.

England only

this

A

background

group of Tem-

arrived to plead in the order's defence were not heard, although the majority

of the


the templar castle of miravet, on the ebro

in spain. Miravet, acquired by the Templars in

one of the strongholds where Aragonese and Catalan brothers ordered their arrest at the end of 1307. During the year-long age

on parts of the town below the

resisted

siege,

IV had

II after

Templar catapults

arrived at Vienne,

which was not so

inflicted considerable

Clement pronounced

and on zz March

easily resolved.

1312,

two days

the abolition of the order.

the surviving Templars were quickly pensioned off, but the fate of issue

1155,

was

the Aragonese king had

dam-

castle.

prelates present felt that they should be given a hearing;

Philip

James

after

Most of

Templar property was an


THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; IJI2 Since the time of the

trial

suppression of the Templars.

motives of Philip

IV

there have been

The

It is difficult

first

prise,

is

concerns their guilt or innocence, and the second the

The

Templars were guilty of the more

where the Templars were taken by sur-

who

Furthermore, the testimonies of those

important charges are hardly convincing: they are not consistent, and

of the practices mentioned

tions were advanced for the introduction sation, while even in France

seri-

absence of incriminating evidence, such as idols

statutes, particularly in France,

in itself significant.

215

two main topics of discussion concerning the

to believe that the

ous offences of which they were accused.

and copies of secret

â&#x20AC;˘

none sought to defend the alleged

confessed to the more

no

plausible explana-

in the articles

The

activities.

of accu-

confessions

convey the impression that large numbers of Templars were doing what none of them be-

and some French Templars

lieved in;

been of no benefit to the

Nor

guilty.

later retracted their confessions, a step that is it

tion, they

would have escaped detection

had been

apostasies,

Templar

priests.

likely that, if the practices

the Temple, as in other orders, there

earlier, for in

and many brethren had made confessions before the

In this context,

it is

noteworthy that during the

trial

in charges

that

trial

to non-

no witness who had

heard Templar confessions before 1307 claimed to have encountered error.

remembered

would have

had been of long dura-

It

should also be

that the accusations against the Templars were not new: precedents can be

made

earlier against alleged heretics or against

many Templars did

confess; but this result was achieved through persistent

interrogation, deprivation,

and

found

Muslims. There remains the

torture: the innocent have often

and

fact

skilful

been found guilty by these

means. It is

more

difficult to discern the

motivation behind the arrest of the French Templars,

own involvement in French crown was in need of money

partly because there has been uncertainty about the extent

decision-making.

It

has

commonly been argued

and that the motive was

financial. Certainly the

that the

of the

French king,

king's

like all

other rulers, did obtain

short-term financial benefit while Templar property was under his control. But this necessarily an indication

to have pressed persistently for long-term financial advantages.

been advanced that the crown was seeking to extend

its

its

scarcely military in character;

independence was

not

in practice limited.

its

The

The

further argument has

authority and could not tolerate an

independent, military, and aristocratic organization within

Temple was

is

of the primary motive; and the French government does not seem

its

kingdom. But

membership was not primarily trial

in

France the

aristocratic;

and

has also been interpreted as an affirmation

of monarchical power over that of the papacy. Yet

a case involving heresy

and idolatry was

hardly best suited for the purpose: the French government had to accept that passing judge-

ment on him.

the order was a matter for the pope, even if

Some

contemporaries

set the trial against the

it

was able to browbeat and influence

background of recent proposals which

were partly designed to extend French influence in the Holy Land; but

of these emanated from the French government and stance during the

had been

trial. It is

it is

it is

difficult to relate

not clear that any

them

possible, however, that Philip actually believed

circulating about the Templars.

He

to the crown's

rumours which

seems to have become increasingly preoccupied


2l6

â&#x20AC;˘

THE MILITARY ORDERS, II20â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1312

philip iv

much

and members of his family. The reasons for the French king's arrest of the Templars in 1307 are may have become increasingly concerned with religious issues after the death of his wife

disputed, but he

(not shown here).

with matters of religion after the death of his wife in the

pope would take what he would have regarded

1305,

as

and he may have doubted whether

adequate action. But

it is

difficult to

reach definitive conclusions.

The

early fourteenth century in

many ways marks

of the military

orders. Yet, although the

institution was

still

the end of the

Temple was abolished and

first all

stage

of the history

orders criticized, the

seen to be of value, even though in the fourteenth century the orders' roles

were being modified.


10

Islam and the drusades loqb-ieqq ROBERT IRWIN

Expectations of the

Day

etails of how the world would end were so that the fourteenth-century

Arab

known

to medieval

chronicler, Ibn Kathir, felt able to

chronicle of Islamic history, The Beginning and

of the expected sequence of events.

well

Many Muslims

the

in the

Muslims

round

oft his

End, with a circumstantial account

crusading period believed that the

Last Days would be inaugurated by a dark sun rising in the west, followed by the appearance

of the barbarous hordes of

Gog and Magog. Then

appear (and, according to one account written

in

the hordes of

Gog and Magog would

Lake Tiberias dry before heading off east). The appearance of Gog and lowed by that of the one-eyed Antichrist, Dajjal,

dis-

twelfth-century Syria, they would drink

who would

ride

Magog would

be fol-

through Palestine on an

ass,

followed by a retinue of 70,000 Jews. Dajjal would perform false miracles in parody of Jesus.

But after forty days Jesus would descend from the heavens and slay the Antichrist, before destroying the cross and calling

on

all

would

set in the east, the first blast

would

die.

At the second

blast every

people to follow the religion of Islam. Finally the sun

of the trumpet would sound and with

man and woman who had

and brought to Jerusalem to be judged. Other accounts gave and some stressed the

role

of the Mahdi,

a divinely

it all

living things

would be resurrected

slightly differing chronologies

guided figure

Last Days, prior to the appearance of the Antichrist, and justice to the

ever lived

who would appear

who would

in the

bring bring victory and

Muslims.

Speculations about the Last Days and the role of the

Mahdi

in

them were frequently

in-

tertwined with prophecies about Islam's triumph over Christianity and about the future fates

of Jerusalem, Constantinople, and Rome. According to

a hadith,

or saying, attributed to the

Muhammad, which was already circulating before the coming of the First Crusade, 'The Hour will not come until God gives my community victory over Constantinople.' Apart from hadiths, much apocalyptic material was spuriously attributed to Ka'b ibn al-Akhbar, a Prophet

seventh-century companion of the Prophet.

A

literary genre

of malahim

(literally 'slaughter-


2l8

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

ings'), writings

biblical

dealing with the fierce wars of the Last Days, was spuriously attributed to the

prophet Daniel,

Much of the

or, later,

the thirteenth-century Andalusian Sufi mystic, Ibn al-Arabi.

early malahim literature

to defend their Syrian territory

to stress that the

was produced

at a

time when Muslims were struggling

from Byzantine attempts to retake

Muslims would

face

Jerusalem to the Christians for a while

many

The

it.

hardships and setbacks

prophecies tended

they might even lose

before ultimately triumphing. There were tales of a

talismanic statue standing in the centre of Constantinople, which used to hold a sphere, on

which were written the words

'I

will reign over the

world

as

long

as this

but Arab sources reported that the sphere was no longer in the

some Muslim legends

Rome.

ing taken

it

was the Mahdi

who would conquer

In the period just prior to the

sphere

statue's

is

in

my hands',

hand. According to

Constantinople, after

coming of the

First Crusade,

Jewish) expectations were particularly focused on the imminence of the

first

hav-

Muslim (and

Muslim

year 500

AH

(corresponding to ad 1106— 7).

For Muslims, Christians, and Jews the insecurity.

While some expected

late

eleventh-century

more mundane

many Muslims hoped

level,

for a decisive victory in the long-drawn-out

Whatever people were expecting

inspired invasion of peoples

A

time of acute

of the Mahdi and the End of the World. At

struggle for control of Syria between the Fatimid caliphs of

the eastern Islamic lands.

a

the revival of the Islamic faith at the end of the fifth Islamic

century, others fearfully awaited the appearance a

Near East was

Egypt and the Seljuk

sultans in

certainly was not a religiously

it

from western Europe.

Middle Eastern Mosaic

The success of the

First

Crusade and the establishment of Christian

principalities in the

Near

East was one of the relatively minor consequences of the disintegration of the Seljuk sultanate after the death of the Sultan Malik-Shah in 1092.

The

Turks favoured the sharing of rule amongst the family and,

men

after

of the Seljuk

Malik-Shah's death, his kins-

fought over his empire, in Iran, Transoxania, Caucasus, Iraq, and Syria. Turkish gener-

and

als

tribal traditions

client

warlords

in

Syria

and elsewhere supported

increasingly independent local policies. ian Fatimids Syria.

At the same

princes

took advantage of Seljuk disarray to make gains

at their

and pursued

of the Egypt-

expense in Palestine and

Barkayaruq, the eldest son of Malik-Shah, struggled to establish a precarious

suzerainty over the heartlands of the empire, but he was torial

rival

time, generals in the service

confederation

From

when he died

1038 onwards, the Seljuk sultans

caliph in

Baghdad and

century Abbasids had

as the

still

only the senior figure in a terri-

in 1105.

had pretended to

rule as the servants of the

defenders of the Sunni Islamic

little effective political

faith.

Abbasid

In practice, the eleventh-

authority, even within the city of Baghdad,

and

the Caliph al-Mustazhir (1094— 1118) had plenty of time to pursue his enthusiasm for poetry

and cal

calligraphy.

and

Even

religious

so,

the Abbasid caliph was, formally at least, recognized as the politi-

head of the Islamic world by most Sunni Muslims. Sunni Muslims took


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

â&#x20AC;˘

219

nomadic Turkish tribesmen furnished a large part of the auxiliary forces which fought against the crusaders. The Mamluks, or slave soldiers, were also customarily recruited from the steppe-dwelling Turks. The composite recurved bow (depicted top right) was the chief source of the Turks' military prowess.

their

name from

panions, a Sharia) litical

body

his

Com-

of orally transmitted traditions which helped shape both Islamic law (the

now

authority of the caliphs, even though this authority was by

Muslims who held

and

of Shi'is held that

spiritual successors. Shi

was in abeyance. Twelver

whom

Shi'is, the Isma'ilis,

political au-

and then by the imams who were

meant the party of Ali. One major group of the twelfth imam

Shi'is waited for the return

in 878, ulti-

of the Hidden

Druze and then of the

Although in

held that

it

was

after the disappearance in

760 of

they regarded as the rightful seventh imam, that the imamate had gone into

occultation. In the course

Muslims

and

with his coming the imposition of Islamic justice on the whole world. However,

another group of Isma'il,

'Ali

after the disappearance, or occultation,

spiritual authority

Imam and

'a

a legalistic fiction.

that ultimate religious

thority could only be held by 'Ali, the Prophet's son-in-law, his descendants

sions

and

and the conduct of individual Muslims. Sunni Muslims recognized the supreme po-

In this they differed from Shi'i

mate

Muhammad

the Sunna, or words and deeds of the Prophet

of the eleventh century there were further schisms,

the Nizari Isma'ilis, or Assassins, broke away

Isma'ili it is

Fatimid caliphate

in Cairo.

impossible to be dogmatic on such a matter,

Greater Syria (that

centuries were Sunnis

who

tinctions between Sunni

is

as first the

from and opposed the preten-

Syria,

it

Lebanon, and Palestine)

seems probable that most

in the eleventh

and twelfth

professed allegiance to the Abbasid caliphs. However, the dis-

and

Shi'i doctrines

Sunnis had Shi'i leanings, while there were ing service with the Abbasid caliphs

and

many

were not always very clear and many who had no compunctions about tak-

rituals

Shi'is

and the Seljuk

sultans.

Sunnis and Shi'is lived cheek by


220

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

jowl in the big

Muslim

was very large and

in

cities.

some

Although the Sunnis were

in the majority, the Shi'i minority

Most Syrian Shi'is of Isma'ilism made repeated

parts of Syria the Shi'is were in the majority

were probably Twelvers, but supporters of the Assassin version

attempts to take over in Aleppo and other big Syrian towns in the early twelfth century, before finally electing to create a small territorial principality centred

Masyaf in

Outside the Shi'is

territories of the

found themselves

fortress

of

in Iran,

Fatimid caliph, in most other regions of the Islamic world

in an adversarial position.

Shi '1, in the medieval period

born

around the

the Syrian highlands.

it

Although modern Iran

is

overwhelmingly

was a bastion of Sunnism. However, Hasan-i Sabah, who was

but of Arab descent, established an Isma'ili Assassin enclave in the highlands

south of the Caspian Sea. His followers seized the castle of Alamut in 1090 and subsequently other castles in the region

Evidently

Crusade

it

would be

under

of Greater Syria prior to the coming of the

Muslim. Not only were there

been described

tive Christians in

Isma'ili control.

a mistake to think

as monolithically

lims, but, as has

fell

both the

cities

in

Chapter

6,

there were

religious schisms still

and the countryside. One

significant

among

the

First

Mus-

communities of na-

group of Christians, the Melkites

(or Orthodox), looked to the Byzantine emperor for leadership and protection, but other

Christian sects

—among them

the Jacobites, Nestorians, and Maronites

ferred to practise their faith freely under

Muslim rulers customarily shunned ever, in the twelfth-

Muslim

figurative

overlords.

imagery on coins

—may

in favour of

Arabic inscriptions.

and thirteenth-century Near East some Muslim princes who ruled over

Christians did issue coins with images the left a Seljuk copper coin

shows

a

well have pre-

Many found advancement under

large

How-

numbers of

on them, probably to conform to the expectations of their subjects. On warrior. On the right a Mosuli coin shows the crescent moon (a

mounted

symbol of Islam) being held by the seated

prince.


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

221

^W^u fiJ&n&t fr\*@&^

>U %&j*

POPES AND EMPERORS. £^y'

•—its*3

In sjeneral

had very

Muslim

historians

or

little interest in

knowledge of the history of their Christian enemies.

However, the thirteenthcentury Persian historian of the world, Rashid al-Din,

who worked under Mongol

x

patronage, did succeed in

assembling

a little

informa-

tion about such figures as the

Emperor Frederick II and Pope Gregory IX who feature here in a series of stylized portraits in the Persian

manner.

>Lr-*>i%

-^

l»:

AS

'"tN^J>>-> Li.

"oils

^Ao^

t

Muslim and

in

rulers,

and native Christians were particularly prominent

medicine.

The prominence of Christians was

(Egyptian Monophysites) dominated the

Armenian

The

fiscal

in the

urban bureaucracies

even more marked in Egypt, where Copts

some army

bureaucracy, while

officers

were

Christians.

political situation

more complex than

of the Near East on the eve of the

the religious one;

easy to separate in an Islamic context. late eleventh

and

early twelfth century

and indeed

The most

religious

First

and

Crusade was,

if

anything,

political issues are often

significant feature

of Islamic history

not

in the

was the break-up of the empire of the greater Seljuks.

After the death of Malik-Shah, the Caliph al-Mustazhir tried alternately to mediate between

warring Seljuk siblings and to profit from their conflict by increasing his independent authority in Baghdad. Similarly, elsewhere in the disintegrating Seljuk empire, governors and


222

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

â&#x20AC;˘

soldiers appointed to rule over Seljuk

towns and provinces took advantage of dynastic

Some of those who

to establish themselves as independent rulers.

strife

did so used their formal

tenure of the office of atabak (literally 'father-prince') to conceal the fact of their usurpation

An

of independent power.

advise an under-age scion nor.

However,

aside

and

Syria,

was a sort of military nanny who was deputed to protect and

of the Seljuk dynasty who had been sent out

one might expect,

in

one province

after

another the

as a provincial goveratabaks set the princes

took independent power for themselves. Thus, for example, Mosul

effectively

the 1090s had

and

as

atabak

come under

the control of Karbuqa,

its

in

atabak. Elsewhere in Iraq, western Iran,

independent Turkish warlords and ambitious mercenaries,

as well as

usurping

atabaks, sought to increase their territories at each other's expense.

In the late eleventh century Greater Syria was a vast war zone fought over by generals and

former in

clients

of the Seljuks on the one hand and armies

Egypt on the

tered Syria.

other.

On

running from Aleppo in the north,

However

in the south.

towns and the Fatimids

coastal

Sultan, but a few years

troops occupied a large part of Syria, including the axis of large

in the Syrian interior,

Damascus

of the Fatimid caliphs

in the service

1064 onwards Turkomans, nomadic Turkish tribal forces, en-

These Turkomans were not under the control of the Seljuk

later regular Seljuk

towns

From

Hama

via

still

ruled at least claimed, by Ridwan, a

retained a presence

on

the coast and in Palestine.

Aleppo and most of northern Syria was

nephew of Malik-Shah. Ridwan was

the influence of Assassin agents and was always unpopular in Aleppo. in that city,

and Horns, to

the Seljuks and their allies were less successful in taking

the eve of the First Crusade,

popular

Muslim

ruled, or if not

later to

Not

come under

only was he un-

but his ambitions in Syria were also opposed by his younger brother

Duqaq, who was nominal

ruler

of Damascus. Moreover the

Aleppo governed by the emir Yaghi Siyan was

allied

from the

east

of Antioch to the west of

with Damascus against Aleppo. Anti-

och s Muslim population was probably small, for until 1084 wan's territory was also threatened

city

it

had been

a

Byzantine

city.

Rid-

by the ambitions of Karbuqa, the atabak of

Mosul.

Almost every town

in Syria

seemed to have

Thus Horns was under

own

its

ruler.

Many

of those rulers were Turks

the control of Janah al-Dawla, another Turkish atabak.

and

soldiers.

It is

worth noting here that although most of Syria's population was Arab, most of the mil-

itary elite in the region

was of Turkish and, to a

lesser extent,

Kurdish stock. However, from

1086 onwards, the town and fortress of Shayzar in northern Syria were ruled by the Banu

Munqidh, an Arab

clan

of Twelver

against the Fatimids in 1070

by the crusaders also an

in

n 09.

It

fleets.

Tyre, Sidon,

The

city

and was governed by

had

independent republic.

by their

Shi'ites.

a

a

port of Tripoli had successfully rebelled

dynasty of qadis (judges) until

predominantly Shi'ite population.

The

The

for Jerusalem,

it

capture

port of Beirut was governed by the Fatimids and supplied

and Acre were

also

under Fatimid control, but only since 1089 and

only precariously so and there were repeated revolts against Egyptian

As

its

port of Jabala was

had been taken from the Fatimids by

rule.

Atsisz, a Turkish general, in 1071,

but in 1098 the Fatimids, taking advantage of Turkish preoccupation with the arrival of the


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, 1096-1699 First

Crusade

in

northern Syria, had reoccupied the

Nasr-i Khosraw,

who

perform the

in the

Muslim

itself

Many Muslims

Dome

it

The

was

city

'the third

most holy

Day of Judgement when

reasons for

and

in the Valley

Trumpet of

the

creatures brought to

all

of Gehenna,

its

Temple Mount

in the

life

once

just outside the east-

therefore chose to be buried at or close to this

Rock

of the

The

site.

of Jerusalem had been

area

construction are mysterious, but by the eleventh cen-

was widely believed by Muslims that

that the

ens

in 692.

the

for the second time

ern wall of Jerusalem.

completed

On

assembled

Muslim

shrine of the

of about

a population

mystics chose to reside there. Jerusalem had a special status

would be blown

more, mankind would find

tury

Mecca and Medina. The

(pilgrimage) to

hajj

scenario of the Last Days.

the Resurrection

had

traveller,

by Muslim pilgrims, who for one reason or another were un-

visited

many Muslim

place of God' and

According to the Persian

visited Jerusalem in the 1050s, the place

20,000 and was much able to

city.

223

â&#x20AC;˘

it

was from the rock

in the centre

of the shrine

Muhammad up to the heav-

winged steed Buraq sprang when he carried the Prophet

on the Night Journey.

Although the Fatimids did

exert themselves to reoccupy Jerusalem in 1098, the place

not of vast importance to them. Ramla was their capital

in Palestine

naval base. Outside the towns in Palestine their writ hardly ran at

man

all

and Ascalon

by a Jewish pilgrim stranded

Jerusalem for

five years,

in

Egypt

how

reveals

but bandits and bedouin had

However the danger faced by pilgrims

in Palestine

made

the road to the city impassable.

was not the immediate cause of the First

Crusade. Rather the territorial gains

made

led the Byzantine emperor, Alexius

at the

A letter written

he had vainly been trying to reach

Seljuk sultan of Rum, Kilij Arslan

I,

their chief

and bedouin and Turko-

freebooters terrorized villagers, merchants, and pilgrims of all religions.

in 1100

was

expense of the Greeks in Asia I,

Minor by

the

to ask for military

help from the West. Kilij Arslan belonged to a separate branch of the Seljuk clan and

it

was

one which was constantly

it

was

Kilij Arslan's

at

odds with the 'Greater Seljuks' of Iran and

tested by a rival dynasty

Minor

itself,

the supremacy of the Seljuks of

northern Anatolia. Both the Seljuks of Rum and the Danishmendids ruled over

in

territories

whose populations were overwhelmingly composed of Greek

The Christian Jihad and Given the divided

state

in Anatolia,

the

of the Islamic world, the successive triumphs of the armies of the

First

northern Syria, and Palestine are hardly surprising. Although Turkish

1097â&#x20AC;&#x201D;8, their movements were unco-ordinated.

too weak to

Christians.

Muslim Response

armies were dispatched from Aleppo, Damascus, and

saders there

Rum was con-

of Turkish frontier warriors, the Danishmendids, whose centre of

power was

far

Indeed

attempt to profit from the Greater Seljuk's disarray in Upper Iraq which was to

lead to his death in 1107. In Asia

Crusade

Iraq.

resist the

Christian advance, and

The

Mosul

for the relief

satisfaction.

in

smaller coastal cities to the south were

when

the Fatimids lost Jerusalem to the cru-

may have been some among the Sunni Muslims who viewed

by their Shi 'ite enemies with quiet

of Antioch

the loss of that place


224

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, 1096â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1699

â&#x20AC;˘

The

letter written in iioo

by

a Jewish pilgrim stranded in

Egypt

things appeared in the immediate aftermath of the Christian conquest of Jerusalem. that plague vizier

and

had ravaged and weakened Egypt but that

first

later that year.

The Franks

were widely mistaken for Byzantine

troops and they were not expected to hang on to Jerusalem for very long. Even the political and religious divisions in the

Many Mus-

movement and of

the full significance of the crusading

the Christian occupation of Jerusalem.

It reveals

nevertheless, al-Afdal, the Egyptian

was confidently expected to retake Jerusalem

general,

lims also failed to appreciate at

how

gives us a picture of

Muslim community and

so, despite all

despite widespread

Mus-

lim ignorance about the origins and motives of the crusaders, there was immediate outrage

many

over crusader atrocities at such places as Ma'arrat al-Numan, where

inhabitants had

been massacred, and their capture of the Holy City.

Towards the end of 1099 the chief qadi of Damascus, al-Harawi, led to

of refugees

a delegation

Baghdad to seek the help of the Caliph al-Mustazhir. Al-Harawi's address to the

which brought

of his audience, was soon afterwards adapted and turned into

tears to the eyes

verse

by the

How

can the eye sleep between the

Iraqi poet

Ibn al-Abiwardi. lids at a

While your Syrian brothers can only

The

caliph,

caliph,

who had no

time of disasters that would waken any sleeper?

on the backs of their chargers or

of his own to speak

soldiers

do something, but the Seljuk

sleep

of,

wrote to Barkayaruq asking him to

who at that time was engaged Muhammad, did nothing.

sultan,

with his brother, Ghiyath al-Din

in vultures' bellies?

in a

war

in

northern Iran

In 1110 a similar delegation, this time headed by the Shi'te qadi of Aleppo, Ibn

Khashshab, came to Baghdad determined to

Khashshab organized

a

demonstration

prayers and this action was repeated a

wife into

Baghdad was

Dm Muhammad

I,

up opinion

later.

The

a jihad.

to receive any substantial help

Much formed

early

court in favour of

in

Baghdad during the Friday

caliph was furious. It

is

true that Ghiyath allatter's

pretensions

would do something and went through the

from any of the claimants to the Seljuk

in Syria

were never

sultanate.

against the crusades was couched in poetry

and con-

which governed Arabic poetry's various genres. Thus poetry about

the destruction and exile brought about by the crusaders tended to be expressed in a first

form

developed by the pre-Islamic nomadic Arabs to lament vanished camp-sites, 'places of

lost bliss': as for

example

in this

crusaders' sack of Ma'arrat

This

al-

the processional entry of the caliph's

However, the victims of the crusaders

Muslim propaganda

to the conventions

mosque

Then

Barkayaruq's death in 1105 had taken over the

to rule over the Seljuk sultanate, promised that he

motions of preparing for

at the caliph's

the support of Sufis and merchants, Ibn

in the caliph's

week

similarly disrupted.

who on

stir

With

concerted action against the Franks.

al-

my

friend

is

a

poem which

al-Numan

town which

recycles traditional motifs in a lament for the

in 1098.

God has doomed to its destruction. me its former residents, old and young,

Stop [your] camel and bewail with

And remember,

if

you enter

it

one

day, that

it

was the residence of the beloved!


aleppo, one of the chief cities of Muslim Syria, was dominated by was

work of Zengid and Ayyubid

largely the

commemorates the Alexander

the achievements of the

rulers.

Mamluk

its

vast citadel,

whose construction

However, an inscription over the entrance of the gatehouse

Sultan

Qalawun

as 'the

suppressor of worshippers of the cross,

of his time, conqueror of capitals and of the armies of the Franks'.

The Idea of Jihad Although

initial

Muslim responses

and often couched

to the

coming of the crusades were

in inappropriately archaic forms,

grips with the full significance

some Muslim

of the Christian invasion and

set

the

Holy War

mosque of Damascus. His

came to

about trying to organize a

Muslim

counter-crusade. 'Ali ibn Tahir al-Sulami (1039â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1106) was a Sunni attached to the great

inevitably confused

leaders swiftly

Kitab al-jihad (1105)

to be produced after the arrival of the Franks in the

religious scholar

was the

Near

first treatise

East. Unlike

on

some

of his contemporaries, al-Sulami did not confuse the crusaders with Byzantines. Rather, he regarded the expedition of the Franks as part of a Christian

'jihad'

from the West, which had

the aim of helping native Christians as well as conquering Jerusalem.

umph

of the crusaders

in Syria as a

symptom of the moral and

He

political

presented' the

tri-

decay of Islam and


226

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

of the enfeebled

state

of the

Prophet

victory, since the

for a while, but then they

caliphate, but he also offered his readers the certainty

Muhammad

had predicted that the Muslims would

would not only

retake

it,

of future

lose Jerusalem

but they would go on to conquer Con-

stantinople.

Al-Sulami was also aware of conflicts between Christianity and Islam which were going on

and North Africa. His readiness to

in Spain, Sicily,

text

of a struggle between the two

was

later to

see the crusade within the broader con-

way across the Mediterranean,

religions, extending all the

be closely echoed in a chronicle written by the thirteenth-century Mosuli histo-

rian Ibn al-Athir.

The

appearance of the empire of the Franks, the

first

of Islam and occupation of some of them occurred of Toledo and others

of Andalus,

in the land

rise

of their power,

in the year

it,

of the lands

478 [1085—86], when they took the been

as has already

[1091—92] they attacked the island of Sicily, and conquered

their invasion

and

Then

set forth.

this

too

I

in the year

have related before.

city

484

Then

they forced their way even to the shore of Africa, where they seized a few places, which were however recovered from them.

Then

they conquered other places, as you will

now

see.

When

the year 490

[1096—97] came, they invaded the land of Syria.

Another historian based

Rahim, Ibn is

Aleppo

book devoted

actually wrote a

Abd

in

book has not

al-Rahim's

to The History of

survived, except in

Abd al-Rahim

particularly sad as Ibn

in the early twelfth century,

Hamdan

Franks who Invaded

the

quoted

the

ibn

Abd

al-

Islamic Lands.

extracts in later histories. Its loss

was well placed to have written such a work, having

first

held a village from the Frankish lord of al-Atharib and then later taken service with the

first

great leader

of the

jihad, Zangi.

Although al-Sulami's was the it

was not the

be found

first

in the

Prescribed for you

Fight those

who

Book

And

is

to be written

fighting,

such

jihad treatise to be written in response to the crusade,

on

the subject.

though

God and

men

until they

it

be hateful to you. the Last

as practise

(Qur'an

Jihad,

which

is

ultimate authority for jihad

is

to

(Qur'an

Day and do not

11.

216)

forbid what

God and His Messenwho have been

not the religion of truth, being of those

pay tribute out of hand and have been humbled.

fight the unbelievers totally even as they fight

fearing.

The

itself.

believe not in

ger have forbidden

given the

book

Qur'an

first

you

totally;

(Qur'an

and know that

God

is

ix.

