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Transnationalisation, Migration and Transformation: Multi-Level Analysis of Migrant Transnationalism (TRANS-NET) 7th Framework Programme Socio-Economic Sciences and the Humanities



This report has been carried out by the research teams of the project: Finland: Pirkko Pitkänen, Pauliina Järvinen-Alenius, Laura Huttunen, Mika Raunio, Anna Virkama, Virve Kallioniemi-Chambers; Estonia: Rein Ruutsoo, Leif Kalev, Kristina Ling; France: Aïssa Kadri, Fatima Ben Lmadani; Germany: Thomas Faist, Jürgen Gerdes, Eveline Reisenauer; India: S. Irudaya Rajan, V. J. Varghese; Morocco: Noureddine Harrami, Hayat Naciri; Turkey: Ahmet Icduygu, Deniz Sert; United Kingdom: Filippo Osella, Ralph Grillo, Kaveri Harriss

This paper presents the general aims of the framework project Transnationalisation, Migration and Transformation: Multi-Level Analysis of Migrant Transnationalism (TRANS-NET)2 and the current state of research on transnationalism. The first section introduces the TRANS-NET project, while the second one presents a review of the research literature in the field. The third section shows the point of departure within TRANS-NET, and the fourth one introduces the state of research in the participating countries. Finally the concluding chapter shows how the project will go beyond the current state of the art. 1. INTRODUCTION The aim of TRANS-NET is to clarify and compare the multi-level processes of transnationalism 3. Though increasingly important the question of transnationalism is still poorly understood. This three-year research project will investigate structural factors related to the complex phenomena surrounding transnational 4 migration and their implications for the people’ s everyday life. The main research question is: How do migrants’activities across national borders emerge, function, and change, and how are they related to the processes of governance in increasingly complex and interconnected world? The following transnational spaces will be taken as the main units to analyse the border-crossing relationships: Estonia/Finland, India/U.K., Morocco/France, and Turkey/Germany. Transnational linkages and migration across boundaries entail manifold political, economic, social, cultural and educational implications. Subsequently, this research will be organised around the political, socio-cultural, economic and educational aspects on transnationalism. In addition to the broader and highly aggregated structural level (macro), we are interested in the individual decision-making level (micro), and people within the transnational networks on the intermediate level (meso). 2. THE CURRENT STATE OF RESEARCH ON TRANSNATIONALISM One of the major challenges for policy-makers in the contemporary world is the increase in the transnational mobility of people. Although back-and-forth migration over national borders has always existed it has not pervaded such critical mass and attained everyday complexity as it has today. The ready availability of air transport, longdistance telephone, facsimile communication, Internet, and electronic mail has made this possible: travel and communications across national borders have become rapid and easy. The political integration of the European Union and the collapse of the Soviet Union are the two major forces influencing transnational mobility above and beyond technological changes and the globalisation pressures in the realm of economics. Whereas past migrants settled in the countries of reception, in this ‘ new age of migration’(Castles & Miller, 1998), they often retain significant continuing and intense political, economic, social and cultural ties and linkages to their countries of origin. Today, most nation-states contain transnational migrants, some long-term residents, others recent arrivals, who have a multiple orientation: to the country of residence and to another place with which they maintain political, economic, familial, religious and/or linguistic ties, and which may be conceived of as ‘ home’ . That orientation may be dual, or even triple in 5 that populations from ‘ home’may be spread across several countries or continents. (Portes, Guarnizo & Landolt, 1999: 217, 223; Grillo, 2001: 10; Rogers, 2002: 8.) Since the 1990s, scholars have used the term transnationalism for this type of migration6, to emphasise the emergence of transnational spaces7 in which migrants establish social fields that cross geographic, cultural, and political borders. The notion of ‘ transnationalim’goes beyond the conventional dichotomies of migratory settings such as sending versus receiving countries, but at the same time it also involves this conventional dichotomy. Therefore, it is a concept which is able to carry the ‘ old’discourse of migration studies into the ‘ new global realities’ . Moreover, the concept of transnationalisation has been used to describe a wider process of change, covering 2

The TRANS-NET project, coordinated by the University of Tampere, Finland, is funded by the European Commission’ s DGResearch (7 FP). 3 The concept of ‘ transnationalism’is used here as a perspective on cross-border migrations and on the ties migrants and others forge in the processes connected, as a description of actual processes happening, and as a result (such as desirable state of affairs, transnational social spaces, etc.) of cross-border migrations. 4 ’ Transnational’here refers to a perspective on cross-border migration with an emphasis on ties among migrants and others evolving in the process of (international) migration. 5 It should be noted that not all migrants crossing international borders are ‘ transmigrants’ ; some cut their ties to the countries and regions of origin, like for instance some ethnic Turks who migrated to Turkey after World War One from the Balkans. 6 On the other hand, the term ’ transnational’was employed as early as 1916 (by R. Bourne), and has actively been used by researchers since the 1970s (Mahler, 2002: 66). 7 The concept of ‘ transnational space’is used here to incorporate the macro, meso and micro level contexts that span two or more nation-states, including both geographic spaces and imagined communities.


multi-local configurations that reach beyond national boundaries. Some researchers have looked for connections between transnationalisation and Europeanisation. Sabine Mannitz (2002: 3), for instance, argues that the process of Europeanisation can be seen as one specific case of transnationalisation which embraces the economic, the political and the social sphere. Finally, both the phenomena of transnationalism and transnationalisation draw on from and contribute to processes of globalisation. Although some researchers tend to blur the distinction between transnationalisation and globalisation, this project rests upon the conception that there is a marked difference between the concepts. The term 'transnationalisation' may partially overlap with 'globalisation', but typically it has a more limited purview. Whereas global processes are largely decentred from specific nation-state territories and take place in a world context above and below states, transnational processes are anchored in and span two or more nation-states, involving actors from the spheres of both state and civil society (see Faist, 2000: 5). During the recent decade, a number of studies have been published on transnationalism, transnationalisation, transnational migration, transnational networks, transnational communities, transnational social spaces, and so on. The research has been very manifold, fragmented and rather confusing. The confusion is closely tied to the conceptualization of the phenomenon of transnationalism: the concept is often used loosely and without specificity. A further problem is that so far research has avoided directly addressing the transformative processes linked to transnational migration. (Glick Schiller et al., 1992: ix; Portes et al., 1999: 218; Smith & Guarnizo, 2002: 3-6; Vertovec, 2004: 970-973.) In comparison with the current state of the art, this project represents an advance as it will provide comprehensive theoretical analyses and practical insights on the multi-level transformation processes surrounding transnationalism and transnationalisation. The term ‘ transformation’is used here to describe deep and far-reaching processes which within a relatively limited time span, change societies and modify people’ s living conditions. These transformation processes often develop out of both individual and collective short-term actions which are unexpected ways to constitute fundamental and long-term changes. In this project, we hypothesize that the large-scale institutional and actor-centred patterns of transformation come about through a constellation of parallel processes. This kind of approach describes the joint impacts of macro-level processes, cross-border ties and networks, and the motivations and meanings of people as their own agents in processes of change. (cf. Castles, 2001; Wiltshire: 2001: 8; Vertovec, 2004: 971-974.) Much of the earlier research has dealt with the question of why people migrate. These models have mainly emphasized the push-pull factors behind international migration, and sought to discover the forces at work when people form emigration intentions. An interesting study is the Eurostat research project on Push and Pull Factors of International Migration coordinated by Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute. An international group of researchers investigated structural characteristics that trigger ‘ push’potential migrants from Morocco, Turkey, Egypt, Ghana and Senegal, and the variables that ‘ pull’potential migrants towards the countries of destination. The most notable finding was that individual-specific expectations about the net benefits of emigration out of Africa were the prime driving force behind emigration intentions. The research also revealed that the lack of economic growth prospects triggered emigration and, consequently, affected the age and sex structure of the population and the educational and skill composition of the labour force. (Schoorl, et al., 2000.) In today’ s world, new patterns of international migration, and consequently, new types of transnational migrants are emerging. The migrants may be long-term and temporary, seasonal, posted or irregular, moving back and forth between states, sometimes circumventing state controls over borders and taxes. Sometimes, transnational spaces may themselves become communities of orientation. For example, many Indian high tech professionals are ’ citizens of the world’ , market-driven migrants, whose main objective is to seek career opportunities that will enable them to maximize their earnings and savings in the shortest possible time. Not just labour migrants but also many asylum seekers are constantly or periodically in motion back-and-forth across continuous or non-continuous territorial boundaries. These phenomena challenge the assumptions about clear-cut distinctions between emigrant and immigrant in the case of recurrent migrants. It is also becoming increasingly difficult to make a distinction between countries of emigration and immigration: the country of origin may turn into an immigrant country again, especially in light of usually high rates of return in international migration. They also raise new kinds of questions about the formation of multiple transnational spaces in migration systems. (Faist, 2000: 9-13, 30, 51; Rao, 2001; Vertovec, 2004: 985, 987; Koehn, 2006: 22.) A current concern among policy-makers is the question of the relationship between intra-EU transnationalism and extra-EU transnationalism. This is in part a consequence of the EU’ s moves towards internal freedom of circulation (Schengen and non-Schengen). Historical backgrounds and geopolitical structures denote an array of factors both in the emigration and destination countries and in the international political and economic system of nation-states. Especially the direction from South to North, which represents one of the great waves of transnational migration, often turns into relations of unequal interdependence, characterized by colonial ties and by gross and continued imbalances


of political power, economic development, and cultural penetration. A crude contrast can also be made between East and West; there is a corresponding history of geopolitical types of transnationalism both at global and European levels. For instance, in Eastern Europe, political and economic dislocations since 1989 have resulted in a thoroughgoing transition from ‘ regulated immobility to increasingly disorderly movement’(Rogers, 2000: 8). In the past decade, in post-communist countries, borders have been moving across people and their communities. Thus, both people and borders move. According to Rogers (2002), the Western European variant of transnationalism takes two forms. One is much like the economically-driven transnational migration which also extends to social and political connections of all kinds. The other is more peculiar to the European Union, transnationalism as emerging within and making use of EU political and economic space. There has been a considerable amount of research focusing on large structural conditions and macro-structural linkages between emigration and immigration countries. For instance, migration system theory has assumed that migration systems8 create the context in which movement occurs and that these systems influence people’ s actions on whether to stay or to move. Basically, a migration system includes two or more places – most often nationstates – connected to each other by flows and counterflows of people. Lately, migration system theory has stressed the existence of linkages between countries other than people, such as trade and security alliances, colonial ties, and flows of goods, services, information, and ideas. These linkages have usually existed before migration flows occurred. For example, in the case of France and the United Kingdom, most movers come from former colonies. (Portes & Walton, 1981; Boyd, 1989: 641; Faist, 2000: 50-51, 305-306.) According to Thomas Faist (2000), the migration system approaches have been fairly successful in explaining the direction and the processes of transnational migration, since they highlight that transnational movement is not a one-time event but rather a dynamic process consisting of a sequence of events across time. However, in order to explain the transformative dynamics of transnational migration, the system approach should be enriched with migration network theory.9 The network theorists10 have mainly been interested in the dynamics of migration, such as chain migration and the form and pattern of ties in migrant networks. However, Faist argues that most of the theories have avoided addressing the questions about how migrant networks come into existence; or that the networks entail the circuitous movement of goods, ideas, information, and symbols. Accordingly, he suggests to improve the network theory by connecting the structure of ties in transnational networks, and the content of ties – social capital (Faist, 2000: 30). In his book The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces (2000), Faist presents a multi-level model in which he utilizes the metaphor of ‘ transnational social space’to illustrate how the transnational reciprocities and solidarities forged through migrant networks and groups form a critical mass evolving into new social entities that cross nation-state boundaries for a considerable amount of time – for at least one immigrant cohort. The transnational social spaces are relatively permanent flows of people, goods, ideas, symbols, and services across international borders that tie stayers and movers and corresponding networks and non-state organisations; regulated by emigration and immigration state policies.Thus, the concept of social space transcends the understanding of space as a sort of container to a socially, politically, and economically relevant construct. (Faist, 2000: 13, 54, 309-310.) Likewise, Alejandro Portes, Luis E. Guarnizo and Particia Landolt (1999) use the typology of economic, political and socio-cultural transnationalism to define a well-organized theoretical framework on transnational migration. They suggest that in order to establish the phenomenon, at least three conditions are necessary: (1) The process involves a significant proportion of individuals in the relevant universe (immigrants and their home country counterparts); (2) The activities of interest are not fleeting or exceptional, but possess a certain stability and resilience over time; and (3) The content of these activities is not captured by some pre-existing concept, making the invention of a new term redundant. (Portes et al., 1999: 217-230.) Stephen Vertovec (2004) remarks that, although migrant transnational practices are involved in deep-seated patterns of change or structural transformation, transnationalism should not be studied solely from an organisational point of view, but also as it occurs within, and has impact upon, the daily lives of individuals (see Voigt-Graf, 2002). He points out that migrant transnationalism alone does not itself cause transformation, rather migrant practices draw upon and contribute significantly to ongoing processes of transformation, largely associated with facets of globalisation, already underway. Thus, the modes of transformation, and the practices of migrant 8

Migration systems consist of the totality of migration and migrant networks spanning countries of emigration and immigration, and manifold organisations regulating the flow of people. 9 In fact, system theorists have vigorously applied social network theory; there is extensive body of research literature giving explanations of migration dynamics with the help of the network concept (Kritz & Zlotnik, 1992; Faist, 2000: 30). 10 A network is defined here as a set of individual or collective actors – ranging from individuals, families, firms, and nationstates – and the relations that couple them (Faist, 2000: 51).


transnationalism surrounding them, both draw on and contribute to wider processes of globalisation. According to Vertovec (2004: 970-1001), the current transnational practices among migrants involve modes of transformation discernible (at least) in the following domains: (1) perceptual transformation affecting what can be described as migrants’orientational ‘ bifocality’in the socio-cultural domain; (2) conceptual transformation of meanings within a notional triad of ‘ identities-borders-orders’in the political domain; and (3) institutional transformation affecting forms of financial transfer, public-private relationships and local development in the economic domain. Each set of transformations involves multiple causes, linked processes and observable outcomes. Thus, the domains of transformation fostered by migrant transnationalism include basic structures of individual orientation, fundamental political frameworks, and integral processes of economic development. 3. POINT OF DEPARTURE In this project, the three-faceted conceptualisation of political, socio-cultural and economic domains forms the basis for future research work, but with the addition of educational domain of transnationalism. Whilst considerable attention has been paid by researchers and policy-makers to economic and social issues, like remittances and their impact on poverty and growth, or to the brain drain, analysis of the links between transnational migration and education have been largely ignored. Our initial premise is that whilst transnational migration is generally associated with far-reaching political, social, cultural and economic transformations, the direction of change in educational practices is unpredictable, being contingent not only on social, religious-cultural and political circumstances of migrant communities, but also on the specific life trajectories of migrant households.Thus, this proposed project and its conceptual framework rest upon the understanding of transnational space as a politically, socio-culturally, economically, and educationally transformative construct. While large-scale patterns carry the danger of overemphasizing structural conditions and social organisations, actor-centred approaches are in danger of overlooking them. To balance the picture, a multi-level approach will form the basis for both theoretical and empirical studies in this project. The term ‘ transnational space’is used here to incorporate multiple levels on analysis: the political-socio-cultural, economic-educational structures and everyday experiences of transformation processes will be investigated on macro-, meso-, and micro-levels11. 3.1. Analytical levels 3.1.1 Macro-level Wider structures on the level of the nation-states, multinational constructions, and the world system as a whole constitute the macro-level. In today’ s increasingly borderless world, an unprecedented number of individuals and households are on the move. Roughly a billion people traverse nation-state borders annually. An estimated 200 M men, women and children – including skilled professionals, contract workers, students, officially recognized and de facto refugees, victims of human trafficking and undocumented residents – currently live outside their country of origin. With the dismantling of formal barriers to labour mobility within the European Union, millions of Europeans currently work and reside in a Member State other than their own. Migration systems evolving in wider political, economic, cultural, and historical linkages create the context in which this transnational movement of people occurs. It is evident that an array of worldwide transformations is under way due to a convergence of contemporary political, social, economic and technological processes. Migrant transnational practices are stimulated and fostered by these processes; and transnational migrant practices accumulate to augment and perhaps even amplify many macro-level transformative processes. (Vertovec, 2004: 992; Koehn, 2006: 22.) Macro-structural analysis implies relationships between governments and authorities in the emigration and 12 immigration countries and international organisations . Nation-states differ regarding political factors such as external power in the international system, internal administrative capacity, efficiency, and political stability. This has implications for the emergence of transnational migration. The admission and integration policies of countries vary from open to restrictive. Nation-states tend to favour the admission of certain immigrant categories and 11

It should be kept in mind that, in practice, these levels are interconnected in multiple ways. Thus, at all analytical levels (macro-meso-micro) we will explore links with different levels and study their interconnections and interrelations. 12 International organisations and programmes have an important role: consider the international covenants on human rights and the Geneva Convention on refugees and asylum seekers; the programmes of the International Labour Organisation and the International Organization for Migration as well as Unesco’ s programme on Management of Social Transformation (MOST), for example. Moreover, in recent years, several multinational initiatives have emerged around the relationship between migration and development, such as the Global Commission on International Migration (2005), the High Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development (2006), and most recently the Global Forum on International Migration and Development (2007). The effects and implications of these organisations are highly important, but still poorly understood.


newcomers from certain countries, while making it harder for people from other groups and territorial origins. (Faist, 2000: 32-33, 306.) At a European level, the integration project of the EU can be seen as one specific case of transnationalisation which embraces the political, economic and social spheres. Until now the success story of the European unification has been designed and carried out mostly in top-down procedures of administration and legal adaptation. On that level, transnational Europe is already a substantial reality: at least on the level of normative rhetoric, the shape of united Europe has become as model-type transnational space. At an individual level, a panEuropean social space is more questionable.13 It is also evident that the new Member States and candidate countries present a particular challenge for this process. (Mannitz, 2002.) The great waves of current transnational migration – from South to North and from East to West – can be explained by economic inequality and the imbalance of political power between countries of origin and destination. Such differentials are important prerequisites factors in analysing the development consequences of the mobility of highly skilled persons. Whereas in the 1960s, a majority of analyses entertained the idea of a ‘ brain gain’for developing countries, and mobility was seen as a resource for modernizing developing countries, in the 1970s and 1980s, the reverse was more critical view of the ‘ brain drain’ , with the underlying assumption that emigration was harmful to developing countries. In the course of the 1990s, the dominant academic and political mood shifted again. Currently experts and politicians from industrial countries in need of highly-skilled technological specialists assert that there is a ‘ brain circulation’ , an apparently neutral term. There are claims about mutual benefits for all actors involved, for the highly skilled as well as for the emigration and immigration countries themselves, such as the creation of jobs in the software industry and increasing capital investment from abroad. In highly industrialized countries, public policies directed toward recruiting highly skilled migrants now routinely also include efforts to attract international students. Subsequently some countries (Germany and Finland, for example) have recently changed their legislation to allow international degree students to remain or to re-enter once they have completed their studies. At the same time, countries of emigration have begun to take initiatives to reverse the ‘ brain drain’ . Examples include the Indian government’ s efforts to sponsor investments by expatriates in IT sector. (Faist, 2007: 12-15.) 3.1.2 Meso-level On the meso-level, a transnational space consists of migrant networks14 cutting across discrete organisations such as nation-states. Transnational ties and networks are increasingly important factors in today’ s world, but still poorly understood. Our goal is to gather empirical evidence to understand the fundamental internal dynamics of migrant networks, and their political and economic prerequisites in the countries of emigration and destination. Not only individuals participate in migrant networks; collectives such as households, kinship groups, or organisations are also part of them. Thus, the set of transnational ties and networks among movers and groups, and the resources inherent in these relations constitute the main focus on the meso-level. This refers to the ties among migrants with units and networks in the areas of origin and destination, and relations between relevant collective actors (such as kin groups, households, religious groups, ethnic communities). The meaning of networks can also be extended to include transnational organisations and collective actors such as multinational organisations and non-state institutions. They shape and influence access to overseas employment and safe havens through the operation of institutional rules and resources. It is usually a complex institutional web in which knowledgeable individuals and the agents of organisations, ranging from immigrant associations to multinational corporations, and state authorities operate. (Faist, 2000: 11-16, 305.) Nevertheless, in this project the emphasis is on the ties people entertain with others. These ties may be bi-or multinational: they may reach to the immigration and emigration countries, or to several countries at the same time. This creates changing models for their political, social, cultural and economic participation, and alternative paths to their career development and status achievements. Whereas, previously, the economic success and social status of newcomers depended exclusively on rapid acculturation and entrance into the mainstream circles of the host society, at present they depend (at least for some) on cultivating strong social and economic networks across national borders. Technological advances in long-distance transport and communications have facilitated the emergence of transnational entrepreneurs to bridge the distinct but complementary needs of migrant and home country populations. The demand for news and information, foods and cultural products from their home country is high in expatriate communities, while desire appliances, advanced electronic products, and investments financed by immigrant capital is widespread among the population left behind. (Goldring, 1996; Guarnizo, 1997; Portes et al., 1999: 228-229; Vertovec, 2004: 983.) 13

Portes et al. (1999: 221) use the terms transnationalism ’ from above’ and ’ from below’to describe transnational activities initiated and conducted by individual migrants and larger structural organisations. 14 Network is understood here as a configuration of social, symbolic, and material ties.