29)

with the god-

ix. 36)

commonly

translated as 'holy war', literally

to advance Islam. According to traditional Sunni

Muslim

means

'striving': that is striving

doctrine, leadership of the holy war

to extend the territories of Islam was vested in the caliph. In the eighth and ninth centuries it

had been one of the duties of the Abbasid caliph to

direct the jihad.

Harun

al-Rashid, for

example, led his troops against the Byzantines every other year; in the alternate years he led the

hajj,

or pilgrimage to Mecca. Jihads were also launched in the eastern lands against the


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, I096 — 1699 pagan Turks

Transoxania and central Asia as well as against idolatrous Hindus

in

ern India. Volunteers for these and other holy wars were expectation of booty and,

if

they

known

as ghazis.

227

north-

in

They fought

in the

the course of campaigning, they were assured of the

fell in

of martyrs.

status

The Bahr al-Fava tise in

or 'Sea of Precious Virtues',

id

an encyclopaedic and rather preachy trea-

is

anonymous

the mirrors-for-princes genre, written in the 1150s or 1160s by an

Nur al-Din's

probably resident in

Persian,

Aleppo. Since the author was evidently intensely concerned

with the struggle against the Franks in Syria, he sets out the doctrines and regulations concerning the jihad, as they were understood in the mid-twelfth century. There are two sorts of jihad: there infidel.

an interior jihad against ones

—and

According to the Bahr

the subject is

is

there are then

a collective duty

al-hlam).

Some Muslims is

here, as elsewhere,

two sorts of exterior

flaws it

and an exterior jihad against the

all

will

on

reflected conventional thinking

jihad. First, there

is

the offensive jihad. This

imposed on the Muslim community to extend the Muslim

Muslim neighbours; Secondly, there

own moral

territories

(Dar

wish to take part in these aggressive campaigns against non-

Muslims

support them with money and approbation.

are obliged to

the defensive jihad to drive out aggressors

by the Muslims. This sort of defensive war

is

who

have occupied territory held

an obligation that

falls

on every able-bodied,

adult Muslim.

The

Bahr examines the rights and duties of those going on jihad in

warrior must seek his parents' permission if he sure that his wife

is

properly provided

for.

He

under-age. If he

is

The

and children may not be

rules regarding

booty

author,

who

only he

who is

in a

who

who

more than

is

Muslims

in the jihad.)

confronted by more than two

complex. Here some of the

A

infidels.

seem

Bahr's claims

ec-

participate in the jihad deserve presents, 'and the gift

that for a camel or an

of the war against the

and

his

mihrab [prayer niche] holds

pen

is

ass'.

Elsewhere in his

treatise,

the

and despised Christians,

While some

infidel:

'Beware

pen

in

lest

you think that aghazi

infidel; for

indeed that scholar

hand and knows the proofs of Islam,

sharper than the sword.' Although the author of the Bahr loathed

heretics within the fold

greater threat. 'Shedding the blood

this

fight alongside

holds a sword in his hand and confronts the

mosque and

a warrior

married he must make

evidently an alim, or religious scholar, insists that religious scholars also have

is

a right to a share in the spoils is

The

killed.

are extremely

centric. It argues that even animals

for an elephant should be

detail.

should not expect to be paid. (However, the

Muslim treasury may pay Christians and Jews to Muslim on the battlefield may only flee when he

Women

is

some

theorists in the

of a heretic

is

of Islam were perceived by him

as

an even

the equal of seventy holy wars.'

Middle Ages argued

that the jihad was a defensive

war

only,

was the view of a minority and most authorities held that the obligation of jihad did not

lapse until

all

the world was brought under the sway

duty of a Muslim ruler

is

to prosecute the jihad

he does not do so and he makes peace with the alive,

for he

of Islam. The Bahr

insists that the first

and bring about the victory of Islam, and infidel, that ruler

would be

would be corrupting the world. However, the author of the

if

better dead than

treatise

recognized


228

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

â&#x20AC;˘

that,

whatever pious theorizing might hope

while

Muslim made war upon Muslim. Shi'i theology only the imam may

In

occultation, this particular duty

is

in

the Franks in Syria continued to prosper,

for,

call for

an offensive jihad, and, since the

ample, although the Isma'ili Fatimids and the Twelver Shi

Shayzar repeatedly engaged ogy. Also,

many Muslims,

in battles

is

in

ite

Banu Munqidh

lords

of

with the crusaders, jihad played no part in their ideol-

particularly Shi 'is

second place to the jihad against the

imam

abeyance until the Last Days approach. Thus, for ex-

and

took

Sufis, stressed that the external jihad

own

evil in one's

soul.

Propagandists for the jihad stressed the special status of Jerusalem in Islam and in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries treatises were produced which were devoted to the special excellences tises

of Jerusalem, or of Palestine, or of Syria

(jradail)

as a

whole. Such trea-

drew on similar works which had been produced during the Arab wars with the Byzan-

tines.

A

related genre dealt with the lesser pilgrimages, or ziyarat, to the

many of which happened

martyrs, and Sufi holy men,

to

lie

in territory

tombs of prophets,

then occupied by the

infidel Franks.

Jihad

The

in Practice

history of the

Near East

inated politically by the

as a

whole

in the period

of Seljuks, the

tall

rise

of the Mongols. The same period saw the sans of

Sunnism over

stroyed

first in

Iran

and

from the 1090s

fall

in Syria.

Although

it

would be

period of Near Eastern history 'the Age of the Crusades',

power of the Assassins was de-

seriously misleading to label this it still

tory of Syria and Egypt in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries

growing unity of those Islamic lands

in

dom-

coming

widespread political triumph of the parti-

fairly

the Shi 'is. In particular, the territorial

and then

to the 1290s was

of the Khorezmians, and the

is

remains true that the hisprimarily the story of the

response to the challenge posed by the existence of

the Latin settlements.

There were no Muslims the entire

left in

Muslim population

Jerusalem after crusaders had slaughtered or taken captive

in 1099; Christian

Arabs from the Transjordan were

vited to settle in Jerusalem to help repopulate the

city.

In

some

places, such as

later in-

Ramla, the

population fled in advance of the crusaders. In other towns and villages they chose to

stay.

Frankish settlement brought better policing to the coastal areas and a degree of protection for the agriculturalists

mained

in

from marauding bedouin and Turkomans. The Muslims who

crusader territory had to pay a special poll

lands where

it

was the Christians and Jews

who had

hand, unlike Latin Christians, they did not pay the

grim to Mecca who, on claimed that the

tithe.

Ibn Jubayr,

a

Spanish Muslim

well treated by their Frankish masters

under neighbouring Muslim

rulers.

long-term danger of them converting to Christianity.

He

Muslim

On the other

way home, passed through the kingdom of Jerusalem

Muslim peasantry were

taxes than peasants a

his

tax, reversing the situation in

to pay the poll tax, or jizya.

re-

pil-

in 1184,

and paid fewer

even thought that there might be


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699 Nevertheless, the evidence does not the

Muslims had

Muslim

all

run one way and, even

elected to stay, there were subsequent revolts

rebellions in

the

1113 in

Nablus region,

gion, in 1144 in the southern Transjordan,

and

on

some of those

in the century there

cus.

These and

palities settled

earlier refugees

m

restore their

homes

of the lord of Mirabel, the inhabitants of

injustice

to them.

tribal

empire to carve out small in 1118,

against

fled across the

Jordan to Damas-

from the kingdom of Jerusalem and the other Latin

a vociferous

groups

who had

princi-

Aleppo and

lobby for the prosecution of a jihad which

They looked

for a leader.

Ilghazi, the first plausible candidate to present himself,

one of the many Turkish

when,

were sporadic 1150s, after sev-

the cities of the interior, especially in certain quarters of

Damascus, where they constituted

would

and

Nablus region decamped en masse and

eight villages in the

where

1180s in the Jabal Bahra re-

peasant uprisings in Palestine which coincided with Saladin's invasions. In the eral protests against the exactions

areas

ZZg

and mass exoduses. There were

and

in the 1130s later

in

â&#x20AC;˘

was a

member of the

clan

of Artuq,

taken advantage of the break-up of the Seljuk

He

territorial principalities for themselves.

was governing Mardin

he was asked by the citizens of Aleppo to take over in their city and defend

Roger of Antioch. Ilghazi took oaths from

fight in the jihad

and he went on to win the

first

his

Turkoman following

Not

jihad.

consolidating his

own power around Mardin than he was

would

Muslim counter-crusade

victory in the

the Field of Blood. However, in various respects Ilghazi failed to

of a leader of the

that they

conform

it

at

to the ideal image

only was he a hard drinker, but he was really more interested in in destroying the principality

of

Antioch. Ilghazi died in 1122 without having lived up to the hopes the Aleppans had invested in

him.

Imad al-Din Zangi, self as the leader

the atabak of Mosul (1127â&#x20AC;&#x201D;46), was

of the

write that if 'God in his

the Franks

jihad.

mercy had not granted it.'

both of threats by the Assassin

from the Franks, did not

resist

more

successful at presenting him-

thirteenth-century Mosuli historian Ibn al-Athir was to

would have completely overrun

izens, fearful

made

The

him. Like so

that the atabak [Zangi] should

conquer

Zangi moved to occupy Aleppo sect within the city

many

and of the external threat

nominated by the

atabaks

Syria,

in 1128. Its cit-

Seljuks,

Zangi

use of his position to establish what was effectively an independent principality in

northern Iraq and Syria. In

this principality,

Zangi imitated the protocol and institutions of

the Seljuk sultans of Iran. Like the Seljuks, he and his officers sponsored the foundation of

and

madrasas

The

ing college It

khanqas.

madrasa,

was an

which had

its

origins in the eastern lands

whose professors specialized

entirely

in the teaching

of the Seljuk

of Quranic studies and

where Sufis lodged, studied, and performed their

in

under Zangi and

which both

rulers

his successors

and the

known

rituals. Sufi

to play an important part in the wars against the crusaders.

mament,

was

a teach-

religious law.

Sunni Muslim institution and indeed one of the most important aims of

such colleges was to counteract Shi 'i preaching. Khanqas (also

khanqas in Syria

sultans,

as zawiyas)

were hospices

preachers and volunteers were

The

proliferation

of madrasas and

was part of a broader movement of moral

religious elite devoted themselves to

rear-

stamping out cor-


230

â&#x20AC;˘

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

Muslim warriors fighting. Although the bedouin Arabs rarely wore armour, professional Muslim cavalry wore chain armour very similar to that of their Christian opponents. In this crude twelfth-century Egyptian drawing the Fatimid warriors are shown bearing the same sort of kite-shaped shields that were favoured by their Western contemporaries.

ruption and heterodoxy in the

Muslim community,

as part

of a grand jihad which had much

wider aims than merely the removal of the Franks from the coastline of Palestine.

The

Babr

al-Favaid, discussed above, faithfully reflects the ideology of the time. Besides preaching holy

war against the Franks,

counsels

it

its

readers against reading frivolous books, sitting

on

swings, wearing satin robes, drinking from gold cups, telling improper jokes, and so on.

Although Muslim

pietists, particularly in

and the new leader of the

Aleppo, looked to Zangi

jihad, for the greater part

of his career he did

expectations and in fact he spent most of his time warring with larly

hoped

to

add Muslim Damascus to

as the

his lands in Syria, but

Muslim

man of destiny

little

to meet their

rivals.

He

particu-

Damascus s governor, Mu'in

al-Din Unur, was able to block Zangi's ambitions by making an alliance with the kingdom

of Jerusalem. However,

in 1144,

thanks to a fortunate though unplanned concatenation of

cumstances, Zangi did succeed in capturing the Latin city of Edessa.

The

the Syrian lamented the capture of the city: 'Edessa remained a desert: a

ered with a black garment,

drunk with blood,

cir-

historian Michael

moving

sight cov-

of

sons and

infested by the very corpses

its

daughters! Vampires and other savage beasts ran and entered the city at night in order to feast


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

on the

of the massacred, and

flesh

who dug

cept those

it

became the abode of jackals; for none entered

would not be sound policy to reduce such

his

men

tels

looted from them

Zangi,

was

it

.

.

The

city

child to his

was restored to

its

be a more urgent

made

a

in

and Zangi

all

the chat-

installed a gar-

Ascalon had

priority.

in the 1150s

and

Jerusalem in order to secure rather looked to

Nur

Aleppo by

his

son

Nur

its

1160s

fallen to the

viziers

who

There Nur al-Din com-

1154.

Mosque

in Jerusalem, in expectation

However, the conquest of Egypt proved to

his armies.

pawns of feuding military

Egypt

together with

state,

triumphal entry into that city in

Franks in

The Fatimid

port within striking distance of the Nile Delta.

some

and realized that

al-Din who, with the assistance of an eager pro-jihad faction within

imminent reconquest by

the impotent

it

therefore gave the order that

home

former

missioned a minbar, or pulpit, to be installed in the Aqsa city's

He

he liked

assassinated by a slave in 1146, was succeeded in

Nur

the walls of Damascus,

of that

there ex-

it.'

who was

al-Din, and

.

city

a place to ruins.

woman and

should return every man,

rison to defend

231

to discover treasures.'

But according to Ibn al-Athir: 'when Zangi inspected the it

â&#x20AC;˘

1153,

giving crusader fleets a

caliphs of

Egypt had become

and ethnically divided regiments. There were

favoured coming to terms with the

assistance in

kingdom of

propping up the Fatimid regime, while others

al-Din in Damascus for help

m repelling the

infidel.

The Rise of Saladin was a Muslim army sent by

In the end

it

Egypt and

in

very

little

Egypt was officers,

Nur

al-Din which succeeded in taking power in

thwarting Christian ambitions in the region. But

from the success of his expeditionary officered

by

a

force.

The

Nur

largely

mixed group of Turks and Kurds, and

Turkish army he sent to

it

Saladin (or Salah al-Din) from the Kurdish clan of Ayyub,

trol as vizier

of Egypt

in 1169. In 1171 Saladin

al-Din himself gained

was one of the Kurdish

who took

effective

caliph of Egypt to suppress the Fatimid caliphate

and from then on the symbolically

signifi-

cant Friday sermons in the congregational mosques were preached in the names of the

basid caliph of Baghdad and of

Nur al-Dm,

Shi'ism had been the

elite

affair

of an

little

Sunnism, Saladin and

careful to foster

madrasas

and by patronizing

Egypt were

coming about

When Nur al-Din died in

cupied Damascus, displacing

of Egypt and Damascus

Mosul from

its

is

orthodoxy by founding

Sufis.

Nur

al-Din's son.

best understood

in

al-Din, but he was less forthmilitary assistance which he

1174, Saladin

advanced into Syria and oc-

The

first in

Zangid prince and secondly

Nur

money and

actually providing his master with the for.

many powerful Sunni

resistance to the enforced return to

Saladin was ever ready to offer declarations of loyalty to

was repeatedly asked

Ab-

the sultan of Damascus. In Egypt, Sevener

and, even then, there had been

Muslims, Christians, and Jews. Although there was his successors in

con-

took advantage of the death of the incumbent

greater part

of Saladin's career

as ruler

terms of his unsuccessful attempts to take

terms of his drive to create an empire to be


2}2

â&#x20AC;˘

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

ruled by his clan.

He

had to

Ayyubid kinsmen's expectations by carving out ap-

satisfy his

panages for them. This clan empire was largely created

at the

mous

Muslim

expense of Saladin's

neighbours in northern Syria, Iraq, and the Yemen. Throughout his whole

career,

an enor-

part of Saladin's resources were devoted to fulfilling the expectations of kinsmen and

followers. Generosity

was an essential attribute of

However, Saladin was also under pressure of refugees

from

a

medieval

a different

Muslim

ruler.

kind from pious

and

idealists

Palestine to prosecute the jihad against the Latin settlements. Leading civilian

intellectuals, like

al-Qadi al-Fadil and Imad al-Din al-Isfahani, both of

adin's chancery, incessantly

nagged

their master, exhorting

neighbouring Muslims and to turn his armies against the

him

infidel.

whom

worked

in Sal-

to cease fighting against

Al-Qadi

and

al-Fadil

his

subordinates were to turn the chancery into a major instrument of propaganda for Saladin, and, in letters dispatched

all

over the

Muslim

world, they presented Saladin's activities as

having one ultimate goal, the destruction of the Latin principalities.

house of Zangi and other enemies of Saladin attacked him

on feathering

his family's nest, Saladin's supporters

as a

When

partisans

usurper and as

a

of the

nepotist bent

were able to point to his prosecution of

the jihad as something which legitimized his assumption of power.

Even

really very active in the field against the Christians until 1183, after

Zangid Aleppo had

so,

Saladin was not rec-

ognized his supremacy.

The Armies of Saladin Although the armies that Saladin to the jihad, they were not

and

Nur al-Din, was

led against the Latin principalities were formally dedicated

composed of gbazis.

composed of Turkish and Kurdish

primarily

of the officers, or emirs, received an village, estate,

Instead, Saladin's army, like those

iqta,

an allocation

of"

professional soldiers.

tax revenue fixed

upon

Most

a designated

or industrial enterprise, which they collected for themselves and in return for

which they performed military

service.

Despite being the recipients of

handouts on campaign. In addition Mamluks, or Saladin's elite force, as they did

slave soldiers,

iqta,

ish mercenaries. Finally, the

they also expected

formed an important part of

of almost every medieval Muslim army. Saladin and

temporaries also recruited mercenaries, and the Seljuks in Anatolia even

tribal

of Zangi

numbers of

Saladin's armies

contingents of bedouins and Turkomans

who

made

his

con-

use of Frank-

on campaign were swelled out by

fought

as light cavalry auxiliaries in ex-

pectation of booty.

The layers

elite

Turkish troops were experts

in the use

of horn and sinew and commonly about

English longbow, the Turkish

bow

a

of the composite recurved bow made of

metre in length when unstrung. Like the

could only be handled by someone

who had been

and who had developed the necessary muscles. Unlike the English longbow, sive cavalry

weapon and

it

had more penetrating power and an even longer

the longbow. However, the mass of bedouin and

whose arrows had much

less force,

Turkoman

it

trained

was an offen-

target range than

auxiliaries used simpler

bows,

and hence those accounts of the English crusaders march-


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699 ing towards Arsuf in

1191,

though they were more or

of

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

if

that

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

the emirs

as their knightly

mangonel in

so covered with arrows that they looked like hedgehogs, even

less

as a

Muslim

An

Muslim troops

unscathed.

a light lance, javelin, or sword.

mour

and Mamluks

in lamellar

made use

generally

ar-

as heavily protected

in the

ever an extremely

in

Shayzar

life.

in

on how

his treatise

the length of a man's

book has

centuries.

Age of Saladin

Book of Learning by Example') sheds an

Munqidh, was born

90 when he wrote

gappy and

on encounters

northern Syria in 1095 and died

He

in 1188.

Usamah

was almost

divinely ordained fate determines everything, especially

Since most of the examples

the appearance

interesting light

battlefield. Its aristocratic author,

(

'ibrai)

are taken

of an autobiography. Viewed

evasive piece

of work and

count of his numerous dealings with the Franks. In his patron,

armour or mail were

and thirteenth

between Muslims and Christians on and off the

the

combat

launcher of projectiles for siege purposes, there were no significant innovations

military technology in the twelfth

Arab-Syrian Intriguer

life,

in close

Although most men were protected only by leather

opponents. With the exception of the introduction of the counterweight

Kitab al-It'ibar ('The

ibn

2 33

'

it

from Usamah 's own

autobiography

as

how-

presents a wilfully fragmentary ac-

during the early 1140s

fact,

it is

Mu'in al-Din Unur, the general who controlled Damascus, were

Usamah and

in regular

com-

munication with King Fulk and both visited the kingdom of Jerusalem on diplomatic business.

But business was often mixed with pleasure and, for

Usamah went hunting with them and he had

all

his ritual cursing

of the Franks,

plenty of opportunities to get to

know them

socially.

According to Usamah the 'Franks (may Allah render them helpless!) possess none of the virtues

of men except courage'. But

this

was the virtue that

others, and, in his remarkably balanced account

to point to

both positive and negative aspects.

On

absurd;

on the other hand, Usamah himself received

lies;

on the other hand, there

are

Franks

who

in the

are

trial

justice

cures

by combat

from

's

at pains

work remarkably is

grotesque and

a Frankish court.

Holy Land behave

Usamah

is

all

some Frankish medical pro-

some of their

the one hand, the Frankish judicial procedure of

one hand, some Franks who have newly arrived

himself valued above

of the customs of the Franks, he

On the one hand,

cedures are stupid and dangerous; on the other hand, well.

Usamah

friends

like

On

the

barbarous bul-

and who have

a real un-

derstanding of Islam.

While Usamah chose hand combat,

his

book

is

to stress the

many

singularly free

times he had encountered the Franks in hand-to-

of any reference

to jihad. In part this

rospective embarassment about his diplomatic dealings with the Franks, but that

no

Usamah

was, like the rest of the

Banu Munqidh,

belief in the special religious validity

warlord

like

a Shi'ite

Muslim and

may reflect

it is

ret-

also the case

therefore he

had

of a jihad waged under the leadership of a usurping

Saladm.

Incidentally, quite a

number

of

Usamah

's

contemporaries, eyewitnesses of the crusades,


234

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

also wrote autobiographies, ers. it

which we only know about from quotations

'Abd al-Latif al-Baghdadi (1161/2— 1231/2), an

survived,

it

works of oth-

man who

led an interesting

life,

Had

one such book.

might have been even more interesting than Usamah's autobiography,

an exceptionally intelligent

al-Latif,

Iraqi physician, wrote

in the

'Abd

for

visited Saladin during

the siege at Acre and then later at Jerusalem after the peace with the Richard. 'Abd al-Latif

of alchemy, in which he discusses the alchemists' belief that the

also wrote a refutation

was to be found

in the eyeballs

Elixir

Abd al-Latif remembered being present at the

of young men.

aftermath of one of the battles between the crusaders and the Muslims and seeing scavenging alchemists balls

moving from corpse to corpse on the bloody

of the dead

field

and gouging out the eye-

infidel.

The War Poets In his

own

Usamah was famous not

times

had studied the Qur'an with

care, his

as

an autobiographer, but as a poet. Although he

moral values were only drawn in part from the Qur'an

and both the code of conduct he subscribed to and the language Franks and others owed

battles with the

much

at least as

poetry of the nomadic Arabs of the Hijaz. In this respect,

many of

the leading protagonists in the

around Saladin

in the 1170s

twelfth century.

Imad

and

Muslim

1180s included

al-Din al-Isfahani,

in

which he described

Usamah was no different from The council of advisers

counter-crusade.

some of the most distinguished

who worked

in Saladin's chancery,

writers

of the

was not only a

panegyric historian, but also one of the most famous poets of his age. Al-Qadi al-Fadil,

headed in

Saladin's chancery,

was similarly a poet.

his

to the traditions of the pre-Islamic

He

was

who

also a crucially influential innovator

Arabic prose style and his metaphor-laden, ornate, and bombastic prose

style

was to be

imitated by Arabic writers for centuries to come.

Usamah was said to know by heart over 20,000 verses of pre-Islamic poetry. Usamah's mnemonic powers were exceptional. But even Saladin, a Kurdish military adventurer, was nevertheless steeped in Arabic literature. Not only did Saladin carry an anthology of Usamah's poetry about with him, he had also memorized the whole of Abu Tammam's Hamasa, and he delighted in reciting from it. In the Hamasa ('Courage'), Abu Tammam (806?— 845/6) had collected

bedouin poems from the pre-Islamic period and presented them to

guide to good conduct. In the Ayyubid period 'people used to learn

bother to have is

it

on

told in books: In

their shelves'. its

had selected celebrated

More

edge

is

According to Abu

it

Tammam, 'The sword

is

the separation between truth and falsehood.'

traditional

Arab

his readers as a

by heart and not

values, especially courage, manliness,

truer than

The poems he and generosity.

generally the genres, images, metaphors, and emotional postures pioneered by the

pre-Islamic poets helped to dictate the forms of the poetry

commemorating

defeat and vic-

tory in the war against the crusaders and indeed to form the self-image of the

Muslim

what

warriors.

Thus

tropes developed for boasting about hand-to-hand

elite

of the

combat and petty

successes in camel raiding in seventh-century Arabia were revived and reapplied to a

Holy


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

War

â&#x20AC;˘

235

fought by ethnically mixed, semi-professional warriors in Syria and Egypt. Saladin's

kinsmen and successors shared

his tastes

and quite

few of them wrote poetry themselves.

a

Al-Salih Ayyub, the last great Ayyubid Sultan of Egypt (1240â&#x20AC;&#x201D;9) employed and was advised

by two of the greatest poets of the

late

Middle Ages, Baha al-Din Zuhayr and Ibn Matruh.

Cultural Interchange

Muslim and Frankish

military aristocrats were capable of enjoying each other's

might go hunting together. There was in particular,

ian port

of Acre. The

traveller

Ibn Jubayr observed that

remained

at peace'.

between Muslims and Christians, there was

necessarily encourage understanding. ers

'the soldiers

intelligence

a

woman's

nor

privates

is

little

cultural interchange. Proximity did not

According to the Babr

quite

al-Fava

id,

who

the books of foreignbelieves that his

God

to,

and he has neither

memoirs

that several Franks

mad; he should not be spoken

faith.'

Although Usamah could not speak French, could speak Arabic. lon, the

occupied themselves in

However, though there were numerous con-

were not worth reading. Also, according to the Babr, 'anyone

came out of

They

it is

clear

from

Lord of Kerak of Moab, spoke Arabic and worked

comment on books

his

learned the language for utilitarian purposes. Rainald of Chatil-

the Transjordan. Rainald of Sidon not only to

of trade between Muslim and Christian and,

merchants passed backwards and forwards between Damascus and the Christ-

their war, while the people tacts

also a lot

company and

in that language.

knew

closely with the local

bedouin

in

Arabic, but he employed an Arab scholar

However, no Arab books were translated into Latin

or French in the Latin East, and the Arabs for their part did not interest themselves in western literature. King Amalric employed an Arab doctor,

Abu Sulayman Dawud, whom

brought back from Egypt some time in the

this

Baldwin. Far more lations

common though

and

1160s,

he had

doctor was to treat his leper son,

was the Muslim use of native Christian doctors. Specu-

about the transmission from East to West,

via the Latin East,

of such things

as the

pointed arch, heraldic blazons, sexual techniques, cookery recipes, and so forth remain just speculations.

Muslim and

Christian

elites in

Near East admired each

the

fanaticism and warrior-like qualities.

They had no

The important

had taken place

cultural interchanges

was mostly transmitted to Christendom

other's religious

interest in each other's scholarship or art. earlier

via Spain, Sicily,

and elsewhere. Arabic learning

and Byzantium.

Hattin and After Saladin occupied Aleppo in 1183 and lordship of Mosul in 1186.

dom

Mayyafanqm

in 1185

Only then did he embark on

and he received the nominal over-

his greatest offensive against the king-

of Jerusalem. In June 1187 he crossed the Jordan with an army of perhaps 30,000, of

which 12,000 were regular for the jihad,

cavalry.

Some of the remainder were

and Muslim chroniclers noted the

mutawwiun, civilian volunteers

role that these volunteers had,

performing


2}6

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

â&#x20AC;˘

such tasks

have been hoping to capture the castle of Tiberias.

counter King

Guy of Jerusalem's army

may

advance of the Christian army. Saladin

as setting light to the grass in

in battle

He

was probably not expecting to en-

and he does not seem to have made advance

preparations to take advantage of the sensational victory he did win at Hattin.

Most of the

distinguished Christians taken in the battle were eventually ransomed, but Sufi mystics in Sal-

entourage were granted the privilege of beheading the captured Templars and Hospi-

adin's

tallers.

moved

In the immediate aftermath of the battle, Saladin

swiftly to

occupy

a series

of

weakly defended places on the coast and elsewhere, before turning against Jerusalem, the surrender of which he received on 2 October. Saladin had failed to take the great port of Tyre

and

would

this

later serve as

couple of years after Hattin,

an important base for the Third Crusade. In as

they were riding towards Acre, Saladin told his admiring bi-

'When by God's

ographer, Baha al-Din ibn Shaddad, of his dream for the future:

Frank

my

is

last

left

on

this coast, I

commands;

a conversation a

mean

to divide

my territories, and to

then, having taken leave

of them,

charge [my successors] with

on

will sail

I

help not a

this sea to its islands in

God,

pursuit of them, until there shall not remain on the face of this earth one unbeliever in

or

I

will die in the attempt.'

However Saladin and

of Jerusalem to the Muslims would

result in the preaching of yet another great crusade in the

West. In the meantime, Saladin's chancery rulers.

Their

letters

and insinuated that

as the

officials

wrote to the caliph and other Muslim

boasted of the capture of 'the brother shrine of Mecca from captivity' Saladin's earlier wars against his

to be justified in that they

Then,

his advisers failed to anticipate that the fall

had enforced unity

Muslim neighbours could now be

in service

of the

seen

jihad.

contingents of the Third Crusade arrived from the West, a war of march and

countermarch began.

It

was

effectively a

war of attrition, which strained Muslim resources to

the limit. In the words of al-Qadi al-Fadil, Saladin 'spent the revenues of Egypt to gain Syria, the revenues of Syria to gain Mesopotamia, those of

Constantly short of money, Saladin had great

Holders of their

iqtas

Mesopotamia

difficulties in

wished to supervise the harvests

to conquer Palestine'.

keeping large armies

in the villages

in the field.

from which they collected

income, while Saladin's kinsmen were sometimes more interested in pursuing ventures

of their

own on

the edges of Ayyubid empire than they were in helping

off against the armies of the Third Crusade.

riod that there were

There

some who regarded Saladin

as

are hints in

him maintain

a stand-

Arabic literature of the pe-

an eschatological figure, a warrior of the

Last Days, but shortly after the return of the crusader contingents to Europe, Saladin,

out by the years of campaigning against the crusaders, died of a fever

worn

in 1193.

The Heirs of Saladin Saladin's successes

had been achieved

at a considerable cost

and

pursuing an unduly aggressive policy which might bring them Palestine, but at the cost

of provoking

his successors

were chary of

territorial gains in Syria or

yet another crusade. After Saladin's death, his empire


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, 1096 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

237

â&#x20AC;˘

was divided among mutually hostile kinsmen, most of whom stressed their attachment to the prosecution of jihad as practised by Zangi, of

whom

Nur

al-Din,

princes,

some

were hardly more than figureheads for aggressive factions composed of Turkish

and Mamluks, were usually more interested

officers

and Saladin, but these

in contesting

supremacy within the Ayyu-

bid empire. At times indeed one or other of the Ayyubid princes allied with the Franks in the Latin states against others of their kinsmen. Usually, though not always, the ruler of Egypt

was recognized by the

of the clan

rest

nors in Damascus, Aleppo,

as the senior

Hama, Horns, and

brother, Sayf al-Din al-Adil, was sultan

was nominally in charge when the

first

from the

But

first

The

in the longer

1218

and thus

May

However,

1218.

when

it

was he who

was his son, al-Kamil,

doomed by

who

al-Adil died in August, succeeded

crusaders did eventually succeed in taking Damietta in

run they were

it

contingents of the Fifth Crusade landed on the Nile

directed defensive operations and then,

as sultan.

sultan, while the others, gover-

of Egypt from 1200 to

Delta some way to the west of Damietta in

him

and the

elsewhere, were only maliks (princes). Saladin's

their failure to advance swiftly

November

12 19.

on Cairo,

as al-

Kamil's kinsmen in Syria and Mesopotamia, with greater or lesser degrees of enthusiasm, sent

contingents of troops to the assistance of Egypt. In the end the crusaders surrendered etta to

al-Kamil in

The

poet Ibn

Dami-

1221.

Unayn made

use of the traditional form of the qasida (ode) to celebrate the

victory:

Ask

the backs of the horses

on

the day of battle concerning us, if our signs are

unknown, and the

limber lances

On the morning we met before Damietta a mighty host of Byzantines for certain or even

[sic],

They

agreed as to opinion and resolution and ambition and religion, even

They

called

upon

advanced

Upon them

as

every

not to be numbered either

by guesswork.

their fellow-crusaders [Ansar al-Salib,

lit.

'helpers

if they differed in

language.

of the Cross'] and troops of them

though the waves were ships for them.

manner of mailcoat of armour,

glittering like the

horns of the sun, firmly woven

together.

And

so

on

for another twenty verses or so.

According to the poet, the crusaders fought well

and the Muslims treated those who surrendered with compassion. is

really the

point of the poem)

all

praise goes to the

And of course

house of Ayyub and

its

(and

this

noble prince

al-

Kamil.

Another fawning poet wrote If there is a Mahdi You who made the

it is

you,

religion

of the Elect and the Book to

live.

However, despite the heroic legacy of Saladin and the Ayyubid triumph

Ayyubid dealings with the crusaders

at

in the early thirteenth century are better

Damietta, the

understood

terms of a need for coexistence than a desire to prosecute the jihad. Although the Muslim

in re-


2}8

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

.

ligious law could not

countenance the formal conclusion of any sort of permanent peace with

demands of commerce and

the infidel, nevertheless the (usually) ten-year truces

setting

Muslims co-operated

Christians and

Thus an

and the

up

some

in

of

agriculture led to the negotiating

areas

of rural condominiums

which

in

administration and the collection of the harvest.

in the

intermediate Dar al-Sulh (Territory of Truce) was permitted to exist between the

otherwise starkly opposed Dar al-Islam (Territory of Islam) and Dar al-Harb (Territory of

War). Saladin's austere dedication to warfare and politics was not followed by

The of

was

early thirteenth century

life:

1258)

parties, picnics, love,

produced

some under

all

his heirs.

a great age for literature in Arabic, celebrating the pleasures

and wine-drinking. The famous poet Baha al-Din Zuhayr

a diwan (anthology), the

the Ayyubids; as in the

and monasteries of Egypt with

poems of which provide evidence

poem

in

his beloved

for a

dolce vita

(d.

for

which he describes himself visiting the taverns

and getting drunk and fancying

'the

moon-faced,

slender-waisted monks'.

When

1229 al-Kamil, threatened by a coalition of hostile kinsmen, surrendered

in

Jerusalem to Frederick world. However, his

most vociferous

critics

them, were just as ready to come to 1238.

widespread criticism throughout the Muslim

his action aroused

II,

Primogeniture counted for

were other Ayyubid princes,

tactical alliances

or nothing in the Ayyubid confederacy and

little

who took

Kamil's second son, al-Salih Ayyub,

who when

over in Egypt in 1240. Al-Salih

already occupied Jerusalem temporarily in 1239 and in 1245 he was to add

with

territories. In his struggles

rival

regiment, the Bahris. As has been noted above, almost

them

in a cult

When

it

was

al-

Ayyub had

Damascus

Ayyub all

relied heavily

Muslim

leaders

on

his

made

Ayyub bought unprecedented numbers of Kipchak Turkish

the south Russian steppe.

suited

to his

Ayyubid princes and with the Christians who con-

tinued to hang on to the coastline of Palestine, al-Salih

troops, but al-Salih

it

with the Christians. Al-Kamil died in

He trained them thoroughly in the arts of war and he

Mamluk

use of slave

from

slaves

indoctrinated

of loyalty to himself.

Louis IX's crusade landed

ing defences at al-Mansura the conduct of the war.

in

Egypt

on the Delta,

The

Bahri

it

in

was

1249 and al-Salih Ayyub died while directlargely the

Mamluks who

Mamluk

officers

who took

over

defeated the French at al-Mansura in 1250

were described by the contemporary chronicler Ibn Wasil as the 'the Templars of Islam'.

few months

later these elite

Their action precipitated

a

troops murdered Turanshah, al-Salih's son and presumptive

decade of acute political turbulence

which Ayyubid princes, Turkish and Kurdish

generals,

and

in

both Egypt and

rival factions

A

heir.

Syria, in

of Mamluks fought

over the provinces of the Ayyubid empire.

This sort of internecine in a sense a luxury,

conflict,

which gave the Latin settlements

breathing space, was

something which had to be abandoned when the Mongols entered

Although Mongol armies had penetrated the Near East large part

a

of Anatolia

in the 1240s, a

as early as the 1220s

Syria.

and occupied

more systematic programme of conquest began

a

in the

1250s under the leadership of Hulegu, a grandson of Chinggis Khan. In 1256 the Assassin

stronghold of Alamut was taken;

in 1258,

Baghdad, seat of the Abbasid caliphate, was sacked;


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, 1096 — 1699

239

boat carries mamluk archers kneeling with drawn bows. This leather image of a boat was used Muslim victories against the crusaders were celebrated in shadow plays and in popular epics. a river in the

and

medieval Egyptian shadow theatre. Real and imaginary

in January 1260 the

Mongols crossed

the Euphrates and entered Syria. Al-Nasir Yusuf,

the Ayyubid ruler of Aleppo and Damascus, into the desert. It

was

left to

He

was

later

Qutuz,

a

of Egyptian and Syrian the battle of

Ayn

Jalut

Mamluk 3

cities to

the

Mongols and

fled

captured and executed by the Mongols. officer

last-ditchers

on

abandoned both

who had usurped

the sultanate, to muster an

army

and advance out of Egypt to confront the Mongols

September.

The

of Qutuz s

fruits

victory, however,

at

were reaped

by another Mamluk, Baybars, who murdered Qutuz and proclaimed himself sultan of Egypt

and

Syria.

Al-Zahir Baybars (1260—77) had become sultan by wielding an

assassin's knife

and

he stayed sultan by proving himself to be an effective war leader. Civilian propagandists did

not linger over the the jihad.

facts

Throughout

of his usurpation; they stressed instead

his reign Baybars

Euphrates frontier against the pagan Mongols.

Crac des Chevaliers from the Christians. this military jihad as part

his effectiveness as leader

showed ferocious energy

He

Finally,

also

in

of

defending Syria on the

took Caesarea, Arsuf, Antioch, and

he and his

officials

were careful to present

of a wider programme of moral reform and regeneration. The Ab-

basid caliphate was re-established under

Mamluk

himself the protector of the holy

of Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem. Measures were

cities

protection in Cairo.

The

sultan declared


24°

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

hulagu, the Mongol ilkhan of iran (1256— 65), ing a composite recurved

bow

while drinking what

is is

shown

in this sixteenth-century Persian miniature hold-

probably qumiss (fermented mares milk).

The bow and

arrow were Turco-Mongol symbols of royal power.

taken against the consumption of alcohol and drugs, and heretics were investigated. In the

course of a series of campaigns in the 1260s and 1270s the Assassin castles in Syria were occupied.

By the end of Baybars's reign the map of the Near East presented ance from that of the 1090s.

The

Ayyubids' failure to take

a

a very different

appear-

stand against the Mongols had

discredited that dynasty, and Baybars had taken over their principalities, leaving only

under

a tributary

princeling.

Egypt and Syria were now part of a

Hama The

single empire.

extended from the frontiers of Nubia to those of Cilician Armenia. Some-

sultan's territory

what

Ayyubid

similarly, to the east

of the Euphrates the patchwork of post-Seljuk

principalities

had

been replaced by the Mongol Ilkhanate.

Slaves on Horseback

The

Seljuks had

4,000

Mamluks

made

in his

use of

army

Mamluks

and, according to one source, Alp Arslan had had

at the battle of

Manzikert

in 1071.

Although

Saladin's emirs

mostly to have been free-born Turks and Kurds, his shock troops were Mamluks.

seem

What

was


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

Mamluk

exceptional about the

sultanate of

which the key military and administrative luk sultans sors.

At

commonly

first,

fielded larger

241

Egypt and Syria (1260— 1517) was the degree to

offices

were monopolized by Mamluks.

and better-trained armies than

their

The Mam-

Ayyubid predeces-

most of the Mamluks imported into Egypt and Syria were Kipchak Turks from

the steppes of southern Russia, but

from the

1360s

onwards there was

a partial shift in pur-

chasing policy and increasing numbers of Circassians from the Caucasus were recruited. Al-

though Turks and Circassians predominated, there were also Europeans

Hungarians, Germans,

these Europeans in pirate raids

had been captured

Italians,

as

and others

in the

numbers of

significant

Mamluk

ranks.

Most of

youths in wars in the Holy Land and the Balkans or

and then forcibly converted to Islam.

The young Mamluks in the Cairo citadel embarked on a punishing schedule of military They were made to slice at lumps of clay with their swords as many as 1,000 times a day so as to build up their arm muscles. They were taught bareback riding and horse archery, with special emphasis on how to fire backwards from the saddle. An important exercise was shooting up and back at a gourd raised on a high pole. The horse archer had to training.

drop

his reins to fire

unknown in polo,

for tyro

and guide the horse with

Mamluks

his knees as

he fired his arrow, and

was not

common

an aristocratic sport which doubled as training for warfare. Large-scale organized

hunting expeditions had a similar function

in

both the

Mamluk and Mongol

Mamluks were also instructed in Arabic and Islam and quite a few The formation of an educated military elite in the thirteenth and

write.

explains the proliferation of treatises

works

it

to die as they crashed into the pole. Fatalities were also

in this genre dealt

on furusiyya.

Furusiyya literally

learned to read and

fourteenth centuries

means horsemanship, but

not only with the management of horses, but with

lated to warfare, including the use

of the sword, bow,

lance,

and

territories.

later

the skills re-

all

cannon,

as well as the

deployment of siege engines and the conduct of armies. Authors commonly provided such skills for the

conduct of

the jihad in the service of Allah. Thus, for example, al-Tarsusi claimed that his

manual on

treatises

with prefatory doxologies stressing the importance of these

archery was

composed

for Saladin to help

him

in his struggle against the infidels. In a later

treatise, The Book of Knowledge about Horsemanship, its

author Badr al-Din Baktut al-Rammah ad-

vocated a sort of self-investiture in knighthood in the jihad, and he wrote that if one wished to be a holy warrior (mujahict), one should go to the seashore

the ablutions, invoke

God, and plunge oneself

and wash

one's clothes,

in the sea three times before

perform

performing the

prayer.

Despite the increased professionalism and dedication of the

Mamluk

army, their cam-

paign against the Latin settlements was a drawn-out war of attrition, in which siege campaigns were interspersed with periods of truce. survived,

tell

truce documents,

many of which

have

us a lot about Syrian society in the thirteenth century, as their various clauses

make provision taxation of

The

for the establishment

boundary

of customs posts, the return of escaping

areas, the restitution

merchants across the frontiers.

of ship-wrecked goods, and the

slaves, joint

safe passage

of


242

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

Baybars's long-drawn-out offensive against the Latin strongholds, which began in 1263, was

resumed by the sultan al-Mansur Qalawun (1280—90). and Tripoli

in 1289.

The Mamluks

were by

now

He

took Margat and Maraclea

in 1285

fielding such large armies that the Christians

dared not meet them in open battle. In the course of those decades they also seem to have

become

skilled at the digging of siege

When

hurling projectiles.

moved fall

finally

mines and they made increased use of mangonels for

Qalawun's son and successor, al-Ashraf Khalil (1290—3),

against Acre in 1291, he brought with

Mamluk

of Acre to the

him

of seventy-two

a train

siege engines.

sultan precipitated the Christian evacuation

towns and strongholds. Al-Ashraf Khalil, taking ing that his capture of Acre might provoke a

a lesson

new

from

crusade, had

on the coast of Palestine and Syria systematically ruined so

Saladin's experience, all

the Latin towns

as to prevent

The

of the remaining

and

fear-

and ports

them being used

as

bases by future Christian expeditions.

Latin churches and palaces were looted and in the decades to

come Gothic columns and

other spoils from Syria were frequently used to adorn the mosques of Cairo. Al-Ashraf Khalil

had

commemorated

his victory

in a fresco in the

Cairo citadel showing

strongholds. In the years which immediately followed the their attentions against heretical

who

suffered

from campaigns against them

ing under

Muslim

Mamluk

in 1292, 1300,

of Acre,

in the highlands

and

1305.

rule suffered during the crusading period.

ian treatise written towards the

that during the reign

all

the fallen Latin

Mamluk armies

turned

of Syria and Lebanon

The Maronites in particular More generally, Christians livThey were suspected as acting

authority.

columnists for the Franks and later for the Mongols

as spies or fifth

parts

and Christian groups

obstinately resisted the imposition of

fall

also. In

an anti-Christ-

end of the thirteenth century by Ibn al-Wasiti,

was alleged

it

of Baybars the people of Acre had employed Christian arsonists to burn

of Cairo. After the overthrow of the Fatimids, Christians were no longer entrusted with

senior positions in the

Damascus and

army and, though Christians continued

Syria, there

and they were sometimes accused of abusing

Mamluk period

mobs, sometimes led by

Thus

work

in the tax

bureaux in

their positions to oppress

Muslims. In the

there were sporadic instances of Christian officials being forced to convert

even though the forcible conversion of Christians and Jews

pretexts.

to

were repeated campaigns against their continuing in such work

Sufi preachers,

is

—and

forbidden by Islamic law

demolished Christian churches on the

flimsiest

of

the crusades, one of whose declared aims was to bring aid and succour to the

native Christians

of the

tected status within

East,

Muslim

had the long-term

effect

of

irretrievably

weakening their pro-

society.

AUAndalus While

in Syria, Palestine,

thirteenth centuries

made

and Asia Minor Muslim armies

end of the Mediterranean had been losing ground wards.

The

in the

course of the twelfth and

steady gains at the expense of the Christians, Muslims at the other

collapse of the

Umayyad

in

Spain from the

late eleventh

caliphate in Spain and the sack of

century on-

Cordoba by Berber


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, I096 — 1699

243

JESUS PERFORMS THE

MIRACLE OF CHANGING WATER INTO WINE in this

*£&

if?

thirteenth-century Arabic

apocryphal gospel. Although

most of the Arabs

whom

the

crusaders encountered were

Muslims, there were

large

still

numbers of Christian Arabs in

Egypt, Syria, and Iraq,

but the crusaders' hopes of receiving significant military assistance

from the

native

Christians in the East were

never fulfilled.

^te^UktVjMj* troops in

1031

had been followed by the fragmentation of al-Andalus (Muslim Spain) into a

number of principalities, ruled by than taifa

fight.

In 1085 Alfonso

the

taifa,

or party, kings. These kings lacked the resources

from the north and they usually preferred to pay

to resist a Christian advance

VI of Leon

captured Toledo, then the largest city in Spain.

kings were panicked into requesting assistance from Ibn Tashfin in

though some of them feared the Almoravids the ruler of Seville and the prime

herd [in North Africa], than

The Almoravid Sunni religious

leader,

revival.

a

mover

as

much

as

in the decision,

North

remarked:

'I

would rather be

a camel-

swineherd [under the Christians].' as

head of a militant movement of

Almoravids, or more correctly al-Murabitun, were not a family,

but a group of men who, having dedicated themselves to the jihad, went to tified retreats exclusively

The

Africa, even

they did the Christians. Al-Mutamid,

Ibn Tashfin, had come to power

The

tribute rather

live in ribats, for-

inhabited by pious volunteers for the holy struggle (see also

Almoravid preaching stressed the primacy of a

strict interpretation

of the

p. 184).

religious law.

Their

supporters were notably intolerant towards Christians and Jews and they also persecuted


144

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

â&#x20AC;˘

IN THIS ILLUSTRATION FROM THE TREATISE ON CHESS by

Alfonso

X of Castile,

Christian and a face

a

Muslim

one another, an image

perhaps of the

convivencia,

or coexistence between Christians and Muslims, that was in

sometimes achieved

medieval Spain. Even

many Arabic

treatises

so,

on

chess stressed the value of the

game

as training in military

strategy for warriors in the jihad.

Most of the

Sufis.

movement came from

early recruits to the

the Berber tribal confederacy

of

the Sanhaja. Although the Spanish Arabs desperately needed the military assistance of these

wild and woolly tribesmen,

still

there was a considerable cultural gap between the

and the Almoravid occupation of al-Andalus was not universally popular among ligionists.

The Almoravids won

Toledo and peninsula.

in the

two groups their co-re

a swift victory at Sagrajas in 1086, but they could

not retake

longer run they were unable to reverse the tide of Christian advance in the

They were however

successful in annexing the territories

of the

taifa

kings to their

empire.

Above: plar

burning of the templars.

trial,

similarly

Below: service.

Fifty-four brothers were burned outside Paris in

burned

in 1514 after retracting their confessions.

Turkish and Kurdish emirs above a Drums and trumpets were often used

battlefield.

May

[310

during the

Tem-

and the grand master, James of Molay, and Geoffrey of Charney, preceptor of Normandy, were But most Templars were pensioned

certain rank customarily maintained to direct the manoeuvres

.1

oil after the trial.

military orchestra in their

of troops on the

exercise

ground and


IP lantcituf nulanat jrftttt lvthifa mitt mttfofttutftit faint

l^\0b\cM^ >l_£=j

^V^^^D


wM^y-iX^'s

/

*

«i

I

.<


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

Although the Almoravids had succeeded onwards the

more

or

of their power

seat

religious revival,

in

al-Muwahhidun

correctly the

secuted adherents of the

occupying

a different

of al-Andalus by mo, from

all

North Africa was under

which was supported by

suggests, placed great stress

in

attack

from

a

245

1125

new movement of

The Almohads, Name of God), as their name

group of Berber

(the professors

of the

tribes.

on the unity of God. By contrast with the Almoravids, they per-

literalistic

Maliki school of religious law and they espoused Sufi

The Almohad movement found its supporters in the Masmuda confederacy of tribes. The founder, Ibn Tumart, declared himself to be the infallible Mahdi. His fol-

doctrines.

Berber

lowers believed that he performed miracles, including conversing with the dead. Ibn Jubayr, the Spanish

Muslim

pilgrim to the holy places of the Hijaz, was an enthusiastic supporter

and he prayed that the Almohads might one day occupy Mecca and Medina and purify them:

'May God soon remedy

this in a cleansing

which

Muslims with the sword of the Almohads, who God, the People of Truth and licitous for his taboos,

port His

Sincerity,

making every

will

remove these ruinous heresies from the

are the Followers

of the

Defenders of the Sanctuary of

effort to exalt

Faith, the Party

God

His name, manifest His mission and sup-

religion.'

During the reign of Abd al-Mumin (1130—63) the Almohads occupied lands in

North

Africa and crossed over into Spain.

The

cupation of what was

left

of al-Andalus was,

of the Almoravids. The Almohads did win

and for

a

if

all

the Almoravid

Christian kings there took advantage

of the crumbling of Almoravid power to make further

in 1195

anything,

Meanwhile, the Almohad oc-

gains.

more unpopular than had been

a victory at Alarcos over

while their successful prosecution of the jihad in the

Spam and

thereafter the Christian Reconquista continued

Alfonso of Castile heavily defeated the Almohads

West challenged com-

the

way was open

for further Christian gains.

Seville in 1248. After the fall

remained under Muslim

Cordoba

less

Mus-

unabated. In 1212

of Las Navas de Tolosa and

fell in 1236,

Valencia in 1238, and

of Seville, only the mountainous southern region of Granada

rule.

The

Nasirid Arab princes,

pursued a precarious policy of balancing the Christians sultans in

more or

at the battle

that

Alfonso VIII of Castile

parison with that of Saladin in the East. But Alarcos was the last major victory for the lims in

of

Almighty, so-

Morocco. At times they paid

who had

in the

seized

power

there,

north against the Marinid

tribute to the Christians; at other times they urged

come and lead a new jihad in al-Andalus. From the early thirteenth century onwards, Almohad rule of Morocco had been contested by the Marinids, a clan which

the Marinids to

had put

itself at the

from time

head of the Zanata Berbers. By 1275 a ^ or Morocco was Marinid and "

to time thereafter

Marinid

rulers

took part

in a

holy war for the defence of

Granada.

Ibn Khaldun (1332— 1406) was the greatest and most original of medieval Muslim historical thinkers.

trainee mamluks ground, in

fled to

North

Africa from

by their absence of beards) perform sword

exercises

on the parade

Although he was born

(identifiable as such

this illustration

from

a

in Tunis, his ancestors

had

fourteenth-century Egyptian treatise on

mounted

warfare.


246

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

Seville in

advance of that

philosophy of history ginal

nomads who

conquest by the Christians. Ibn Khaldun elaborated a

which sedentary

in

possess

their vigour

and

'asabiyya is

This vision of history was

up

set

and

civilizations decay

(natural solidarity) and

'asabiyya

The triumphant nomads

ligion.

most

city's

their

who

own dynasty but

inevitably

fall

cyclical

victim to mar-

crucially

Khaldun was inclined

within a few generations at

shaped by Ibn Khal dun's contemplation of the successive

own

century onwards. As far as his

power might be moving northwards

He

also

noted

how North

cenaries, because only

of the crusaders

to see the early triumphs

of growing Christian naval ascendancy

ticular aspect

re-

eroded by the settled manner of existence they have adopted.

fortunes and misfortunes of the Almoravids, Almohads, and Marinids in Spain and Africa. Ibn

by

are also often inspired

in the

as

North

merely

a par-

Mediterranean from the eleventh

times were concerned, he theorized that the centres of

perhaps to the lands of the Franks and the Ottomans.

African rulers were having to resort to employing European mer-

Europeans had enough discipline to hold

line formations.

Marinid and Nasirid co-operation against the Christian powers was

fitful,

for the Nasirids

were suspicious of Marinid ambitions in Spain, while the Marinids, for their part, were inclined to treat

Granada

North

The

useful

Africa.

as if

it

were merely a forward line of defence for their possessions in

decline of the Marinids

umph

one by one. The

vainly sought for

Mamluk

the surrender of the scribed the

on

its fall

Mamluk their

bombastic inscriptions throughout

as

city

to 1492,

his part

of the

rare victories

of

of Granada.

A

or

Ottoman

of Granada

preoccupied

northern frontier

in 1469 sealed the long-term fate

making heavy use of

Muhammad XI,

last ruler,

one of the most

sultans,

one of the very

in

tri-

in the fourteenth century.

from 1482

ten-year campaign fortresses

in

of Castile and Aragon

unification

Granada without any

V, in 1369 and this relatively trivial

palace, outside Granada. Algeciras was, however,

Muslims over Christians

The

Muhammad

ruler,

was elaborately commemorated

Alhambra

left

between Spain and Africa captured by the Christians

Algeciras, a bridgehead

allies.

1344, was retaken by the Nasirid

from the 1340s onwards

also

assistance, but in the

itself in 1492.

artillery,

known

as

reduced the Muslim

Boabdil (1482, 1487—92),

end he was forced to negotiate

The Egyptian

chronicler, Ibn Iyas, de-

terrible catastrophes ever to befall Islam, as

as well as

they were by the

by the Portuguese

threats

but by the 1490s

posed by the Ottoman Turks

in the Indian

Ocean, were hardly

likely

to be able to provide assistance to distant Granada.

The

Mamluk Empire

During the fourteenth and and the greatest

power

for

in the eastern

attempts to conquer

Mamluk

most of the

ilkhan of Iran, Said,

Abu

fell

Syria, all these attempts

Said. In 1335

apart.

Mamluk

sultanate was

Mediterranean. Although the Mongols had made repeated

agreed between representatives of the

of Abu

fifteenth century the

Mamluk

were unsuccessful. In 1322 peace was

sultan, al-Nasir

Muhammad, and

those of the

the Ilkhanate, plagued by succession disputes after the death


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699 Ibn Taymiyya (1263â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1328), one of the most important religious thinkers of the

late

â&#x20AC;˘

247

Mid-

dle Ages, did

more than anyone

else to try to

agenda of the

Mamluk

Ibn Taymiyya agitated for a return to the simplicity of the

sultanate.

keep jihad

at the forefront

precepts and practices of early Islam and for the sweeping away of tions.

He

all

of the

unacceptable innova-

taught that Christians and open heretics were not the only targets for jihad, for the

pious also had a duty to

resist

failed to apply the religious

those rulers

law in

all its

who

professed themselves to be Muslims, but

rigour.

For

a ruler or a soldier to

was the greatest sin a Muslim could possibly commit:

some of those,

'If

mous, for they cause great detriment to both the religious and worldly by neglecting their duty to

the Catalan atlas

in

whom

(1375) offered those

On

who

consulted

it

a typically

the other hand, the potentate

(i.e.

literally

painted red.

is

enor-

of Muslims

shown

medieval blend of fact and fantasy about

Cairo)

is

to the west

accurately described as the

of him

the subjects of the imaginary Christian ruler Prester John, while, to the east of the is

interests

trust has

fight for them.'

Asia and Africa. In the panels shown here the Sultan of Babiloine erful ruler in the region.

who

abandon the jihad

been reposed, are extravagant and wasteful, therefore, the damage to the Muslims

Red Sea

political

is

pow-

alleged to war against

Mamluk

ruler

of Cairo, the


248

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, I096 — 1699

In the

Mamluk

half of the fourteenth century, however,

first

sultans mostly interested

themselves in lavish building programmes and equally lavish court ceremonial, and their

armies did

little

to extend

Dar

al-Islam,

expeditions against the Christian

from wishing

confining their military activities to profitable raiding

kingdom of

to take the jihad to Europe, the

Cilician

Armenia and Christian Nubia. Far

Mamluk

authorities were chiefly preoccupied

with trade with Venice and Genoa. In 1347 the Black Death reached Egypt and Syria from

Mamluk

the south Russian steppes. Thereafter plague epidemics ravaged the vals

of five to eight years. Not only did huge numbers die within the

lands at inter-

of the sultanate,

frontiers

but plague also devastated the steppe lands from which the young Kipchak slaves had been acquired. Consequently,

it

became more expensive

Many of the Mamluks who

teenth century.

to purchase

Mamluks

in the late four-

were purchased died of plague before their train-

ing had been completed, and the sultans, desperate to keep up the army's numbers, were inclined to rush the training of their

new recruits. Depopulation

Mamluk

revenues that the sultan and his emirs collected.