As Vertovec (2004) notes, while not by themselves bringing about substantial societal transformations, patters of cross-border exchange and relationship among migrants may contribute significantly to broadening, enhancing or intensifying conjoined processes of transformation that are already ongoing. It can even be asked, what is not transformative in migrant transnationalism? An answer given by Vertovec (2004: 972) is the following: “The widening of networks, more activities across distances, and speedier communications reflect important forms of transnationalism in themselves. However, they do not necessarily lead to long-lasting, structural changes in global or local societies. Migrants have historically maintained long-distance social networks, and the fact that messages or visits take shorter time does not always lead to significant alterations in structure, purpose or practice within the network.”He adds that sometimes the matter of degree really counts. The extensiveness, intensity and velocity of networked flows of information and resources may indeed combine to fundamentally alter the way people do things. 3.1.3 Micro-level On the micro-level analysis, the focus rests in individual transnational migrants, their living conditions, experiences and conceptions. This includes both the political-social-economic positions of migrants and their transnational practices. It should be noted that all cross-border moves are not regarded as transnational. Migrants will be referred to as ‘ transnational’only in those cases in which they develop and maintain political, social, cultural, economic and/or educational relations that span national borders. Transmigrants are persons who live in either the country of emigration or destination and commute back and forth between the two locations. They may also return to their countries of origin. Sometimes returnees do not endure living in the original emigration countries upon return or are forced to leave again, maybe to a third country. Return migration is however different from circular migration: circular migration is characterized by frequent movement between two or more places, such as in seasonal labour migration. Not just work-based migrants but also asylum seekers may live moving back and forth between two or more states, sometimes circumventing state controls. (Faist, 2000: 19; Fitzgerald, 2000: 10; Vertovec, 1999; 2001; 2004: 979.) It is obvious that the number of people ‘ not present in the past’is going to increase. Peter Koehn (2006: 22) writes: “Looking toward the future, the most likely population scenario will involve ‘ more people, more population movement, more displacement – both internally and internationally – and more demands for effective responses by relevant authorities’ (see Helton, 2002: 14). Among transnational migrants, even in the case of permanent settlement abroad, old ties to the country of origin may be maintained or new ones established – both in the country of origin and in the immigration country. An increasing trend is that migrants and the overseas communities are increasingly engaging themselves in the political, social and economic lives of their country of origin. Thus, migration gives rise to a cyclical exchange between the emigration and immigration countries including not only migrants but also material goods, information, symbols and cultural practices. (Faist, 2000: 9-10.) In this project we seek to attain an understanding of the characteristics of transnational migration, on all above-mentioned levels. Our starting premise is that transnational migration entails manifold political, economic, social, cultural and educational linkages across boundaries. Consequently, in order to analyse the concept of transnationalism, it will be broken down into following conceptual dimensions: political, socio-cultural, economic and educational. 3.2 Conceptual dimensions of transnationalism 3.2.1 Political domain The political dimension of transnationalism inherently involves questions of transnational public space, civic order, and the cohesiveness of ‘ host’societies. The emergence of transnational spaces that span two or more nationstates raises several questions on membership in nationally bounded societies. With the conventional model of the nation-state, some sense of collective identity was presumed to characterize the people believed to be contiguous with a territory, demarcated by a border. Recently, this model has been radically challenged. Transnational migrants may claim membership in multiple polities in which they may be residents, part-time residents, or absentees. They may also live in a country in which they do not possess citizenship, or claim citizenship in a country in which they do not live. (Fitzgerald, 2000: 10; Vertovec, 1999; 2001; 2004: 979.) Although the political power of national governments is not necessarily diminished, there is a current need to reconstitute and restructure the processes of governance in response to the increase in trans-border commitments. Today, there is a tension that governments of migrant sending and receiving states address a range of migrant transnational practices with greater attention and policy intervention. The rise in dual and multiple citizenships especially is testing the nature and reach of nation-states. Around the world, an increase in transnational mobility


has given rise to an increasing interest in multiple state membership and multinational citizenship; and, throughout the world, an evolving tendency is towards facilitating the attainment of dual citizenship.15 (Held et al., 1999: 9; Faist, 2000; Vertovec, 2004: 980-984; Kalekin-Fishman & Pitkänen, 2007; Pitkänen & Kalekin-Fishman, 2007.) Dual citizenship pertains to the aspects of belonging and recognition. The main point is that dual state membership recognizes and legitimizes the circumstance that people can entertain multiple ties, some of them extending to other nation-states. An important factor here is that the countries of immigration and emigration not only offer very different conditions for establishing political participation but also for specific citizenship rights to accompany transnational lives. These differences have given rise to series of questions related to state membership. The first question is to whom citizenship is allowed, and under what conditions. The second question is in regard to tolerance and the implementation of people’ s participation in political, social and economic arenas. (Icduygu, 1996; 2005; Pitkänen & Kalekin-Fishman, 2007.) 3.2.2 Socio-cultural domain The increasing transnational movement of people and the bi/multinational fields they gradually create transform the relations between individuals and their position within the communities and societies in which they try to improve their livelihoods. We ask how the larger social and cultural16 patterns are changing. In particular, these factors amount to alternative integration models and adaptation paths in immigration countries. The immigration literature has generally assumed that, once newcomers arrive, they settle in the host society and undergo a gradual but inevitable process of assimilation. This literature makes allowances for a flow of returnees to their home countries, but not for sizeable back-and-forth movements of people between places of origin and destination. (Portes et al., 1999: 228-229.) Traditionally, the predominant ideology underlying the national system for receiving immigrants has been assimilationist, with the expectancy that newcomers become culturally absorbed and indistinguishable from the mainstream. Implicitly, transnational ties are deemed to gradually vanish, often in proportion to the intensity of new ties immigrants build in the immigration country. In past decades, the general principles of integration policy have undergone a significant change: in an increasing number of states, integration from a pluralistic starting point is being viewed as the goal. This implies that while sharing the values and norms of the mainstream culture newcomers should have an opportunity to maintain and develop their own cultural characteristics. At the same time, they should have equal opportunities to participate in the political, economic and social life of the host society. (Pitkänen, Kalekin-Fishman & Verma, 2002.) Most versions of pluralistic theory are silent about transnational ties. They have also been criticised for an essentialized understanding of culture (Grillo, 1998: 195, e.g.). It seems evident that the dominant theories of integration need to reviewed: neither assimilationist nor pluralistic theories are capable of explaining new forms of transnational life-styles. What is feasible at this point is to ask how migrants’ties across nation-state borders impact upon transformative processes of integration characterized by multiple activities in different transnational spaces. Portes and his colleagues (1999: 229) list alternative migration paths for transnationalists. Their list includes: (1) Successful transnational entrepreneurs eventually returning home, taking their children with them; (2) Transnationals giving up these activities to seek full assimilation into the receiving society; (3) Their remaining indefinitely in the transnational field, but their children becoming fully assimilated to the host society; (4) Parents passing on to their offspring both their transnational skills and outlooks, perpetuating this social field across generations. While nationally and culturally diverse environments provide new opportunities, they also entail challenges: a transnational lifestyle may lead to hybrid practices and even provoke conflicting identities. It is obvious that transnationalism as an everyday experience requires special competence to manage anxiety caused by cultural differences in interaction with people who see the world from perspectives which may be different or even in conflict with one’ s own personal values and beliefs17 (Mannitz, 2002: 18-19). In comparison with the emphasis of cultural competence on standardized two-culture interaction, there is a need for a more comprehensive approach for today’ s fluid and diverse multicultural encounters. Koehn and Rosenau (2002) provide one possible model for the aspects of transnational competence. According to them, the framework of transnational competence treats case-relevant knowledge acquisition, perceptual sensitivity, creative partnering, communicative facility, and effective functional behaviour as interdependent, context-specific, and ongoing individual skill-based challenges. 15

In Europe, an important feature is the establishment of the legal and political concept of European citizenship that coexists with the national citizenship and thus in a way represents a certain kind of dual citizenship. 16 By 'culture' we refer to the way of life, including the assumptions and values of which people are not always conscious. 17 In Western countries, the most widely discussed examples concern the representatives of real or imagined Islam, the ‘ archetypal emblem of otherness’ .


3.2.3 Economic domain The economic domain includes multi-level activities occupied the migrants directly, such as transnational ethnic entrepreneurship or the facilitation of international trade, or indirectly, for instance spin-off industries catering for migrant transnational practices. Transnational economic participation may mean transnational entrepreneurs who mobilize their contacts across borders in search of suppliers, capital and/or markets. There are also industries or enterprises that are based in migrant sending countries but reach out to customers in diaspora. Macro-level economic facets of transnationalism involve government schemes to attract migrants’foreign currency, such as expatriate bonds, high interest foreign currency accounts, and tax exemptions for saving and investment. An issue of actual importance concerns remittances, the money migrants send to their families and communities of origin. Remittances are sent by all types of migrant workers: male and female, legal and undocumented, long term and temporary, manual and highly skilled. Especially in developing countries, remittances have broad effects, including the stimulation of change within a variety of socio-cultural institutions, such as local status hierarchies, gender relations, marriage patterns, and consumer habits. 18 (Vertovec, 2004.) The most important transformation process in today’ s economics is the emergence of transnational and global pool of three level labour market: high-skilled experts, professional workers and low-skill services. To simplify, according to economic theories the economic growth may be based on the innovation and utilization of knowledge or low unit cost of the labour. In this process, the emerging division of labour between the South and the North and, more precisely amongst the nation-states, is a crucial question for future growth and the forms it takes, whether based on lowering income or highly sophisticated utilization of knowledge. There are several examples how ‘ reverse brain drain’of ‘ brain circulation’has a significant part in growth of emerging economies (India, China, Taiwan, etc.). Moreover, scientific diasporas and global expert networks play a crucial role when considering the economic growth and interaction in transnational spaces. (Kuptsch & Pang, 2006; Saxenian, 2006.) Finally, today, the large-scale transnational movement of labour is a striking feature of contemporary transnational migration. As Portes et al. (1999: 227) note, the current process of transnationalisation has the potential of subverting one of the fundamental premises of capitalist globalisation, namely that labour stays local, whereas capital ranges global. By availing themselves of the same technologies that make corporate strategies possible, transnational entrepreneurs not only deny their own labour to would-be-employers at home and abroad but become conduits of information for others. Labour migration has become increasingly global due to economic restructuring which is making hanging onto a job everywhere precarious. Likewise, there is an increasing trend of so-called international students who go abroad in their early adulthood to study for a while in another country, often involving a South-North or East-West dimension. Some of these students later return to their countries of origin, move onwards to third countries (e.g. Chinese students studying in Germany migrating to the USA or UK where 'better' job opportunities are available), or stay in the country where they studied while maintaining links to the country of origin (e.g. scholars from Cameroun who studied in Germany, got a position in Europe, and subsequently copublish with authors from Cameroun). 3.2.4 Educational domain Education and transnationalism are linked in multiple ways. Migration may promote investment in education and educational institutions in sending contexts, both by those who have already migrated, and by those who see education as a way to enhance the opportunity of migrating. The expansion of primary and vocational education may also stimulate migration. At the same time, there is a risk that migration may disrupt children’ s education. The precise combination of effects is likely to be influenced by local circumstances. For example, while generally it may be believed that education will provide a passport to a better life abroad, in some contexts the implementation of quotas for skilled migrants has led to the development of specific types of schooling or training in sending communities (for example, IT colleges in Kerala, India). In other contexts there is a requirement for minimum standards of education for the release of work permits/visas to migrants. Migrants’children often move between different locations during their schooldays. They may also be sent to distant locations by their parents, for instance to provide children with education in a specific cultural context. (Osella & Osella, 2006.) Traditionally, the state-run school system has been construed in a nationalist idiom which both reflects and reinforces existing cleavages based on nation and language. Education for a nationally codified membership has come under pressure in the wake of complex phenomena surrounding transnationalisation. (Mannitz, 2002: 5, 16.) An important question here 18

The critique of development theories has led for the emergence of social transformation studies as a new analytical framework. As Castles (2001: 18-20) notes, using the concept of ’ social transformation’as an analytical tool does not mean abandoning the goal of development, rather it means moving away from earlier simplistic ideas that economic growth is the key to everything and will automatically trickle down to improve living standards for all.


is how the cross-border livelihood strategies of parents (kinship networks, e.g.) and their own impact upon their life changes in the wake of transnational migration. Despite the increase in transnational mobility, very little is known about how to empower people to act and work in multiple transnational arenas. What this means, what kinds of competences it requires, is no longer bound to territorially framed nation-state societies (Mannitz, 2002: 6). In addition to professional skills, multiple cultural and societal competences are important. The core question is whether educational institutions and existing services (private and public) succeed in enabling transnational migrants to obtain the competences needed to cope with in hybrid multinational and multicultural settings. For that purpose, an investigation of transformative learning theory will be needed. Edward Taylor (1994: 158-159), outlines three dimensions for such a transformative learning process: (1) Catalyst for change; (2) Process; and (3) Outcome. 4. POINT OF DEPARTURE IN THE PARTICIPATING COUNTRIES Within TRANS-NET, the following transnational spaces will be taken as the main units to analyse the bordercrossing relationships: Estonia/Finland, India/U.K., Morocco/France, and Turkey/Germany. The eight participating countries, Finland, Estonia, France, Germany, India, Morocco, Turkey and United Kingdom, have been selected because they offer different cases of interest and relevance for addressing the objectives of the project. In each country, the political-socio-cultural, economic-educational structures and everyday experiences of transformation processes will be investigated on macro-, meso-, and micro-levels. The following sections include critical review of the most important research litterature in the participating countries. This will include different analytical levels (macro, meso and micro) with regard to the political, socio-cultural, economic and educational domains of transnationalism. In addition to the scientific publications, the policy documents adequate to the questions under study will be introduced.

4.1 TRANSNATIONAL SPACE 1: ESTONIA-FINLAND 4.1.1 Political domain Estonia Although there is little emphasis on social sciences in Estonia, yet there is comparatively much research on migration (albeit few reports in international comparison). However, the amount of research on transnational migration is rather modest. The main research areas are labour migration and general statistical analysis of population patterns19. Migration studies are a relatively new discipline in Estonia. During the Soviet era, the academic research was scarce in terms of population studies or migration and was much focused on statistical aspects and intra-state migration. As the Soviet Union was a closed society, the migration over the Soviet borders was rare. The specific statistics do not indicate the share of the Estonian SSR in the migration over the Soviet borders nor the share of foreigners. Intra-state migration statistics, regarding moving over the borders of the member republics of the USSR, were neither very detailed. By the end of the 1980s, some studies on internal migation, concerning especially Soviet-time immigration into the Estonian SSR, were conducted. The social impact of the massive influx of workers (which was planned as a part of forced industralization) was examined by a group of researchers (Vihalem Lauristin et. al.). There has also been an ongoing tradition in historical demographic research focusing on the patterns of rural and urban settlement, urbanisation in the 19th century, Baltic Germans in Estonia as well as the ethnic Estonian settlement abroad before the Soviet era. However, these issues are not in the focus of this research. Restoring the independent Estonian state in 1991, within nearly its traditional borders and the integration of Estonia into international structures, created preconditions for the control and monitoring of its borders as well as for the study and intensified interest for information related to immigration. In the middle of 1990s, Estonia re-established more or less control over its borders. Integration of Estonia into the European Union in the turn of millennium gave a new birth to immigration studies and to series of applied studies. 19

As social sciences are meagrely financed in Estonia one cannot expect much detailed literature. Thus, this paper focuses on the sources from a larger field including various aspects of economic migration.