The

crusade of King Peter

I

of

Cyprus and

298—300) administered a severe blow to chants in the

venge

fleet

affairs in

sions,

Mamluk

Mamluk

became common.

pay-strikes

sacking of Alexandria in 1365 (see pp. 272, prestige. After the crusade,

European mer-

lands were arrested, native Christians were punitively taxed and a re-

was built on the orders of the emir Yalbugha al-Khassaki. But Yalbugha,

Egypt and

was murdered

by warmongers, but

Syria, using the child-sultan al-Ashraf in the following year.

of a long

dria recovered

series

and

A new

was no longer a

in fact there

a peace was agreed with tacular

its

also reduced the agricultural

Cyprus

in 1370.

The

Shaban

who

ran

to rubber-stamp his deci-

wave of treatises on furusiyya was produced

politically significant

lobby for the jihad and

sack of Alexandria was merely the most spec-

of raids on the Nile Delta from the eleventh century onwards. Alexan-

is still

one of the great ports of the Mediterranean, but Rosetta, Damietta,

and Tinnis, the prosperity of which had to

a large extent

depended on

industry, were less for-

tunate.

From cassian

the 1360s onwards the

Mamluk

sultans were buying fewer

Kipchak and more Cir-

Mamluks; not only had many Kipchaks on the steppe died of plague, but

others had

converted to Islam and hence, according to Islamic law, were unenslavable. Barquq, a

Mam-

luk of Circassian origin, usurped the sultanate. His reign (1382—99) ushered in a period of severe turbulence

and

conflict

between factions of Circassian and Kipchak Mamluks, which

continued under his son, al-Nasir Faraj (1399— 1412). al-Nasir Faraj that the

It

(Timur), invaded Syria and sacked Damascus (1400— 1). covery,

of the

fruits

most

military re-

their

its

during the reign of al-Ashraf Barsbay (1422—37). striking features

creation under Barsbay

made

The subsequent Mamluk

which seems to have begun under the sultan al-Muayyad Shaykh (1412— 21), bore

most obvious

One

was during the precarious sultanate of

Turco-Mongol warlord and would-be world-conqueror, Tamerlane

and

his successors

strongest showing

itime warfare between

of the

in the

Muslim and

Mamluk of

recovery in the fifteenth century

a successful war-fleet.

Muslim

is

war-fleets

the

now

Mediterranean since the heyday of the Fatimids. Mar-

Christian was

more

a

matter of piracy than

piety.

Cyprus,


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

249

â&#x20AC;˘

this crusader sword, possibly of Italian origin, has an Arabic inscription on

Mamluk

stored in the

crusader weapons

fell

its

blade indicating that in 1419

arsenal in Alexandria. Large

into

was

it

numbers of

Muslim hands and on occasions of

victory they were sometimes ntually displayed to the public.

since

its

capture by Richard

of England

I

in 1191,

had

served as a base for Christian crusaders and pirates,

and

especially in the early fifteenth century for Catalan

Mamluk

pirates.

But

littoral

had put them

possession of ports on the Syrian

and, after an Egyptian a

Mamluk army

of the island

in striking distance

had raided Cyprus

fleet

ravaged the island and captured King

lanus in the following year. Thereafter Cyprus

of the sultanate and

a tributary

in 1425,

became

kings engaged

its

themselves not to harbour pirates.

Mamluks turned

1440s the

In the

against Rhodes.

The

sultan al-Zahir

their

forces

Jaqmaq (1438â&#x20AC;&#x201D;53)

was determined to put an end to Christian piracy

He

the eastern Mediterranean. to assist the in

Ottomans.

also

An early attack against Rhodes

1440 was hardly more than a desultory

ond expedition

in

wished indirectly

in 1443 frittered

away

raid.

A

sec-

resources at-

its

tacking Christian possessions on the south coast of

Asia Minor. Although the third and

last

expedition in

1444 did actually attempt to invest the fortress of

Rhodes, a

its

troops were soon beaten

contemporary Muslim chronicler,

off.

'the

troops were not realized, nor did they

any

result;

and for that reason

to come.

And

things.' In

to

God

their

alone

is

aims of the

come back with

former zeal for the

dampened

holy war in that quarter was

According to

for a long time

the ultimate end of

1446 the French merchant Jacques

gotiated peace between the

Mamluks and

all

Coeur ne-

the Knights

Hospitallers on Rhodes.

The Mamluk and Ottoman

sultans

had

a

common

interest in

combating Christian cru-

sades and piracy in the eastern Mediterranean, but elsewhere they found themselves inter-

mittently in conflict, particularly in southern and eastern Turkey where they sponsored

Turkoman

principalities.

Although

their struggle for

supremacy

in this region

rival

was for the


250

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

most part fought out by proxy tomans

in 1486—91. It

ployment of

was

a

but such

artillery,

Mamluk economic problems enues of the spice trade. In

Mamluks

did drift into direct warfare with the Ot-

due to their successful de-

in part

a long-sustained conflict strained the

Mamluk

treasury.

were aggravated by the appearance of the Portuguese

Ocean and Portuguese attempts

dian

the

clients, the

war which the Mamluks won,

1516 the

in the In-

Red Sea and deprive Egypt of the revGrim (1512—20), fearing that with the new Safavid Shi'ite regime in Iran,

to blockade the

Ottoman

Mamluks might make common

cause

launched a pre-emptive invasion of the

sultan Selim the

Mamluk

sultanate. Selim's

tame

declared that

jurists

Mamluks were obstructing Selim's fight against the Christians The Ottoman victories at Marj Dabiq in northern Syria in 1516 and at Raydaniyya in Egypt in 1517 were largely due to Ottoman superiority in numbers and logistics, though treachery and desertions from the Mamluk ranks also played a part. The last Mamluk sultan, Tumanbay, was hung from the Zuweyla Gate in Cairo, and Selim, having anthis

war was

and

Shi'ite schismatics.

a jihad, since the

nexed Syria and Egypt, went on to declare himself the protector of the holy places of Mecca

and Medina. In the decades which followed the Ottomans were able to extend to include a great deal

The Rise of

the

of the North African

Ottomans

The Ottoman Turks

are first recorded as

ginning of the fourteenth century.

many

beylicates

Seljuk sultanate

their territory

coast.

holding territory in the region of Bursa

The Ottoman

beylicate (principality) was

at the be-

one among

which were established in Asia Minor in the wake of the break-up of the of Rum and the withdrawal of Mongol power from the region. However,

much that is legendary in the early story of the Ottomans and it is unclear whether the first Ottoman beys were leaders of a natural tribe, or whether the mass of their supporters were ghazis who had joined the Ottomans on the edge of Byzantine territory in order to there

is

take part in the jihad and find booty or martyrdom. It

is

nevertheless plain that the gkazi ethic

played a crucial role in some of the other beylicates, particularly the coastal beylicates of

Aydin and Menteshe, from whose ports

sea-gbazis set

out to ravage Christian shipping. In

Ottoman

Anatolia, as elsewhere, Sufis played a key part in preaching the jihad, and a later

source describes one of the emirs of Aydin being initiated into the status ofghazi by a shaykh of the Mevlevi, or Whirling Dervishes; the shaykh presented the emir with a war-club which the latter placed

on

and then

the enemies

Bursa

kill all fell

his head, before declaring:

to Orkhan, the

of the

'With

this club will

I

first

subdue

my

passions

faith.'

Ottoman

Ottoman

bey, in 1326, but for a long time after that the

capital was wherever the bey's tent was pitched. Whether they were tribesmen or ghazis, the

men who

fought for the early

their struggles.

of the Turks

Ottoman beys fought

in the

confidence that

God

According to Gregory Palamas, an Orthodox metropolitan who

in 1354, 'these

the better of the

Romans

Byzantines] by their

a captive

God and infamous, boast of having got They live by the bow, the love of God

infamous people, hated by [i.e.

smiled on

was

.

.

.


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

251

sword, and debauchery, finding; pleasure in taking slaves, devoting themselves to murder, pillage, spoil

.

.

.

and not only do they commit these crimes, but even

they believe that

God

—what

an aberration

approves of them.'

Ottoman expansion in north-west Anatolia was rapid under Orkhan (r.1324—60) and the first Ottoman to style himself sultan. His territorial expansion was at the ex-

Orkhan was

pense of both the Byzantines and the at first perceived in the

West

as

posing

rival beylicates.

Umur

in 1344 a crusader naval league chose as its target

some of whom were

while Turkish raiders, only the Dardanelles

quake

and were operating

at Gallipoli in 1354

their first base west

Amadeus

or

1355

The maritime

of Aydin was

of Aydin's port of Smyrna. Meanof the Ottomans, had crossed

in the service

of Adrianople

in the Plain

as early as the 1340s.

An

earth-

allowed the Ottomans to occupy that harbour and gave them

of the Dardanelles. Gallipoli was subsequently

Ottoman occupation of Adrianople

of Savoy but the

beylicate

danger than the Ottomans, and consequently

a greater

tion in Europe and during the reign of Murad

I

lost to a crusade led

by

in 1369 restored their posi-

(1362—89) Thrace and Macedonia were con-

quered.

Although

importance of the medieval Janissaries should not be exaggerated. Originally the

Islam', the

Janissary

pleased the Janissaries to describe themselves as 'the heaven-chosen soldiers of

it

(more correctly Yeni Cheri, or

New Troops)

regiment was recruited from Christ-

ian youths captured in the Balkan wars, but, as this source proved inadequate, there

switch to devshirme from the late fourteenth century onwards.

aged between 8 and

15

years

from Christian

Under

manner went

cruited in this office.

Ottoman empire were forcibly The best of the young men re-

villages within the

conscripted and taken away to be trained as military slaves.

high

into the service of the palace, where they

The Janissaries were

was a

the devshirme system, boys

would be trained

in a sense the rejects in the devshirme system.

fifteenth century they were primarily a regiment

for

Throughout the

of infantry archers and, although some

troops were provided with handguns as early as the 1440s,

it

was not until the

late sixteenth

century that most Janissaries were equipped with muskets. There was also a parallel and larger,

though

less well-disciplined,

body of free-born

of the Ottoman army, however, was furnished by service in return for assignments lect revenue. Akinjis,

swell

Ottoman

Murad

Is

of

timar.

that

or light cavalry raiders

is

who

infantry,

The

elite

who

did military

on which they had the

right to col-

fought for

a share

of the booty, helped to

ranks.

campaigning

in

Europe and the advance of his armies to the Danube provoked

the formation of a coalition of Christian principalities

bined armies went

down

in the battle, his son,

smoothly took

as the yaya.

free-born cavalry

sipahis,

estates

known

to defeat at the battle of

Bayezid

command and

I

m

Kosovo

(1389— 1402) also

the Balkans. However, their

com-

Although Murad was

killed

(1389).

known

as

Yilderim or the Thunderbolt,

reaped the fruits of victory. Victory

Turkish conquest of Bulgaria, and in the long run sealed the

fate

at

Kosovo confirmed the

of Serbia. In the immediate

aftermath, however, Bayezid offered the Serbs easy terms, so that he could deal with a revolt

of the Qaraman Turkomans

in Anatolia.

The Ottomans

claimed that the Qaramans, in wag-


252

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

â&#x20AC;˘

ALTHOUGH THESE

ELITE

janissary guards

in

parade

uniform of the sixteenth century are here shown on horseback, the mass of the Janissary corps fought as foot-

and

soldiers

their chief

weapons were

either

bows or

muskets.

ing war against them, were impeding the jihad and assisting the infidels. In the years that fol-

lowed, Bayezid versa,

made

use of dubiously loyal European vassals to campaign in Asia and vice

and seven beyhcates

in

Asia

Communications between the

Minor were

precariously annexed.

sultanate's eastern

and western fronts would always be vul-

nerable as long as the Christians continued to hold Constantinople. In 1394 Bayazid gave orders that the city should be blockaded. Although the joint French and Hungarian crusade of 1396

aimed among other things to bring

battlefield of Nicopolis, as will

relief to

be seen, and the

Constantinople,

city's

it

ended

salvation was to

ferent source. Bayezid's aggressive policy of annexation in Anatolia

against clients

the

army

that Bayezid brought to face Tamerlane outside

and they

lost little

and was soon to die

established the

Turkoman

in

time

in

had brought him up

in

Much of

1402 consisted of reluc-

going over to Tamerlane. Bayezid was taken

captivity. In the

beylicates

Ankara

on the

a quite dif-

of Tamerlane and provoked the Turco-Mongol warlord to intervene.

tant tributaries battle

in disaster

come from

aftermath of the

battle,

in the

Tamerlane

and the Ottoman empire was further weakened

re-

as


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

THIS IMAGE OF

from

253

GLUTTONY

a fourteenth-century

Italian treatise

on the Seven

Deadly Sins

actually based

on

is

a Persian miniature

showing

a

Turco-Mongol

prince, probably Tamerlane, feasting. It

is

the earliest

known European copy of a Persian painting.

Bayezid's sons, Suleyman, Isa, cession.

This war ended with the victory of Mehmed

Under Mehmed and Although all

la

Mehmed, and Musa, fought amongst

a

his

son

Murad

II

I

(1413— 21).

(1421—51) the

Ottoman

renewed attempt to take Constantinople

and more than they had Brocquiere noted that

if

lost in 1402.

the

Ottoman

As

themselves for the suc-

recovery proceeded apace.

in 1422 failed, the

early as 1432 the

Turks had regained

Burgundian spy Bertrandon de

sultan 'wished to exercise the

power and revenue that


254

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

-

LARGE NUMBERS OF TALISmanic shirts were produced for the Ottoman sultans and their relatives.

woven

These were and

in cotton, linen,

according to designs

silk

chosen by astrologers and numerologists. letters,

The

mystical

numbers, magic

and

squares,

cabalistic letters

were supposed to protect the sultans

from death

in battle

and other dangers.

he had, given the slight amount of resistance he would encounter from Christendom, he could conquer

a large part

victories against the

tempt

at joint

be the

last offensive

In 1451

Turks

of

it'.

in 1441

The Hungarian

operations with a western

Mehmed

general John

fleet in

who succeeded Murad

II,

Ottoman advance

From

striking

Hungarian

at-

in the Balkans.

put in hand preparations for the siege of

Constantinople. Artillery played a crucial role in that using cannons as early as the 1380s.

a

Black Sea, was unsuccessful and proved to

crusade aimed at stemming the II,

Hunyadi won some

and 1442, but the Varna Crusade of 1444,

siege.

The Ottomans may

have been

the 1420s onwards cannons were regularly used in

Guns were captured from Christians in the European wars and more guns were by Christian renegades who entered the service of the Turks. Urbanus, a Christian rene-

siege warfare. cast

gade from Transylvania and an expert gun founder, was one of the main architects of the

Muslim triumph 'Sultan .

.

.

He

at

Constantinople in

1453.

Mehmed conquered Constantinople with the help of God.

converted

its

city

had confirmed traditional Islamic prophecies about

the Muslims. But the conquest of the ancient capital of the eastern to present himself as heir not only to the heroes

Alexander and Caesar.

was an abode of idols

churches of beautiful decoration into Islamic colleges and mosques.'

Mehmed's conquest of the

Mehmed

It

A

contemporary

Roman

its fall

to

empire allowed

of the Islamic past but also to

Italian observer recorded that

Mehmed

'declares that

he will advance from East to West as in former times the westerners advanced into the Orient.

There must, he

The arsenal.

says,

be only one empire, one

faith,

and one sovereignty

in the world.'

conquest of Constantinople had given the sultan possession of a major dockyard and

The

behaviour of the

Ottoman

fleet

during the siege of Constantinople had been


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

Ottoman

cautious and inglorious. After 1455

Black Sea was turned into a Turkish lake and

fleets

were more aggressive and successful.

Mehmed's army and

set

in the

of famous Greek

stantinople, Athens, Thebes,

Mehmed beaten a

cities

Mehmed

Bayezid

II

in large part

The Turkish

Corinth, Trebizond'.

add Rhodes

conquest would also have given

Its

Jem

fact that

fled to

in 1495. Bayazid

made some

with the

a

southern

less aggressive

but he

policy with regard to the West. This was

in 1482

powerful

and from there he went to France. Under

pawn

in the

hands of Christendom until

sultanate

and then, from

1501

surveil-

his death

on

onwards, with the

the east-

rise in Iran

of the Safavid shahs.

Twelver Shi'ite following seem to have regarded him

The

believed that he was infallible and invincible.

stroyed in 1514 at the Battle of Chaldiran,

still

Mahdi and

as the

they

legend of Isma'il's invincibility was de-

when an army under Turkoman

defeated Isma'il's undisciplined following of

Chaldiran, Shi 'ism was

Italy in 1480,

gains in the Balkans, but he faced greater problems

Mamluk

Isma'il, the first Isma'il's

in

he had to defend his throne against his brother, Jem. De-

Rhodes

Jem remained

first

Otranto

in

troops stranded in Italy surrendered in September of that year.

(1481— 1512) pursued a

due to the

feated in 1481,

Grim

'was eager to

planned to try again in 1481 and doubtless he also planned to reinforce

lance in Europe,

Shah

II

of the Ancient World which he had conquered: Con-

Turkish expeditionary force which had landed

died in 1481.

of Shah

Mehmed

fleet

a key strategic point in the eastern Mediterranean, but the Turkish onslaught was

off.

ern front,

outpost

last

Peloponnese had been completed. In 1480 the Ottoman

out against Rhodes. In the words of Lionel Butler,

to his collection

The

conducted combined

Ottoman conquest of the

operations in the Aegean and elsewhere. By 1460 the

of the Byzantine empire

fleet

255

.

seen as threatening the Sunni

the

command of Selim

tribal warriors.

Ottoman

regime, but

Even it

the

after

was dan-

Mamluk sulThe Ottoman occupation of Mamluk

gerous for Selim to conduct further campaigns against Isma'il as long as the tanate was a potential threat to his southern flank.

lands in 1516—17 unified the lands of the eastern Mediterranean under a single

and thereafter Constantinople annually collected

vast

Muslim

amounts of revenue from Egypt

ruler,

in par-

ticular.

Even before Selim had entered Cairo Algiers by Aruj Barbarossa,

who had

in 1517,

he had been presented with the suzerainty of

taken the city in the previous year.

The

exploits

of the

brothers Aruj and Khayr al-Din Barbarossa inaugurated the great age of the Barbary corsairs. In

1533

Khayr al-Din was put

in charge of organizing the

Tunis. Although a force sent by the year,

Khayr al-Din won

Emperor Charles

a great naval victory in 1538 at

sponsored by the emperor and the pope, and

in the

Ottoman

V took

it

fleet

and

back again

in 1534

he took

in the following

Preveza against a Christian naval league

long run Tripoli, held by the Spaniards

by the Muslims (1551) and the whole of North Africa except for Morocco was annexed to the sultanate. The Ottoman Empire under Suleyman the Magnificent (1520—66) can be seen as the Mussince 1510, was retaken

lim equivalent of the universal Christian empire of Charles

V Suleyman's war in the Mediter-

ranean and the Balkans was really an imperial war fought against the Habsburgs, rather than


256

a

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96-1699

â&#x20AC;˘

holy war against Christendom. Suleyman's propagandists preferred to stress the necessity of

jihad against the heterodox Safavids in Iran and Iraq.

At

Suleyman's armies: the capture of Belgrade

capture of Rhodes (1522), victory over

Mohacs

the Hungarians at the battle of garian kingdom.

Suleyman did

fail

(1521), the

(1526)

to take

it

in 1529,

Vienna was situated

at the

but this reverse did not seem so

had only been the

towards the end of a season of campaigning. Even cover,

fortune consistently favoured

and the consequent destruction of the Hun-

Vienna

significant at the time, as the attempt to take

first,

result

of an afterthought

Suleyman's successors would dis-

so, as

extreme limit of Ottoman logistical capability. In the course

of the sixteenth century Muslim expectations of ever-continuing conquest declined and the ghazi ethic fell into abeyance.

The Turkish

Malta

failure at

in 1565 delivered a further check to

Ottoman ambitions and in the following year Suleyman died. However, the Ottomans continued to make conquests, and

in 1570 their occupation

most of Venetian Cyprus provoked the formation of yet another Christian Christians hailed their victory at the Battle of Lepanto in the

mighty triumph over the

infidel.

Although Turkish

sands of skilled mariners and archers were

changed nothing. Allegedly, when Selim to replace the lost

fleet,

II

lost,

Abovr.

are displayed

(

new

fleet,

the ottoman sultan suleyman the magnificent

podrome. In the background three

hpositc.

on

a

how much

(1566â&#x20AC;&#x201D;74) asked his vizier

a

and thou-

resources were vast and the battle

the vizier replied: 'The might of the empire

Indeed the Ottomans did swiftly build

The

in 1571 as a

losses in that battle were heavy,

Ottoman

sired to equip the entire fleet with silver anchors, silken rigging, it.'

naval league.

Gulf of Corinth

of

their

rides in

is

and

it

such that

satin sails,

would

if it

cost

were de-

we could do

occupation of Cyprus was not

se-

triumph through Constantinople's hip-

statues looted during a recent successful

campaign against the Hungarians

column.

the decisive ottoman victory

at

Mohacs

(1526) allowed the

Ottomans

to annexe Hungary. In this

miniature, from a history celebrating the Sultan Suleyman's exploits, the Hungarian troops arc already in

disorder and in the foreground Hungarian heavy cavalry can be seen foundering in the swamps.

some


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1699

.

257


258

ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, IO96 — 1699

when,

in 1798, a

French army landed

in Egypt,

its

commander. Napoleon Bonaparte, had

tion drafted in Arabic promising 'Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity'. But this

new

a

proclama-

most Egyptians were inclined

to see

invasion as merely the latest in a series of aggressive wars in the tradition of Godfrey of Bouillon and

Louis IX of France and although the

Mamluks were

defeated at the Battle of the Pyramids they continued to

be supported by the mass of their Arab subjects.

riously challenged,

and they raided

use of friendly French ports to do

at will in the

western Mediterranean, sometimes making

so.

Ottoman

In a renewed round of fighting in the Balkans (1593—60) poorly. tics.

Ottoman armies copied

the military technology

troops performed

of the Europeans, but not

Turkish observers might admire the discipline of western armies, as well

their tac-

as their skilful

deployment of cannons and muskets, but Turkish armies could not emulate the Christians these areas, and Turkish generals sultanate was also

weakened by

still

fiscal

Philosophically-minded Ottoman

placed their faith in sword-wielding

problems and rebellions officials

oranda

is

that the sultan's chief duty was

no longer seen

What as

is

some of them

striking about their

learnt to

know

Omer Talib

re-

mem-

being the leadership of the jihad.

Instead, they tended to argue that the sultan's chief duties were to maintain justice

the prosperity of his subjects. In 1625 a certain

The

in Anatolia.

analysed the problems and

sorted to the theories of Ibn Khaldun in order to do so.

sipahi cavalry.

in

wrote:

'Now

and assure

the Europeans have

the whole world; they send their ships everywhere and seize important ports.

Formerly the goods of India, Sind, and China used to come to Suez and were distributed by

Muslims lish

to

all

the world. But

now

ships to Frangistan (Europe)

these goods arc carried

and

are spread all over the

on Portuguese, Dutch, and Engworld from

there.'

Others shared


ISLAM AND THE CRUSADES, I096 — 1699

Omer

Talib's feeling that the sultanate

was threatened by

its

lack

of access to the

259

vast re-

sources of the Americas.

Not only was a final Ottoman attempt to take Vienna in 1683 a failure, but it provoked the War of the Holy League (1684—97) and led to loss of Buda and Belgrade. By the Peace of Karlowitz (1699) the Ottomans were obliged to cede Hungary and Transylvania to Austria, while Venice and Poland secured other territories. clearly

stemmed. Moreover

it

was, for the

first

actually yielding territory to the Christians.

process of dismembering the

The Ottoman

time,

tide

of advance had been

unambiguously the defeated power and

The Age of

Jihad had passed and the long

Ottoman empire had begun. Even

if Gibbon

was correct in

call-

ing the struggle between Christianity and Islam in the eastern Mediterranean the 'world's debate',

it

had been

a

debate between the deaf and

it

was not until the mid-nineteenth cen-

tury that Arabs even coined the term Hurub al-Salibiyya to refer to the

Wars of the Crusades.


11

The Crusading ^lonement 1274-1700

NORMAN HOUSLEY

s it

neared the end of the

ment was

in a

two centuries of its

first

existence, the crusading

been staggering, but they could not compensate for the

Holy Land stood on

the

nature of crusading, the

the edge of calamity in the face of the

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "where

1291 because

not until

is

[i.e.

the

Mamluk

the

God

injury

Mamluks] taunt and of the Christians?'"

outbreak of the Hundred Years

and pain of

advance. Given the

all

who

The

crisis

in

many

re-

did not end in

as final: indeed, arguably

in 1337 that

it

confess the

insult the Christians with

(cf. Ps. 115: 2).

War

of

as well as military strategy: as the

few contemporaries accepted the loss of Palestine

after the

fact that the defence

crusade decrees of the Second Lyons Council, expressed

shame of the Creator, and the

Christian faith, they

proaches

was bound to be one of faith

crisis

Constitutiones pro zelofidei, the

1274, 'to the greater

move-

condition of crisis. Recent successes in Spain, Prussia, and Italy had

was

it

hopes for recovery were

marginalized to an optimistic few. There are good reasons for beginning a survey of the later crusades by focusing on the

fertile yeast

of

ideas,

and the consolidation of methods of

or-

ganization and finance, which the Second Lyons Council either initiated or furthered, and

which spanned the decades on either side of for the survival ities

resilience,

order to acquire the

and

charity.'

the

form of

many

advice,

and adaptability which underpinned that

their

survival.

Legacy

Holy Land,

Thus Ramon

Sanctae (1309), set the

of the

These changes were not alone responsible

of crusading for many generations to come; but they aptly displayed the qual-

of engagement,

The Crucible Years and 'In

1300.

three things are required above

Lull, in the

preamble to

all:

is,

wisdom, power,

De

acquisitione Terrae

that

his crusade treatise

agenda for the promotion of a recovery crusade.

Wisdom

(sapientia), in

was not lacking. Lull himself was one of the most prominent and

Latin Christians

ond Lyons Council and

who penned

prolific

recovery treatises in the decades between the Sec-

the beginning of the Anglo-French war. Sylvia Schein has listed

twenty-six between the councils of Lyons and Vienne (1274â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1314), after which there were

still


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274-1700

william durand

(left)

â&#x20AC;˘

261

presenting his

crusade treatise to the king of France, f.1320;

Philip of Mezieres (below)

presenting his epistle on the crusade to

Richard

II

of England,

Throughout

the late

1395.

Middle Ages the

kings of France and England

felt a

obligation, as the heirs to St Louis

Richard

I,

and

to lead Christendom's

crusading efforts. But their rivalry

moral

own

prevented them doing

so.

political


262

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, I274-17OO

â&#x20AC;˘

many

of

to come. In terms

cross-section of

European male society

official

a

Genoese physician. Some were armchair

Armenian

in their advice; all

of Naples),

a leading friars,

prince, a Venetian business-

strategists, others experts,

although this

wrote for an audience, usually one of popes and

This outpouring of counsel and exhortation was new, in part

because popes from Gregory

in this, as so often, the Jons

et

distinctive,

and

significant. It

came

X onwards acted on a precedent of Innocent III

of crusading developments

origo

memoranda were

the earliest surviving tracts and first

a

hope and expectation of action.

kings, in the

the

II

(William of Nogaret), an assortment of bishops and mendicant

was not always apparent

about

formed

no known contributions by

of Cyprus and Charles

II

the masters of the leading military orders, an exiled

man, and

expertise, the authors

(interestingly, there are

women). They included kings (Henry French royal

and

origin, status, affiliation,

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;by

written for the

soliciting advice.

Most of

Second Lyons Council and

full-blown recovery treatise, that of Fidenzio of Padua, was probably also a response

to Gregory X's appeal for written counsel, although fore the fall

of Acre. Such appeals

and innovative thinking about

reflected a

it

was not completed until shortly be-

widespread perception of the need for radical

virtually every aspect

of crusade organization, from the form

assumed by the expedition through to the disposition and protection of the conquered

to be

lands, if the mistakes

of the past were not to be repeated. This constructive and unblinkered

response to past errors led to something pal facets

tained blockade of the

Mamluk

war imports (including the rise. It

like a

consensus of views emerging on

many

princi-

of the longed-for recovery crusade. The expedition should be preceded by lands, with the twin goals

slaves

should take place in two

tablish a foothold,

who

were trained

stages, the first

of depriving the sultan of essential

as his elite cavalry),

of which (the

basis, well-funded,

and weakening

his

would

es-

passagium particulare)

which the second (the passagium general?) would

be organized on a professional

a sus-

and subject to

exploit.