In 1992, the Estonian Migration Foundation ( was established, with the order of the Estonian government. According to its Statute, its main purpose is to support the migration and integration processes and to raise funds in order to undertake these tasks. The goal of the Migration Foundation is to facilitate the preservation of the Estonian nation and culture. Migration Foundation consults and, if necessary, supports migrants financially. Foundation also collects and analyses the information about migration and migrants, carries out research on migration, integration and asylum, and organizes events where migration topics are discussed. Migration issues are mainly administered by the Ministry of Interior (the Population Facts Department as well as the Citizenship and Migration Board). The Ministry of Social Affairs is responsible for the issues of labour migration. Besides their administrative responsibilities these institutions also carry out some applied analyses. Academic research on migration is conducted by two main centres – the Institute of Demography at Tallinn University and the Institute of Geography at the University of Tartu. The labour and education economics research group at the University of Tartu has its focus on the workforce mobility. The governmental interest has been centered on the statistical analysis of population trends, mainly conducted in TLU Institute of Demography. Some research is conducted also in the other subunits of the three main Estonian universities (in addition to the former also the Tallinn University of Technology). Occasional research on migration has been provided by some independent research bodies: PRAXIS - Center for Policy Studies which is an independent not-for-profit think tank (based in Tallinn), and The Estonian Institute for Futures Studies (EIFS). But the research on migration has not been a sole focus of any institution. Research on migration carried out by our Baltic neighbours also provides valuable information for comparative research20. There has been no targeted research on transnational migration and there are only few reports on the EstonianFinnish transnational space in Estonia. With regard to the latter, there are some newspaper and journal articles of common interest on Estonians permanently working and living in Finland and vice versa.21 Till the end of 1980s, Estonia was annexed by the Soviet Union. The Soviet Empire was almost hermetically closed entity to the word community22. Macro-level approach, which refers to the integration of Estonia into world community, could take shape only in the context of regaining of national independence and the integration of Estonia into the EU, NATO etc. The integration of Estonia into the EU stimulated research on regional community building (Nordic, European) and citizenship issues.23 Relations between historical immigrants and the sphere of political, reshaping/shaping of the political/civic participation of immigrants have been one the most fuelled issues during the last decades. Citizenship and civil society issues, which are related to some aspects of micro-level studies (sociologically important) have been elaborated. But still the extensive and well-articulated research, which follows focused approach or level-oriented research strategy (on macro-, meso-, micro-levels) has not yet been developed. A very low number of new immigrants - altogether ca 2000 individuals during the last two decades- has not yet created difficulties regarding their adaptation nor stimulated research. Regular task - to ease the settlement and integration of migrants into the economic, social and political structure of the country, is not yet a burning issue. In the 1990s, the main focus of politically oriented immigration studies was largely retrospective. It aimed at defining Estonia as a post-colonial country, from a perspective of national consolidation, in terms of building the civil society. The status and the political role of the Soviet-time immigrants was indicated addressing them with the label - a civil 24 garrison. Mapping of the Estonian population in terms of the colonial minority, historical minority citizens, permanent residents etc targeted indicating of the main groups/segments of immigrants in perspective of successful nationbuilding strategy. The main task of the migration studies was indicating (1) the impact of the migration history (geographical, spacial background of migration in the USSR) on the political culture; (2) the impact of the social structure of migrants (retired military, KGB etc) on their loyalty; and (3) the impact of the ethnic belonging on community building. Politics regarding the Soviet-time immigrants were defined in terms of securitizing – it targeted 20

Hazans See information about Estonia: (country profile:;Estonia's statistical resources ((Statistics Estonia):; Ministry of Interior:; Citizenship and Migration Board:; Ministry of Social Affairs:; Tallinn University:;University of Tartu:;Tallinn University of Technology:;Federation of Estonian Student Unions 22 Katus 1988; Sakkeus 1993 23 Kalev & Ruutsoo 2007 24 Mettam C. W. & Williams S. W. 2001. 21


first of all their neutralization – creating conditions/safety for effective transition – launching of economic reforms and integration of Estonia into the Western structures25. The Macro dimension of migration research is related first all to studies which tried to map Estonian Diaspora in the world. 26 Remigration of the Estonians from the East and the West have had a significant political dimension. But this dimension is positive. There is data indicating the social structure of remigrated Estonians27, but no specific study in terms of their impact on political life has been conducted. In many publications have been admitted the visible role which the Estonian Western emigrees/refugees and their descendants (ca 1000 persons), who returned to their historical homeland, have played in Estonian politics. (For example, the Estonian president is Swedish-born Estonian). The micro-level studies of historical immigrants (colonists) first of all target their political adaptation (integration). The state policies towards immigrants (citizens, non-citizens as well as the citizens of the third countries) have since 2000 been formulated in a general action plan (program) called Integration in Estonian Society 2000-2007. The program focuses on the strategies of enhancing immigrants’command of the state language. It was the first of its kind to directly address the issue of integrating immigrant minorities into Estonian society. Today the new program has been drafted by a governmental commission.28 The program which does not focus on the promotion of active civic participation has an explicit effects also on research. Accordingly, the political participation of ethnic and immigrant minorities has been examined in theoretical discussion on the desirability of different citizenship policies as well as in empirical studies that compare the political participation of different population groups on a more general level. In the same time, Estonian naturalization model which targets adaptations and political participation of Soviet time civil garrison has also effect on the integration of new immigrants, who have arrived after restoring the Estonian independence. These processes have been reflected in reports of political scientists working at Tallinn and Tartu Universities.29 The literature on migration policy also includes a newer stream focusing on the international legal obligations or legislative developments in the European Union and their impact on migration. The main interest has been in labour migration discussed under economic dimension. However, there are also some other aspects addressed, such as trafficking in women. Most of this literature is in the form of policy documents or reports. There is also a general assessment on Schengen30. To an extent, the multiple and European citizenship research by Kalev and Ruutsoo (2005, 2006, 2007) is also somewhat related to the political dimension of transnationalism identifying the challenges to the traditional Estonian policies and concerning the attitudes to accommodating to European standards. This research also includes an article on the perceptions of multicultural persons / migrants.31 32 25

Pettai, 1998 Kulu 2000; Kulu 2002. 27 Kask 2006. 28 Sakkeus. 2000 & Kulu 2004. 29 Rannut 2004; Lagerspetz & Joons 2004: Pettai, 2000; Pettai & Klara Hallik 2002; Lagerspetz 2005 30 Cf. Berg, Ehin 2002. 26

31 32

Kalev & Ruutsoo 2007

References and extended bibliography: Berg Eiki, Piret Ehin 2002, Implementation of Schengen – direct influence to socioeconomic reality, Institute of Public Affairs, Warsaw, 2002; Berg Eiki, Piret Ehin 2002, Schengen – Consequences for national migration policy, Institute of Public Affairs, Warsaw; Eesti rände- ja varjupaigapoliitika. 2007. aasta poliitika aruanne. Sa Eesti migratsioonifond Euroopa rändevõrgustik;; Hazans Mihails 2003, Determinants of Inter-Regional Migration in the Baltic Countries, University of Latvia; BICEPS; World Bank Europe and Central Asia Region, ZEI Working Paper No. B17-2003; Kalev, Leif; Ruutsoo, Rein 2007, Marginal Stories? The Perspectives on Citizenship of Multiple Citizens and Multicultural Persons in Estonia. Pitkänen, Pirkko; Kaleikin-Fishman, Devorah (Toim.). Mutiple State Membership and Citizenship in the Era of Transnational Migration (137 - 162). Rotterdam/Taipei: Sense Publishers; Kalev Leif and Ruutsoo Rein 2007, The Shadow of the Past and the Promise of the EU: National and Multiple Citizenship - The Estonian Case, pp. 213-238 in Devorah Kalekin-Fishman and Pirkko Pitkänen (eds.) “Multiple Citizenship as a Challenge to European Nation-States”Rotterdam/Taipei: Sense Publishers; Kalev Leif 2006, Multiple and European Citizenship as Challenges to Estonian Citizenship Policies (Mitmikkodakondsus ja Euroopa Liidu kodakondsus väljakutsetena Eesti; kodakondsuspoliitikale). PhD thesis. Tallinn: Tallinn University Press; Ruutsoo Rein, Kalev Leif 2005, Eesti kodakondsuspoliitika ja Euroopa integratsioon – Riigikogu Toimetised nr. 10, lk. 120-128; Kask Inga 2006, Eestlaste tagasiränne Eestisse aastatel 1989-2000. Magistritöö inimgeograafias. Tartu Ülikool; Katus Kalev 1988, Migratsionnoje razvitie Estonii 80-h godov. Tallinn: EKDK. 79 s.;Kulu H, 2003, "Post-war immigration to Estonia: a comparative perspective", in European Encounters, 1945 – 2000: Migrants, Migration and European Societies since 1945 Eds R Ohliger, K Schönwälder, T Triadafilopoulos (Ashgate, Aldershot, Hants); Kulu Hill 2000, Policy towards the Diaspora and Ethnic (Return) Migration: An Estonian case, GeoJournal, Volume 51, Number 3, July, 135-143; Kulu Hill 2002, Socialization and residence: ethnic return migrants in Estonia Environment and Planning A 34 289 – 316. crossref link (doi:10.1068/a34162a); Kulu Hill 2004, Determinants of residence and migration in the Soviet Union after World War 2: the immigrant population in Estonia, Environment and planning, volume 36(2) pages 305 – 325; Kulu Liina 2000, Migratsiooniprobleemid Euroopa Liidu idalaienemisel/ [eessõna: Peeter Vihalemm, Raul Eamets] Tartu: Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa Kolled , 2000 (Võru: Võru Täht) Loengumaterial, 27 lk.

12 Finland In Finland, an increase in transnational mobility of people has given rise to an increasing interest in multiple state membership; and an evolving tendency is towards facilitating the attainment of dual citizenship. Accordingly, the Finnish citizenship policy has changed: the Nationality Act, adopted in 2003, allows dual/multiple citizenship more widely that did the former Nationality Act (1984/584). According to this law, a foreigner who acquires Finnish citizenship is no longer required to renounce his/her previous citizenship, nor will a Finn who acquires a foreign nationality lose his/her Finnish nationality. This practice depends of course on the legislation of the other country in question. According to the former legislation (the Nationality Act 1984/584:§4), for a Finnish citizen the acquisition of citizenship of another country meant the loss of Finnish citizenship, and vice versa, for an immigrant the acquisition of Finnish citizenship meant the loss of the former citizenship. As Päivi Harinen 33 points out, there was one exception: people who were born after 31 August 1966 and who had a multicultural family background could attain dual citizenship in Finland upon notification because both spouses could transmit their nationality to their children.34 Finland’ s new citizenship policy has been studied in 2002-2006 by the research team of Pirkko Pitkänen within the international research project Dual Citizenship, Governance and Education: A Challenge to the European NationState (DCE). The research was funded by the European Commission, DG Research, the 5th Framework Programme. In their article “Multiple Citizenship as a Current Challenge for Finnish Citizenship Policy”35 Päivi Harinen, Pirkko Pitkänen, Silvain Sagne and Jussi Ronkanen discuss that Finland’ s new citizenship policy has mainly developed as a result of external pressures. Finland followed circumstances in Sweden and other Nordic countries. Besides, the Finnish participation in the European Union has influenced much on the citizenship policies practiced in the country. Finally, one influential factor has been the Finnish emigrants who have lost their status of citizenship in Finland and wanted to get it back. A further study focused on the attitudes of Finnish politicians, state officials and NGO officials towards multiple citizenship. The article “Expanding the Sphere of Citizenship: The Case of Finland”36 by Jussi Ronkainen, Päivi Harinen, Juhani Rautopuro and Pirkko Pitkänen suggests that the Finnish policy-makers’attitudes towards dual citizenship were mainly positive and rather theoretical, while the respondents working in NGOs took a more practical and a more humane view toward dual citizenship. Finally, conceptions and experiences on dual; Lagerspetz Mikko 2005, Active Civic Participation of Immigrants in Estonia Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005,; Lagerspetz Mikko & Sofia Joons 2004, Migrants, Minorities, Belonging and Citizenship: The Case of Estonia. Bergen: BRIC/University of Bergen; Pettai, Vello & Klara Hallik 2002, “Understanding processes of ethnic control: segmentation, dependency and co-optation in post-communist Estonia”. Nations and Nationalism, 8, 4: pp. 505-529; Pettai Vello 1998, Emerging ethnic democracy in Estonia and Latvia. In: Magda Opalski (ed.): Managing Diversity in Plural Societies. Minorities, migration and nation-building in post-communist Europe. Nepean, Ontario: Forum Eastern Europe: pp. 15-32; Pettai Vello 2000, “Competing conceptions of multiethnic democracy: Debating minority integration in Estonia”. Paper presented at the European Consortium for Political Research, Joint Sessions workshop on “Competing Conceptions of democracy in the Practice of Politics”, April 14-19, 2000, Copenhagen Denmark. Available as:; Public perception and awareness of trafficking in women in the Baltic States: representative surveys: report, September-October 2001, Vilnius, Lithuania. - Helsinki: International Organization for Migration, Regional Office for the Baltic and Nordic Countries, 2002. 115 lk. - (IOM-Helsinki report ; 55/2002). ISSN 1238-8211; Rannut Ülle 2004, . Astu sisse! Uusimmigrandid meie ühiskonnas ja haridussüsteemis: käsiraamat eesti õppekeelega kooli õpetajatele, koolijuhtidele ja haridusametnikele/Ülle Rannut; [eessõna: Maie Soll; Haridus- ja Teadusministeerium]. - [Tallinn] : Ilo, 2004 ([Tallinn] : Ilo Print). - 123, [5] lk.; Sakkeus. Luule 2000, Demographic Behaviour Patterns of Immigrants and National Minority of the Same Ethnic Background: Case of Estonia.Tallinn, EKDK,. 19 p. ISBN 9985-820-56-8; Mettam C. W; Williams S. W, 2001, A colonial perspective on population migration in Soviet Estonia, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 27, 133 – 150. crossref link (doi:10.1080/13691830123455; Sakkeus Luule 1988, Demographic Behaviour Patterns of Immigrants and National Minority of the Same Ethnic Background: Case of Estonia. Tallinn, EKDK, 35 p. ISBN 9985-820-06; Sakkeus Luule 1993, Post-War Migration Trends in the Baltic States. Tallinn, EKDK, 1998. 59 p. ISBN 9985-820-49-5; Sakkeus. Luule 1991, Post-War Migration Trends in Estonia. Tallinn, EKDK, 30p. ISBN 9985820-01-0 33 Harinen, Päivi (2000) Valmiiseen tulleet: Tutkimus nuoruudesta, kansallisuudesta ja kansalaisuudesta [A Study on Youth, Nationality and Citizenship). Nuorisotutkimusseuran julkaisuja 11/2000. 34 See also Harinen, Päivi, Pitkänen,Pirkko, Sagne, Silvain & Ronkainen, Jussi (2006) Multiple Citizenship as a Current Challenge for Finnish Citizenship Policy. In D. Kalekin-Fishman & P. Pitkänen (eds.) Multiple Citizenship as a Challenge to European Nation-States. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, p. 130. 35 In D. Kalekin-Fishman & P. Pitkänen (Eds. 2006) Multiple Citizenship as a Challenge to European Nation-States. Rotterdam:Sense Publishers, 121-144. 36 In D. Kalekin-Fishman & P. Pitkänen (Eds.2007) An Emerging Institution? Multiple Citizenship in Europe – Views of Officials. Peter Lang. European University Studies. Series XXII. Sociology Vol. 419, Bern-Berlin-Bruxelles-Franmkfurt am Main-New York.Oxford-Wien, 41-78.


citizenship were studied among individual citizens. The results of this study are presented in the article “Multiple citizenship and participation: The case of Finland”37 written by Jussi Ronkainen, Pirkko Pitkänen and Päivi Harinen. An interesting analysis of the sphere of Finnishness has been presented by Mikko Lehtonen, Olli Löytty and Petri Ruuska38, while Outi Lepola has, in her doctoral thesis39, in an excellent way analyzed the political debate on Finnishness, state membership of foreigners, and their political participation in the Finnish society. Pasi Saukkonen explores politics in multicultural society from a European perspective. He also shortly introduces Finnish research, for example, on multiculturalism, immigration and minorities. 40 Perttu Salmenhaara has examined the rhetorics and enforcement of Finnish immigration policies in 1998-2004. During these years attempts were made to build proactive, long-term immigration policies taking into account comprehensively all the elements of international migration. Yet the analysis of the case studies showed that immigration policies remained mainly reactive: reacting to unexpected changes by enhancing control. Salmenhaara notes that, in Finland, administrative practices have often been strict whereas the legislative context has been looser. 41 The Aliens Act (301/2004) outlines the general administrative procedures and conditions regarding foreigners’entry into and departure from Finland as well as their residence and employment in Finland. It includes special provisions regarding asylum seekers, refugees and victims of trafficking in human beings. The regulations concerning the freedom of movement which apply to EU citizens also apply to citizens of Iceland, Norway, Liechtenstein and Switzerland. Furthermore, the citizens of the Nordic countries have certain privileges, for example, to enter the country without a passport. According to this law, so-called Ingrian Finns, who lived in the former Soviet Union, have the right to a continuous residence permit if they can prove their Finnish ancestry and are fluent in either Finnish or Swedish. 42 Not only citizenship policy but also the policy regarding the reception of immigrants has changed in Finland. Currently, effects have been made to stimulate the political activity of immigrants and emigrants within voluntary civic associations and other third sector activities. The new Immigration Policy Programme, effective since October 2006, is to favour mobilization of newcomers for active political participation. The objective is active and full membership of society for those who move to Finland from abroad. It is considered a precondition for the development of multicultural society that policy-makers, public authorities and civil society have a strong dedication to the prevention of discrimination and the promotion of equal opportunity and ethnic equality. These issues have been discussed by numerous researchers, e.g., Annika Forsander, Outi Lepola, Kaija Matinheikki-Kokko, Pirkko Pitkänen and Pasi Saukkonen. In Finland, there are several research centres focusing on the political domain of state membership. At the Institute of Migration, several research projects have focused on the political membership and participation of immigrants in Finland. Publications are often policy-oriented. Finally, the research conducted in the Centre for Research on Ethnic Relations and Nationalism (CEREN) at the Swedish School of Social Science (University of Helsinki) mainly focuses on political (and social) domains. At the University of Tampere (Department of Education) is located Research Centre on Migration, Transnationalism and Development (DeMi). DeMi is a multi-disciplinary network organization focusing on the areas of migration, transnationalism and development. The research consortium, managed by the Department of Education, University of Tampere, consists of national and international, institutions, research projects and individual scholars focusing on the subject areas. The activities conducted by DeMi aim at developing comprehensive theoretical analyses and practical insights on the multi-level transformation processes underway due to the new patterns of international collaboration and types of migration not present in the past.


In: P. Pitkänen & D. Kalekin-Fishman (Eds. 2007) Multiple State Membership and Citizenship in the Era of Transnational Migration. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 91-115. 38 Lehtonen, Mikko, Löytty, Olli, Ruuska, Petri (2004) Suomi toisin sanoen [Finland in Other Words]. Tampere: Vastapaino. 39 Lepola, Outi (2000) Ulkomaalaisesta suomenmaalaiseksi: Monikulttuurisuus, kansalaisuus ja suomalaisuus 1990-luvun maahanmuuttopoliittisessa keskustelussa. Helsinki: SKS. 40 Saukkonen, Pasi (2007), Politiikka monikulttuurisessa yhteiskunnassa, Helsinki: WSOY. 41 Salmenhaara, Perttu (2004), Kohti proaktiivista maahanmuuttopolitiikkaa? Tapaus Suomi 1998-2004. Licentiate thesis, University of Helsinki. 42 See 48 § of the Aliens Act (Ulkomaalaislaki 30.4.2004/31, including amendments up to 973/2007)


4.1.2 Socio-cultural domain Estonia Transnational socio-cultural domain of the project will focus on the socio-cultural space defined via participation in the shared cultural networks and trans-border mobility. Macro level approach refers to the integration of Estonia into global cultural world and border-crossing migration, meso-level to cultural ties and networks, i.e formation of cultural communities and micro level to mobility and decision-making of individuals. Regarding current research on the socio-cultural dimension, it not possible to indicate micro, meso and macro levels concerning the transnational space. Considering the state of the art, available research and related literature is displayed here so that report contains also literature that is substantially related to the matter and offers significant framework and background information. The research literature approaching the transnational spaces from the socio-cultural point of view is more than modest. Under the general label Return to the Western world some research have made re-regionalization of the Baltic area – move from the Soviet/Russian geographical and cultural space to the West and reshaping of the Baltic world.43 Some of literature on re-regionalization and cultural aspects of migration have been created by scholars interested in integrating of the new Russian diaspora into the Russian world, (compatriots) bordercrossing regime and migration between the EU and Russia44. The accession to the EU gave a push for mapping of pre-accession situation.45 There are some reports displaying some sort of formal statistics on contacts as well as the shared cultural and media space in the Baltic-Nordic context. Research also gives some insight into the level of personal contacts, visiting experiences etc. 46 But the cultural space in not properly tackled in terms of migration. The main body of literature consists of studies that focus on media contacts – consuming international media (for example Vihalemm 1999), cultural exchange, intercultural interaction, translation practices etc. Almost missing is the research concerning the transnational cultural spaces between Finland and Estonia. There are many short reports on the migration of a relatively large share of the Estonian musicians, scholars and students to Finland, but no focused research have been carried out on this topic. (Finnish scholars have studied marriages of couples with different ethnic/national origin). Some valuable information is collected concerning the development of personal contacts and mass tourism between Estonia and Finland in the years 1982-1997 47, but also regarding the impact of cultural and personal contacts on stereotypes of Estonian and Finns 48. There may be some aspects addressed in the context of environmental identity49 or integration (an ongoing EU 6th framework project on the integration of the second generation of immigrants by the Estonian team of Vetik). There are also some study reports on identity with a relatively general focus of interest50. Most of the socio-cultural literature (cf. Vetik) has focused on internal ethnic integration broadly in line with the political dimension. Due to its remoteness to our focus we will not discuss it in more detail. Relatively much interest is devoted to the remigration of ethnic Estonians to Estonia (the various writings of Kulu as the main author in the 51 field, also Kask 2006) and to the socio-economic and socio-cultural adaptation of immigrants to Estonia . The 52 socio-economic aspects are discussed in terms of economic dimension. 43

Lauristin et al 1997; Talavs Jundziz 1998. Shimonjan 2005. 45 Vihalemm 2004a 46 Vihalemm 2004b 47 Ruoppila 1997. 48 Veere 2004. 49 Cf. Heidmets 1996. 50 Cf. Boman 2005. 51 Cf. Kulu and Lagerspetz 2005. 52 References and extended bibliography: Boman, Julia (2005): Identity and Institutions Shaping Cross-border Cooperation, M.A. Thesis, University of Tartu, Estonia. Culminatum – Helsinki Region Centre of Expertise: Invitation to Helsinki – Tallinn Knowledge Arena, in:, retrieved: 15.09.2006; Cross Border Cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region: Euro Regions and Region Building February 5-8, 2004, Tallinn, Estonia. Workshop organised within the framework of the EU- Project “The Baltic Sea Area Studies – Northern Dimension of Europe” (BaltSeaNet), Contract No. HPRN-CT-2000-00073, kindly supported by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Riga; Heidmets Mati, Mangulson I., Rohtmets I. 1996. Keskkondlik identiteet Eestis (teaduseriala nr. 5.6) : ETF grandiprojekti nr. 839 lõpparuanne. Tallinna; Pedagoogikaülikool, psühholoogia osakond. Tallinn : Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool, 1996, lk 103; Katus Kalev, Allan Puur Asta Põldma 2005, Challenges of International Migration to receiving countries; Estonia in the European Perspective. Estonian Interuniversity Population Research Centre.; Kask Inga 2006, Eestlaste tagasiränne Eestisse aastatel 1989 – 2000. Magistritöö inimgeograafias. Tartu Ülikool; Kulu Hill 2001, Finnish diaspora in Russia and Estonia: population and settlement changes in the 20th century, Fennia 179 55 – 69; Kulu H, 2002, Socialization and residence: ethnic return migrants 44


The migration research in Estonia has focused, in particular, on the demographic analysis of migration and population trends. This is mainly general statistical analysis on birth and death rates, migration flows etc. both in terms of international and internal migration (most of the sources of this subsection, i.a. Katus, Ainsaar). The impact of international and transnational migration on the regional development became the object of discussion in the last decade in the two main contexts. The first context originated from the collapse of the Soviet period agricultural production and industrial system, which in turn facilitated rapid urbanization and interregional migration inside Estonia (cf. i.a. Tammaru). The second context is the product of the larger regional processes, first of all the complex relations of co-operation and interest clash between the cities in the Baltic Sea region; the focus remains particularly on Helsinki-Tallinn co-operation. In 1990s, the main focus of studies was retrospective - population studies - mapping of the Estonian population in terms of core population and immigrants. It concerned the main groups/segments of immigrants. The main research problem was indicating (1) the impact of the migration history (geographical, spacial background of migration in USSR) on the mobility); (2) the impact of the social structure, etc. of migrants on their adaptation (in sociological terms) or integration (in political terms); and (3) the impact of the ethnic belonging.The impact of all these dimensions on the future of the country was studied in a perspective of the motivation of huge bulk of migrants for returning to their historical homeland. These studies had their focus on remigration policy which was perceived as the one of the essential elements of creating of basic framework for the stabile political development (future). Facilitation of return of civil garrison was the main target of these studies. Some analyses addressed the sociological aspects of migrants identity. There has also been some emphasis to the occupational or ethnic segregation53. A part of this research concentrates in the Soviet period54.55

in Estonia Environment and Planning A 34 289 – 316. crossref link (doi:10.1068/a34162a); Kulu H, 2003, "Post-war immigration to Estonia: a comparative perspective", in European Encounters, 1945 – 2000: Migrants, Migration and European Societies since 1945 Eds R Ohliger, K Schönwälder, T Triadafilopoulos (Ashgate, Aldershot, Hants); Kulu Hill 2000, Policy towards the Diaspora and Ethnic (Return) Migration: An Estonian case, GeoJournal, Volume 51, Number 3, July, 135-143; Kulu Hill ja Tammaru Tiit 2005. (toimetajad) Asustus ja ränne Eestis : uurimusi Ann Marksoo 75. sünnipäevaks Tartu : Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus, 2005 Tartu : Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastuse trükikoda; Ruoppila Sampo 1997, Suomen ja Viron välisen matkustajaliikennen kehitys. IN Viron Suomen Instituuti. Vuosikirja 1995-1997, Helsinki-Tallinn; Lauristin, M. & Vihalemm, P. with Rosengren, K.E. & Weibull, L. (eds.), 1997, Return to the Western World: Cultural and Political Perspectives on Estonian Post-Communist Transition. Tartu: Tartu University Press. 390 pp; Shimonjan R. H. 2005, Rossija in stranõ Baltii. M. Rossiskaja Akademija Nauk; Tammaru Tiit 1999, Venelased Eestis: Ränne ja kohanemine [Russians in Estonia: migration and adaptation] (Sisekaitseakadeemia, Tallinn); Veere Kairi 2004. Eestlaste ja soomlaste stereotüüpide muutused 1990. ndail aastail. Raamatus. Aune Valk (koost). Eesti ja eestlased võrdlevas perspektiivis Tartu: Tartu Ülikoolikirjastus 112-124; Vetik, Raivo; Rikmann, Erle (2006). Review article, David J. Galbreath, Nation-Building and Minority Politics in Post-Socialist States: Interests, Influences and Identities in Estonia and Latvia. Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag, vol. 58, no. 2, 2005, pp.307-309 . EuropeAsia Studies, 307 – 309; Vetik, Raivo; Nimmerfeld, Gerli; Taru, Marti (2006). Reactive identity versus the EU integration. Journal of Common Market Studies, 44(5), 1079 - 1102; Vetik, Raivo (2004). National Integration Policies in Estonia: Challanges and Perspectives. University of Osaka, 2004; ; Vetik, Raivo (2004). The Need to Develop the Integration Model of Estonia. In: Proceedings of conference "Multicultural Estonia" : October 24-25, 2002, Tallinn, Estonia: Tallinn: Integratsiooni Sihtasutus, 2004, 158 – 164; Vetik, Raivo (2004). Eesti ühiskonna integratsioonipoliitika kujunemine. Euroopalik valitsemine : Eesti väljakutsed ja valikud (76 - 88). Tallinn : Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikooli Kirjastus; Vetik, R. 2003, Multicultural Democracy as a New Model of National Integration in Estonia. Marju Lauristin; Mati Heidmets (Toim.). The Challenge of the Russian Minority (55 - 65).Tartu University Press; Vetik, Raivo 1999, Inter-Ethnic Relations in Estonia 1988-1998. (Doktoritöö, Tampereen yliopisto) Tampere: Tampere University Press; Vetik, Raivo; Andersen, Erik André (1999). National Integration in Estonia : Ethnic and Regional Problems in a Transitional Society. Lars Hedegaard, Bjarne Lindström (Toim.). The NEBI yearbook 1999 : North European and Baltic Sea integration (277 - 293). Berlin: Springer; Vihalemm, Peeter 1999, Changing Baltic space: Estonia and its neighbours, Journal of Baltic Studies. Vol. XXX (1999), no. 3, p. 250-269; Vihalemm Peeter 2004a, Changing Social Distance: Estonian Social space before EU enlargement Cross Border Cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region: Euro Regions and Region Building February 5-8, 2004, Tallinn, Estonia. Workshop organised within the framework of the EU- Project “The Baltic Sea Area Studies – Northern Dimension of Europe”(BaltSeaNet), Contract No. HPRN-CT-2000-00073; Vihalemm Peeter 2004b, Maailm Eestis vlljaspool: Kogemus, kontaktid, huvid ja hoiakud. in: Eesti elavik 21.sajandi algul: ülevaade uurimuse Mina. Maailm. Meedia tulemustest. Kalmus, V., Lauristin, M., Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt, P. (toim).Tartu: Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus, 400 lk. 53 Cf. Valge 2006. 54 Cf. Kulu 2004. 55 References and extended bibliography: Mare Ainsaar 1994, Noorte ränne Eestis ühe põlvkonna näitel : väitekiri geograafiamagistri kraadi taotlemiseks /; juhendaja: Ann Marksoo; Ainsaar Mare (Ed.) 1999, Changes in internal migration: are there any changes and what counts? Regional Policy and Migration, 1999, pp. 114–126. Tartu University Press, Tartu; Ainsaar Mare 2004, Reasons for move: a study on trends and reasons of internal migration with particular interest in Estonia 1989-2000. Turku: Turun Yliopisto, 2004, Diss., 222 lk.; Heikkilä Elli 2007, Multicultural Marriages and Their Dynamics in Finland , Institute of Migration, Finland, The 4th International Conference on Population Geographies 10-13 July 2007, Hong Kong.; Herm Anne 2000, Eesti 1990 aastate

16 Finland While there is a growing body of research literature on immigrant population in Finland looking at different aspects of the socio-cultural domain, only few have addressed the specific nature of migration between Estonia and Finland. There are several studies, however, looking at the socio-cultural domain from transnational point of view: e.g. Östen Wahlbeck compares the diasporic formation of Kurdish communities in Finland and in Britain 56; Laura Huttunen analyzes the modes of belonging between several geographical locations57, and more closely the transnational space between Bosnia-Herzegovina and Finland58; Petri Hautaniemi discusses notions of citizenship rändestatistika evalvatsioon = Evaluation of migration statistics of Estonia in the 1990s: magistritöö [juhendaja : Kalev Katus] ; Eesti Kõrgkoolidevaheline Demouuringute Keskus, Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool. Tallinn : Eesti Kõrgkoolidevaheline Demouuringute Keskus, 2000; Kalev Katus 1988, Strategia demografitcheskoi politiki: Opõt ESSR. Tallinn: EKDK,. 28 s.; Kalev Katus 1988. Migratsionnoje razvitie Estonii skvoz prizmu strategii migratsionnoi politiki.Tallinn: EKDK, 21 s.; Kalev Katus 1988, Migration Development of Estonian Population from the Viewpoint of Migration Policy. Tallinn: EKDK, 21 pp.; Katus Kalev (ed) 1988, Migration development: toward regulation. Conference papers, Haapsalu, Estonia, April 14-16, 1988], Estonian Interuniversity Population Research Center, 1989. 187 p.; Kalev Katus 1988, Migratsionnoje razvitie Estonii 80-h godov. Tallinn: EKDK. 79 s.; Kalev Katus 1988, Regionaalsest rahvastikupoliitikast Eestis. Tallinn: EKDK, 35 lk.; Kalev Katus, Marek Kupiszewski, Ph. Rees, Luule Sakkeus, Anne Herm, David Powell 1998, Internal Migration and Regional Population Dynamics in Estonia. Tallinn; Katus Kalev, Allan Puur, Luule Sakkeus. 1997. Comparability of Population Data in Previous USSR: Case of Estonia. Tallinn, EKDK, 20 p. ISBN 9985-820-30-4; Kulu Hill 2004, Determinants of residence and migration in the Soviet Union after World War 2: the immigrant population in Estonia, Environment and planning, volume 36(2) pages 305 – 325; Kulu Hill and Francesco C. Billari, 2003, Multilevel Analysis of Internal Migration in a Transitional Country: The Case of Estonia /University of Tarty, Max Planck Institute for Demographic, Institute of Quantitative Methods and IGIER-Innocenzo Gasparini Institute for Economic Research, Bocconi University, 2003, 18 lk.; Kõivik Kersti 2003, Etniline segregatsioon Tartu linnaruumis aastal 2000 ja ränne seda mõjutava tegurina : magistritöö inimgeograafias / juhendajad: Mare Ainsaar, Anneli Kährik ; Tartu Ülikool, bioloogia-geograafiateaduskond, geograafia instituut. Tartu : Tartu Ülikool, 2003. Magistritöö, 110 lk; Känd Kristina... jt. (eds). 2000. aasta rahva ja eluruumide loendus. III, Sünnikoht ja ränne = 2000 population and housing census. III, Place of birth and migration / Statistikaamet. Tallinn : Statistikaamet, 2002 (Tallinn : [EVG Print]); Marksoo A, 1990, "Tallinn Eesti rahvarände süsteemis" [The place of Tallinn in the Estonian migration system] Eesti Geograafia Seltsi Aastaraamat 25 53 – 66; Mettam C W, Williams S W, 2001, A colonial perspective on population migration in Soviet Estonia, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 27 133 – 150; crossref link (doi:10.1080/13691830123455) ; Mitchnek. B, 1991, Geographical and economic determinants of interregional migration in the USSR, 1968 – 1985, Soviet Geography 32 168 – 189; Mängel Toivo 1989, Nekotoryye aspekty migratsionnoy politiki v Estonskoy SSR za poslevoyennyy period" [Some aspects of Estonian migration policy in the postwar period], in Podhody k upravleniyu migratsionnym razvitiyem Ed. K Katus (Valgus, Tallinn) pp 11 – 17; Põldma Asta 1997, Population-Related Policies in Estonia in the Context of Baltoscandia. Tallinn, EKDK,. 18 p. ISBN 9985-820-39-8; Rahvastik: [aastakogumik] / Statistikaameti rahvastikustatistika osakond = Population : [yearbook] / Population Statistics Department of the Statistical Office of Estonia; Sakkeus Luule 1993, Post-War Migration Trends in the Baltic States. Tallinn, EKDK, 1998. 59 p. ISBN 9985-820-49-5; Sakkeus Luule 1988, Demographic Behaviour Patterns of Immigrants and National Minority of the Same Ethnic Background: Case of Estonia. Tallinn, EKDK, 35 p. ISBN 9985-820-06-1; Sakkeus Luule 1991. Post-War Migration Trends in Estonia. Tallinn, EKDK, 30 p. ISBN 9985-820-01-0; Sakkeus Luule 2000, Migration of the elderly / Estonian Interuniversity Population Research Centre Tallinn: Eesti Kõrgkoolidevaheline Demouuringute Keskus, 19 lk; Sakkeus Luule 2000. Demographic Behaviour Patterns of Immigrants and National Minority of the Same Ethnic Background: Case of Estonia.Tallinn, EKDK,. 19 p. ISBN 9985-820-56-8; Sakkeus Luule 2000, Rahvastikuränne Eestis = Migration processes in Estonia : [doktoritöö] / [juhendaja : Kalev Katus] ; Eesti Kõrgkoolidevaheline Demouuringute Keskus Tallinn : Eesti Kõrgkoolidevaheline Demouuringute Keskus, 241 lk; Sargma Marge 2001. Linnastumine ja vastulinnastumine nõukogude Eestis: Kingissepa rajooni 1981. aasta rändeandmestiku näide: magistritöö inimgeograafias. Juhendajad: Hill Kulu, Jussi S. Jauhiainen; Tartu Ülikool, Bioloogia-Geograafiateaduskond, Geograafia Instituut. Tartu, 2001; Sjöberg Örjan, Tammaru Tiit 1999, Transitional statistics: internal migration and urban growth in post-Soviet Estonia, Europe-Asia Studies 51 821 – 842,crossref link (doi:10.1080/09668139998732); Sjöberg Örjan, Tiit Tammaru 2000, Rahvastiku ruumiline ümberpaiknemine üleminekuperioodi Eestis - Akadeemia, nr 8, 1730-1751; Sjöberg, Ö., Tammaru, T. In: Ainsaar, M. (ed): Economic Transition and Urbanisation in Estonia, 1989-1996: the vexing issue of internal migration Regional Policy and Migration. Tartu: Tartu University Press, 1999, lk 101-113; “TALLINN 2025”. STRATEEGIA.; Tammaru T, 2001 Linnastumine ja linnade kasv Eestis nõukogude aastatel [Urbanization and urban growth in Estonia during the Soviet period] Dissertationes Geographicae Universitatis Tartuensis 13; Tammaru T., 2000 , Differential urbanisation and primate city growth in Soviet and post-Soviet Estonia" Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 91 20 – 30, crossref link (doi:10.1111/1467-9663.00090); Tammaru Tiit & Kontuly Thomas 2006, Population Subgroups Responsible for New Urbanization and Suburbanization in Estonia European Urban and Regional Studies, Vol. 13, No. 4, 319-336; Valge Janek 2006. Kohtla-Järve hilis-sotsialistlik segregatsioon : magistritöö inimgeograafias / juhendajad: Hill Kulu, Tiit Tammaru ; Tartu Ülikool, bioloogia-geograafiateaduskond, geograafia instituut. Tartu; Tartu Ülikool, 2006. Magistritöö, 108 lk; Välisränne [Võrguteavik]: rahvusvahelise rände andmete metoodika: andmekogumine haldusandmestikest / projekti toimkond: Anne Herm (projektijuht), Jaana Jõeveer, Riina Senipalu, Ülle Valgma. 56 Wahlbeck, Östen (1999) Kurdish Diasporas: A Comparative Study of Kurdish Refugee Communities. London: Macmillan. 57 Huttunen, Laura (2002): Kotona, maanpaossa, matkalla: Kodin merkitykset maahanmuuttajien omaelämäkerroissa. Helsinki: SKS; 58 Huttunen, Laura (2005) ’ Home’and ethnicity in the context of war: Hesitant diasporas of Bosnian refugees. European Journal of Cultural Studies vol. 8 (2), 177 – 195.; Huttunen, Laura (2006); Huttunen, Laura (forthcoming) ‘ Historical Legacies and Neo-


and gender through analyzing young Somali men growing up in the transnational space between Finland and Somalia59; Marja Tiilikainen looks at Somali women’ s lives between Somalia and Finland paying special attention to changing understandings of Islam as well as to understandings concerning health and illness 60, and Miikka Pyykkönen looks at migrant organizations as tools for organising life in diaspora 61. Some studies have also been conducted on transnational families.62 Interestingly, the existing research literature on migration between Estonia and Finland, even if not that voluminous, discusses the socio-cultural domain from transnational perspective. Heli Hyvönen looks at the ways in which Estonian women living in Finland negotiate their identity and everyday lives between Estonia and Finland 63, while Minna Zechner analyzes modes of arranging care and family relations across borders 64. Both of these writers refer to one of the specific characteristics of the transnational space between Finland and Estonia, that is, the geographical closeness of these countries; this enables many practices, such as frequent visits, which are not possible in many other contexts where the distance between sending and receiving countries is substantially longer. Hyvönen (2006) compares the emigration experiences of Finnish and Estonian women. Her data shows that the Estonian women consider Finland as a peaceful and safe educational environment for small children. Therefore, for Estonian women in Finland emigration was seen as a good strategy to guarantee a higher quality of education for their children. In case of Finnish women in Estonia, the interviewees with small children had chosen to migrate mainly for career reasons (for their own or their husbands) and they were concerned about the children's safety in Estonia.65 However, the existing research leaves a lot of room for further empirical and theoretical elaboration of the transnational socio-cultural space between Finland and Estonia. The immigrant population from Estonia to Finland is ethnically diverse, including ethnic Estonians, ethnic Russians as well as so called Ingrian Finns, i.e. people with Finnish ancestry. This has many repercussions for the emerging practices among the migrant population. The specific nature of the Ingrian Finnish immigration from the whole area of ex-Soviet Union has been analysed within Finnish academia66, but the transnational aspect has not been thoroughly discussed. The ethnic dimension in the analysis of the transnational space between Finland and Estonia would make the analysis more sensitive to the inner differentiation of the migrant population in question. Laura Assmuth has produced nuanced understanding of cross-border practices as well as of the organization of every-day life in the border area between Estonia, Russia and Lithuania67, based on ethnographic research. The colonial Forms of Power?: A Postcolonial Reading of the Bosnian Diaspora. Teoksessa Irni, Sari, Keskinen, Suvi, Mulinari, Diana & Tuori, Salla (toim.) Complying with Colonialism. Gender, 'Race' and Ethnicity in the Nordic Region. Aldershot: Ashgate. 59 Hautaniemi, Petri (2004) Pojat!: Somalipoikien kiistanalainen nuoruus Suomessa 60 Tiilikainen, Marja (2003) Arjen Islam: Somalinaisten elämää Suomessa. Tampere: Vastapaino. 61 Pyykkönen, Miikka (2007) Järjestäytyvät diasporat: Etnisyys, kansalaisuus, integraatio ja hallinta maahanmuuttajien yhdistystoiminnassa. Jyväskylä: Jyväskylän yliopisto. 62 For example, Vuorela, Ulla (2002): The Transnational Family: new European frontiers and global networks. Oxford; Berg; Siim, Pihla (2007), Äidit ja heidän lapsensa: Perhesuhteista neuvottelua ylirajaisissa perheissä. In Martikainen,Tuomas & Tiilikainen, Marja (eds.) Maahanmuuttajanaiset: Kotoutuminen, perhe ja työ.Helsinki: Väestöntutkimuslaitos, 218-244. 63