The

crusade should

clear-cut, respected,

and

ex-

perienced leadership. Civilians and camp-followers should be excluded. It

would be wrong

either to exaggerate this consensus or to

print was a workable one. plars,

Some

James of Molay, rejected the passagium

passage.

politics constantly intruded.

of Nogaret the crusade was such

a brilliant

and

other hand,

ers,

it

interests,

would have been

and one of the most striking

Marino Sanudo

Torsello,

is

Axes were

Ramon

Lull allowed himself to be heavily influenced

of time writing

his plans

in a political

of

vacuum;

attack. it

of the

finest treatise-writers, Lull

the fact that their presence was it is

welcomed

On

the

was unrealis-

from the dynastic and economic goals of the

features

liberally

of Capetian dynastic ambitions, while even

and church councils. They were great networkers and fluence was two-way.

a single, all-out general

passagium should land.

which he incorporated into

a waste

to try to disentangle the crusade

and favoured

master of the Tem-

For the French theorists Peter Dubois and William

in part an instrument

altruistic thinker as

by Aragonese and French

tic

particulare

There was no agreement about where the

ground and

assume that the emerging blue-

theorists, including, surprisingly, the last

great

pow-

and the Venetian

at courts, assemblies,

clear that the flow

of ideas and

in-


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1700

the commercial powers of the mediterranean, in particular normally favoured peaceful relations with the Mamluks, as portrayed was a serious obstacle to a recovery crusade, since such powers were

2 ^i

'

the Italian maritime cities and Barcelona,

here by a follower of Gentile Bellini. This

relied

upon

to

implement the trading em-

bargo considered essential to success.

Whether

or not the purged and reformed crusade which such

chance of materializing

is

more

difficult to judge,

hinging

utes which Lull considered necessary, charity (caritas)

as

it

men

advocated had any

did on the other two attrib-

and power

(potestas).

Any attempt

to

gauge public sentiments about the crusade either on the basis of reactions to the disasters in the East

but

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

above

all

doomed from

the loss

the start.

of Acre

The

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

or on that of the response to crusade preaching,

was too conditioned by special

first

versal search for a scapegoat, while the

second was distorted by the

interests

is all

and the uni-

shift in official

preaching

towards the collection of funds in lieu of personal participation. There were, however, some telling, if short-lived,

eruptions of popular interest not long after the

usually linked to the eschatological strand in crusade ideas.

vanced, professional form of crusade advocated by

of revealing that the

theorists' obsession

population at large when the intervals: in 1300,

mood

luks at Horns, and in 1309 and 1320, strated clearly that the

Higher up the

poor were

West of the

social scale,

we

when

are

at

roughly ten-year

llkhan Ghazan's victory over the

'peasants' crusades' in

susceptible to outbreaks

fullest elaboration at

Mam-

Germany and France demonof crusading

on firmer ground. Evidence

its

odds with the ad-

theorists, but have the virtue

Such eruptions occurred

right.

the

still

the cult of chivalrv, which attained

most of the

of Acre. These were

at

with the recovery of the Holy Land touched the

was

when news reached

fall

They were

is

richer,

zeal.

and

it is

about the time of the

clear that

fall

of Acre,


264

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1700

â&#x20AC;˘

incorporated crusading as one of its defining characteristics.

announce or launch

ular rulers so often chose to

It

was no coincidence that

their crusade plans in settings

of

sec-

chivalric

splendour; indeed, this would be true as late as Philip the Good's Feast of the Pheasant in 1454.

Family traditions of crusading, particularly

merous nobles royal courts.

in

France and England, also predisposed nu-

to respond enthusiastically to the projects

which were hatched

of those promoting the

real intentions

projects,

and

time of Edward

of England's crusade plans

I

France in the early In fact one

1330s,

led to the conclusion that

is

some of

the

enormous advances

were occurring, and together with the

it

cross;

in the 1280s,

recruitment of fighting

which brought the recovery projects

line

papal and

this expressed itself in greater wariness

about undertaking the formal obligation of assuming the

tas,

at the

Their enthusiasm was increasingly tinged with suspicion about the motives and

men

but again and again, from the

through to those of Philip

VI of

did prove possible.

was the lack of potestas, rather than that of cari-

to nothing.

in military

To

it is

necessary

to out-

first

organization and financial support which

came

treatises

explain why,

to

form

a

permanent legacy of the Lyons

council and the fervid planning of the following half-century. There was gradually emerging a practice

of the

more

of crusading which, while

theorists,

likely to

was more

produce

in

less

streamlined and efficient than that envisaged by

some

tune with trends in contemporary warfare and was therefore

results.

A movement

towards contractual recruitment, with

ad-

all its

vantages in terms of control and accountability, can clearly be seen in the crusade planning of

Edward

of making naval

I,

Charles IV, and Philip VI. There was a growing appreciation of the importance use of the West's supremacy at sea, and not solely in terms of the projected

full

embargo on the Mamluk

and the cultivation of allies differing circumstances

Due importance was vested amongst neutral powers. The need to lands.

in reconnaissance, spying,

adapt tactics to deal with

and enemies was appreciated, and the provision of experts

in siege

warfare was anticipated. Overall, the balance between the mystical and the military, once a

crusade had taken the

not been even

The most

field,

was firmly tipped

in favour

latter,

to a degree

which

paragraph were expensive, and

came

in funding. All the

in order to

crusading the Second Lyons Council proposed

ing success with

income

a tax

handle the ever-mounting costs of

on the

laity

throughout Christendom.

its

taxes

had been recognized for some decades

as the only reliable

contribution to the

1274, laid

down

means of en-

funds for the crusades, but the procedures for assessing, collect-

and transmitting the funds had to date been haphazard.

institutional basis.

a last-

other main financial measure, a six-year tenth levied on the entire Church.

suring a continuous flow of ing,

had

changes mentioned

This foundered on the rocks of suspicion and particularism, but the council achieved

Clerical

it

campaigns of St Louis.

as recently as the

significant breakthrough, however,

in the previous

of the

movement

The pope

It

was Gregory X's greatest

on

that he grasped the nettle of placing this taxation

set

up twenty-six

collectorates and, in his bull

detailed guidelines for the assessment of

clerical

In the years following Gregory's death in 1276 his successors his procedures, but by the death of Boniface VIII

in [303 the

Cum pro

a firm

negotio

of

revenues for tax purposes.

had to make amendments papacy possessed

a

to

compre-


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274-1700

THE TOMB OF POPE GREGORY X

265

ArezZO

in

Cathedral gives an impression of the authority of this

pope,

Innocent

who III,

attempted, in the tradition of

to arouse

Christendom to

save the

Holy Land.

hensive system of taxation on which

it

could draw to finance crusading ventures.

come

Indeed, this system had by then

through the

its first

major

trial,

numerous tenths and

in the

shape of

subsidies which

the popes levied in order to finance the series

of crusades which they waged against

the rebel Sicilians and their

allies

between

1282 and 1302.

Papal taxation of the Church was an extraordinary achievement.

It

can appear de-

ceptively simple. In 1292, for example, the

annual revenues of the bishop of Rochester

were assessed

at

£42

2s.

2d.,

rents, fisheries, mills, markets, it

including

and courts;

followed that he had to pay £4 4s. zVzd. year

a

towards

Nicholas his

IV had

the

tenth

Pope

which

granted to Edward

I

for

crusade project. But this apparently

straightforward reckoning was beset with difficulties.

Should the tenth be based on

an assessment of income made by an impartial

investigator,

consuming and quickly out-of-date, or should payment be made of a

cleric's

come

conscience and his knowledge

for a given year

nerated,

had been?

and how should

their

and transferred? In addition to

How

this,

means of resistance employed by

retrospectively

time-

on the

—of what

basis

his in-

should assessors and collectors be found and remu-

there were

who

clerics,

How

two enormous groups of problems

received the

from

could the proceeds best be secured

evasive

money

relating to

for crusading purposes.

The

measures and subterfuges to open de-

were numerous and astute. And at the other end of the process, it was necessary to desome means of ensuring that money handed over was actually spent on a crusade, that

fiance,

vise

was

not always accurate of course

work be monitored?

the taxpayers and the secular leaders

which

accounts were kept and checked, and that unspent proceeds were returned.


BUT HE, THE PRINCE OF THE MODERN Pharisees For

|

waging war near the Lateran

.

.

.

enemies were Christian and none had

his

|

been to conquer Acre'. Pope Boniface VIII, Arnolfo di Cambio's quite possibly lifelike sculpture.

The

in

pope's insistence on subordi-

nating the crusade to the

Holy Land

to the

suppression of rebellion in Sicily led to Dante's vitriolic attack in the

Inferno.

These problems proved

to be

beyond

solution: tax-evading clerics, fraudulent collectors,

highwaymen, insolvent bank-

who

ing companies, and rulers

purloined

crusade taxes, were unchanging features

of the European socio-economic landscape throughout the late Middle Ages.

Like most medieval systems of taxation,

Church was

the papacy's taxation of the

ramshackle,

and

much-criticized

re-

sented, costly yet inefficient. But for its faults, it

tion of the funds

on which crusading

had now come to depend, and

made

fore

all

did provide a large propor-

it

there-

possible the continuation of (

the

movement.

It also,

of course,

stimulated that continuation.

of universal

1312,

V

s

levy

Lyons

in 1274

but also

at

general council at Vienne in

brought into existence vast sums of

money which were supposed on

The

six-year tenths for the cru-

sade, not just at

Clement

actively

a passage to the East,

helped to keep this issue litical

sphere.

And

to be spent

and therefore

alive in the

po-

the readiness of the

papal curia to grant an individual ruler a tax on his clergy, either directly for a cause effect.

which was depicted

The

else that

as essential

preparation for such a venture, had

a

crusade or for

much

the same

presence of the crusade in late medieval Europe was perhaps more than anything

of the armies of collectors, bankers, and bureaucrats who busied themselves assem-

bling and distributing the

money without which nothing could be

done.


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274-1700

To

was money, and there was not enough of

a large degree, Lull's potestas

crusade; or sible for

it

more

The growing

to be sufficiently concentrated.

it

267

for a recovery

of Europe around 1300 made

accurately, the political conditions

â&#x20AC;˘

it

impos-

self-confidence and acute domestic

needs of Christendom's lay rulers meant that while they would accept papal taxation of the

Church

in their lands, particularly if they

could hope to enjoy

at least a share

they would not permit the export of those funds for use by another ruler edly organizing a passage to the

Holy Land.

of the proceeds,

who was suppos-

No designated leader of a recovery crusade could

therefore manage, in practice, to gather in the resources needed. Philip VI,

came

who

probably

nearest, in the early 1330s, to initiating a recovery passagium, tried to bypass this

problem

by collecting lav taxes within France, and by pressurizing the papal curia into bringing funds from outside France and her

But the

satellite states.

because the papacy's influence in the political sphere

double irony here. this

weakness

in the

Fair,

a

who had glaringly highlighted

course of his great struggle with Pope Boniface VIII; and the reason

was the creation of a papal taxation system which displayed the im-

for Philip VI's pressure

pressive extent

measure could not succeed

had weakened too much. There was

was Philip VTs own uncle, Philip the

It

latter

in

of the authority which the papacy

wielded, by contrast, within the

still

Church.

Not

surprisingly,

few contemporaries had a clear perception of these subtle but

vital shifts

of power and authority, or of their impact on the crusade; the impression they received was of muddle, prevarication, and dissimulation on the part of their trell's

striking phrase,

mooted with

it

was 'an epoch of

the aims of recovering the

rulers.

To

and confusions'. Project

crises

Holy Land,

assisting

Cyprus and

use

Anthony Lut-

after project

was

Cilician Armenia,

or seizing Constantinople back from the Greeks, these latter goals being viewed as preparatory to the former. Nearly

To rub

salt into the

all

were abandoned, building up a massive fund of disillusionment.

wound of popular

much

frustration,

crusading of one sort or another

did take place; in 1309, for example, there were no fewer than three campaigns, in northern Italy,

Granada, and the Aegean Sea. Above

all,

the

fall

of the Templars

in 1307â&#x20AC;&#x201D;12

provoked

consternation and disarray. If it resolved, for some, the problem of who was to blame for the events of 1291 it

and

settled,

by force

majeure, the

also raised disturbing questions

vexed question of unifying the military orders,

about the power and motives of the French crown. Faced

with the repeated postponement of crusade programmes, the diversion of crusade funds by

both popes and secular recovering the

rulers,

Holy Land,

and the daunting

there

is

no doubt

from Humbert of Romans's rejoinder ple agreed with Salimbene

of

Adam

strategic

that

'it

is

financial

problems involved

some despaired of the

to the critics

that

and

As we know

as early as

1274 some peo-

will that the

Holy Sepulchre

of crusading,

not the divine

latter.

in

should be recovered'. In the last resort, the crisis which confronted the crusading

movement towards

of the thirteenth century was not resolved. Instead, two things happened. collapse of Philip VI's crusade project in 1336,

recovery of the holy places slipped

down

when

the agenda.

the It

pope

First,

indefinitely

the close

following the

postponed

survived, mainly for reasons

it,

the

of cleri-


268

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1700

â&#x20AC;˘

terminology used to define the indulgence and privileges of each

cal convenience, in the ignatus.

More

significantly,

thusiasts, such as Philip

mid-i39os,

briefly

it

courts. But in general

of Mezieres; and

re-emerged

a

the pressure of defeat and in the

notably during the early 1360s and

as a topic of discussion

ideas, approaches,

and

religious

yond the painful

of 1291. But there

hiatus

Continuing Traditions

The middle

realistic goals.

ones. This

active papal policy,

social culture is

new

is

not a point to

and the deep-rootedness

of Catholic Europe, which carried

it

be-

a lot to be said for stressing the adaptability, as

of the movement.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;New

Directions

decades of the fourteenth century were particularly

sading movement.

we

Secondly, as

hope of clinging on to or recovering the Holy Land, both

of crusading within the

well as the sheer resilience,

Christendom's

in

and structures which had been formulated under

was local circumstances,

far: it

and planning

more

other,

invigorated existing areas of crusading and helped to create

be stretched too

cruces-

powerful hold on the minds of some en-

at times,

became subsumed under

it

new

shall see below, the

continued to exert

it

The Anglo-French

difficult

war, the collapse between 1343

ones for the cru-

and 1348 of the

Italian

banking houses on whose resources and expertise papal taxation of the Church strongly depended, the Black Death (1348) and the resulting dislocation of economic and social dealt

hammer-blows to the

hinged.

Viewed

against this

and

political

financial initiatives

gloomy backcloth, the range and

on which vitality

life, all

large-scale crusading

of crusading

in the four-

teenth century were remarkable. This activity took place both within existing traditions and in

new forms and

contexts. Its ebb

and flow was heavily influenced,

pace of the war in France, but subject to this constraint days have long since passed or Indian

summer

Crusading

when

in the history

in Iberia

were given renewed

and

vitality

Italy

this

it

if

not dictated, by the

displayed great exuberance.

The

period could be relegated to the status of an aftermath

of the crusades.

may be

taken as examples of continuing traditions which

by the organizational advances which had occurred. In Iberia the

massive gains of the mid-thirteenth century had created a complex group of problems which

prevented for

many

the Christian

kingdoms faced the

beneficiary, this

magnate

class

generations the acquisition of further gains of any major significance. All

was achieved

task

of absorbing

at the cost

which constantly defied the crown. Aragon and Portugal,

hegemonical ambitions, both encouraged

this defiance

of the Reconquista on the grounds that the chief result ians.

their conquests; in Castile, the greatest

of creating an extremely powerful and intransigent

The Moors, on

would be

there,

eventuality of a big Christian offensive they were ready to call

That the

North

yet

more

gains for the Castil-

the other hand, were very conscious of their precarious situation in

Granada and not only constructed formidable defences

religionists in

fearful of Castile's

and usually opposed any resumption

Africa, even at the price of losing their

three big Christian states did periodically take

but

made

on the

own

it

clear that in the

assistance of their co-

independence.

up arms

against

Granada has

to


these equestrian statues of Cangrande della Scala (left) and Bernabo Visconti (right) convey well the impression of power which these Italian tyrants, determined opponents of the popes, wished to make. Crusades were declared against both men and their supporters.

be attributed in part to the readiness of the popes

at

Avignon

to grant lavish

Church

taxes to

the enterprise. Indeed, the financial negotiations between the Castilian and Aragonese courts

and the popes were for the

as

tough and hard-headed

same reason: not because the Iberian

as

those concerning a recovery passagium, and

rulers were insincere, but because they

saw no

reason to be bankrupted while fighting Christ's war. During the reign of Alfonso Castile (1325â&#x20AC;&#x201D;50),

when

XI of

the nobility was temporarily brought to heel and the other Christian

powers were impelled into co-operating by the threat of Moroccan intervention, these negotiations bore rich fruit: the king

won one of the

biggest pitched battles of the Reconquista at

the Salado river in 1340, captured the port of Algeciras in 1344, and was besieging Gibraltar

when he died of the Black Death

six years later.

Thereafter, with the threat from

Morocco

waning, war broke out between the Christian kingdoms and the peninsula was dragged into the Anglo-French conflict as a satellite theatre of operations.

The

crusades which the popes waged in Italy in the fourteenth century were, even

conspicuously than those levies

of church

taxes and,

in Iberia,

more

fought chiefly by professionals supported by massive

on occasion, by the successful preaching of indulgences. In the

thir-


270

â&#x20AC;˘

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274-1700

teenth century the focal point of crusading effort in Italy was the southern kingdom,

wrest

from the hands of the Staufen, and subsequently

it

to keep

In the Avignonese period (1305â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1378), by contrast, crusading

and Tuscany. In order to

it

in

first

to

those of the Angevins.

moved northwards

to

Lombardy

create the peaceful conditions required for their return to their see,

the popes had both to bring the provinces of the Papal State back under their control, and to hold in check the expansionist

cities.

achieve these objectives was a distinctive one. as

policies of the dynastic lords who were The mechanism employed by the curia to Time and again, powerful cardinal-legates, such

and destabilizing

inexorably seizing control of the northern

Bertrand of Le Poujet in the 1320s and and Gil Albornoz in the

armies of mercenaries, the curia's allies,

money and

and the crusade

supplies of both

it

were dispatched with

needed to pay them and subsidize the

was hoped, would enable them to tap into fresh

men and money.

But fourteenth-century

Italy

was a maelstrom of colliding and rapidly-changing

and ambitions. Even traditional papal liable and,

credit facilities

bulls which,

1350s,

by mid-century, the

allies like

interests

Angevin Naples and Florence became unre-

quo was being subverted by the

entire political status

pendent companies into which the professional troops hired by the peace of Bretigny (1360), similar companies (the

routiers)

all

sides

inde-

had cohered. After

threatened the pope and his

court at Avignon, and the curia began to issue crusade indulgences for combating the companies both in France and in

tendom

into two,

each other. In ing

army

against as the

in

and

Italy.

When the Great Schism broke out in 1378,

later three, obediences, rival

1383, for instance, the bishop of

England and personally led

routiers

it

dividing Chris-

popes began to declare crusades against

Norwich, Henry Despenser, raised a crusad-

on campaign

in Flanders.

Neither the crusade

nor that against schismatics was an innovation: both drew on traditions

movement

itself.

Crusading had, however, turned

unhealthy way, with not only

its

in

on

itself in a

as old

remarkable and rather

directing authority, the papacy, but also

its

chosen instru-

ment, the professional man-at-arms, themselves becoming, in different ways, the object of crusades.

To some degree the Ottoman Turks helped to bring this disarray to an end by providing movement with a new and compelling focal point in the Balkans: as early as the mid-i36os packing the companies off on crusade against the Turks was mooted as an alternative to their the

destruction within Christendom, while in the 1390s plans for an anti-Turkish crusade were

depicted as a mechanism, as well as a reason, for ending the Great Schism. Before that, however, the successes

of the Turks

in Asia

Minor and

their incipient

seapower

in the

Aegean Sea

gave rise to an excellent example of the movement's ability to respond to changing demands.

This was the naval league, an association of Latin powers threatened by the Turks and banding together under the papal aegis to provide a

flotilla

of galleys in their self-defence.

leagues were the principal form of crusading in the East between

1334,

when

defeated the Turks in the gulf of Adramyttion (Edremit), and the 1370s,

advance

in the

through

a

Balkans placed a

field

The

their prototype

when

the Turkish

campaign back on the agenda. Small-scale, funded

combination of church taxes and the

sale

of indulgences, and presided over by

a


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — I7OO

ZJl

the coronation of peter Roger as Pope Clement VI in 1342. His involvement with the crusading movement was profound. Sent to the papal court by King Philip VI in 1332 to negotiate the funding of his planned general passage, as pope he actively promoted the crusade against the Turks in the Aegean, as well as

supporting Alfonso XI's resumption of the

Reconquista in Spain.

papal legate whose chief problem was usually to prevent the

were well-tuned both to the

selves, the leagues

new

allies falling

among them-

out

strategic scenario in the East

and to the

chronic warfare and economic dislocation in the West, which rendered impossible any

grander enterprise. In essence the anti-Turkish leagues were 'frontier crusades',

powers

principally Venice, Cyprus,

waged

of maintaining the regional balance of power. Although fought on

somewhat

like the

ticipants, a

of convivencia and

the active involvement of the papacy gave

measures which

and

it

its

main by

as a

local

means

a larger scale, they were

constant razzias which took place on the Granada frontier, and like the

razzias they were interspersed with periods ever,

in the

and the Knights Hospitallers of St John

undertook

in their

support,

them

its

a

free

commercial exchange.

How-

broader complexion, because of the

attempts to bring in western powers

as par-

constant plans that the leagues' limited goals and successes should become

springboard for

much more.

After his league achieved the greatest success of any by cap-


272

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — 1700

turtng

hope

most of the Turkish port of Smyrna

that this bridgehead

This was

might be exploited by

1344,

Pope Clement VI expressed the

a bigger expedition, a passagium particulare.

example of how concepts generated by the recovery

a striking

were adapted for use elsewhere; ship of

October

in

much

of the Greeks

in aid

Constantinople in

at

Whatever advantage they gained from the papacy's sponsorship, the on the dominance of western seapower

enabled the Latins to strike at will anywhere on the

and

to the Dardanelles,

it

resulted in the

and to

littoral,

from the

central

Maghrib

victory of the century,

king's expedition followed a tour

which he conducted between 1362 and 1364

this

in the

hope of raising

end he enjoyed the backing of both Pope Urban

more

In practice,

it is

commercial

outlet, the

on to

ther holding

likely that the

king aimed from the start

most important

it

or destroying

Cypriot and Hospitaller

rival to his

its

fleet in seizing

of Eu-

assistance

it

century crusading.

It

within

less

many of

reveals that naval strength in itself

in the strategic situation.

The

titular

at

capturing Egypt's premier

port of Famagusta, with a view to

amenities. However, the success

Alexandria campaign brings together

turn-around

own

and

V and King John of France.

of Peter and

Alexandria was marred by the fact that, with a

luk army approaching, they had to abandon

The

The

Mediterranean. This

His proclaimed goal was the reconquest of Jerusalem, of which he was

volunteers.

king,

Muslim

1366.

leagues' successes nat-

in the

most dramatic crusading

Peter of Cyprus's capture of Alexandria in 1365. rope's courts

and planning

the same strategic thinking lay behind papal sponsor-

Count Amadeus of Savoy's crusade

urally hinged primarily

treatises

ei-

his

Mam-

than a week.

the recurring themes of fourteenth-

could not effect a decisive or lasting

expedition's origins were as a passagium particulare,

but the planned general passage, which was to be led by King John of France, was always unlikely,

the

and

muddle

to accept

faded away completely

it

in papal policy

King

luks at a time the

which led both Urban

Peter's suggestion that the

when

death in 1364.

V

and

The

crusade displayed, too,

his eastern legate, Peter

West should resume

Thomas,

the struggle against the

Mam-

the Turkish danger was growing ominously in the north: quite possibly

pope was happy to support any eastern project which offered hopes of ridding France and

Italy lier

at the king's

of the

And

routiers.

doomed

the fundamental tension between trade and crusade which had ear-

attempts to maintain a trade embargo on Egypt was apparent

in the horrified

response to these events of the Italian commercial powers. By spreading rumours of a

Cypriot—Mamluk

truce, Venice helped to destroy any

in 1367 the republic

hopes of a 'follow-up' expedition, and

earned the pope's rebuke by refusing to transport crusaders, horses, and

war materials to the East.

The idence

and

'hit

some

Mahdia.

On

run'

approach which characterized the capture of Alexandria was again

this

occasion trade and crusade were in harmony, for

proposed the campaign establishing

at the

it

was the Genoese who

court of Charles VI, in the winter of 1389—90, in the hope of

permanent control over the

port. Following the three-year truce arranged with

England

in

Louis

of Bourbon, eagerly embraced the opportunity to follow

II

in ev-

twenty-five years later in the Franco-Genoese crusade to the Maghribian port of

June 1389, the proposal was received with great interest.

The

king's maternal uncle,

in the footsteps of his an-


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I7OO

â&#x20AC;˘

273

departure for Africa:

the Franco-Genoese crusade to Mahdia sets sail in June 1390. Tunisia was not a of operations for the crusading movement: neither this expedition nor its predecessor, St Louis's crusade of 1270, achieved their objective, and in 1560 a Spanish crusading army suffered a cata-

successful field

strophic defeat on the island of Jerba.

cestor St Louis.

An army of

sailed

from Genoa

weeks

a

about 5,000 combatants, including

early in July 1390.

number of Muslim

The

1,500

French

gentilshommes,

crusaders laid siege to Mahdia, but after several

relief forces arrived. It

was apparent that the port could not now

be taken, and a withdrawal was arranged.

There

is

strong evidence that both Peter of Cyprus and the Genoese were anxious to de-

pict their expeditions as fully-fledged chivalric enterprises

to display their prowess

of such heroes

and reap

as St Louis,

were very traditional, while

of seapower

as a

a harvest

which would enable participants

of rewards and renown, while imitating the deeds

Godfrey of Bouillon, and Roland. To at the

same time being akin

means of achieving

clear-cut

this extent the

two crusades

to the naval leagues in their astute use

and limited military objectives within

a

com-


274

â&#x20AC;˘

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I70O

THE MEMORIAL BRASS OF ROGER DE FELBRIGG in the church of St Margaret, Felbrigg, Norfolk.

inscription

tells

'died in Prussia there' ('qi est

and

Roger

buried

is

mourut en prus

son corps

that, like his

many

The

us that

enterre'):

e la

proof

son Simon and

other English knights

of the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries,

took

Roger

part, r.1380, in a reysa

against the pagan Lithuanians.

mercial context.

To

accuse either Peter or the Genoese of manipulating the chivalric zeal of

and

their contemporaries in order to realize selfish goals would, however, be a simplistic

anachronistic view of a plies to relations sia to take

much more complex interaction of goals and

attitudes.

The same

ap-

between the Teutonic Knights and the volunteer knights who came to Prus-

part in the

Reisen,

the order's campaigns against the Lithuanian pagans.

Not

only

did these furnish incontrovertible proof of the persistence of crusading enthusiasm amongst Europe's chivalric leagues,

elite right

through to the end of the century, but they

showed the movement and

its

also, like the naval

sponsors adapting with some ingenuity to novel strate-

gic circumstances.

These circumstances were composed of a dynamic pagan power

for control

conflict fitted the remit

conflict

between a Catholic military order and

of Samogitia and the

of the crusading movement;

was generally regarded by European public opinion

it

valley

enjoyed the support of the popes and

as a

worthy outlet for the energies and

resources of the Teutonic Knights following the loss of the

war did not favour taxes;

large crusading armies recruited

a

of the Nemunas (Memel). The

Holy Land. But

the nature of the

by papal bulls and financed by Church

nor was Prussia a suitable arena for the 'multiple-stage' crusade developed by the the-


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274-1700

The

onsts.

terrain

between Prussia and Lithuania was

could not have been winter,

falls in

and

fed.