Hyvönen, Heli (2007) ”Koti on Suomessa mutta kotimaa on viro”: Suomessa asuvien virolaisäitien transnationaalit tilat. In Martikainen,Tuomas & Tiilikainen, Marja (eds.) Maahanmuuttajanaiset: Kotoutuminen, perhe ja työ.Helsinki: Väestöntutkimuslaitos; Hyvönen, Heli (2006), Leaving Home behind: a Career Opportunity or Seeking for a Better Life?” A Study of Finnish and Estonian Migrant Women’ s Expectations and First Experiences of Immigrations. Yearbook of Population Research in Finland vol. 42, 129-159. 64 Zechner, Minna (2006) Hoivan paikat transnationaaleissa perheissä. In Martikainen, Tuomas (ed.) Ylirajainen kulttuuri: Etnisyys Suomessa 2000-luvulla. Helsinki: SKS. ; Zechner, Minna (2007) Maahanmuuttajaäitien näkemyksiä ja kokemuksia päivähoidosta ja koulusta palveluina. In Martikainen,Tuomas & Tiilikainen, Marja (eds.) Maahanmuuttajanaiset: Kotoutuminen, perhe ja työ.Helsinki: Väestöntutkimuslaitos; Zechner, Minna (2005), Care Arrangements in Immigrant Families in Finland. National report: Finland, 2002. Soccare Project Report 4.1 65

Hyvönen, Heli (2006), Leaving Home behind: a Career Opportunity or Seeking for a Better Life?”A Study of Finnish and Estonian Migrant Women’ s Expectations and First Experiences of Immigrations. Yearbook of Population Research in Finland vol. 42, 129-159. 66 E.g. Miettinen, Helena (2004) Menetetyt kodit, elämät, unelmat: Suomalaisuus paluumuuttajastatukseen oikeutettujen venäjänsuomalaisten narratiivisessa itsemäärittelyssä. Helsinki: Yliopistopaino. 67 Assmuth, Laura (2007) Identiteetit Venäjän, Viron ja Latvian rajalla. In Idäntutkimus vol. 14:4, 47-58; Assmuth, Laura (2003) Nation building and everyday life in the borderlands between Estonia, Latvia and Russia. Focaal : European journal of anthropology vol 41, 59-69; Assmuth, Laura (2004) Ethnicity and citizenship in the borderlands between Estonia, Latvia, and Russia. In Risto Alapuro, Ilkka Liikanen and Markku Lonkila (eds.) Beyond post-Soviet transition : micro perspectives on challenge and survival in Russia and Estonia. Helsinki: Kikimora publications.


border between Finland and Estonia is very different from those studied by Assmuth; Assmuth’ s material, however, provides interesting comparative material which will enable TRANS-NET project to clarify the specificity of the Finnish-Estonia case. While the Estonian-Russian border used to be an inner border between federal states within Soviet Union, it has now become a border between an EU and non-EU country, while the Finnish-Estonian border has changed from a rather closed border to one between two EU-countries. Such historical and geopolitical considerations enable us to see the dynamic nature of the formation of transnational spaces and practices. Some researchers have argued that there is tension between integration into the new country of settlement and transnational lifestyles maintained by (at least some) migrants. There are different ways of understanding integration, and subsequently national policies may relate differently to transnational practices. In official Finnish state policies, there is a tendency from assimilationist approaches to more pluralistic ones. In the new Immigration Policy Programme, effective since October 2006, the general aim can be characterized as pluralistic. The objective is that while migrants dynamically participate in the Finnish society they also feel connected to their own ethnic groups – without feeling any sense of contradiction. The empirical question is, of course, to what extent this objective is achieved among different migrant populations. The possibilities to both participate in the Finnish society, and at the same time to maintain one’ s ethnic identity, are tied to popular understandings concerning immigration and the general cultural climate. Especially discriminative discourses and practices complicate the realization of such policy objectives. A group of researchers in SYREENI-research programme examined the integration of Estonians, Russians and Ingrian Finns (so-called ethnic Finns in this study) in Finland. The Estonians had, in general, experienced less discrimination than Russians and Ingrian Finns.68 In addition to long-term residents of foreign background, in Finland, there is an increasing number of transnational migrants who have multiple orientation: to the country of residence and to another place with which they maintain political, economic, familial, religious and/or linguistic ties, and which may be conceived of as ‘ home’ .While both Hyvönen and Zechner refer to this aspect of the Estonian immigrants’lives, this dimension among the Estonians needs to be studied further empirically. One current issue of concern, both within politics and academic debates, is how to bring foreign newcomers into the redistribution of welfare. This question has been discussed, e.g., by Annika Forsander and Vesa Puuronen. They both argue that for Finnish welfare state, equality of people from different national and cultural backgrounds is a challenging matter. In practice, a Nordic welfare state with its universalistic principles may be excluding newcomers from active social participation. In general, the right to social security benefits in Finland is decided by reference to the length of person’ s residence in Finland. Persons moving to Finland on a permanent basis can apply for coverage under the Finnish social security system. The social security coverage of people moving among the EU/EEA countries and Switzerland is coordinated by the EU Decree 1408/71. In principal, the employees are covered by the social security system of the country in which they are employed. Nationals of non-EU countries have been covered under the terms of the Decree since 2003, provided that they are employed in one EU/EEA country and have been legally resident in another EU/EEA country. Regulation 1408/71 covers mainly employees and self-employed people and statutory 69 systems of social security. 70

In 2006, two studies were carried out on the adult immigrant population’ s use of public services, including health care services, social services and child care services. The studies showed that the immigrants used the health care services less than the population of Finnish origin (except the immigrant women aged 15-29 years who had more hospitalisations due to pregnancy and childbirth). Furthermore, the immigrants were also less likely to use public day-care (in particular, regarding children less than three years old). However, immigrants received higher income transfers due to nursing at home. Malin and Gissler have examined research reports concerning the availability, quality and equality of use of health and social services vis-à-vis immigrants in Finland. They argue that there is a 68

Liebkind, Karmela et. al (2004), Venäläinen, virolainen, suomalainen. Kolmen maahanmuuttajaryhmän kotoutuminen Suomeen. Helsinki: Gaudeamus. There are also other studies concentrating on discrimination and racism experiences by different migrant populations in Finland, e.g. Jasinskaja-Lahti, Inga, Liebkind, Karmela & Vesala, Tiina (2002) Rasismi ja syrjintä Suomessa: Maahanmuuttajien kokemuksia. Helsinki: Gaudeamus; Rastas, Anna (2007) Rasismi lasten ja nuorten arjessa: Transnationaalit juuret ja monikulttuuristuva Suomi. Tampere: Tampere University Press. 69 Kansaneläkelaki 11.5.2007/568, Laki asumiseen perustuvan sosiaaliturvalainsäädännön soveltamisesta annetun lain muuttamisesta 1128/1998 ; Laki asumiseen perustuvan sosiaaliturvalainsäädännön soveltamisesta annetun lain 1§:n muuttamisesta 990/1996;Sosiaaliturva-asetus 1408/71. 70 Työministeriö (2006), Maahanmuuttajat ja julkiset palvelut: Gissler, Mika, Malin, Maili & Matveinen, Petri: Terveydenhuollon palvelut ja sosiaalihuollon laitospalvelut; Sarvimäki, Matti & Kangasharju, Aki: Pienten lasten hoito ja sosiaalihuollon avopalvelut, Työministeriö, Helsinki.


lack of research on different immigrant groups’use of health and social services as well as their needs and living conditions.71 Regarding Finland and Estonia, there have been some studies comparing socio-political systems, social security, public services and pension systems between these two countries72 as well as at the regional and international level 73 Klemola conducted a study on Agreement between Finland and Estonia on social security. 74 Nevertheless, both Finland and Estonia have recently amended the social security legislation and there are no up-dated studies on social security in these countries. 4.1.3 Economic domain Estonia The transnational economic domain of the project will focus on labour migration and entrepreneurship. In macro level, this refers to the context of global market structures and the governance of border-crossing labour migration, in meso-level, economic ties and networks, formation of economic communities and opportunity hoarding and, in micro level, to the mobility and decision-making of individuals. The main interest in state-funded research on economic migration is labour market changes in the context of Estonia’ s membership in the EU. The focus is clearly on macro level. There are two key topics: the implications of the free movement of labour and the flexibility of labour market (cf. especially Eamets as the main author in the field). Also, some research is carried out into the most problematic fields of qualified labour emigration (cf. Võrk 2004 on emigration of medical specialists). Emigration of current residents and immigration of newcomers is often regarded as a threat or problem to be handled75. Alternative topics of labour migration are mostly addressed in student theses in universities (cf. Oja 2005 on brain drift, Aleksandrova 2005 on unemployment as the reason to emigrate, Shalaginova 2005 on women emigration, Kuusksalu 2008 on the formulation on Estonia’ s labour migration policy under EU legislation). There are also some more general macro level perspectives on the EU influences to Estonia’ s socio-economic reality (cf. Järv 2005 on modelling international migration, Berg, Ehin 2005). Also there is some clerical, statistical and technical literature on the methodology of data collection on international migration76. There are also some articles and policy reports that focus on the twin-city plans of the capitals of Finland and Estonia, Helsinki and Tallinn i.e. Hellinn or Talsinki (cf. Tallinn strategy paper, Kurik et al 2002 on the perceptions of entrepreneurs). There have not been much scholarly analyses published on the Estonian-Finnish transnational space in terms of the social security. The most relevant piece of literature stems from web pages of various public and private agencies related to the movement of working force. A very informative web page on the working conditions in Finland is established by the Finnish trade unions. Research in meso- and micro-level of Estonian-Finnish transnational economic space is practically nonexistent. To summarize, the literature on the situation of labour market and labour migration to/from Estonia seems to form the most coherent piece of academic work to utilise in the TRANS-NET project. The other reports are sporadic and often not strictly academically oriented. There is no research as for now that would focus precisely on the transnational economic spaces between Finland and Estonia.77 71

Malin, Maili & Gissler, Mika (2006), Maahanmuuttajien terveys- ja sosiaalipalveluiden saatavuus, laatu ja käyttö oikeudenmukaisuuden näkökulmasta, p.115-133, in Riittävät palvelut jokaiselle. Näkökulmia yhdenvertaisuuteen sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollossa, STAKES, Helsinki. 72 Helppikangas, Pirjo ed. (2001a), International Summer School of Social Work: NGOs, Socio-political Systems in Different Countries, Lapin yliopiston yhteiskuntatieteellisiä julkaisuja. C, työpapereita 42, University of Lappland, Rovaniemi.; Leppik, Lauri & Lindell, Christina (2001), Neighbours Look at Each Other: Estonian and Finnish Pension Systems, Central Pension Security Institute, Helsinki; Järviö, Maija-Liisa & Sullström, Risto & Venesaar, Urve (1992), Public Services, VATTkeskustelualoitteita 38. In addition, Saarinen examined the impacts of the Estonia’ s EU membership to the Southern Finland in different fields: Saarinen, Sakari (2003), Selvitys EU:n laajentumisen ja Viron EU-jäsenyyden vaikutuksista Etelä-Suomessa, Eurooppalainen Suomi, Helsinki. 73 Helppikangas, Pirjo ed (2001b), Social Work and Civil Society from an International Perspective, Series C/39, University of Lappland, Rovaniemi. 74 Klemola, Antti (2001), Suomen ja Viron välinen sosiaaliturvasopimus, Kansaneläkelaitos. 75 E.g. Kulu 2000. 76 Cf. Herm 2005. 77 References and extended bibliography: .2005, . :[ ], 2005; Arro, R., Eamets, R., Järve, J., Kallaste, E., Philips, K: Labour Market Flexibility and Employment Security: Estonia. Employment Paper 2001/25, International

20 Finland

The research literature approaching the transnational spaces from the economic point of view in Finland is rather modest. In most cases, the approaches acquire the view point of receiving or sending country, rather than transnational i.e. they look the impact in each end of the continuum, but not the socio-economic space that is created between the regions. Even more modest is the amount of research done concerning the transnational economic spaces between the Finland and Estonia and no studies exists, that would scrutinize this transnational space simultaneously at micro- meso- and macro-levels. Consequently, research literature is introduced here more extensively, since there is, however, a wide body of literature that is closely related to the matter and offers significant framework and background information for the more narrowly defined focus of TRANS-NET research project. The modest amount of economically oriented studies concentrating to interaction between Finland and Estonia may be partially explained by the facts that Estonia acquired its independence just 1991 and Finnish economy basically opened up as recently as at the beginning of the 1990s. In addition, it should be noticed that also the amount of migration research in general and the number of related publications increased drastically during the 1990s in Finland.78 Thus, the research and phenomenon itself are both rather recent in Finland.

Labour Office, Geneva 2001;; Berg Eiki, Piret Ehin 2002, Implementation of Schengen – direct influence to socio-economic reality, Institute of Public Affairs, Warsaw, 2002; Eamets Raul ja Kaia Philips 2004, Tööjõu vaba liikumine Euroopa Liidus ja selle mõju Eesti tööturule. Tartu: [Tartu Ülikool], 2004 (Tartu: Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastuse trükikoda); Eamets, R, Annus, T, Arukaevu, R.Paabut, A. Kraut, L. 2003,"Euroopa Liiduga liitumise mõju tööhõive muutusele erinevat ettevalmistust nõudvates ametites" uurimus Euroopa liidu sekretariaadile.; Eamets, R. 1999, Labour market policy in transition economies: How far is Estonia from EU? in Estonian labour market and labour market policy. Articles, ed. By Raul Eamets, Ministry of Social Affairs of Estonia, Viljandi-Tartu, 1999, pp 85-95; Eamets, R. 2001, Eesti tööturu paindlikkus Euroopa Liiduga liitumise kontekstis Euroopa Liiduga liitumise mõju Eesti majanduspoliitikale, X teadus- ja koolituskonverentsi ettekanded-artiklid, Berlin, Tallinn, 2001, lk 54-64; Eamets, R., Kallaste, E., Masso, J, Rõõm, 2004, M. How flexible are the labour markets in CEE countries. Macro level approach, trükk, Juura Õigusteabe AS, Tallinn 2004; Galamjan Gajane 2006, Töötajate vaba liikumine Euroopa Liidus ja selle mõju Eestile (bakalaureusetöö). Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, humanitaarteaduskond uhendaja: prof. Sulev Mäeltsemees. Tallinn 2006; Järv Kaili 2005. Rahvusvaheline migratsioon: trendid, statistika ja migratsiooni modelleerimine: bakalaureusetöö /juhendajad: Kaia Philips, Andres Võrk; Tartu Ülikool, majandusteaduskond, rahvamajanduse instituut, ökonomeetria õppetool. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool, 2005; Kuusksalu Kristi 2008. Euroopa Liidu õiguse mõju Eesti tööimmigratsiooni reeglitele. Magistritöö. Juhendaja Leif Kalev. Tallinn: Tallinna Ülikool, 2008; Kulu Liina 2000, Migratsiooniprobleemid Euroopa Liidu idalaienemisel / [eessõna: Peeter Vihalemm, Raul Eamets] Tartu: Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa Kolled , 2000 (Võru : Võru Täht) Loengumaterial, 27 lk.; S. Kurik (toim.), E.Terk, M.Kovin, A.Paling, 2002, Tallinna ja Harjumaa ettevõtjad Eesti-Soome integratsioonist. Eesti Tuleviku-uuringute Instituut, Tallinna Linnavalitsus. Tallinn; Shalaginova Julia 2005, Naiste tööhõive ja migratsioon Tallinn: Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, 2005, Bakalaureusetöö, 72 lk; Oja Katrin 2005, Ajude äravool avaliku arutelu objektina: magistritöö: [Eesti üliõpilaste teadustööde 2005. a. riikliku konkursi töö] / juhendaja: Peeter Vihalemm; Tartu Ülikool, sotsiaalteaduskond, ajakirjanduse ja kommunikatsiooni osakond. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool, 2005, 245 lk; Paas Tiiu, Raul Eamets, Jaan Masso, Marit Rõõm; 2003 Labour market flexibility and migration in the Baltic states: macro evidences - University of Tartu, Faculty of Economics and Business Administration. Tartu: Tartu University Press, 2003, 101 lk; Paas, Tiiu; Eamets, Raul; Masso, Jaan; Rõõm Marit 2003, "Labour market flexibility and migration in the Baltic states: macro evidences" Tartu Ülikooli majandusteaduskonna toimetiste seeria, No. 16, 2003; “TALLINN 2025”. STRATEEGIA.; Tammur; Alis 2006, Sisserännanute põlvkonnad Eesti tööjõuturul 2000. aastal: magistritöö inimgeograafias / juhendajad: Tiit Tammaru, Hill Kulu; Tartu Ülikool, bioloogia-geograafiateaduskond, geograafia instituut Tartu: Tartu Ülikool, 2006 Magistritöö, 91 lk.;; Virkus Inna 2006, Eesti elanike töötamine välismaal Euroopa Liiduga liitumise järel (bakalaureusetöö). Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, humanitaarteaduskond. Juhendaja: Jaanus Kiili. Tallinn. 2006; Võrk, Andres Marit Priinits, Epp Kallaste 2004, Tervishoiutöötajate migratsioon Eestist [Võrguteavik]: migratsiooni potentsiaalne suurus, mõju tervishoiutöötajate vajadusele ja poliitikavalikud Tallinn: Poliitikauuringute Keskus Praxis: [Sotsiaalministeerium], 2004; Võrk, Andres. 2004, Tervishoiutöötajate migratsioon Eestist [Võrguteavik] : migratsiooni potentsiaalne suurus, mõju tervishoiutöötajate vajadusele ja poliitikavalikud / Andres Võrk, Marit Priinits, Epp Kallaste. - Tekst. - Tallinn : Poliitikauuringute Keskus Praxis : [Sotsiaalministeerium], 2004. - ( Praxise toimetised ; 2004, nr. 18). - Süsteemi nõuded: Adobe Acrobat Reader. - Sisaldab bibliograafiat; Välisränne [Võrguteavik]: rahvusvahelise rände andmete metoodika: andmekogumine haldusandmestikest / projekti toimkond: Anne Herm (projektijuht), Jaana Jõeveer, Riina Senipalu, Ülle Valgma.; Working in Finland web page 78 ETNO (Etnisten suhteiden neuvottelukunta) (2004). Muuttoliikkeet ja etniset vähemmistöt Suomessa 1999 - 2004, Tutkimukset ja tilastot. Työhallinnon julkaisu 343, Työministeriö, Helsinki.


The most useful body of literature consists of work which focuses on foreign entrepreneurs in Finland 79 and intercultural interaction and diversity (management) in Finnish workplaces 80. Four scientific compilations may be named as significant openings in terms of introducing the new viewpoint to internationalisation of labour markets. In these studies, the foreign labour force is seen rather as an economic resource than social burden. Marja-Liisa Trux (ed. 2000) “Aukeavat ovet - kulttuurien moninaisuus Suomen elinkeinoelämässä” [Opening doors – cultural diversity in the Finnish business life] provides a good insight to internationalization of Finnish companies and the labour markets. A slightly modified English version of the above-mentioned book is edited by Annika Forsander (ed. 2002) “Immigration and Economy in the Globalization Process: The Case of Finland”. Both books cover micro-, meso- and macro-level approaches. These publications were followed by Pirkko Pitkänen and Päivi Atjonen (2002) Kohti aktiivista maahanmuuttopolitiikkaa: kulttuurinen monimuotoisuus Itä-Suomen yrityselämässä [Towards an active immigration policy: Cultural diversity in private sector enterprises in Eastern Finland] and Pirkko Pitkänen (ed. 2005) Kulttuurien välinen työ [Intercultural Work]. Finally, a book published in 2004 by Annika Forsander, Mika Raunio, Perttu Salmenhaara and Mika Helander: “Globaalin osaamisen kansalliset rajat” (National Borders of Global Competences) is of actual importance as it focused on immigration of highly-skilled professionals to Finland. In this book, it was noted that an important turn was taken place in Finland when immigration was seen rather as an economic opportunity than as a social and political threat in the Finnish context. In 2007, the book Ylirajainen kulttuuri: Etnisyys Suomessa 2000-luvulla [Transnational Culture – Ethnicity in Finland] was published by Tuomas Martikainen (ed.). While previous publications mainly focused on labour markets at a micro level, this book contributes to the current discussion on transnationalism in the Finnish context (albeit only two articles has focus on labour markets). A scientific compilation “Maahanmuuttajanaiset: Kotoutuminen, perhe ja työ”[Immigrant Women: Integration, Family and Work] edited by Tuomas Martikainen and Marja Tiilikainen (2007) is crucial as it is the first report focusing on immigrant women in Finnish labour markets. Today, in Finland, there are several policy reports and research documents provided by the Finnish government and Ministries on labour migration and the need for foreign labour. These papers indicate the significance of the issue in the Finnish context and provide a lot of useful data about related regulations, policies and statistics. In the new Immigration Policy Programme, effective since October 2006, the goals of labour market policy are for the first time in agreement with the views which support migration for humanitarian reasons. In the background, there is a concern about the distortion of the age structure and the diminishing of the workforce. As the Finnish population is aging, it has been recommended to recruit foreigners to fulfill the needs of the labour market. In integration policy, the objective is active and full membership of society for those who move to Finland from abroad. It is considered a precondition for the development of a multicultural society that policymakers, public authorities and civil society have a strong dedication to the prevention of discrimination and the promotion of equal opportunity and ethnic equality.81


For example, Joronen, Tuula (2002) Immigrant entrepreneurship in Finland in the 1990s. In Annika Forsander (ed.): Immigration and Economy in the Globalization Process. The Case of Finland. Sitra ( pdf ); Joronen, Tuula, Pajarinen, Mika & Ylä-Anttila, Pekka (2002) From Hanseatic trade to hamburger chains – a historical survey.. In Annika Forsander (ed.): Immigration and Economy in the Globalization Process. The Case of Finland. Sitra ( pdf ); Joronen, Tuula (2002) Helsingin seutu maahanmuuttajien yritystoiminnan kasvualustana. Teoksessa Vesa Keskinen, Martti Tuominen, Mari Vaattovaara (toim.): Helsinki – pohjoinen metropoli. Helsingin kaupungin tietokeskus. Gummeruksen kirjapaino Oy, Jyväskylä; Joronen, Tuula (2003) Helsingin ulkomaalaispolitiikan teoria ja käytäntö. Kansainvälinen kulttuurikeskus Caisa. Helsingin kaupungin tietokeskuksen tutkimuksia 1/2003 ( pdf . - The Immigration Policy of City of Helsinki. The Case of International Cultural Centre Caisa. Summary and conclusion in English); Joronen, Tuula (2005) Maahanmuuttajat yrittäjinä. Teoksessa Matti Hannikainen (toim.) : Työväestön rajat. Työväen historian ja perinteen tutkimuksen seura.Väki voimakas 18. Gummerrus Kirjapaino Oy. Saarijärvi; Wahlbeck, Östen (2004) Turkish Immigrant Entrepreneurs in Finland: Local Embeddedness and Transnational Ties. In Povrzanovic Frykman, Maja (ed.) Transnational Spaces: Disciplinary Perspectives. Malmö: IMER, Malmö Högskola , 101122; Wahlbeck, Östen (2005) Integrated and Marginalised? Turkish Immigrant Entrepreneurs in Finland. In Light, Ivan & Dana, Leo (Eds.) Minority People and Self-Employment Edvar Elgar. (2005). 80 See Pitkänen, Pirkko & Atjonen, Päivi (2002) Kohti aktiivista maahanmuuttopolitiikkaa: kulttuurinen monimuotoisuus ItäSuomen yrityselämässä [Towards an active immigration policy: Cultural diversity in private sector enterprises in Eastern Finland]. Publications of Karelian Institute No. 135. University of Joensuu & Regional Council of North-Savo; Pitkänen, Pirkko (ed. 2005) Kulttuurien välinen työ [Intercultural Work] Edita. Helsinki; Pitkänen, Pirkko (2006) Etninen ja kulttuurinen monimuotoisuus viranomaistyössä [Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in the Work of Finnish Authorities). Edita. Helsinki; Sipploa, Aulikki (2007) Essays on Human Resource Management Perspectives on Diversity Management. 81 Forsander, Annika & Söderling, Ismo (2001) Eastern Europeans in the Finnish Labour Market and the Public Opinion. Julkaistu Hampurin Bundeswehr -yliopiston sivuilla www.unibwhamburg. de/WWEB/straubhaar/pages/conf3/home.html (12.4.2001); Forsander, Annika & Similä, Matti (eds 2003): Cultural diversity and integration in the Nordic welfare states [Kokousjulkaisu]: Proceedings of the 12th Nordic Migration Conference / Annika Forsander, Matti Similä (eds). Helsingfors: SSKH . 254 p. SSKH Meddelanden 65; Forsander, Annika & Ekholm, Elina & Hautaniemi, Petri (toim.2001) Monietnisyys, yhteiskunta ja työ [Multi-Ethnicity, Society and Work] . Helsinki: Palmenia-kustannus; Forsander, Annika & Salmenhaara Perttu (2003) Globalizing capital and lacking the labor in Finland. PopLar Newsletter 4-6. Budapest: Demographic Research Institute,


Despite of the above-mentioned useful conceptual and empirical insights to the internationalising labour markets, none of the studies focus precisely on the transnational economic space between Finland and Estonia. Still, approaches that strictly relate to transnational economic space Finland-Estonia can be found on the policy papers focusing on the “twin-city”theme of capital cities of Finland and Estonia (Helsinki and Tallinn). However, serious academic research on this topic still lacks substance. 82 The Institute of Migration (located in Turku; non-profit organization based on trust affiliated mostly by Finnish ministries) has a long tradition in migration studies since 1974 and also several studies concerning the Estonia and some research concerning the labor markets and entrepreneurship of immigrants in Finland. Often their publications are policy-orientated. Academic studies focusing on the transnational economic domain in terms of labour migration or transmittances that are in the focus of TRANS-NET research virtually do not exist. The research conducted in the Centre for Research on Ethnic Relations and Nationalism (CEREN) at the Swedish School of Social Science (University of Helsinki) mainly focuses on political and social domains. However, especially the project “Finnish labour union’ s transnational globalisation strategies” (research report will be published in 2008) and its’successor projects are interesting also for the TRANS-NET project. They provide useful information from macro (regulations and policies) to micro level (integration to working life). There is also a wide and profound research tradition on economics to study the internationalisation of the Finnish economy. Globalisation and macro-level approaches prevails in studies of the non-profit making research organization, Research Institute of the Finnish Economy (ETLA) and Government Institute for Economic Research (VATT). While these studies offer relevant groundings for the research on transnational space Estonia-Finland, the most interesting single study for the TRANS-NET is made by Sarvimäki (2003) “The Eastern Enlargement of the EU and the Impact on Immigration to Finland (in Finnish). Sarvimäki approaches a question of economic theories from the migration point of view. Also Helsinki School of Economics (especially CEMAT83) has provided a significant contribution to research on changing economic landscape in Finland and in Eastern Europe, mostly Russia. In CEMAT, research is conducted on macro, meso and micro levels. Economic environments in Estonia and in Finland are compared by Finnish “think tanks”in their policy-orientated reports84. Besides, Harttunen (2005) represents statistical analysis of changing situation in Estonia, and reflects the likely impacts of these changes to emergence of the Finnish-Estonian interaction. One interesting conclusion is that labour migration from Estonia to Finland is not likely to grow due to growing need of labour, small absolute amount of workforce and rising income level in Estonia. In fact, there is already labour coming form Ukraine to fulfill the labour needs in Estonia. Both, policy-orientated studies and statistical insights provide important facts taking place in “economic transnational space of Finland-Estonia”but without theoretical context of transnational spaces. To summarise, there is no significant Finnish academic research focusing on transnational economic space Finland-Estonia. Instead, there is a large amount of highly relevant academic studies, statistical insights and policyorientated reports available in order to draw a rather well-defined picture of the field. The above-mentioned reports provide a platform and a scientific context for the further research work within TRANS-NET.

Central Statistical Office; Forsander, Annika & Raunio, Mika & Salmenhaara, Perttu & Helander, Mika (2004) Sykettä ja suvaitsevaisuutta. Globaalitalouden ammattilaiset ja kansalliset rajat. Helsinki: Edita; Forsander, Annika & Raunio, Mika (2005) Globalisoituvat työmarkkinat – asiantuntijamaahanmuuttajat Suomessa. In: Pirkko Pitkänen (ed.) Kulttuurien välinen työ. Helsinki: Edita, 26-53); Forsander, Annika & Salmenhaara, Perttu & Melegh, Attila & Kondrateva, Elena (2008) Economy, Ethnicity and International Migration: The Comparison of Finland, Hungary and Russia. In: Ismo Söderling (ed.) Yearbook of population research in Finland. Helsinki: The Population Research Institute. 84-114 (pdf). 82 See Kallio, Heikki (2004) Finnish-Estonian scientific relations with special Focus on the occupation years 1940-1991, Tallinn Pedagogical University, Dissertation on Humanities. 83 Center for Markets in Transition, Helsinki Business School. 84 See Ahde, Pasi & Rajasalu, Teet (1992) Viron ja Suomen talouden rakenne ennen 1990-lukua [The Economic Structure in Estonia and Finland] Helsinki Research Institute of the Finnish Economy; Kallaste, Epp (2004) Viron ja Suomen työmarkkinoiden erot: kannustimet muuttoliikkeen takana [Differemces in the Estonian and Finnish Labour Markets] Talous & yhteiskunta 3. Helsinki: Palkansaajien tutkimuslaitos, 12-17.


4.1.4 Educational domain Estonia The transnational educational domain of the TRANS-NET project will focus on educational policies and governance, networks, transnational competences and empowerment. In macro-level, this refers to educational policies, governance of international mobility of students, in meso-level, to education and training networks, and in micro level, to transnational /intercultural competences and empowerment. There is considerable educational research in Estonia conducted both in Tallinn and Tartu Universities, especially in their Faculties of Education and Natural Sciences. Its focus, however, is on general pedagogics, didactics and child development, i.e. heavily oriented toward monitoring and steering the development of a child as a person. In the context of educational policies, the research is very limited and is mainly conducted in the faculties or Departments of Administration and Economics. Most of the literature on international movement of students and academic staff is published by the government agencies or student umbrella organizations and is of descriptive, informative or legislative nature (cf. Ranne 2008, national strategy on internationalization of Estonia’ s higher education). There are some student theses on the topic85. There are also web pages of the universities and the national student union providing practical information on mobility to their members. There are some reports related to the educational aspects of integration86. This literature is mostly related to improving the language skills of either students or their teachers and sometimes includes also basic knowledge of the constitutional order for the exam required for naturalization. One could also find materials on learning foreign languages etc. 87 To conclude, there are few educational analyses that could significantly assist in exploring the current transnational migration between Estonia-Finland, as well as the emergence of transnational educational space. Finland In Finland, most studies in the field of education do not apply transnational perspective, but rather tackle the challenges of multiculturalism and internationalisation in different educational institutions. Thus, most relevant research literature for TRANS-NET project consists of literature focusing on challenges of increased cultural diversity and internationalisation of educational institutes. Approximately 600 immigrant pupils per year receive preparatory instructions arranged for them within the comprehensive school system.88 From Finnish-Estonian perspective, an interesting fact is that there are approximately 500 Estonian speaking children in Finnish comprehensive schools, making them the 4th largest group after Russian, Somali and English speaking children. Immigrant children in Finland have the right to tuition in their mother tongue (few hours per week), yet in practice this is not always easy to organise, due to lack of resources and qualified teachers. Most studies see cultural diversity clearly as a challenge for educators; it is argued that teachers have a central role in preventing the marginalisation of ethnically diverse students: Talib has studied teachers in multicultural


Cf. Kiisler 2004. Cf. Rannut 2004; 2005. 87 References and extended bibliography: Kiisler Katrin 2005. Erasmuse üliõpilasvahetus Eestis 1999-2004. Magistritöö. Juhendaja Liina-Mai Tooding. Tartu Ülikool, Tartu, 2005; Projekt „Pagulaste ja rahvusvahelise kaitse saajate laste Eesti haridussüsteemi integreerimise toetamine kohalikul tasandil“,; Ranne Raul (ed.), Annika Kruuse, Catlyn Kirna, Tanel Sits, Maris Mälzer, Allan Päll, Joonas Pärenson 2008. Eesti Euroopa kõrgharidusruumis. Tallinn: Eesti Üliõpilaskondade Liit.; Rannut, Ülle 2004. Astu sisse! Uusimmigrandid meie ühiskonnas ja haridussüsteemis : käsiraamat eesti õppekeelega kooli õpetajatele, koolijuhtidele ja haridusametnikele / Ülle Rannut ; [eessõna: Maie Soll ; Haridus- ja Teadusministeerium]. - [Tallinn] : Ilo, c2004 ([Tallinn] : Ilo Print). - 123, [5] lk. : ill. ; 30 cm. - Bibliograafia peatükkide lõpus. ISBN 9985-57-658-6; Rannut, Mart; Rannut, Ülle (2006). Immigrantõpilaste multikultuursest identiteedist. Kristi Saarso, Helle Tiisväli (Toim.). Eesti keele õpetamisest muukeelses koolis / Riiklik Eksami- ja Kvalifikatsioonikeskus (14 17). Tallinn: Argo Kirjastus; Eesti kõrgharidusstrateegia aastateks 2006-2015; Eesti kõrghariduse rahvusvahelistumise strateegia aastateks 2006-2015; Socrates Estonia Bureau: National Action Plans for the Mobility of Students: 1999/2000, 2000/2001, 2001/2002, 2002/2003, 2003/2004, 2004/2005, 2005/2006, 2006/2007, 2007/2008. 86


Matinheikki-Kokko, Kaija & Pitkänen, Pirkko (2006) Developing Student Teachers' Multicultural Competence: The Finnish Case. In: Pirkko Pitkänen, Gajendra K.Verma, & Devorah Kalekin-Fishman (Eds.) Increasing the Cultural Understanding of Student Teachers. Oxford: Trafford Publishing, 69-108.


schools89, finding out that Finnish teachers are unprepared to encounter pupils from culturally diverse backgrounds. Räsänen and her co-authors focus on intercultural learning and dialogue in international cooperation.90 They, as well as Kaikkonen91 tackle with the ethical issues related to intercultural learning. Laaksonen has also noted that immigrant children are more and more often directed towards special education classes. 92 In her study on immigrant children in special education, children felt that their main constraints in the mainstream education was a lack of Finnish language skills and the difficulties to concentrate. Bullying was mentioned as well: immigrant children were either bullies or victims. On the other hand, immigrant children also believed in their possibilities to succeed in special education and they had good relations with teachers. Sakaranaho has focused on challenges of religious education in schools.93 In Finland, religion classes are mandatory for children with Lutheran background and pupils of other religions have the right to obtain tuition in their own religion. In practice, these classes are sometimes hard to organise even if there are requisite three pupils for a class. Although these studies seem to evidence the need of intercultural learning and understanding of increased diversity, none of these studies clearly addressed the issue from the viewpoint of transnationalism. Several universities have reacted to the increased number of pupils with different backgrounds by providing courses to student teachers in order to raise their multicultural awareness. University of Oulu organises a teacher training programme in English with emphasis on intercultural issues, and University of Joensuu and University of Jyväskylä both offer courses to future teachers in intercultural education.94 In 1998-2000, an international research project led by Pirkko Pitkänen focused on intercultural training among university students, especially student teachers. The project Immigration as a Challenge for Settlement Policies and Education: Evaluation Studies for Cross-Cultural Teacher Training (ECT; was funded by the European Commission's DG Research (3rd Framework Programme). In their article “Immigrant Policies and the Education of Immigrants in Finland” (2002), Kaija Matinheikki-Kokko and Pirkko Pitkänen analysed the Finnish integration and educational policies. Furthermore, in their second report, “Developing Student Teachers' Multicultural Competence: The Finnish Case”(2006) Matinheikki-Kokko and Pitkänen suggested that the Finnish students teachers did not trust on their multicultural competence. The main reason was that most of them lacked of direct intercultural experiences. A further discussion on these issues was presented in the article “Multicultural Education as an Educational Response to the Increase in Immigration in Finland”95. Questions related to multicultural counseling are being discussed in the book “Multicultural Guidance and Counseling: Theoretical Foundations and Best Practices in Europe”, edited by Mika Launikari and Sauli Puukari (2005) 96. If in the primary education the diversity in form of immigration is seen as a challenge, in higher education internationalisation and mobility are seen as primary conditions to succeed in global competition for educated workforce. Thus, the research on higher education focuses on mobility of students and university staff 97and career opportunities of highly skilled persons in Finland. International contacts are understood to be crucial for universities in order to succeed in global competition on educational markets. Interesting body of literature is focusing on internationalisation of higher-education and universities98. These studies do not focus on emergence of 89