Moreover, the harsh climate, with

its

bitter cold

and

275

large armies

and heavy snow-

massive flooding in spring and early summer, confined campaigning to

its

the depths of winter,

a barren wilderness

.

when

the

snow was hard and firm and

the marshes iced over, and to late

summer, when some weeks of high temperatures had dried the landscape. Even then, the mhospitableness of the terrain and the distances to be covered limited most campaigning to raids, sieges,

and perhaps the construction or strengthening of a

permanent claim

The Prussia,

a

more

to the land.

and summer

and to carry out

use of the privilege granted

more than

a century,

Reisen (journeys). In

order to defend

lands in eastern

its

proclaimed goal of converting the Lithuanians by coercion,

its

by Innocent

it

On

IV

in 1245 to recruit crusaders

it

without the

this basis, starting in the winter of 1304â&#x20AC;&#x201D;5

and continu-

thousands of knights from almost every Catholic

state in west-

formal preaching of the crusade. ing for

out

order had no more than about 1,000 brethren in both Prussia and Livonia with which

to conduct these winter

made

fortress, to stake

ern and central Europe travelled out to Prussia by land and sea in the hope of taking part in a

summer

or winter

Reise.

minable crusade', and

it

The war

in

which they fought has been described

as

an

'inter-

lacked even the regular pattern of war and truce which characterized

the Catholicâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Muslim frontiers in

Granada and the Aegean.

It

was conducted with great sav-

agery on both sides. During a Lithuanian invasion of Livonia in 1345, for instance, the chronicler

Wigand von Marburg noted

women and

that 'everything was laid waste,

children captured and carried

Kniprode and

his guest

set fire to everything,

off"

Duke Albert of Austria

.

.

many people

massacred,

while in 1377 Master Winrich von

.',

'spent

two days

and drove away men, women, and

in the area [of Kaltinenai],

children.

Nobody

escaped their

hands.'

As Wigand noted on another occasion,

the Teutonic Order's volunteers

'to practise chivalry against Christ's enemies',

banner of St George, the patron saint of knighthood. the order, and particularly in trality

of the

cult

fullest description

paign, perhaps as a

of the

Ehrentisch (table is

of honour), that the cen-

seen at

Reise,

its clearest.

rather stronger evidence points to

means of sealing the brotherhood-in-arms of the

impossible to set up the at

of the

the promotion of the Reisen by

by John Cabaret of Orville, portrays

Ehrentisch,

the murder of the Scots

on campaign,

astute use

It is in

of chivalry to the Lithuanian campaigns

giving banquet at the end of a

when

its

came eastwards,

and they were habitually led into action by the

it

it

Although the

as a sort

of prize-

preceding the cam-

volunteers.

Thus

in 1391,

nobleman William Douglas by some English knights made

Ehrentisch at

Alt-Kowno; since

Konigsberg before the

this

was enemy

Reise,

it

the master feasted his guests

territory, they

had to dine

in full

Such curious, not to say comical, episodes should not lead us to think that the

armour.

Reisen consti-

tuted mere fantasy or play-acting, for they were dangerous as well as expensive undertakings. Clearly the order there can be

little

had succeeded

in

touching

a

nerve in the minds of Europe's nobility, but

doubt that the same men who flocked to Prussia would have fought on

other fronts, had the nature of the conflicts there permitted.


276

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — 1700

Indeed,

many who fought on

the Reisen also took part in the biggest and

most ambitious

of the century's crusades, the Nicopolis campaign of 1396. This expedition was the West's

re-

sponse to the Ottoman advance in the Balkans, in particular to the disastrous Serb defeat

Kosovo

at

which brought the Turks to the frontiers of Hungary and made the Vene-

in 1389,

tians fear for the safety

of the Adriatic. So grave was the situation

East that both obe-

in the

diences of the Great Schism were prepared to back a major crusade. But what

made such

a

crusade possible was the truce between England and France, and the existence at both courts

of powerful peace lobbies which saw iation

Balkan

in the

crisis a

chance to effect

between the two countries. Between 1392 and 1394 there was

activity

which envisaged

commanded by

and Alexandria campaigns, the fluence.

VI and Richard

1330s,

II.

of the recovery

but active interest of Westminster and

dented since the

The

Charles

strategic ideas

But the gravity of the situation, the alarm

altruistic

As

in the case

bells ringing at

Buda and Venice, and the

Paris, raised expectations to a level

1395.

For various reasons

predominantly Franco-Burgundian force under the

John

le

cluster

when

the

Initial successes

army fought

town of Nicopolis (Nikopol).

along the

Buda

Danube

set

all

West

It is

came

to an abrupt

a

—which

in

I

end on 25 Sep-

south of the Bulgarian

extremely difficult to work out what happened, but tactics

led to a catastrophic defeat.

perished at Nicopolis was the

to engage the Turks,

and the historian

sessed the long-term significance of Hattin or

Above,

had become

the Bold's eldest son,

a

it

was

combination

John of Nevers and

other crusaders were captured. There could be no general passage now.

The army which

prove.

passagium

picked up Hungarian support led by

it

valley

a pitched battle with Sultan Bayezid

too familiar in crusading history

the

three royal princes

out from Montbeliard

probably French chivalnc pride linked to unfamiliarity with Turkish

many

unprece-

of French magnates, including the period's crusading hero par

the spring of 1396 remained impressive, and at

tember,

all

command of Philip

Maingre (Marshal Boucicaut). The force which

King Sigismund.

of the Mahdia

theorists thus retained their in-

dropped out of the crusade, and by the winter of 1395—6 the advance

eminence,

by John

subsequent general pas-

a

perhaps even since the death of Gregory X.

scope of the planning contracted in

John of Nevers, and a

diplomatic

a two-stage crusade: a passagium particulare to depart in 1395 led

of Gaunt, Louis of Orleans, and Philip the Bold of Burgundy, and sage to be jointly

a lasting reconcil-

a great deal of

There

is

no doubt

last big international force to set

is left

feeling that this battle

La Forbie. This

ottoman control of the bosphorus

easier to suggest than to

of both the French and the English

that the interest in crusading

European and Asian possessions,

is

out from

must have pos-

provided the sultan with secure communications between his

as well as control

of the

territories

of Constantinople can be seen behind the harem guard who poses

around the Black Sea. The familiar outline

in the

foreground.

andrea bonaiuti's The Church Militant (lower left quarter), Spanish Chapel, S. Maria Novella, Florence. With its representations of (reading right to left) Count Amadeus VI of Savoy, King Peter I of Cyprus, the Emperor Charles IV, Pope Urban V, the papal legate Gil Albornoz, and (fourth from left) Juan Fernandez de Below,

Heredia, the master of the Hospitallers, Bonaiuti's fresco could almost be a portrait gallery of the most prominent initiators

and executors of crusading

in the 1560s

and

1570s.


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, H74-I70O

277

â&#x20AC;˘

PAYING THE RANSOM FOR count john of nevers after of Although

his capture at the battle

Nicopolis in

1396.

it

has been reckoned that the total cost

of the count's redemption

reached half a million francs,

he and his companions were accorded

welcome on home.

a hero's

their return

nobility declined after Nicopolis, but this could have occurred for reasons other than the defeat;

and

it is

arguable that the trail-off in French royal interest was compensated for by the

continuing commitment of the Burgundian ducal court, which

now had

conduct. However, after Nicopolis there does appear to be a change in

asm of the

a virtual vendetta to

mood. The

enthusi-

military class was to be less easily aroused in future, and there were fewer signs in

the fifteenth century that crusading was cherished as one of the primary expressions of the values

of Europe's

nobility. It

is

this,

above

all,

fourteenth-century crusading, and explains irritating lack

Europe.

remarkable panache,

a great deal of

as well as its

sometimes

of focus.

titian's Spain Coming a clear depiction

its

which gives inner coherence to

to the

of the

Aid of Religion,

role

Museo

del Prado,

which many Spaniards

felt

Madrid, painted

at the

time of the Holy League,

is

that Philip II was playing in late sixteenth-century


POPE PIUS II PRESIDES AT THE CONGRESS OF

mantua

in 1459 (fresco

by Pintuncchio in the Piccolomini Library in Siena Cathedral). Pius

intended the congress to be the platform for agreeing

on and organizing

great crusade; but

it

a

was

dominated by Europe's and

political rivalries,

promises made there were

not kept.

Failure in the East

Whatever the

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Success in the West

precise impact

of Nicopolis on the

feelings of Europe's nobility, the fact re-

mains that major changes soon started to make themselves ment.

The

felt

within the crusading move-

range and diversity of crusading, which had been so characteristic of the

fourteenth century, contracted; novel themes and ideas began to enter crusade propaganda;

and above

all,

lar authorities

large-scale planning

meant

and organization by

that crusading

moved from

at least

being,

some of Christendom's

on the whole,

secu-

a frontier enterprise

given broader resonance by the participation of chivalric volunteers from the Catholic heartlands, to

becoming once again

a

matter for Europe's principal powers. With some exceptions,

such as Alfonso XI's campaigns and the Nicopolis expedition, the role of those powers had

been muted since the collapse of Philip VI's recovery project

in the late 1330s. In the fifteenth

century they came once more to the foreground.

One prominent 1500. The baptism in the conversion

crusading front, the Baltic, had in 1386

of

his

come

close to disappearing altogether

of the Lithuanian grand prince, Jogailo, and his promise to

by

assist

pagan subjects, ultimately doomed the crusading rationale of the

Teutonic Order's warfare against the Lithuanians;

it

also threatened the knights' hold

on

their

Prussian Ordensstaat (order-state), in so far as Jogailo's conversion was associated with his mar-


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274— 1700 riage to

Queen Jadwiga

of Poland, the order's principal Catholic antagonist,

The

sonal union of the two states. tonic Knights took

some time

full difficulty

to emerge.

of the new

The

2 79

and with the perTeu-

strategic situation facing the

order proclaimed the Christianization of

Lithuania to be a sham, and the flow of volunteers from the West was not noticeably affected, while

took some decades to bring about the concentration of Polish and Lithuanian

it

re-

sources against the Ordensstaat.

From

1410 onwards, however, disasters

suffered a terrible defeat at the hands berg. a

fast.

On 15 July 1410 the order's army

later their representatives at the council

to assist the order against

to almost nothing.

its

of Constance

of Tannen-

failed to persuade the

Some German

crusaders continued to proceed northwards to Livonia,

Teutonic Order

still

enjoyed crusade sta-

V and Alexander VI granted crusade indulgences, the preaching of

and Popes Nicholas

which helped the Livonian brethren pay a very marginal feature

coun-

enemies, and the flow of volunteer knights to Prussia shrank

where the order's war against the Orthodox of Novgorod and Pskov tus,

at the battle

This increased the knights' dependence upon the help of volunteers from the West. But

few years

cil

came thick and

of the Poles and Lithuanians

their heavy

war

costs.

But the Livonian crusade was

of the movement, and those crusading enthusiasts who considered the

at all after

Tannenberg came up with various ideas for redeploying

its re-

sources on the Turkish front.

This

latter

development was of course symptomatic of the

fact that the

Ottoman Turks

had become the movement's main enemies. With the exception of the years from 1402 to about 1420, when the sultanate was recovering from the blow

inflicted

on

it

by Tamerlane

at

the battle of Ankara, the westwards advance of the Turks compelled crusade theorists and enthusiasts to keep their attention focused

Within ning,

this

and

resistance

broad span there were

effort.

on the Balkans throughout the

several periods

fifteenth century.

of concentrated diplomatic

activity,

plan-

Between 1440 and 1444 Pope Eugenius IV worked hard to co-ordinate the

of the Balkan Christians, especially the

yadi, the naval resources

brilliant

Hungarian commander John Hun-

of Venice, and contributions by himself and other western

rulers, in

order to relieve Constantinople, which was on the verge of falling to the Turks. This policy

No-

ran into the sands with the disastrous defeat suffered by the Balkan powers at Varna in

vember 1444. In

1453 the

new

sultan

Mehmed

II

took Constantinople, and during the next

twenty-eight years he directed one of the sultanate's most powerful surges of expansion. Wallachia, Albania,

and Greece were brought under Ottoman

rule,

and the popes responded with

constant attempts both to encourage the resistance of the local powers, and to mobilize a general

crusade from the West. Following

less aggressive policies in the west,

congress of

Rome

in 1490,

Although there were

Mehmed's death

but there were

and during Charles

still

in 1481, his

son Bayezid

II

pursued

crusade plans, particularly at the papal

VIII's invasion

of Italy four years

successes, such as Hunyadi's extraordinary field

later.

campaign of 1443 and

the miraculous relief of Belgrade in 1456, the anti-Turkish crusade was a failure. Attempts to

deploy western seapower, which was

still

dominant

association with the Hungarians, Serbs, Moldavians,

although not for

much

longer

in

and other Balkan land forces, came to


28o

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — 1700

Funds and military supplies siphoned eastwards were inadequate, mistimed, or mis-

little.

directed.

And most

importantly, no general crusade set out from the West, though that pro-

moted by Pope Pius that

of the

II

came

close to doing so in 1464.

earlier recovery crusade.

This

failure

begs comparison with

Each of the phases of planning was accompanied by the

writing of advisory tracts which reconsidered

many of the

problems discussed

although the strategic scenario called for

in the recovery treatises,

largely fresh approach.

There were successive waves of

political, financial,

exiled rulers

dom's courts begging for help, and there were individuals, such

who

Bessarion,

similar spate

who

as the

and military a

toured Christen-

redoubtable Cardinal

dedicated themselves to the cause of the crusade. There was, too, a not dis-

of projects to which

rulers like the western emperor, the king

of Aragon, and

the duke of Burgundy committed themselves; for these church taxes were levied and indul-

gences preached, but they failed to materialize.

To the

a large extent, too, the failure

of the anti-Turkish crusade

is

same considerations which had brought the recovery projects

to be

overcome

in assembling

Ramon

Lulls

potestas

by reference to

explicable to nothing.

for the crusade against the

The

obstacles

Ottomans were

WEt '

THE GOOD, DUKE OF burgundy, in a portrait after van der Weyden, in the Musee du PHILIP

ij-j

../.

>")•

.

'

^ Jm

m

1

1

Louvre, Paris. Philip's interest in the crusade was the

of any ruler

most sustained

Europe, lasting for more than

He

forty years.

is

Fleece,

in 1430. It

JH

^M|

'*'

HL

shown wearing

the insignia of the Order of the

Golden

<9>

in fifteenth-century

^

^_—

'fc'

H

^"' fl '

which he founded

was always associated

with his crusading goals: in 1445

Burgundian

galleys

commanded

by Geoffrey of Thoisy retraced the journey of Jason and his

Argonauts

in the Black Sea.

ikl -

-^B

^^-^^^H


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — 1700 more formidable than

even

professional and

more

for that against the

Mamluks. The

costly in the intervening years.

of war had become more

art

There was

281

a greater

accumulation of

disillusionment and suspicion to deal with in persuading people of the practicability of projects.

Theories of the sovereign independence of the lay power, and of the priority of its de-

mands

over the resources of its subjects, which were

much

been

developed.

cal authority

still

The Great Schism had brought about

of the papacy, with the

result that

popes

around

relatively inchoate

had

a further decline in the politi-

Pius

like

1300,

and Innocent VIII discov-

II

ered that Christendom's secular rulers hardly bothered any longer to send representatives to the congresses which they a coalition

summoned

to debate the Turkish threat.

of powers which did have a

clear

commitment

Even the construction of

to crusading in the East, normally

on grounds of self-interest, was time and again wrecked by Europe's complex

political align-

ments: Hungary was feared by Venice, Venice's power alarmed the other Italian

Burgundy's involvement was opposed by France, and the

German

ble

Europe acknowledged the need

means of pooling the resources required to combat

practice nearly

As

all

of

them blocked

its

was weakening, not

least

Every

and

hostile power; but in

organization.

As noted

problems which make

the association between chivalry and crusade

earlier,

because the decay of the Reisen brought

to an end: already by 1413 the Burgundian traveller Guillebert as

in the Reich.

for a crusade, as the only practica-

this massive

for popular feeling about the anti-Turkish crusade, this raises

generalized remarks hazardous.

ducal

princes believed that any

major crusade would trigger an unwanted resurgence of imperial authority ruler in fifteenth-century

states,

its

most

regular expression

of Lannoy wrote of the

an historical episode. Actual crusading had long since become distant from the

Reisen

lives

of

most commoners. For them, the crusade meant primarily the preaching of indulgences, the success or failure of which hinged

on so many other

preachers, the attitude of the local lay powers,

being or had recently been promoted

factors

such as the ability of the

and the extent to which other indulgences were

that viewing response as a measure

of people's reac-

tion to the crusading cause itself is hardly viable. In 1488 the parishioners at Wageningen, in

on the preaching of the crusade with such

the diocese of Utrecht, received their priest's attack

sympathy that they refused to allow the collectors to take away the money donated. But how

much

is

this evidence

of antagonism worth by comparison with chronicle accounts of the

popular and successful preaching of the crusade

at

Erfurt in the same year,

let

alone the ex-

traordinary response to the preaching of the crusade to relieve Belgrade in 1456? is

The

subject

an interpretative minefield; but the evidence to hand would certainly not support the view

that

it

was popular apathy or

hostility, as

opposed

to political

and

financial problems,

which

stopped the anti-Turkish crusade materializing.

With

the exception of

some

naval activity, and campaigning by the local powers in the

Balkans, the anti-Turkish crusade failed at the drawing-board stage. in the sense

of repeated and humiliating defeats

in the field,

More

dramatic

were suffered by the

sades launched between 1420 and 1431 against the heretical Hussites in Bohemia. sades, the only large-scale expeditions against doctrinal heretics in the late

failures,

series

of cru-

These cru-

Middle Ages, had


202

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — 1700

complex interaction of

their origins in the

tionalist stirrings within the

Bohemian crown

lands.

The

harsh criticism directed against the

Hus

abuses of the contemporary Church by the Prague academic and preacher John

ened out into

a radical reinterpretation

condemnation and burning

Hussite views, led to

Czech national

German minority ist

beliefs

sympathy

Prague in

And

and of the

1419.

his

in this tragic

by many Czech nobles for

felt

the association of Hussitism with

of both Church and State with the

repressive forces

Bohemia, gave the conflict between Catholics and Hussites a national-

in

complexion.

The man who had after the latter died

Bohemian crown from

of shock during the rebellion of

apply an axe to a situation which we can Since he was emperor-elect, and

of the

aries

Reich,

needed to do

cise

point

when

from experience princes,

see,

so, since it

1419.

its

call

was dangerous to

dependent

on the

that, for all their fears

of the German

on

a scalpel.

bound-

He

princes.

denude Hungary of fighting men

at the pre-

southern border. But he knew

its

about Hussitism spreading into their lands, Germany's

ecclesiastical,

would be

reluctant to take the field. Faced with this

dilemma, Sigismund acceded to the suggestions of Pope Martin

own

Wenceslas

territories lay within the

assistance

the Turks were resuming their pressure

both secular and

his brother

Unwisely Sigismund decided to

with the benefit of hindsight, called for

Bohemia and

Sigismund was entitled to

also

Sigismund of Luxemburg,

to deal with this very tangled scenario was

the king of Hungary. Sigismund inherited the

his

broad-

which brought about

of Constance. The complicity

dynasty, and the

a rebellion in

identity,

of basic Catholic

in 1415 at the council

Luxemburg

event of the ruling

and na-

religious unorthodoxy, political unrest,

V and militant lobbyists at

court that the religious issue should be highlighted and his dynastic cause in Bohemia

raised to the level

he entered his

of a crusade.

own

It

was therefore

as the

commander of a crusading army

that

lands in the spring of 1420.

Sigismund was unable to take Prague

in

1420 and, although he was crowned king in St

Vitus s Cathedral, which luckily was situated in the Catholic-held fortress of Hradcany, out-

hounded out of his kingdom

side the city walls, he was first

of disasters.

in a sorry catalogue

serious as those incurred by the

of them

all,

was routed

in

first

Two

in

March

1421.

But

this

was only the

further crusades in 1421—2 suffered defeats just as

expedition. In 1427 another crusade, the

western Bohemia.

The

Hussites had

to such an extent that they launched a series of raids, which they

now

most ambitious

gained the upper hand

dubbed

'the beautiful rides',

German lands. Finally, in the summer of 1431, a fifth crusade was turned Domazlice. The hawks having conspicuously failed, the doves were allowed to take

into the surrounding

back

at

over,

and

after painful negotiations

calcitrant subjects in 1436.

tempts to suppress

The side,

it is

by the

a

compromise settlement with

Hussitism remained entrenched

through crusades

in

his re-

Bohemia, despite further

at-

in 1465—7.

Hussite crusades have not received the detailed attention which they deserve and

some

while

it

Sigismund reached

aspects of their failure are reasonably clear-cut, others are not.

On

the Hussite

apparent that a fragile coalition of radicals and conservatives was reinforced both

atrocities foolishly

committed by the Catholics and by

a

strenuous assertion of Czech


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — I7OO

composed

national feeling in the face of crusading armies

benefited enormously from the organizational

Given the

relatively primitive

flair

largely

of Germans. In the

and innovative

conditions of fifteenth-century warfare,

tactics it is

283

field, it

of John Zizka.

probable that the

Hussites drew a greater advantage from their short lines of communication and supply than the crusaders did

from

from

their theoretical ability to surprise the

several directions.

On

routed rather than defeated ing, these defeats

attacks

the Catholic side, the fact that armies were, time and again,

testifies to a severe

prompted doubts about the

since a negotiated settlement

enemy and co-ordinate

was viable

in a

deterioration in morale.

As always

justice of the Catholic cause, the

way which

it

in crusad-

more

tellingly

was not in crusading against Mus-

lim powers.

The

of the

campaign adopted military ordinances which may have been based on Zizka's

own

1431

but were

leaders

of the crusades

tried

at best partially successful.

both to learn and to innovate

Above

all,

the

Reich's

the promoters

decentralized constitution

militated against the forceful direction and control which were needed.

This

last

point receives indirect corroboration from the most successful fifteenth-century

crusade, that conducted by Ferdinand of

Aragon and

Isabella

of Castile against Granada be-

tween 1482 and 1492. Indeed, a comparison between the Turkish and Hussite crusades on the

one hand and the Granada war on the other

is

revealing

of what was lacking

in the first two.

CONTEMPORARY PEN drawing of a Hussite wagon

A

fortress.

These improvised

defensive structures proved ideal for the rapid deploy-

ment of crossbows and field guns. Note the depiction on the tent of the chalice, access to which at the eucharist was a principal

demand of the

(= in utraque specie, '[communion] in both utraquists

kinds').


the granada crusade,

as

depicted in one of Rodrigo Aleman's vivid carvings in the choirstalls of

Toledo Cathedral. This was a war of arduous

This 1469,

on

final

most of which

are represented in the sequence.

phase in the Reconquista hinged on the marriage between Ferdinand and Isabella

which ended, temporarily

at least, the

Isabella's success, ten years later, in

realm.

sieges,

That done,

age-old rivalry

in

between the two kingdoms, and

bringing to a close the dynastic convulsions within her

Isabella could turn to

Granada. Her own temperament was

fully in

tune

with the growing atmosphere of militant intolerance towards other faiths which has been detected in mid- to late-fifteenth-century Castile. Moreover, Castile

it

was

in the interests

of both

and Aragon to expel the Moors before the advancing Ottomans developed

their

seapower enough to imitate the Almoravids and Almohads by bursting into Spain through

door held open by

why oped later.

their embattled fellow

the opportunistic seizure of into a

a

Muslims. These background considerations explain

Alhama by

the count of Cadiz, early in 1482, was devel-

programme of conquest which culminated

in the surrender

of Granada ten years


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — 1700

Not

more than two

since St Louis's expeditions

centuries previously

pean government been so directly and continuously involved

crusade. Such involvement was essential, for Granada's defences

the same period of time.

Its

had

in organizing

had been

a

285

major Euro-

and waging

a big

up over much

built

conquest necessitated the application of massive military power,

deployed with persistence year after year to reduce the emirate's size piecemeal fashion.

The

mobilization of men, horses and mules, artillery and powder, grain and other foodstuffs, ne-

Some 52,000 combatants were engaged for six money was called for: some 800 million mar-

cessitated a formidable concentration of effort.

months

Baza

in the siege of

The

according to one estimate.

avedis

del Pulgar, put

for the

provisioning of the troops and the financing of the

mind did not stop thinking about how

'the queen's

it,

all,

by the queen. As one of the war's leading historians, Ferdi-

conflict were directed personally

nand

Above

in 1489.

money, both

to get

war against the Moors and for the other demands constantly thrown up by the gov-

ernment of her

Most of

realm.'

the extraordinary expenditure which the war required was

sources, in particular

from church

met from crusade

and the preaching of indulgences. The king and

taxes

queen petitioned vigorously for these and took care that each crusade bull

maximum

was publicized to

effect.

The

(hula de

la

cruzada)

success achieved by the latter, by comparison with

the patchy results obtained by the preachers of the anti-Turkish crusade elsewhere in Europe, is

To

striking.

a large extent

it

can be attributed to the small sums demanded in exchange for

the indulgence, the generous privileges granted, the active assistance which preachers and col-

Mcs mm ooa.-ufo p cTnfemnf a i'.i«

fsnto

f« firfMIft

Bfc'v& pB

S35n ira; liuifc patrc

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.1

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:

A PRINTED RECEIPT (buleta) for the purchase

of a crusade

indulgence for the Granada

ij

1

:

1

11

1

crusade, 1490.

Only

the

:

1

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names of the

had By making such paperwork recipients

to be filled in by hand.

fneiitf rajjttaloptirmQafl .0 ql<j.-j aeiiaa coinctia f.ifta

,

possible, the invention of

i

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pona manoa crcainuniortw ,ia TRrftruaoa ala fta lie apfia.'S alno ae afipMpi^tt 1 a [atni.uia porifia t prta in fc. apHa « t /. iu J c be mata.- derigo ac e?oc facta x oe icapartai per tiola incte t rn ql q« innncra pcia apebCfrfa be (u fflrttii fiLtfarea t at btfioir la publicafio t crerntlo jefta inbuU". ia jla ?f«ncl5 Oefta ftaguetra obe retrooi oolcc tjrr ffanntw i q!qe»

u

fn obpfl

- - -'.30 Dlcfjac 0J1

printing facilitated the financial administration of

indulgences, but prepared the fub!'tD:o

pa efto friguet c.i

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comtlanw fa

da a "rcnTOte ola pfana q totttK paba -tlos xQidiiTVa a rotna obe eptaibaa ca/lfbatt cntroa en rciigitn .jUj

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ground

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reformers that

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T

it

and simoniacal.

was sordid


286

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — 1700

lectors received

from

it

than

The

this.

and even

died,

lay officials,

money was

front-line, that the

and the proof available,

really

shape of bulletins from the

money and, in the case of the troops, fought The convergence of patriotic feeling and Hundred Years War and, paradoxically, amongst the

cause for which Castilians gave

was

a national as well as a sacred one.

religious zeal, visible at times during the

Hussite heretics in the 1420s, was the

in the

being spent on fighting. But there was probably more to

dominance of the

state in the

most apparent

at its

in Castile in the 1480s.

management of the crusade

itself, it

was

Together with

a clear

pointer for

the future development of crusading.

Extinction in

As

it

the

North

Survival in the South

entered the sixteenth century, the crusade, in

traditional

its

holy war symbolizing Christendom's unity and forwarding manifestly sick condition.

Nothing showed

(1512— 17), at which the papal curia

tion an anti-Turkish crusade.

made

The

this

its last

more

of

huge losses on the Venetians;

inflicting

and

in 1516— 17 they destroyed the

The

for crusading

which

and he made strenuous

his predecessor Julius II

efforts

I

If there

was an

their westwards advance

Pope Leo

X was genuine in his enthusi-

assist in

Italian conflicts,

peace negotiations be-

in the air but, as so often in the past,

made by such

rulers as the

Emperor Maximilian

of France, and Henry VIII of England came to almost nothing. As

Hungary and

mo-

and absorbed Syria and Egypt

both to dampen down the

ing the contrast with their opponents' lethargy, the Turks the key to

council's deliberations

would resume

had vigorously fanned, and to

the grandiose offers and sweeping promises Francis

Council

conquered the eastern Anatolian

sultanate

tween France and England. There was some optimism

I,

was in a

council listened to impassioned speeches, levied church taxes for a

crusade, and appealed for action by Europe's rulers.

asm

interests,

their naval strength to the extent

in 1515— 17 they

Mamluk

into their empire. It was virtually inevitable that they in the near future.

common

vividly than the Fifth Lateran

background to the

eastern

as a papally-directed

attempt before the Reformation to set in

immensely sombre one. The Turks had recently developed

plateau;

its

form

managed

if

emphasiz-

in 1521 to take Belgrade,

the chief obstacle to their renewed advance.

was any hope for a

revival

of the movement,

and Aragon proved to be permanent,

if imperfect,

it

and

lay

this

with Spain. The union of Castile new power was embarking on an

expansionist foreign policy which drew not only on the military expertise built up during the

Granada acterized

war, but also it.

on

The papacy

clerical taxes

the convergence of religious and patriotic fervour which had char-

contributed towards the latter by constantly issuing fresh grants of

and renewing the

Morocco had been

hula de

la

cruiada.

As and

early as 1415 the

Ceuta

in

in the

western Maghrib in the fifteenth century benefited

Granada was secure the

a flow

of further Portuguese conquests in the

same manner. Soon

Castilians imitated their western neighbours,

tacular drive into Algeria for an assault

treated as a crusade,

Portuguese capture of

and Tunisia. By

1510

on Tunis. They were half-way

commencing

a

after

spec-

they had reached Tripoli and were preparing

to their stated objective

of Jerusalem. This may


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, I274 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1700 -;â&#x20AC;˘-

Venice around was essential for

which made

seem

like

it

1500, in Vavassore's a

famous woodcut

Turkish crusade, but

reluctant to

commit

propaganda or

at this

the thinking of Christopher

is

at Venice.

<n

Venetian seapower

conflict.

at best self-delusion,

and eschatological tone which

Museo Correr

287

point the republic was suffering terrible losses in Greece,

renewed

itself to

in the

â&#x20AC;˘

but

it

was

fully in

frequently visible during the

Columbus and

keeping with the mystical

Granada

war,

and which shaped

the Franciscan missionaries in the

New

World.

In practice, however, this surge eastwards brought the Castilians into collision with the Ot-

tomans and

their clients, the

North African emirs and

merged with the anti-Turkish crusade At

this

point

it

seemed

in the central

Thus

corsairs.

the Iberian crusade

Maghrib.

inevitable that the papally-directed international crusade

would be

superseded by the state-directed national crusade epitomized by Spain's campaigns against the

Moors. But the election of Charles of Spain

about what looks

like a brief revival

cult balancing act

between furthering

of the older

as

Holy Roman Emperor

tradition. Charles

Hungary, and

after

the Ottomans.

Hungary's collapse

The emperor worked him of his many

constantly reminded

in 1526

it

V had to perform a diffi-

Africa and carrying out his

Initially,

the latter entailed assisting

meant the defence of the

in close if abrasive

duties,

and

brought

North

Castile's interests in

imperial responsibilities in central and eastern Europe.

in 1519

Reich itself against

co-operation with the pope,

his territories

who

were so extensive and varied


288

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — 1700

that at times

it

seems

expedition to Tunis in

saw himself

as a

as

if

his crusades, particularly his relief

1535,

of Vienna

in 1529

and

his great

were akin to those of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Charles

new Barbarossa

or Charlemagne; indeed, the celebration of the victory at

Tunis as the triumph of Rome over Carthage points to even older traditions of imperial warfare.

But

this

is

illusory, for

with the use of his

own

Charles was always defending his

boosted by crusading measures. as Francis I

own

lands or dynastic interests,

troops and funds, even if the former were encouraged and the latter

The

crusading status of Charles's conflicts

is

undeniable, but

and other enemies of the emperor were quick to point out, they were 'Habsburg

crusades', fought for particularist ends.

By the time Charles

V marched in relief of Vienna Christendom was split by

sional divide. In the Lutheran,

and

later Calvinist, states

its

confes-

of the North the rejection both of

papal authority and of the sacrament of penance which underpinned crusade indulgences, effectively extinguished crusading.

practice which

THE TRAFFIC

Arguably

had become residual

IN INDUL-

GENCES, IN A SIXTEENTH-

CENTURY ENGRAVING. In England in 1501 a detailed scale of payments

was applied for the crusade against the Turks, ranging

from £3 6s. 8d. in the case of laymen whose lands yielded an annual income of £2,000 or more, to is. for people whose landed income was less than £40 a year and who possessed movable goods worth between £20 and £200.

in

any

this case.

was

little

more than

the formal ending of a

The closing-down of the

Lithuanian front


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 — I70O

>8

9

in the early fifteenth

century and the failure of all plans for a general crusade against the Ot-

toman Turks meant

that relatively few families in England, the

had

directly experienced crusading for

Order of

St John,

groups to

fight in

might expect, such

tax collectors, or

members entered

went

as individuals

Granada, Hungary, or Rhodes. There were more of the as the 2,000 or so

on Pius

the Portuguese to repel a 1511

II's

Burgundians

crusade

Moorish

to take part in

— —

attack

set

the

or in

than one

latter

out from Sluys in 1464 with the

en route, they stopped off at Ceuta and helped

whom Henry

or the 1,500 English archers

VIII

King Ferdinand's planned Tunis crusade. But they were

not enough to keep the tradition healthy.

had come to occupy

who

Germany

Countries, or

generations, unless their

became papal preachers and

intention of fighting

sent to Cadiz in

some

Low

a rather small corner

It is

hard to avoid the conclusion that crusading

of the

which the

rich fabric of Catholic culture

re-

formers destroyed.

Of equal

importance was the

nances negative. This

is

fact that its

image had become disreputable and

nowhere more apparent than

in

its

reso-

Erasmus's contribution to the long

HANS HOLBEIN

S

SENSITIVE

AND REVEALING PORTRAIT OF Erasmus, the crusading movecritic on the eve of the Reformation. ment's most caustic

'Every time that this farce has

been acted out by the popes', he wrote, ridiculous

'the result has .

.

.

We

are

been

informed

by the proverb that

it is shameon the same so how can we

ful to hit yourself

stone twice;

trust such promises,

however

when we have been more than thirty times,

splendid, tricked

misled so often and so openly?'


290

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1700

â&#x20AC;˘

series

of crusade

of my

ability I urge that

a

war against the Turks:

'I

do not

penitence, like the early Templars as described by St Bernard.

by cutting superfluous court expenditures, 'spending travagance',

and by voluntary donations,

mature into

action'.

Above

all

ture or the laws

and shabby

these matters;

of the Church, for

and to

this

and the troops

The

in piety

in a spirit

of

conflict should be financed

what they take away from

ex-

for 'the people's suspicion will be eroded as plans

there should be

no participation by the Church. 'For

advise against war, but

be undertaken and pursued auspiciously' This meant

it

that Christendom's secular authorities should fight altruistically,

ciated with failure, dissimulation,

time of

at the

immediate aftermath of the Ottoman siege of Vienna,

in the

Erasmus most unwillingly supported to the best

of 1530. Writing

treatises, his Consultatio de hello Tunis inferendo

Hungary's dismemberment and

no preaching of indulgences, which were between the pope and

'fixes'

asso-

local rulers,

and

neither seemly, nor in accordance with holy scrip-

it is

cardinals, bishops, abbots, or priests to get involved with

day their involvement has never met with

success.'

This was no

longer crusading, rather a purged form of Christian warfare rising phoenix-like from the ashes of old, discredited structures.

Erasmus

criticized

on the grounds

Luther

in the Consultatio for

that the Turks were sent by

Luther had abandoned

this

God

condemning

the anti-Turkish war outright

to punish Christians for their sins. In fact

extreme Augustinian stance by this point, for

much

the

same

rea-

sons that Erasmus gave his highly-qualified approval for a secular war of defence; whatever their theological views,

toman

rule.

side their

Up

no reformers could bear the thought of

to the Peace of

Augsburg

in 1555

actually living

Germany's Lutheran princes fought along-

emperor against the Turks, extracting valuable concessions on the

the price of their assistance.

Even

after

it

became

under Ot-

religious issue as

clear that the confessional divide

than a temporary aberration, military co-operation between

German

was more

Protestants

and

Catholics against the Turks, like the survival of the Teutonic Order in the northern states,

was a sign that things were

less clear-cut

than they appeared to be. Catholic victories in the

Mediterranean were celebrated

in the Protestant countries

some

from

were

either religious or derived still 'alien':

for fear

and

a sense

religion, persisted. Politically

Protestant alliances with

them

of offending public opinion. Old

and

of

common

culturally, the

values,

Turks

against the Catholic powers were kept secret

feelings

and

beliefs

were not to be discarded

overnight.

However,

it

was

in the

South that the forms and attitudes of crusading

persisted,

and the

length of time for which they endured has in recent years finally received due recognition.

The

sixteenth century witnessed the culmination of the practice of forming naval leagues against

the Turks, which had

its

humble

and the pope was formed

of Greece. This

origins in the 1330s.

in 1538,

failure, the

but

it

A league consisting of Charles V, Venice,

suffered a serious defeat at Preveza, off the west coast

recriminations which

it

caused, and the political differences be-

tween the contracting powers, prevented the formation of another league until the struggle for naval control

of the

central

Turkish capture of Tunis

Mediterranean had reached

in 1569

and Nicosia

in 1570

its

climax in the late 1560s.

enabled Pope Pius

The

V to persuade both


the battle of lepanto,

1571.

The

last great

crusading victory, Lepanto did not, as was once thought,

turn the tide of war in the Mediterranean against the

Ottoman

Turks; but

it

did raise morale amongst the

Catholic powers.

Spain and Venice to enter another league. battle

of the century

On 7 October 1571 its galleys won the biggest naval

Lepanto, in the gulf of Corinth.

at

The

financed largely by church taxes and the sale of indulgences.

Catholic

fleet at

Lepanto was

Those who fought were con-

scious of the significance of the engagement and, in accounts published very soon afterwards,

they were depicted preparing themselves for action in a spirit of piety, penitence, and forgiveness which iar to

would have earned Erasmus's approval and would not have seemed unfamil-

St Louis. Indeed, the Catholicism of the Counter-Reformation

many of the

ease

devotional practices of crusading, as well as making

acceptable by modifying them. In 1562

Duke Cosimo

itary order, the Knights of Santo Stefano, which

As was

to be expected,

it

The

the Counter-Reformation. less

reform than elsewhere.

itary orders

used

its

was

It

in

is

accommodated with principal institutions

of Florence even founded

I

described in Chapter

Habsburg Spain

a

new

mil-

13.

that the crusade flourished

most during

degree of institutional continuity here was remarkable, with

was most

visible in the

prominent

role

which the Spanish mil-

continued to occupy in society, despite the abuses practised by a crown which

control of the orders to milk their offices and lands for

there was the regular preaching

of the

though

had come to assume

subsidio, a

Spain's crusading past

of the

hula de

la

cruzada

all

they were worth.

far greater

proportions.

was rationalized in terms of

Then

on behalf of the Turkish war and the

church tax which was clearly descended from the

collection it

its

its

The

clerical tenth, al-

presence of such legacies from

crusading present, for whatever the

concerns of the popes about Spanish aggrandizement, there could be no doubt that the wars


2gZ

â&#x20AC;˘

THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274-1700

which Philip

II

was waging

in the

Mediterranean, the Maghrib, and the

the effect of maintaining the Catholic faith.

form of

levy

on church revenues, the

Philip's expenses 'for the preservation

the Mediterranean.

The

Thus when he granted

excusado, in 1567,

Pius

V

Countries had

it

by reference to

religion' in

Flanders and

despite the fact

de la cruzada, too,

new

the king a totally

justified

and defence of the Christian

pope's renewal of the hula

Low

it

con-

travened the reforming decrees of the council of Trent, came about in 1571 as the price which Philip

II

The

attached to his joining the

survival to such a

Holy League.

pronounced degree of crusading

the conservatism of Church and society and, above

all,

practices in Spain

by the link between

is

explained by

state finances

and

crusade revenues which dated back at least to the Granada war. Profits drawn from the military orders, the cruzada,

and the

subsidio

which an informed commentator the Spanish Church. This

at

made up about

Rome

may make

two-thirds of the two million ducats

estimated in 1566 as Philip lis annual haul from

us suspicious about the king's constant assertions that

he was engaged in the pursuit of God's cause. His biographers, however, tend to be convinced of his sincerity. Moreover,

many of the numerous comments made

in the sixteenth

century

to the effect that Spain's wars were those of God originated not at governmental level but in

sources which cannot be construed as propagandists in intent. Accounts of the exploits of conquistadorrs,

the

memoirs of Spanish

soldiers,

the fighting in the Mediterranean and the

and contemporary

Low

pound common themes. The Spanish were God's chosen extending the faith by conversion in the

a

reliquary and pendant (with

Girona, in the

Spanish

Armada

letters

Countries, as well as the

New World

people, the

and defending

new

it

and

histories

Armada of 1588, Israelites;

ex-

they were

by force of arms in the

the cross of the military order of Alcantara), from the wreck of the

(1588).

The Armada was

the

most

explicit crusade to

be declared against a

Protestant power, and the product of an unusually firm convergence of Spanish and papal policy.

UtSÂŁ$S%&

about


THE CRUSADING MOVEMENT, 1274-1700 old one; their successes were providential.

It

who

followed that their soldiers

anteed a place in heaven. Before the battle of Steenbergen in

1583, for

example, Alexander Far-

over the enemies of the Catholic religion, of your king and mine; this

make you

all

immortal and place you

in the ranks

This association of crusading with Habsburg foreign perception of Spain's military

most

significant expression

the Catholic South. But

it

class,

of the

of the crusade,

the day

of the

chosen.'

victory

on which

policy, with the idealized selffeeling,

albeit in radically altered

was not the only one. In Chapter

pitallers carried the history

'a fair

is

and more generally with Spanish national

survival

293

were guar-

fell

nese reportedly encouraged his troops by assuring them that they would win

Jesus Christ will

â&#x20AC;˘

13 it

will be

shown

was the

form, in

that the

Hos-

of the military orders through into the seventeenth and eigh-

teenth centuries by their participation in the continuing struggle against the Turks in the

Mediterranean. less well

The

survival in the

same period of crusade indulgences and church

documented but undoubtedly occurred,

for

and the Holy League of

of Vienna

1684â&#x20AC;&#x201D;97. There

a fascination in tracking

for historians

of the crusades

amples of crusade preaching, individuals assuming the fighting,

modern

and more generally times.

so long as

in tracing the expression

This fascination

we accept

is

easily

that the crusading

is

example during the Veneto-Ottoman

struggle for Crete (1645â&#x20AC;&#x201D;69), the second siege is

taxes

(1683),

cross,

down

ever-later ex-

and grants of indulgences for

of crusading ideas and sentiments into

understood and

it

movement, with

forms its

a legitimate field

of enquiry,

connotations not just of acqui-

escence but of broad-based popularity and support, had long since

come

to an end.


12

The

Mn qast 12Q1â&#x20AC;&#x201D; ibftg

PETER EDBURY

H E Mamluk conquest of Acre and 1291

marked the end of

the other Frankish-held cities and fortresses in

a western presence in Syria

and Palestine that had

its

ori-

gins in the First Crusade. But elsewhere in the eastern basin of the Mediterranean,

Latin rule persisted.

The kingdom of Cyprus,

Third Crusade, survived conquest of

1571.

as the

most

easterly

established in the 1190s in the aftermath of the

of these western possessions until the Turkish

In Greece and the Aegean, in the area that contemporaries often conve-

niently referred to as 'Romania', several of the regimes that years

of the thirteenth century

after the

had come

into being in the early

conquest of Constantinople by the army of the

Fourth Crusade continued to hold sway. The Frankish princes of Achaea and dukes of Athens between them ruled much of southern Greece;

of the smaller Aegean

islands, while the

Italians held

Venetian republic governed Crete and the southern

Greek ports of Coron and Modon. Though the Latins had 1261, in the

Negroponte and many

lost

Constantinople

itself in

fourteenth century western Europeans were able to add to the territories in the

Aegean under

their control, with

Rhodes and Chios

the

most notable of these

later acquisi-

tions.

During the thirteenth century the most potent

threat to continued Latin rule in

had come from the Greeks of Nicaea or Epiros. But as

we have

seen, the threat

after 1300, as

from the Turks came to the

fore.

The

close

tury saw the emergence of the Turkish warlord in north-western Asia

As has

already been described, his descendants, the

overrun

all

Ottoman

Romania

Byzantine power waned,

so,

of the thirteenth cen-

Minor named Osman.

sultans, were in

due course to

these Latin possessions as well as the Byzantine empire, the Balkans, the other

Turkish emirates of Asia Minor, the century, with the conquest

of western rule

Mamluk

sultanate,

and more

besides. In the seventeenth

of Crete from the Venetians, the Ottomans brought the history

in the territories

won

during or after the crusades to the East to

a close. Irak-

and despite the

fact

that Venetian garrisons were able to remain in a few other places in the island until 171 5

and

lion, the principal city

of Crete, surrendered

to the

Turks

in

1669,


THE LATIN EAST, 129I — 1669

295

Venetian-led troops had spectacular though short-lived successes in Greece in the 1680s, the fall

of Iraklion can be regarded as marking the end of an epoch.

War

against the Turks, however,

is

only one of several themes that criss-cross the history

of the western-ruled lands in the eastern Mediterranean during these centuries. Conflicts

among

the Latins themselves and between the Latins and the other Christian rulers, the

Byzantine emperors and the kings of Cilician Armenia, are also prominent. larly',

More

the forms that western government and society might take, the relevance to the Latin-

commerce between East and West, and

ruled territories of

to which the Latin regimes can be labelled 'colonial'

colonial experiences elsewhere attention.

Throughout

the vexed question of the extent

and can be seen

from the sixteenth century onwards

the Latin East people of western

this underclass fared at the

European extraction ruled over an

hands of the dominant minority

siderable interest. But before alighting

tory of these disparate territories

is

on

a

few of these

European

as prefiguring

are all topics that deserve

indigenous population that was predominantly Greek in speech and in religious

How

particu-

is

affiliation.

another subject of con-

of the

issues, a sketch

political his-

framework

called for, if only to provide a chronological

within which to consider them.

The Kingdom of Cyprus At the time of the for a century. itself,

people

many more effect

fall

of Acre the kings of the Lusignan dynasty had been ruling in Cyprus

Many of the original Frankish settlers were, like the members of the royal house who had been dispossessed by Saladin's conquests of 1187—8, and the arrival of

refugees

from Latin Syria during the course of the thirteenth century had had the

of reinforcing the Latin position

laid claim to the title

tested by the Angevin kings II

in the island. Since 1269 the kings

of king of Jerusalem, even though of Sicily. However,

in 1291

it

their right to

of Cyprus had

was the then Cypriot king, Henry

who had had possession of Acre and who had done what Mamluk assault.

(1286— 1324),

withstand the

Henry

never completely lost sight of the idea that he might

of Jerusalem.

He made some

also

do so had been con-

some day

little

he could to

recover the

kingdom

serious if in the event ineffectual attempts to co-operate with

Ghazan, the Mongol llkhan of Persia, during the

latter's

invasions of Syria in 1299— 1301; he

attempted, again ineffectually, to enforce the embargo on western ships trading in

Mamluk

ports in the hope of weakening the sultanate economically and so making a Christian reconquest feasible, and on at least two occasions he sent

sade to recover the

memoranda

Holy Land might be conducted. But

Christian rule in Jerusalem, and, even if there had been, sition to profit

by

it.

Any major

tablished French or Angevin rule in the

up dynastic

ties

there was

pope on how

no crusade to

Henry himself was

a cru-

restore

scarcely in a po-

expedition to the East at the beginning of the fourteenth

century would have been led by the French, and,

building

to the

if successful,

Holy Land.

would almost

certainly have es-

In the last decade of his

life

with the royal house of Aragon, the Angevins' principal

Henry was rival in

the


296

THE LATIN EAST, 1291-1669

â&#x20AC;˘

7 <r

iacomo franco prepared

his

map of Cyprus

1570.

Many

map

of the island until the nineteenth century.

cartographers produced their

later

Mediterranean, but to no

A baronial sion

coup

d'etat

last years

in 1310

In any case he had

he was sent into

Henry resumed

of Venetian rule and published it in and it remained the most detailed

derivative versions,

shown himself

led by his brother, Amalric lord

from power, and

later that year

effect.

during the

own

of Tyre,

exile in Cilician

his rule, but the legacy

to be inadequate as a ruler.

in 1306 resulted in his

Armenia.

On

suspen-

Amalric's death

of this episode was renewed

hostility

with the Genoese and frosty relations with the Armenians. In other words, the king became

embroiled in quarrels with the most powerful of the

and with the only other Christian kingdom

The

reign of Henry's

tion. Instead

Land,

Hugh

nephew and

Italian mercantile republics in the East

in the vicinity

of his own realm.

Hugh IV (1524â&#x20AC;&#x201D;59), saw a major reorientaMamluk sultanate and the recovery of the Holv

successor,

of concerning himself with the

turned his attention to the problems posed by the growing Turkish presence

the waters between

Cyprus and the West. From the

early 1330s until the

end of

in

his reign he

was associated with the Knights Hospitallers of St John on Rhodes, the Venetians, and the

papacy

in trying to

ish rulers of

much

curb Turkish piracy

in the

Aegean, and he was also able to place the Turk-

of the southern coast of Anatolia under tribute. At the

same time he seems


THE CATHEDRAL OF SAINT NICHOLAS AT FAMAGUSTA dates

from the

half of

first

the fourteenth century, the

heyday of the ity.

Since the

city's

conquest of 1571 used

to have stopped trying to enforce the

better relations with the Genoese.

thirteenth century a result

of

its

His policy was eminently

sensible. Since the

end of the

Cyprus had been enjoying considerable commercial prosperity

largely as

position athwart one of the main trade routes between East and West. Safe-

pirates operating

self-interest. If

from bases on the western or southern coast of Asia Minor could

unchecked with international commerce, then the wealth that rulers

has been

it

mosque.

embargo on trade with the Mamluks and to have sought

guarding the shipping lanes to Europe was thus a matter of prudent

its

as a

prosper-

Ottoman

would dimmish and the island would be

less able to

this trade

Turkish interfere

brought Cyprus and

fend off any future

Muslim

in-

vasion. It is

customary to see the reigns of Henry

II

and

Hugh IV

as

marking the apogee of the

Lusignan kingdom. Visitors to the island commented on the wealth and prosperity they found.

The

Cyprus

in the early years

traded there.

Florentine business agent, Francesco Balducci Pegalotti,

The

at Bellapai's

reign, described the

enormous

who was based

variety

in

of merchandise

well-struck and plentiful coinage testifies to the abundance of silver flow-

ing into the island.

abbey

of Hugh IV's

The

surviving architectural

monuments, notably the Premonstratensian

and numerous churches of fourteenth-century date

the former Latin cathedral

of St Nicholas

is

the

most

in

Famagusta of which

celebrated, are further evidence for the


298

THE LATIN EAST, 1291-1669

flourishing economy. But by the time the ageing and increasingly irrascible

over power to his eldest surviving son, Peter

I,

this prosperity

Hugh IV handed

was already on the wane.

The

Black Death of 1347— 8 had hit the island hard. As a result of the population loss agricultural

and

industrial production

chandise slumped

would have

fallen,

and since the international demand

there being fewer producers

and fewer consumers

crued to the island through trade would have fallen correspondingly. But while contraction affected

all

parts

of the Mediterranean world, the

for

mer-

the wealth that ac-

situation in

this

economic

Cyprus was exac-

erbated by the fact that changing trade routes meant that a smaller proportion of the com-

merce between Asia and western Europe was passing through the It is

against this

background that the dramatic events of Peter

be viewed. Peter began by taking over the port of Korykos from then, in 1361, seizing the important trading centre in

Chapter

sade.

He

11,

and

in 1362

his

island.

its

I's

reign (1359—69) should

Armenian inhabitants and

of Antalya from the Turks. As was shown

he travelled to the West and toured Europe, recruiting

army

left

men

for a cru-

Venice in 1365 and, rendezvousing with the Cypriot forces

Rhodes, descended on the Egyptian

city

at

of Alexandria. The garrison was taken completely

unawares; the city was captured and pillaged; the crusading army then withdrew on learning

of the approach of the main Mamluk army from Cairo. This attack was followed

in the

course of the next few years by a series of lesser raids on the coast of Syria. Historians have

argued about what Peter was doing.

The

crusading rhetoric of the time would indicate that

he believed he could win back Jerusalem and the Holy Places of Christendom; what we

know

of the peace negotiations suggests that he was looking for trading advantages for Cypriot merchants.

The

crusade had originally been intended to have as

the silver gros of king peter orb.

i

its

leader the king of France

of Cyprus (1359— 69) shows the king holding

On the reverse is the cross of Jerusalem. The gros was

introduced

a

drawn sword and an

in the closing years of the thirteenth

century and continued to be minted until the time of Caterina Cornaro.


THE LATIN EAST, 129I— 1669

m 'Hi

R

AboVC

299

THE CASTLES AT KORYKOS had of the kingdom of

for long been part

Cilician Armenia. In 1360 they were

handed over to the Cypriots who retained control until 1448 when they were seized by the Turks of Karamania.

king peter i of cyprus's capture of Antalya on the southern coast of what Left,

is

now Turkey on

23

August

1361 is

recorded in this inscription which preserved in the local

ki

museum.

is


300

THE LATIN EAST,

who

as the heir of St

actual course

I2C)I

— 1669

Louis would have been expected to

of events

set his sights

on Jerusalem. But the

the destruction of a rival port to Famagusta and then the quest for

own

trading privileges for his

subjects in the

Mamluk

sultanate

suggests that Peter

may

have been more interested in reviving his kingdom's flagging commerce.

Whatever the

truth,

it is

clear that

Cyprus derived no benefit from

Peter's enterprise.

Peace

Mamluks was concluded in 1370, but by then the king was dead, murdered by a vassals. The Italian mercantile interests had been outraged by his attack on Egypt. In 1372, following a riot at the coronation of the new king, Peter II (1369—82), Cyprus and Genoa went to war. The next year, 1373, the Genoese captured Famagusta, and their dewith the

group of his own

was only halted by a spirited defence of Kyrenia

structive invasion

the end of Cyprus's commercial heyday. struction

of the

working

local merchants'

now found

castle.

This war marked

decline of Famagusta was aggravated by the de-

and by the 1390s the port had acquired the

capital,

remained under Genoese control until 1464. As for the Lusig-

characteristics of ghost town. It

nans, they

The

themselves oscillating between a policy of trying to take Famagusta

back by force and paying the tribute that the Genoese had imposed. Increasingly impoverished and isolated, they could

Aegean or take other Cyprus to be used

no longer

involve themselves in anti-Turkish activities in the

positive measures to enhance their position. Instead they allowed

as a base for corsairs,

many of them from

Catalonia.

As

a result the

Mam-

luk sultan took reprisals, launching a series of attacks on the island during the mid-i42os. In 1426 the Cypriot troops were overwhelmed at Khirokitia and the king, Janus (1398—1432),

we have

was, as in 1517

seen, captured.

Egypt succumbed

Henceforth Cyprus was under tribute to Egypt, and when

Ottomans

to the

the tribute had to be paid instead to Constan-

tinople.

Although they had had to

their problems, for

avoid serious succession

crises.

foundered. In that year King John tard son

named

II

two and half centuries the Lusignans managed

Beginning

in

1458,

however, this dynastic stability

(1432—58) died, leaving a daughter, Charlotte, and a bas-

James. James took refuge in Cairo. In 1460, backed by an assortment of Eu-

ropean adventurers,

among whom

prominent, and

Sicilians were

he led an invasion of Cyprus. In the ensuing the legitimate branch of the family and

civil

became

1473 he died. year.

A

in

1472 married a Venetian

son, James

III,

James

II

and

king. It

was some time before James could

manage

to establish relations

noblewoman named Caterina Cornaro. Then

in exile in the

house of Lusignan was

his son, the

soldiers,

in

was born posthumously, but he in his turn died the following

Apart from Charlotte, now

family, the royal

Egyptian

war, which lasted until 1464, he overthrew

gain a measure of international recognition, but he did at least

with Venice and

a force of

West, and some illegitimate branches of the

extinct. In the

turmoil surrounding the deaths of

Venetian authorities intervened to safeguard their interests and to

prevent a group of James's Sicilian counsellors and mercenary captains taking control. Until

1489 they maintained the fiction that James's widow, Caterina Cornaro, was the ruling queen

of Cyprus. They then ended the pretence, abolished the monarchy, and administered the land as part of their overseas empire.

is-


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in the sixteenth century to

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fortress

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n[>j pl.-n ui.i.u

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it

to withstand

bombardment.

THE INDULGENCE PRINTED BY GUTENBERG IN 1455 in favour of contributors to the refortification of Nicosia was one of the earliest documents to be

Left.

printed with movable type.


302

I2QI — 1669

THE LATIN EAST,

Before the 1470s the government in Venice had not

shown any

particular interest in

Cyprus. But after the loss of Negroponte to the Turks in 1470 and in the course of their attempts to collaborate with the

Turkoman

leader

Uzun Hasan

Ottomans, the Venetians had come to appreciate the tial.

island's

in their struggle against the

economic and

strategic poten-

Their rule lasted from 1474 until the Ottoman conquest of 1570—71. The population rose

steadily

and the economy seems to have

and Egypt

in 1516— 17 followed

exposed position.

Back

in the 1450s the

in 1522 left

refortified the castle at Kyrenia

agusta so as to withstand cannonade.

tion.

The Ottoman conquest of Syria,

by the capture of Rhodes

The Venetians

measures needed to be taken.

revived.