Talib, Mirja-Tytti (1999): Toiseuden kohtaaminen koulussa. Opettajien uskomuksia maahanmuuttajaoppilaista. Helsinki; Hakapaino; Talib, Mirja-Tytti (2005): Eksotiikkaa vai ihmisarvoa. Opettajien monikulttuurisesta kompetenssista. Suomen Kasvatustieteellinen Seura; Turku; Talib, Mirja-Tytti (ed.) (2006): Diversity –A Challenge for Educators. Suomen Kasvatustieteellinen Seura: Turku. 90 Räsänen, Rauni (2005): Conditions for Intercultural Learning and Co-operation.Finnish Educational Research Association; Turku. 91 Kaikkonen, Pauli (2004):Vierauden keskellä. Vierauden, monikulttuurisuuden ja kulttuurienvälisen kasvatuksen aineksia. Opettajankoulutuslaitos; Jyväskylä. 92 Laaksonen, Annele (2008): ‘ Maahanmuuttajaoppilaat erityiskouluissa’ . Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration 1/2008, 4548. 93 Sakaranaho, Tuula (2007): ’ Pienryhmäisten uskontojen opetus ja monikulttuurisuuden haasteet.’–In Kallinoniemi, A. & Salmenkivi, E. (eds.) Katsomusaineiden kehittämishaasteita. Opettajankoulutuksen tutkinnonuudistuksen virittämää keskustelua. Helsingin yliopiston tutkimuksia 279: Helsinki 94 Matinheikki-Kokko, Kaija & Pitkänen, Pirkko (2006) (ref. above). 95 Pitkänen, Pirkko & Matinheikki-Kokko, Kaija (2005; 2007) Multicultural Education as an Educational Response to the Increase in Immigration in Finland. In: Ari Antikainen (Ed.) Transforming a Learning Society: The Case of Finland, 2nd expanded edition. Studien zur Erziehungswissenschaft, vol. 49. PeterLang - European Academic Publishers, Bern, 179-195. 96 Launikari, Mika & Puukari, Sauli (Eds. 2005) Multicultural Guidance and Counselling: Theoretical Foundations and Best Practices in Europe. Centre for International Mobility and Institute for Educational Research, University of Jyväskylä. 97 Garam, Irma, Opiskelijoiden kansainvälinen liikkuvuus ja työelämä, Cimo, 2005 98 Hoffman, David M., The Career Potential of Migrant Scholars in Finnish Higher Education. Jyväskylän yliopisto, 2007.; Kulonpalo, Jussi (2007) Academic Finns Abroad -of International Mobility and the Research Career..: Hakala, Johanna & Niskanen, Pirjo & Kaukonen, Erkki (2002) Becoming International, Becoming European: EU Research Collaboration at Finnish Universities. Innovation - The European Journal of Social Sciences 15, 4, 357-379.:


transnational domain as such, but provide insights to role of internationalisation and international mobility of students and researchers in context of innovation economy, where knowledge and innovation systems have significant role and where “human capital” is considered as a key economic resource. There is also a wide literature concerning the internationalisation of Finnish innovation environments99 that are not in the core, but still related to emergence of the transnational economic space. Therefore, the Finnish Ministry of Education is currently revising the Strategy for the Internationalisation of Higher Education. The aim of the strategy is to “develop an internationally strong and attractive higher education and research community in Finland”. The preparation of the strategy is recorded in the Vanhanen II Government Program and it is being prepared by the Ministry of Education in collaboration with the higher education institutions and stakeholders. 100 There are still few foreign degree students in Finland. Estonian students form the third most important group of foreign degree students in Finland, after Chinese and Russians. In addition, many Finnish and Estonian universities have signed cooperation agreements within the lifelong learning programme or bilaterally. Between Finland and Estonia there have been joint programmes in the field of education which are worth mentioning, since in the future, these programs are contributing to create transnational educational space between Finland and Estonia. Many Finnish universities have partner universities in Estonia and they encourage teacher and student exchange. In addition, there have been projects within other educational institutions as well. One example is HETA (Helsinki-Tallinn) project that ended in 2007 in the field of vocational training. In Finland, the partners in this project were Finnish National Board of Education (Opetushallitus), Educational Federation of the municipalities of Espoo Omnia (Finnish Partner) and Adult Education Center Adulta Oy. In the Estonian side, the project was conducted by the Estonian Ministry of Education, Riiklik Eksami and Kvalifikatsoonikeskus (REKK pääpartneri) ja Kutsekvalifikatsooni Sihtasutus Kutsekoda. Later on, more vocational education institutes joined this project, in Finland and in Estonia. One of the proceedings of the project is an internet publication that compares the educational systems in Finland and Estonia and has an educational vocabulary in Finnish and Estonian. In addition, Finland and Estonia have been partners in various joint programs in Baltic area, such as Baltic 21 E programme which aims to sustainable development in Baltic area through education101 4.2 TRANSNATIONAL SPACE 2: INDIA-THE UNITED KINGDOM 4.2.1 Political domain India The focus of research for the Indian team will be migrations from the Indian Punjab to the U.K. Punjabis are one of the most out-migratory communities in the present day India. It is said that being located on the invasion route into India, the people of Punjab have often had to leave their homes and adapt to newer locations, which made them ‘ intrinsically’mobile and flexible102. There are attempts to trace the antecedents of Punjabi migration to the ‘ Punjabization’of Indian army which led to the migration of the Punjabi soldiers to North America, East Africa and 103 the Far East for serving the Empire . The large scale migrations from the over-populated Western Punjab to the canal colonies in Western Punjab for land reclamation and the massive relocation of around 12 million people into the Indian Punjab in the wake of the Partition were the other significant streams of migration in Punjab during the th th colonial time. The Indian migrants to Britain in the 19 and early 20 century were mainly personal servants of imperial adventurers and administrators; seamen who worked in menial capacity in British merchant ships; and a smaller number of students seeking professional qualifications apart from a fewer number of princess and aristocrats104. The first World War brought more seamen and soldieries from India, particularly from the Punjab, to Britain, who slipped quietly to stay back by making use of the local conditions. By the time of independence

Välimaa, Jussi ( 2001) Finnish Higher Education in Transition: Pesrpectives on massification and Globalisation. Jyväskylä, University of Jyväskylä. 99 Schienstock, Gerd & Kuusi, Osmo 1999 (eds.) Transformation towards a learning economy. The challenge fo the Finnish innovation system. SITRA, Hakapaino, Helsinki.; Schienstock, Gerd 2004. (ed.) Embracing the knowledge economy. The dynamic transformation of the Finnish innovation system. Edward Elgar, Northampton, USA. 100 Finnish Ministery of Education (2008) 'Korkeakoulujen kansainvälistymisstrategia' 101 Finnish Ministery of Education (2002) 'Kestävän kehityksen edistäminen koulutuksessa/ Baltic 21E -ohjelma. Kestävän kehityksen edistäminen koulutuksessa -työryhmän ehdotus ohjelman käynnistämissuunnitelmaksi'. Opetusministeriö 36:2002. 102 Helweg, 1986 103 Talbot and Thandi, 2004; Nanda and Veron, 2008, Metcalfe, 2005 104 Visram, 1986


Punjabis were a visible presence in Britain’ s larger ports and industrial cities, mostly as peddlers105. The migration from Post-independent India, particularly from states like Punjab and Gujarat, in the context of a general economic boom in post-war Britain, was to such an extent that it was seen as a process of reverse colonization106. The migrations in the early 1950s consisted mainly of males and by 1960s in a context of an impending closure of migrations, family members, relatives and friends were sponsored to England in large numbers 107, resulting an expanding process of chain migration108. The post-war economic boom in England has allowed a much more diversified labour emigration from the Punjab, facilitated largely by the existing Punjabi peddler communities in England. The number of Sikhs from the Indian Punjab, according to one estimate, has reached around 600,000 towards the end of 1970s109. The Punjabi emigrant community is said to have undergone three phases- Freedom phase, Conflict phase and Settlement phase- in their being in U.K, the last phase has been seen as not reached fully for the Punjabi emigrants110. The major chunk of Punjabi emigrants to U.K are said to be from the Jullundur Doab, the rural Jullundur being invariably swept by a “migration fever”from early 1960s onwards 111. Studies on migration from Punjab to U.K, from Indian perspective, are scanty. Not even a reliable estimation of the number of Punjabis emigrated to U.K is available. So is the case with the quantum of remittances, the ways in which it is invested and transformations it beckons onto the everyday life of the people in the Punjab. The underlying notions of social mobility, standards of rural respect, making of a Punjabi migrant identity and so on are crucial issues left unaddressed. The governmental structures in place for regulating/promoting the emigration flow from India in general and Punjab in particular and multiple conduits of networking are also not subjected to any academic exercises. The question of transnational spaces evolved through multiple engagements and negotiations between the home country and the residing country too hasn’ t received serious attention from the point of view of the sending country. The emigrations from Punjab with the establishment of colonial rule as either ayas or as lascars were occurring within the larger regimes of colonial regulation. The establishment of the colonial rule itself brought a new political condition that opened possibilities for migration. Though not for employment, an important part of Indian migration during the colonial time was the transportation of Indian convicts from South Asia, mostly male, to penal settlements across the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia from 18th century to till independence112. Apart from the purpose of punishment the convicts’labour was used for the development of colonial infrastructure in those colonies. The lack of proper records leave a quantification of the total convict traffic / ‘ convict workers’from India an extremely difficult task. The discipline of the convicts had been given less attention till early 19 th century, only to lead to strict convict regulations and convict disciplining exercise like the Penang Rules (1827) and the Butterworth Rules (1860), 113 . However, the most important form of labour migrations from India was through the system of indenture labour, to work in colonial plantations overseas. The Government of India laid down various regulations to smoothen the indentured labour flows, which includes the regulations in 1837, 1843, 1864, on the face of increasing complaints of abuse. The regulations were put in place with an assumed intention of protecting the indentured worker at the respective destinations in the context of an outcry that indenture was yet another form of slavery114. The government resorted to further regulations through an Emigration Act (XXII) in 1882, which, with 115 minor modifications in 1908, governed indentured emigration until its end in 1916 . The act restricted the indentured embarkation only from the ports of Calcutta, Madras and Bombay and each colony recruiting indentured 116 labour was made to appoint emigration agent in the ports of embarkation . However, the actual recruitment was done by numerous agents working under the main emigration agent under a licensed regime. Such recruiters working in the field were licensed by the Protector of Emigrants on the recommendation of the emigration agent and the license had to be countersigned by the magistrate of the district where the recruiting agent indents to 117 work . Apart from such licensed recruiters, unlicensed recruiters, namely arkatis, too were active in the process of recruiting indentured labour from colonial India (Ibid). Most of the recruitment for indentured labour had been done from regions of north India. The recruitment of South Indian labourers for emigration was mostly done under the 105

Ballard, 2003 Ballard, 2003 107 Helweg, 1986 108 Ballard, 2003 109 Helweg, 1979 110 Helweg, 1986 111 Ballard and Banks, 1994 112 Lal, 2006 113 Anderson, 2000, Yang, 2003, 2007, & Lal, 2006 114 Tinker, 1974 115 Lal, 2006 116 Ibid. 117 Ibid. 106


kangani and maistry systems. It is said that kangani system prevailed in the case of Malaya and Ceylon, whereas maistry system was in place for recruiting labour to Burma. India did not have any strong structures to regulate the recruitment through kangani system as these emigrations were considered as ‘ free labour migrations’and if there was any regulation on kanganis it was mostly from the authorities of the destination countries118. Maistry system of labour recruitment, like the kangani system, too relied on a system of advances as an inducement for emigration and every plantation worker start his work in the overseas plantations with a debt account 119. Though the system was more exploitative than the knagani system because of the involvement of middlemen and undue authority to maistry, emigration to Burma by and large not subjected to any control as Burma was a province of British India until 1937. Though not large scale, there were significant amount of emigration during the colonial time from the Punjab as indentured labour. Some of them who ended up in colonies like that of East Africa eventually made their way to the U.K. But most of the migrations from Punjab during that time might have been as free migrations, that of ‘ temporary sojourners’ , as sepoys, lascars and ayahs 120. The 18th and 19th centuries witnessed the increasing participations of Indian sepoys in the overseas campaigns of the Empire. These emigrations were facilitated by the colonial government to various destinations including Europe, resulting many often the sepoys slipping from the contingent to become emigrant labourers or peddlers in the concerned destination121 Similarly, the Indian lascars arriving at England were sometimes made to wait for months for a return passage and their plight was often desperate with a mortality rate of 10 per cent122. It was usual that a number of lascars from the subcontinent jumped from the ship and settled at various points around the Indian ocean and in British port towns such as Liverpool, London, etc.123. This too was considered as free migration as it was unregulated from the Indian side. The emigrating merchants from India, including the Punjabis, were another stream of people traveling abroad, but were not classified as emigrants till 1922 and hence were largely absent in the official records124. The Western notion of regulating the movement of people across the borders of the nation states was inaugurated in India during the colonial time and it was put in practice in such a way that the document of passport in a colony like India became a symbol of status, available for a few in the native society and a mechanism of generating loyalty for the colonial rulers125. It was in1917 that the Government of India made passport compulsory for all travellers entering or leaving India by sea, but the system was introduced with significant exceptions: to naval and military forces, to crews of overseas vessels, to pilgrims and also to collie traffic with Ceylon and the Malay states126. On the other hand, the efforts of the colonial government to assist migration was limited to an exercise of testing the documentary uprightness of the emigrating labourer. The system was applied on the indentured labour emigration which was considered as a state regulated form of ‘ assisted migration’by ensuring ‘ coolie 127 agreements’through ‘ voluntary contracts’ . The Passport Rules of 1917 and the Passport Act of 1920 coupled with widespread protest in India against the indenture with the aid of a discourse of ‘ national prestige’culminated into the Emigration Act of 1922, which brought a formal end to the indenture labour system 128. The Act made government notifications for recruitment and emigration for labour mandatory. The emigration of unskilled labour from India declined progressively since then also because of the economic peril brought about the Great Depression of the 1930s. The passport and the emigration regimes of colonial India were thus seen as discriminatory wherein passport was a privilege of a few and an instrument of control and emigration of unskilled labour was regulated and eventually made impossible in the name of protection and nation’ s pride. The Passport Act of 1967 by the independent Indian government has made it mandatory for everyone departing from India to overseas by invalidating the individual discretion allowed by the previous act. On the other hand, the emigrations from Indian continued without a legal framework till 1983, but at times invoked certain provisions of the 1922 Act, as a matter of convenience. The enactment of the Emigration Act of 1983, the immediate reason being a Supreme Court directive in the context of increasing amount of abuses and exploitation in the overseas recruitments from India, in actuality reinvented the previous discriminatory emigration regime. Through a principle of “protection by exception”the office of the Protector General of Emigrants (PGE), under the Ministry of Labour, 118

Ramasamy, 1992, Guilmoto, 1993, Lal, 2006, Peebles, 2001, Jain, 1998 Lal, 2006 120 Visram, 1986, Ballard, 2003 121 Singh, 2006, Mazumdar, 2003, Yong, 2002. 122 Lal, 2006 123 Ibid 124 Visram, 1986, Lal, 2006 125 Torpey, 2000, Mongia, 1999, Singha, year unknown 126 Singha, Ibid 127 Marina, 1992 & 1995, Mohapatra, 2006 & 2007 128 Singha, op.cit 119


was made in charge of the protection of emigrants who fall under the category of ECR (Emigration Check Required) passports. They have to seek emigration clearance from the respective Protector of Emigrants (POE) offices if they intend to emigrate to certain specified countries. The rest of the emigrants, who are possessing ECNR (Emigration Check Not Required) passports, who were given the privilege by virtue of their high educational attainment (Degree originally and Matriculation pass as of now), are put under no regulation and are allowed to cross the national borders without an emigration clearance. The PGE is in charge of regulating the overseas recruitment in the country for which the Emigration Act provided for a licensed recruitment regime, supported by adequate penal provisions. However, emigration to the West is completely out of this regulative mechanism as none of the western countries are specified as ‘ emigration check required’countries by the government of India assuming that the Indian emigrants get a fair treatment in those countries. Thus, in reality emigrations to U.K is free from the point of view of the government of India; it is regulated only by the requirements of the destination country. It is left completely to the individual discretion, irrespective of their educational attainment, to decide whether to emigrate or not. This kind of a liberal policy framework, un-regulating individual initiatives if not promoting it, allowed aspirants to flow freely to the U.K, depending upon the policies of the receiving country. Though in principle British subjects of the Empire and the Commonwealth were free to enter the U.K during the post-war decade of 1945-1955, in reality it was restricted in multiple ways particularly due to the severe unemployment situation in the country. The Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962 prioritised certain categories and accordingly allowed for immigrating into the U.K. The 1965 White Paper on immigration denied job vouchers for unskilled and semi-skilled Indians, but by making use of the family reunification clause, Indians, Sikhs in particular, emigrated in large numbers to the U.K129. Many Punjabis reached U.K in the ‘ priority categories’too as doctors, dentists, research scientists, etc. from India as well as from East Africa (particularly from Uganda, Kenya, Tanganyika, etc) to where they had emigrated originally. The second migration from East Africa was also necessitated by the nationalization and Africanisation drives over there. The emigrations of the “twice displaced” were massive that the British government was forced to enact the second Commonwealth Immigration Act in 1968, which too was ineffective in regulating the coloured immigration. The emigrations from Idi Amin’ s Uganda were followed by similar flows of people from other parts of East Africa. It was largely the individual initiates and not a systematic promotion of emigration by the Indian government, coupled with an ineffective restrictive regime in the U.K that brought Punjabis to the imperial country from their home country and from the other settled countries130. However, of late the government of India is taking special attention in the affairs of the Indian emigrants, particularly with a considered realization that the Indian Diaspora is a strategic asset which could be positively used for the development of the country. The establishment of a separate ministry for looking after the affairs of the overseas Indians, Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs (MOIA), is considered to be an important step in this direction. The MOIA is mandated to “promote, nurture and sustain a mutually beneficial and symbolic relationship between India and overseas Indians.”It is expected to ensure the welfare and protection of the overseas Indians while emigrating, while being in expatriate life and after returning from overseas work. It seeks to ensure and promote beneficial relationship with Persons of Indian Origin (PIO) and Non-Resident Indians (NRIs). This represents a shift in perception as the overseas Indians were not seen as a strategic asset earlier, but emigration 131 was seen as a depletion of assets and brains . India is seen as missed a enormous opportunity by excluding the 132 Diaspora from its post-independent development . The decision of the government of India in 2005 to grant all desiring PIOs and NRIs Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI) has been seen as an attempt to resolve this long standing lacuna. Accordingly the Citizenship Act of 1955 was amended, making all overseas Indians, except those in Pakistan and Bangladesh, eligible for OCI. However, the dual citizenship would not confer political rights on the OCI, instead would facilitate life long visa, free travel to India and certain economic, educational and cultural benefits. The Sikh Diaspora has been seen as played a major role in the separatist Sikh nationhood movement of Khalistan. The support was not only economic but also ideological, which was largely due to the emotional hurt of 1984 caused by the atrocities in Punjab or its “traumatic”effect 133. The Sikh Diaspora’ s reaction to the events in Punjab and its characteristic pattern of mobilization is portrayed as an example for continuing affinity with the homeland and how through one crucial event, a confident and “secure”Diaspora can become conscious of a “threatened homeland”and mobilize in its defense134. It is postulated that the delay in granting dual citizenship was primarily because of the support of the Sikh Diaspora to the separatist movement and continue to be one of the reasons for 129