The

At Nicosia, the

and

capital, they

Cyprus

Palestine,

in a particularly

rebuilt the walls at

decided that more drastic

medieval walls there had never afforded adequate protec-

pope had

set aside

money from

the sale of indulgences for refor-

among

tifying the town, and copies of the indulgence printed by Gutenberg at that time are

the earliest instances of the use of printing with movable type.

thought necessary to dismantle the entire using, as

we have

seen, the

1

a

By the

and replan the

military designs.

To

1560s, however,

fortifications

achieve this

it

was

from scratch

programme

it

contemporary engraving by Giovanni Francesco Camocio shows

the sixteenth-century Venetian fortifications at regular intervals.

circuit

most up-to-date

the siege of Nicosia of 570 from

Fam-

an almost exactly circular wall with eleven angled bastions


THE LATIN EAST, 129I — 1669

Nu«i

wmr44far«fi

*< (.."(often eh.-

i,(

Ar.^nuf,

303

.1

*"**)^t( u

.11 J-!:.,

'

i.-.irvi.., ,,,,!, .

: .

!'n, c ,.I

J UHW Af„

iJ^fefe^*^ the siege of famagusta of 1570— lasted for ten and a half months and was the main episode in the Ottoman conquest of Cyprus. This contemporary engraving gives a generally accurate impression of the i

topography of the

fortifications at that time.

was necessary to demolish a large number of buildings including the Dominican church

where many of the Lusignan kings had been buried. In the event the building work was not quite complete after six

when

weeks of

the

Ottomans launched

their invasion.

fighting. Kyrenia surrendered

Famagusta the Venetian garrison endured

Nicosia

fell in

September 1570

without putting up any resistance. But

a siege that lasted

from September 1570

at

until

August the following year and only surrendered when supplies of food and gunpowder were exhausted.

Rhodes and

The

loss

the

Knights Hospitallers of St John

of Latin Syria forced the Hospitallers to find

themselves in Cyprus, but once

Land they turned

it

became obvious that

their attention elsewhere

Byzantine-held island of Rhodes.

It

and

a fresh role. Initially they established

there was to be

in 1306

no return

to the

Holy

embarked on the conquest of the

appears to have taken until 1309 before the island was


304

â&#x20AC;˘

THE LATIN EAST,

fully in their hands,

and

13)

They

as a base

129I â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1669

but from then until 1522 they used

from which they attempted

also occupied a

number of the nearby

selves policing the shipping lanes, they

the

income from

successful assault until

it

to halt

as their

it

headquarters (see Chapter

Muslim depredations and

expansion.

smaller islands, and, although they busied them-

were forever criticized for making insufficient use of

their extensive estates in the West.

on Smyrna. They then had

As we

to shoulder

was captured and destroyed by Tamerlane

shall see, in 1344 they shared in a

most of the burden of defending

in 1402.

it

Towards the end of the fourteenth

century the Hospitallers were also involved in efforts to defend southern Greece which was

now coming under Turkish

attack, but they lacked the resources to intervene effectively in the

increasingly chaotic situation there. Tamerlane's victory over the

had the at

effect of relieving the

Ottomans

Turkish pressure on Greece, and within

odds with the other Christian

rulers in the region,

a

at

Ankara

in 1402

few years the order,

took the opportunity to withdraw.

Spared the need to spend their revenues on Smyrna and Greece, the Hospitallers now concentrated

on protecting Rhodes

rounding

islands.

itself,

the nearby mainland castle of

the Dominican church at andra vi dh a. Andravidha, favourite residence

of the princes of Achaea whose court

splendour and chivalry.

in the

Bodrum, and the

sur-

north-west of the Peloponnese, was a

in the thirteenth

century was renowned for

its


THE LATIN EAST, 1291-1669 In the fifteenth century

Rhodes became notorious

Mamluk

again in 1444 the

who had

more immediate

threat was posed by the

1462 thev occupied Lesbos and in 1470 Negroponte.

expansion to the south and

and

and expel the order

in

east. In

Rhodes

1453 the Turks

all

southern Greece; in

effectively

blocked further naval

on Hospi-

1480 the Ottomans launched a major attempt to conquer the island

for good.

left greatly

coping

difficulty

the 1470s there were repeated Turkish raids

The

siege of

Rhodes

almost three months and

city lasted

end had to be abandoned. Although they had succeeded fenders were

no

Ottomans. In

had conquered Constantinople; by 1460 they had overrun almost

taller possessions,

1440 and

suffered grievously in similar circum-

stances in the 1420s, the Knights of St John were well prepared and had

A

in

sultan retaliated by sending his fleet to attack the Hospitallers'

possessions. However, unlike the Cypriots

with these assaults.

and

as a base for corsairs,

305

â&#x20AC;˘

in

fending off the invasion, the de-

weakened, and their survival has to be attributed to

Mehmed

by the death of the sultan

II

in the

gained

a respite

the following year and the subsequent succession

disputes in which the western powers were able to use the threat of unloosing a captive pre-

tender to the throne to prevent the ories. It

new

sultan, Bayezid

II,

from attacking Christian

was not until 1522 that the Ottomans again launched

occasion the sultan, Suleyman the Magnificent,

commanded

the Turks closely invested the city of Rhodes, but this time

a full-scale invasion.

his troops in person. it

As

territ-

On

this

in

1480

surrendered after a six-month

siege.

The Principality of Achaea By the end of the thirteenth century the Frankish principality of Achaea was already past prime.

The

its

defeat at the hands of the Greeks at Pelagonia in 1259 had led directly to the

Byzantine reoccupation of the south-eastern portion of the Peloponnese and to the prospect

of further

losses. In his

king of Sicily Charles

need to find

I,

and

a

in 1267

protector Prince William

had accepted

II

had turned

his suzerainty. Charles,

to the

Angevin

who had hopes of

supplanting the Byzantines and re-establishing the Latin empire of Constantinople, was a natural

ally.

But after the rebellion of 1282 known

no longer provide the sort of military and ever, able to exploit their affairs,

and the

failure

as the Sicilian Vespers, his successors

financial aid that

could

was necessary. They were, how-

position as overlords to intervene in the principality's internal

of the male

line

of the ruling Villehardouin family

in 1278 gave

them

plenty of opportunity so to do. Between 1289 and 1297 the principality was ruled by William

Us

daughter, Isabella, and her husband, Florent of Hainault, but after Florent's death the

Angevin kings

in

Naples sought ways of replacing

member of their own tions led

them

of Burgundy.

to It

house.

Only

Isabella

briefly did this intention

and Mahaut, her daughter, by waver when in

promote the marriage of Mahaut to Louis, was

at this

a

Company

a

other ambi-

younger brother of the duke

juncture that the Angevin dominance was challenged by an

Aragonese claimant, Ferrand, the younger son of King James Aragonese Catalan

1313

I

of Mallorca. With the

already ruling in the adjacent duchy of Athens there was a real


306

THE LATIN EAST, 1291-1669

â&#x20AC;˘

Aragonese would take control of the whole of Latin Greece. But

possibility that the

not to be.

A

war between the opposing parties ended

Manolada

in

which Ferrand was

series

and in

killed.

was

it

in July 1316 in a pitched battle at

Louis of Burgundy died shortly afterwards. In

a

of high-handed actions King Robert of Naples thereupon ousted the widowed Mahaut

in 1322

Naples

had

his

own

Mahaut died

brother, John of Gravina, invested as prince.

a prisoner

in 1331.

Direct Angevin rule, however, failed to remedy the problems confronting the principality.

Around

1320 the Byzantines

had made some substantial gains

Peloponnese with

in the central

the result that henceforth the principality was largely confined to the western and northern coastal areas. In 1325â&#x20AC;&#x201D;6

John of Gravina led

a substantial

pedition with the intention of recovering lost ground. turn. Instead he governed through a series

continued after his youthful

had had

1332

He

lieutenants,

as

it

happened unsuccessful

then retired to

and

of a family compact he surrendered

as part

effective control,

own

who was

substantial force

and

policies

it is

therefore

no

ex-

never to re-

of absentee

his rights to

rule

Achaea to

who

surprise that the surviving feudatories tended

and disregard the demands of

of

their lord. In 1338 Catherine

Robert's mother and also the titular empress of Constantinople, brought a

of men-at-arms from

withdrew

in 1341 leaving the

barons

laissez-faire

and interventionist

policies

an attempt to reassert princely authority. She

Italy in

as intractable as ever.

of the Angevins,

Exasperated by the alternating

in the 1340s they

looked

Byzantine power-broker John Cantacuzenus and to the king of Mallorca tives to

Italy,

this pattern

nephew, Robert of Taranto. Since 1297 there had been no resident prince

to pursue their Valois,

when

of

but

Neapolitan overlordship.

What

they wanted was someone

guarantee their possessions but not interfere in their

in turn to the

as possible alterna-

who would defend and

was too much to

affairs. It

ask,

and

in

any case neither ruler was in any position to take on the role they envisaged. It

was under Catherine of Valois's patronage

financier, pality.

in the 1330s that her Florentine counsellor

Niccolo Acciaiuoli, began to acquire

fiefs

and come to prominence

in the princi-

In 1358 the ineffectual and absentee titular prince, Robert of Taranto, granted

valuable and strategically important lordship of Corinth.

ing a major problem, and

it

was

clear that the

By then Turkish

and

raids were

him

the

becom-

Angevins were incapable of doing anything to

counter them. Indeed, after Robert's death in 1364, the family engaged in a series of quarrels over

who was

its fate.

to be the rightful prince while at the

In 1377

of St John.

It

Queen Joanna of Naples

was they

Achaea known

as the

who

same time

largely

abandoning Achaea to

leased the principality to the Knights Hospitallers

introduced the force of Gascon and Navarrese mercenaries into

Navarrese Company. By the

late 1370s

Niccolo Acciaiuoli's nephew,

Nerio, had become lord of Corinth and had acquired Vostitsa on the Gulf of Corinth and

Megara from

the weakening Catalan regime in Athens and so

entire region. In 1379, with

Neno's connivance

a part

the duchy of Athens and seized Thebes, the principal in

Athens

itself.

The

rest

of the Company remained

sumed control of the towns and

fortresses

had come to dominate the

of the Navarrese Company invaded city,

in

leaving the Catalans holding out

Achaea where

its

commanders

as-

of the princely domain. They continued to hold


llgi â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1669

THE LATIN EAST, de facto

power when

in 1381 the Hospitallers formally

handed the

principality back to

307

â&#x20AC;˘

Queen

Joanna. In the early 1380s the series of political crises in southern Italy that led to Joanna's

overthrow ended the Angevin overlordship to

of Naples granted the

las

title

all

intents

and purposes. In 1396 King Ladis-

of prince of Achaea to the Navarrese

leader, Peter

of San

Superan.

The growing Ottoman a

threat forced the various Christian powers in the Peloponnese into

The Navarrese turned to the Venetians whose fleet and whose of Coron and Modon, Crete, and Negroponte meant that they were the most con-

measure of accommodation.

control

siderable military

and naval power

logus, the Byzantine despot of the

In the

same year he succeeded

the Turks proved elusive. just

in the area.

Morea, to

Nerio Acciaiuoli turned to Theodore Palaeo-

whom

in gaining control

in 1388

he gave his daughter in marriage.

of Athens. However,

The Byzantine occupation of Argos,

purchased from the widow of

a

town

lord, led to a protracted

its last

common

a

front against

that the Venetians

bated when the Navarrese treacherously seized Nerio Acciaiuoli during negotations to this dispute. In 1394

had

wrangle that was exacersettle

Nerio died and Theodore seized Corinth. By then Ottoman power had

reached as far as the northern shores of the Gulf of Corinth, and major incursions into the

Peloponnese

in 1387, 1394â&#x20AC;&#x201D;5,

pitallers to take charge

entire despotate to

pressure. Peter

nephew and

a

and 1397 took

their toll. In 1397

Theodore arranged

for the

of Corinth, and by 1400 he was even prepared to consider

them.

The Ottoman

of San Superan died

member of an

defeat at the hands of Tamerlane in 1402 eased the

in 1402,

and

1404 Centurione Zaccana, his widow's

in

old-established baronial family, swept aside Peter's heirs and had

him

the king of Naples invest

Hos-

selling the

as prince

of Achaea.

It

was Centurione

who

in the course

the next quarter of a century presided over the demise of the principality. It

of

succumbed not

to the Turks but to the aggressive acquisitiveness of the despots of the Morea, the last act

being played out in 1430.

The

Byzantine despotate survived until the

Ottoman conquest of

1460.

The Duchy of Athens During the thirteenth century the duchy of Athens had flourished under the gundian La Roche family. fluctuating fortunes benefits less,

The dukes had been more

of the Bur-

own

despite the

of their neighbours to north and south, and the duchy had enjoyed the

of prosperity, dynastic

and the duchy passed to

stability,

a cousin,

sion Walter was faced by the arrival as the

than able to hold their

rule

on

and military

success. In 1308

Walter of Brienne. Within

his

a

Duke Guy II

died child-

short time of his acces-

northern border of the army of mercenaries

Catalan Company. As a fighting force

it

had had

its

known

origins in southern Italy during

the wars between the Angevins and the Aragonese that had begun in the aftermath of the Sicilian Vespers

peror

of

1282. In 1303 the Catalans

who had used them

against the Turks

had hired

their services to the Byzantine

of Asia Minor; they then turned against

paymaster and did an immense amount of damage to Byzantine territory

in

emtheir

Thrace before


*«v

y* ;V!C»

v -'"t*"

*

.

.„

« -»

"

bodonitsa, near the ancient Thermopylae, was a major bastion of Frankish Greece from the north. It was the principal possession of a largely independent marquis.

moving tions to

into Thessaly. Walter thought he could use the Catalans to further his

dominate that region;

a

campaign fought

was not prepared to reward them

duchy and

in

March

1311

in line

They advanced

crushed his forces in a battle fought by the

duced, like the English at Bannockburn three years

later,

own ambi-

was highly successful, but Walter

in 1310

with their expectations.

Athenian knights, reinforced by contingents from elsewhere

ter

against incursions

in

river

into his

Kephissos.

The

Frankish Greece, were in-

to charge into a marsh.

The

slaugh-

was immense. Walter himself was killed and the Catalans were able to occupy the whole

of his duchy.

The new regime

lacked international recognition.

The

Catalans naturally turned to the

Aragonese royal house for support and accepted the nominal overlordship of successive

mem-

bers of the Sicilian branch of the family as dukes. But the hostility of the Angevins of Naples,

the French, and the papacy towards the Aragonese kept

them

isolated.

There could be no co-

operation between Catalan Athens and Angevin Achaea, and so the mutual support that had

normally been a feature of relations between the two major Frankish principalities ern Greece in the previous century no longer applied. in

The

Briennes,

who

both France and Naples, could count on papal backing, and when

ennes son and namesake, Walter

II,

led a substantial

army

in

in south-

were well connected

in 1331

Walter of Bri-

an attempt to regain his patri-


CATERINA CORNARO, THE LAST queen of Cyprus, was maintained as

Left:

a

puppet ruler by the Venetians between 1474 and 1489 when she abdicated and went back to her native Venice. This painting by Gentile Bellini is the only authentic contemporary portrait, and

was painted

after her return to Italy.

the harbour and town of chios in the sixteenth century. Chios remained under Genoese rule from 1304 until 1329 and from 1346 until 1566. It was important as a centre for locally Below:

produced mastic and

as a staging

for long-distance trade

post

between

Constantinople and both the West

and the

Mamluk sultanate.


THE LATIN EAST, 1291-1669

mony way

the expedition had the status of a crusade.

against the Catalans,

most of the time

though he and

until the early 1370s the

of excommunication, and 1

it

Even

his heirs

so,

309

.

he was unable to make any head-

continued to intrigue against them. For

papacy kept the Catalan leadership under the ban

was only the increasing danger from the Turks that from the

340s onwards brought about a gradual softening of papal attitudes. In the

opening decades of the fourteenth century the Catalan

midable power, but with the passage of time

Company

its

Company had been

a for-

prowess dwindled. In 1379 the Navarrese

invaded the duchy and seized Thebes, leaving, as we have seen, the Catalans hold-

ing Athens but

little

who by

Acciaiuoli,

who completed

else.

The

the mid-i38os

his

beneficiary was the Florentine lord of Corinth, Nerio

had occupied almost

the former Catalan territories and

all

conquest with the occupation of the Acropolis

at

Athens

in 1388.

Nerio

turned to King Ladislas of Naples for legitimization of his acquisitions, but on his death in 1394 the despot

Ottoman

of the Morea seized Corinth, while the Venetians, anxious

take-over, occupied Athens. Venetian rule lasted until 1402

son, Antonio,

who

in the

them. In Venice Antonio's success was viewed it

rule until his death in 1435.

as a

major humiliation, but once

The Ottoman

After 1435 the duchy passed to Antonio's cousins.

until the Turkish take-over

tomans had the

The Genoese

last

in the

of Genoa, her great

interests

However, with the demise of the Latin regime

threat,

capital,

But their commercial enterprise spread

at

ports gave

Crimea, and until

many other

them

which

in the 1390s

had

as-

again enjoyed a measure of pros-

The

family retained Athens

itself

rival,

in

dominant western maritime power had

in 1261, the

Genoese came

on the opposite

which they turned into

far further afield.

in

for a time suffered in consequence.

Constantinople

into their own. It was then that they acquired Pera, the suburb

Golden Horn from the Byzantine

be found

clear

Aegean and Black Sea

Romania, and the

in the

became

duke murdered.

established Venice as the

of Kaffa

it

from

city

of 1456 and was allowed to keep Thebes until 1460 when the Ot-

The Fourth Crusade had

trol

Nerio's bastard

by attacking Negroponte the Venetians chose to acquiesce.

sumed major proportions, had receded and Athens once perity.

pre-empt an

meantime had gained control of Thebes, wrested the

that he was not going to follow

Antonio was to

when

to

a

side

major centre for

of the trade.

By 1280 the Genoese had taken con-

late into the fifteenth

century their merchants were to

trading centres around the shores of the Black Sea. These Black Sea

access to Russia and,

more importantly,

to Asia. Before the

end of the

thir-

teenth century there were Genoese-owned ships on the Caspian Sea and an appreciable Ge-

noese mercantile community in Tabriz. In the

a

first

half of the fourteenth century

painting attributed to THE circle OF juan de flandes

James, or Santiago, in the legendary ninth-century victory over the incorrectly, to have led to the a

white horse.

f.1510â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 20

Moors

foundation of the Order of Santiago;

a

we

find

showing the intervention of Saint

at Clavijo

which was

later

banner with the order's cross

is

supposed,

borne on


3IO

â&#x20AC;˘

THE LATIN EAST, 1291-1669

A

CHRISTOFORO BUONDELMONTI S PLAN OF CONSTANTINOPLE dates to 1420. Saint Sophia

is

the large

building towards the right while

on the other side of Golden Horn, is the flourishing suburb of Pera, held by the Genoese since 1261. at the top,

the

II

them trading via Pera

in India

and China. Access to Asia for these more distant ventures was

and the Black Sea or through the Cilician Armenian port of Ayas. Disruption of

trade routes in inner Asia and a loss of confidence following the Black

about

either

1350

such ventures largely ceased, but there was

through trade

in the Black Sea, the

hands until

in

which

their

1475; Pera until 1453,

after

considerable profit to be had

Aegean, and the Levant.

The Genoese were not particularly interested wanted were places

still

Death meant that

in acquiring land for its

merchants could trade

and Famagusta

in

own

securely. Kaffa

sake.

What they

remained

Cyprus, which they captured in

in their

1373, until

1464. Rivalry with the Venetians was intense. Since early in the thirteenth century Venice had

dominated the southern and western waters of the Aegean; Genoa by contrast sought to sert its influence over the eastern

and northern

acquire territory. In the 1260s the

parts.

But

it

was

left

Emperor Michael VIII had granted

Phocaea on the western coast of Asia Minor and the right to exploit Zaccarias proceeded to found

New

as-

to individual Genoese to

its

the Zaccaria family

alum deposits. The

Phocaea, and in 1304 Benedetto Zaccaria occupied the

nearby Byzantine island of Chios. His kinsmen's rule

in

Chios lasted until 1329 when the


THE LATIN EAST, 129I-1669 Greeks were able to reclaim hands,

now governed by

noted for in

it.

However from

a business

1346 Chios

consortium known

and Phocaea were again

as the

production of mastic, but the Genoese developed

its

port

its

other commodities, notably alum from Phocaea and slaves. In the

teenth century the Genoese began to cast covetous eyes at the

Lesbos, but

was not until 1354 that

it

who had come

to prominence for his role in the

Cantacuzenus, acquired

Phocaea

in 1455

this

island.

and seized Lesbos

island was

as a centre for trade

first

half of the four-

more northerly

Genoese adventurer named Francesco

a

311

Genoese

in

The

Mabona of Chios.

â&#x20AC;˘

island

of

Gattilusio,

coup which ousted the Emperor John VI

The Ottomans took

in 1462. Chios, however,

New

control of Phocaea and

remained

in

Genoese hands

until

1566.

Venetian

Romania

In the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade Venice acquired direct sovereignty over Crete

twin ports of Coron and

Modon

south of the Peloponnese, and

in the

at the

and the

same time en-

couraged individual members of Venetian patrician families to take control of many of the smaller Aegean islands for themselves. Chief

Sanudi the

who from

title

among

the beneficiaries of this policy were the

early in the thirteenth century ruled over the Cyclades

of 'duke of Naxos' or 'duke of the Archipelago'. In

Crispi family.

Other Venetians acquired

1383 their

islands for themselves

and Sporades with

duchy passed to the

and held them

as vassals

of

the dukes of Naxos. Technically the Sanudi were vassals of the princes of Achaea and so not

dependent on Venice

in

any formal sense, but in practice the Venetians were careful to en-

own people as part of their policy of keeping the friendly hands. The Sanudi were vigorous rulers, but even

sure that these islands were held by their

approaches to Constantinople in

they could not prevent the islands being ravaged by pirates and, especially in the case of some

of the smaller

had

islands,

to induce settlers

being systematically depopulated by Turkish

from elsewhere to come to make good the

slavers.

losses.

Frequently rulers

The

islands

became

notorious as havens for corsairs, and the generally unstable political and military situation

was exacerbated by some long-running feuds among the local lords. By the 1420s the dukes

of Naxos were tributary to the Ottomans, but last

duke was not deposed

Aegean the

until 1566,

islands continued until 1617

most important,

finally

and

when

a

their

duchy was

vestiges

still

to have a long history.

of Christian lordship

group of minor

passed under direct Turkish

rule.

islands,

The

in these smaller

of which Siphinos was

Venice herself held Tenos and

Kythera until the eighteenth century. In the early thirteenth century the Venetians had taken advantage of the situation in the

former Byzantine lands to gain staging posts along the main route to Constantinople and the Black Sea. Coron and

Modon,

'the

two

eyes of the Republic'

on the south-western

Greece, were useful ports of call on the way to both the Aegean and the Levant. Nearer

tip

of

Con-

stantinople the island of Negroponte (or Euboea) had been part of the territory assigned to

Venice

at the

time of the Fourth Crusade, but in the event

it

came

into the control

of three


JI2

â&#x20AC;˘

THE LATIN EAST, 1291 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 669 1

modon, shown

here in a woodcut by Gio Franco Camocio (1571). was acquired by Venice in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade and remained an important staging-post for Venetian shipping to Constantinople and the Levant until its fall to the Turks at the beginning of the sixteenth century.

Lombard

who

families

held their lands as

of the principal port, the

city

fiefs

A

of the Venetians.

of Negroponte, but

it

Venetian

1380s.

more or

Negroponte remained the most important piece of Venetian

Crete and Constantinople until

it fell

to the

Turks

had charge

was only gradually that Venice came to

acquire direct control over the rest of the island, a process which was

by the

bailo

in 1470.

complete

less

territory

between

There were two major breaks

the chain of Venetian-controlled ports along the route to Constantinople.

One

in

lay at the

southern end of the Adriatic. After 1204 the Venetians had hoped to acquire Corfu, but

it

and they held

it

was denied them. Eventually, however, until the collapse

of the republic

to Constantinople cally situated

designs on tilities

it,

lasted

itself.

in 1386 they did obtain this island,

in 1797.

The

other break in the chain lay in the approaches

Here the Venetians wanted the

island

of Tenedos which

opposite the entrance to the Dardanelles, but their

rivals,

and eventually the conflicting ambitions of the two

from

is

cities led to war.

1376 to 1381 and, despite the dramatic spectacle of a

strategi-

the Genoese, also had

The

hos-

Genoese blockade of

Venice, they ended inconclusively with Tenedos being declared a no man's land from which its

Greek inhabitants were to be

expelled.


THE LATIN EAST, 1291-1669

513

After the war of Tenedos the growth of Ottoman power, coupled with the weakness of the Latin principalities in southern Greece and the effective end of any pretensions of the rulers

of Naples to overlordship

there,

provided Venice with both the opportunity and the pretext

to acquire additional territory. Besides Corfu, she acquired other footholds at the southern

entrance to the Adriatic in the general area of what

Lepanto (Naupaktos) on the Gulf of Corinth the Peloponnese in 1417. in 1388,

and

seen, the

eventually, in 1462,

Monemvasia came under

Mark even succumb to Ottoman

these islands, ports,

and

few

a

years, as

we have

pressure.

The

fall

of Constantinople

They were

in 1453

still

meant

all

that

valuable in them-

but increasingly Venice's political and commercial interests were shifting away from territorial possessions in

turv were expanding dramatically.

To

What Venice

northern

Italy

which

in the fifteenth cen-

Ottoman

could not do was hold back the

preserve her trade she attempted to pursue policies of appeasement.

failed there

lost

For

their rule.

flew over Athens and Thessalonica (1423—30). In time

fortresses lost their focal point.

Romania and towards her vance.

Albania. Further south she gained

the Aegean coast the Venetians had bought Argos and Nauplia

banner of Saint

these were to

selves,

On

now

is

1407 and Navarino on the western coast of

in

was war. In the war of 1463—79 she

Modon, Coron, and Navarino;

islands including Aegina. In the

in the

lost

Negroponte;

When

ad-

these

war of 1499— 1503 she

in the

war of 1537—40, Monemvasia, Nauplia, and some

war of 1570— 3 she

Cyprus.

lost

Cyprus and Crete were Venice's two most substantial acquisitions

in the eastern

Mediter-

ranean. Cyprus was in Venetian hands for less than a century and during that time enjoyed a

period of relative peace and prosperity. Crete, however, had been acquired after the Fourth

Once

Crusade and remained

a Venetian possession for

had got over the

problems of taking control, they found themselves confronted with

initial

almost

sequence of rebellions led by the local Cretan landowners. in the 1280s

five centuries.

The most

serious

under the leadership of Alexis Kallergis and lasted for sixteen

the Venetians a

of these erupted years. In the

end

the Venetians had to allow the indigenous Cretans to retain their property and customs, and

they even had to

make concessions with

was the turn of the Venetian

settlers in

regard to the

Orthodox Church

Crete to rebel against their

hierarchy. In 1363

it

home government. What

sparked the revolt were the excessive demands being placed upon them by the Venetian administrators in the island.

It

lasted until 1367

and was suppressed with

relentless savagery

on

the part of the authorities. After that the population remained generally docile. Accultura-

tion between Greeks and Latins proceeded and the island prospered. This prosperity was in-

terrupted by Turkish raiding, notably in in fortifying the

main towns,

known, and the huge

fortress at

1538, 1562,

as the castle

and

and

Rethymnon bear witness. But

the Turks decided to attack Crete in earnest,

ity to

use naval power to intercept the invading army.

The Turks

its

Venetians invested heavily

Candia

as

years,

was then

was not until 1645 that the blow

were able to take advantage of Christian indecision and gain the

twenty-one

it

military strategists realized that

defence would depend on Venice's abil-

It

1648 they had overrun the whole of Crete except for Iraklion. a further

The

walls at Iraklion, or

when

fell.

1567.

The

finally

initiative.

By

siege of Iraklion lasted for

and the 'War of Candia' came to be viewed throughout Europe


U4 as

â&#x20AC;˘

THE LATIN EAST, 1291 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1669

an epic struggle. During that time the Venetians

and when

in 1669 they surrendered Iraklion they

areas in Croatia

several

managed

Suda, Spinalonga, and Grabusa which they held until

and Kythera and some

won 1715,

major naval engagements,

to salvage naval bases in Crete at

together with the islands of Tenos

which they had recently conquered

at

Ottoman

ex-

pense.

The the

surrender of Iraklion was not the end of Venetian involvement in Romania. In 1684

Holy League under

the aegis of

Pope Innocent XI comprising Venice,

Austria,

Poland came into being to make war on the Ottomans. The Venetians took the lead running southern Greece

in a

campaign that

is

remembered

Parthenon during the siege of Athens of 1687. In 1699

at the

session of the Peloponnese was