Lal, 2006 Bhachu, 1985, Lal, 2006, T h a n d i , 2 0 0 6 131 Kapur, 2003 132 Lall, 2001 133 Dhillon, 2007; Tatla, 1998 134 Tatla, 1998; Kapur, 1986; Oberoi, 1987; Fair, 2005; Axel, 2001, Puri et. al. 1997 130


not granting political rights to OCI135. There is other set of arguments that indicates that the resentment among the Diaspora due to denials from the home country often results in being over assertive of values s/he remembers from home, which would be often an exclusivist vision of family, caste or religion. This can lead to financial, moral and ideological support to ultra nationalist forms as represented by VHP, RSS, Khalistan, etc.136. The Khalistan movement and the violence it generated, in turn, led to further streams of migrations from the Punjab, internal and international, particularly of business communities137. United Kingdom Research in the India-UK context will focus on the Indian East Punjabi community. The East Punjabi community is particularly significant because it constitutes the largest stream of migrants from India, with an estimated 3-500,000 Sikhs and additional 54,000 Hindu Punjabis in the UK138. Looking at the global diaspora of East Punjabis, the UK is by far the largest country of residence outside India. Moreover, East Punjabi migration shows complex dynamics which make it an important and interesting case in transnationalism. Within India, East Punjabis have the longest history of migration to the UK 139, making for a well-established community with defined spaces and infrastructures140. East Punjabis in the UK are part of a complex global diaspora and have multiple transnational connections, including, significantly, Singapore, Hong Kong, Indonesia, the Philippines, Australia, Fiji, the USA, Canada and East Africa; maintaining diasporic relationships in ways that go beyond the model of the UK as the receiving context and India as the sending context141. East Punjabis comprise ‘ twice migrants’such as those from East Africa 142, who have gone on to become ‘ multiple-migrants’ , moving on to the USA, Australia and other European countries in the 1980s and 1990s, having “enhance[d] migration skills [that were] initiated and developed in Africa, established and refined in Britain, and further reproduced very efficiently in the US and elsewhere”143. They have a complex population structure in which the majority are now of the second, third and fourth generation and born in the UK, problematising any simplistic notions of migration as a one-off, discrete process, and complicating the dynamics of socio-cultural identification144. Finally, East Punjabi migration also shows huge variations in terms of caste/status, class and region 145. Historical trends in immigration and citizenship policies in the UK can be split into three main eras. The 1948 British Nationality Act, in the hope of maintaining good relations with the diminishing empire had granted all Commonwealth citizens unrestricted and unlimited rights to enter and settle in the UK. Historians disagree on the extent to which Commonwealth labour migration was actively solicited or essentially the unintended consequence


Raj, 2003 Lall, 2001; Tharoor, 1997 137 Bal, 2005 138 Raj, D. S. (2003). Where are you from? Middle-Class Migrants in the Modern World. Berkeley, University of California Press; Singh, G. and D. S. Tatla (2006). Sikhs in Britain: The Making of a Community. London, Zed Books 139 Tatla, D. S. (1999). The Sikh Diaspora: The Search for Statehood. London, UCL Press; Axel, B. K. (2001). The Nation's Tortured Body: Violence, Representation and the Formation of a Sikh 'Diaspora'. London, Duke University Press; Singh and Tatla 2006; Dusenbery, V. (2008). Sikhs at Large: Religion, Culture, and Politics in Global Perspective. New Delhi, Oxford University Press. 140 Aurora, G. S. (1967). The New Frontiersmen. Bombay, Popular Prakashan; Ballard, R. and C. Ballard (1977). The Sikhs: the development of South Asian settlements in Britain. Between Two Cultures. J. L. Watson. Oxford Blackwell; Helweg, A. W. (1979). The Sikhs in England. Bombay, Oxford University Press; Ballard, R. (1989). Differentiation and disjunction among the Sikhs in Britain. The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab. N. G. Barrier and V. Dusenbery. Delhi, Chanakya Publications. 141 Kelly, E. (1990). Transcontinental families - Gujarat and Lancashire: a comparative study of social policy. South Asians Overseas. C. Clarke, C. Peach and S. Vertovec. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 251-267; Tatla 1999; Mand, K. (2003). Gendered places, transnational lives : Sikh women in Tanzania, Britain and Indian Punjab. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sussex; Raj 2003; Brown, J. M. (2006). Global South Asians: Introducing the Modern Diaspora. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 142 Bhachu, P. (1985). Twice Migrants: East African Sikh Settlers in Britain. New York, Tavistock. 143 Bhachu, P. (1999:72). Multiple-migrants and multiple diasporas: cultural reproduction and transformations among British Punjabi women. The Expanding Landscape: South Asians in the Diaspora. C. Peteivich. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press. 144 Bhachu, P. (1989) The East African Sikh Diaspora: The British Case. The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab. N. G. Barrier and V. Dusenbery. Delhi, Chanakya Publications; Ballard, R. (1994). Differentiation and disjunction among the Sikhs. Desh Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in Britain. R. Ballard. London, Hurst & Co.: 88-116; Hall, K. (2002). Lives in Translation: Sikh Youth as British Citizens. Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press. 145 Ballard, R. (1994); Nesbitt, E. (1994). Valmikis in Coventry: The revival and reconstruction of a community. Desh Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in Britain. R. Ballard. London, Hurst & Co.: 117-141; Judge, P. S. (2002). "Punjabis in England: the Ad-Dharmi experience." Economic and Political Weekly 37(31): 3244-50; Singh and Tatla (2006). 136


of a citizenship that had been defined very inclusively146. By the 1960s, the rights of Commonwealth citizens began to be stripped in response to a swell of popular hostility to increasing ‘ coloured’immigration, which appears to have been matched in the views of the policy-making elites147. Race riots in Nottingham and Notting Hill in 1958 placed immigration high on the political agenda, and controls were duly introduced. Under the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, tiers of citizenship restricted the right of abode to citizens who were born in the UK or with passports issued by the British government (i.e. excluding passports issued by colonial governments) 148. In response to the feared immigration of East African Asians in the late 1960s, the 1968 Commonwealth Immigrants Act replaced distinctions on country of passport issue with the notion of ancestry, denying entry to passport holders who were not born in the UK or did not have parents or grand-parents in the UK. Subsequently, the 1971 Immigration Act introduced controls against ‘ coloured’immigration by splitting the right of abode between ‘ patrials’ and ‘ non-patrials’ . The 1960s also saw immigration policy increasingly constructed as a problem of race relations, and integration measures were introduced through anti-discrimination provisions149 . During the years of Conservative rule (1979-97), as the bulk of immigration had shifted to family reunification, so the focus of immigration policy shifted to the control of secondary immigration150. Family reunification was controlled by a narrow, gender-biased and racialised interpretation of the right to family life through legislation such as the Husbands Ban and the Primary Purpose Rule, which critics argue served specifically to restrict South Asian migration through arranged marriage151. During the 1980s immigration legislation was challenged by Black women’ s organisations on the grounds of being sexist and racist, and the European Court of Human Rights eventually ruled against sex discrimination in the Immigration Rules in 1985152. Since their election in 1997, New Labour have made significant changes to immigration and citizenship policy, whilst maintaining the double objective of immigration control combined with anti-discrimination legislation for migrants once in the UK. In 1997 New Labour dropped the Primary Purpose Rule and set out to deal with the ‘ asylum question’and backlog of asylum claims through the White Paper Fairer, Faster and Firmer: A Modern Approach to Asylum153 which led to the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999. In 2002 the White Paper Secure Borders, Safe Havens: Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain154 signalled another major policy shift, leading on to the 2002 Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act, 2004 Asylum and Immigration Act and 2006 Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Bill. Immigration policy under New Labour has grappled with heightened tensions over asylum, labour needs and multicultural citizenship. Whilst policies towards asylum seekers and illegal immigrants have been toughened, there has been a shift to ‘ managed migration’ , treating skilled and student migration as a positive economic asset; meanwhile, there has been a shift from multiculturalism to assimilationism through ‘ integration’and ‘ social cohesion’ , along with the construction of a ‘ core’national identity, the latter entailing ‘ citizenship ceremonies’ ,a‘ citizens test’and the requirement to have some knowledge of English, Gaelic, Scottish or Welsh155 . Critics have questioned the slippage between immigration and race relations, the duality of the legislation serving to reinforce the connectedness of one to the other 156. The extent to which immigration and 146

See eg Paul, K. (1997). Whitewashing Britain: Race and Citizenship in the Postwar Era. New York, Cornell University Press; Spencer, I. R. G. (1997). British Immigration Policy Since 1939: The Making of Multi-Racial Britain. London, Routledge; Jopke, C. (1999). Immigration and the Nation State. Oxford, Oxford University Press; Hansen, R. (2000). Citizenship and Immigration in Post-War Britain. Oxford, Oxford University Press. 147 Spencer 1997; although Hansen 2000 disputes the evidence for state racism. 148 Paul, K. (1997). 149 See eg 1965, 1968 and 1976 Race Relations Acts. 150 Jopke 1999 151 Menski, W. (1999). South Asian women in Britain, family integrity and the Primary Purpose Rule. Ethnicity, Gender and Social Change. R. Barot, H. Bradley and S. Fenton. London, Macmillan: 81-98. 152 Wilson, A. (1978). Finding a Voice. London, Virago; WING (1985). Worlds Apart: Women Under Immigration and Nationality Law. London and Sydney, Pluto Press; Mohanty, C. T. (1991). Cartographies of Struggle. Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism. C. T. Mohanty, A. Russo and L. Torres. Bloomington, Indiana University Press; Jopke 1999. 153 Home Office (1998). Fairer, Faster and Firmer: A Modern Approach to Immigration and Asylum. London, HMSO. 154 Home Office (2002). Secure Borders, Safe Haven: Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain. London, HMSO. 155 See 2003 Report on Life in the UK as a blueprint for recent government policies. For a comprehensive review of recent policies see Back, L., M. Keith, et al. (2002). "New Labour's white heart: politics, multiculturalism and the return of assimilation." Political Quarterly 73(445-454); Castles, S., M. Korac, et al. (2002). Integration: mapping the field. Report 28/03. London, Home Office; Flynn, D. (2005). "New borders, new management: The dilemmas of modern immigration policies " Ethnic and Racial Studies 28(2): 463-90; Sales, R. (2005). "Secure Borders, Safe Haven: A contradiction in terms? ." Ethnic and Racial Studies 28(2): 445-62. Zetter, R. (2006). Immigration, social cohesion and social capital: what are the links. York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation; Somerville, W. (2007). Immigration under New Labour Bristol, Policy Press. 156 Fortier, A. M. (2005). "Pride politics and multiculturalist citizenship " Ethnic and Racial Studies 28(2): 559-78; Lewis, G. (2005). "Welcome to the margins: Diversity, tolerance, and policies of exclusion." Ethnic and Racial Studies 28(2): 536-58; Yuval-Davis, Anthias et al. (2005).


citizenship policies continue to construct subjects in gender-biased and racialised ways is also questioned, particularly in the Home Office’ s preoccupation with female migrants, who are primarily seen as introducing ‘ traditional practices’such as arranged marriages, authoritarian gender and generational relations, and excessive religiosity into a modern, secular society; whilst the two year ‘ probationary period’for migrant spouses still disproportionately penalises women157. In recent years the Indian government has also begun to court the dual citizenship of Indian emigrants, largely in recognition of their economic value, through the creation of the ‘ Non-Resident Indian’(NRI) and ‘ Person of Indian Origin’(PIO) as political categories, in 2003 allowing formally for dual citizenship. India’ s long-standing reluctance to allow for dual citizenship has been understood in relation to its fear of extending too much political power to Punjabi separatists in the diaspora (see below), and remains one of its key justifications for refusing political representation to NRIs within the Indian parliament158. Academic debates around the political participation and activities of migrants in the UK have shifted from a concern with local and national politics towards the international and transnational level. From the 1970s and 80s research has been carried out into the participation of ethnic minority groups in the British political process and the implications of their participation for electoral politics, documenting the electoral importance of the ethnic minority vote in areas with high ethnic minority population; relatively high levels of voter registration and turn-out, particularly among South Asian groups though to a lesser extent among Afro-Caribbeans; the decline in the traditionally strong support for the Labour Party among ethnic minority groups; and the policies and initiatives taken by the three main political parties to recruit ethnic minority support and integrate ethnic minority representation within their structures159. Ethnographic research has tended to stress the significance of caste, biradari, religious, national and regional identities in mobilising electoral support for rising South Asian candidates160. Studies of grassroots politics have drawn out the unusually strong dependence on state funding in the political mobilisation of ethnic minority groups in Britain, criticising the potential of that dependence for co-opting grassroots activism into the White political mainstream or otherwise into divisive local multiculturalism; the creation of a cadre of largely unaccountable, self-appointed ethnic minority leaders to represent their communities and mediate with White institutions, who competed among themselves for power and influence in local and national associations; and broadly, the ways in which state initiatives in the field of race relations have exacerbated rather than ameliorated local disputes161. Women’ s mobilisation has received less attention in this literature, although organisations like Southall Black Sisters and Newham Asian Women’ s Project have been important political players, not only engaging their members in direct action but also exposing how cultural relativist positions espoused by a ‘ liberal’state can collude with patriarchy162. In relation to Punjabi Sikhs, studies have emphasised 157

Yuval-Davis, Anthias et al. (2005); Wilson, A. (2006). Dreams, Questions, Struggles: South Asian Women in Britain. London and Sydney, Pluto Press; Gedalof, I. (2007). "Unhomely homes: women, family and belonging in UK discourses of marriage and migration." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33(1): 77-94. 158 Raj, D. S. (2003). Where are you from? Middle-Class Migrants in the Modern World. Berkeley, University of California Press. 159 Anwar, M. (1980). Votes and Policies. London, Commission for Racial Equality; Anwar, M. (1994). Race and Elections. Coventry, Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations; Anwar, M. (1998). Ethnic Minorities and the British Electoral System. London and Coventry, Operation Black Vote and Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations; Saggar, S. (2000). Race and Representation: Electoral Politics and Ethnic Pluralisms in Britain. Manchester, Manchester University Press; Purdam, K. (2001). "Democracy in practice: Muslims and the Labour Party at the local level." Politics 21(3): 147-57; Saggar, S. (2001). "The political incorporation of South Asian elites in Britain." Journal of International Migration and Integration 2(2): 207-226; Anwar, M. (2006). The politics of the BrAsian electorate. A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain. N. Ali, V. S. Kalra and S. Sayyid. London, Hurst & Co: 188-210. 160 Anwar, M. (1979). The Myth of Return: Pakistanis in Britain. London, Heinemann; Werbner, P. (1990). The Migration Process: Capital, Gifts and Offerings among British Pakistanis. Oxford, Berg Publishers; Shaw, A. (2000). Kinship and Continunity: Pakistani Families in Britain. The Netherlands, Harwood Academic Publishers 161 Banks, M. (1991). Competing to give, competing to get: Gujarati Jains in Britain. Black and Ethnic Leaderships in Britain: The Cultural Dimensions of Political Action. P. Werbner and M. Anwar. London, Routledge: 226-52; Eade, J. (1991). The political construction of class and community: Bangladeshi political leadership in Tower Hamlets, East London. Black and Ethnic Leaderships in Britain: The Cultural Dimensions of Political Action. P. Werbner and M. Anwar. London, Routledge: 84-110. Jeffers, S. (1991). Black Sections in the Labour party: the end of ethnic and 'godfather' politics. Black and Ethnic Leaderships in Britain: The Cultural Dimensions of Political Action. P. Werbner and M. Anwar. London, Routledge: 63-83; Werbner, P. (1991). The fiction of unity in ethnic politics: aspects of representation and the state among British Pakistanis. Black and Ethnic Leaderships in Britain: The Cultural Dimensions of Political Action. P. Werbner and M. Anwar. London, Routledge: 113-145; Baumann, G. (1996). Contesting Culture: Discourses of Identity in Multi-Ethnic London. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 162 Hyatt, S. B. (1994). "Review of Black and Ethnic Leaderships in Britain." American Ethnologist 21(4): 1106-7; Richman, P. (2002). A diaspora Ramayana in Southall. Everyday Life in South Asia. D. P. Mines and S. Lamb. Indiana, Indiana University Press: 400-411.


the pervasiveness of factionalism at all forms of organisation – political, social, economic, religious and cultural, which has been described as an essential ‘ state of nature’in Punjabi society: the internecine politics of Sikh institutions in the UK have been understood as an extension of an innate factionalism in which resources of state and non-state actors have been brought in alongside the “traditional loyalties of village society”163. Studies have exposed the tight links between the Labour Party and ethnic minority community religious institutions, created by multicultural policies in the 1980s and 90s, which have allowed the Labour Party to reap support while religious institutions gained access to patronage and representation in local and national power structures 164. Much grassroots political activity has been documented around the establishment and control of gurdwaras. Studies have identified factions based on the grounds of duration of time spent in the UK; orthodoxy of Sikhism; electoral party affiliation; ancestral village and region; and caste165. A small historical literature has shown that up to the 1980s, chapters of Indian Workers Associations (IWAs) were a strong focus for organisation among Doaban Sikh and Hindu Punjabis with a Communist background, set up in London, the Midlands, the North and Glasgow, and at their high point in the 1970s commanding a membership of 50,000 along with the Pakistani Workers Association and the Kashmiri Workers Association166. Research into labour organisation shows that there has been substantial union activity of South Asian workers from the earliest days of settlement in Britain, although they came into contact with unions mainly when some issue particular to their own employment required representation (like most workers). South Asian participation in industrial disputes has also been considerable, including the prominent participation of Punjabi women workers in a number of wellreported strikes in the early 80s and 00s167. Importantly, however, South Asian participation in workplace unions did not preclude racism in these arenas, and did not translate into incorporation into the wider union movement 168. Despite the recognition that Punjabi youth have shown little enthusiasm for left-wing activism in more recent years169, there has been a growing, nostalgic interest in research on South Asian involvement in the anti-racist movement in the 1970s and 80s, most noticeably on the Asian Youth Movements (AYM) in West and East London and the North. Research has broadly examined the secular, cosmopolitan and internationalist ideological resources of the movement; its linkages with organisations like the Anti-Nazi League; areas of disconnection and marginalisation by mainstream anti-racist organisations; the co-opting of the strong grassroots activism of Asian organisations; as well as more contemporary articulations of radical politics in forms of cultural production, particularly dance music170. The relative paucity of academic interest in left-wing activism has been criticised as the hallmark of a conservative social science fixated on caste, kinship and religious tradition rather than workplace and neighbourhood associations, trades unionism and radical activism171, and it remains an area in need of further


Singh and Tatla (2006: 31). Singh, G. (2003). Multiculturalism in contemporary Britain: community cohesion, urban riots and the 'Leicester model'. Governance in Multicultural Societies. J. Rex and G. Singh. Aldershot, Ashgate: 56; For more recent developments re faith organisations see Farnell, R. (2003). 'Faith' in urban regeneration? Engaging faith communities in urban regeneration. Bristol, Policy Press and Home Office (2003). Working together: Cooperation between government and faith communities. London, HMSO. 165 Ballard, R. and C. Ballard (1977); Ballard, R. (1989). Differentiation and disjunction among the Sikhs in Britain. The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab. N. G. Barrier and V. Dusenbery. Delhi, Chanakya Publications. 166 De Witt, J. (1969). Indian Workers Associations in Britain. London, Oxford University Press; Josephides, S. (1991). Towards a History of Indian Workers Associations. Coventry, Centre for Research on Ethnic Relations; Visram, R. (2002). Asians in Britain: 400 years of history. London, Pluto. 167 Wilson, A. (1978); Institute of Race Relations (1981). Southall: the birth of a black community. London, Campaign Against Racism and Fascism; Parmar, P. (1982). Gender, race and class: Asian women in resistance. The Empire Strikes Back: Race and Racism in 70s Britain. P. Gilroy and J. Solomos. London, Centre for Contemporary Studies: 236-271; Insitute of Race Relations (1991). Newham: The Forging of a Black Community. London, Institute of Race Relations; Kalra, V. S. (2000). From Textile Mills to Taxi Ranks: Experiences of Migration, Labour and Social Change. Ashgate, Aldershot; Wilson, A. (2006). 168 Kalra, V. S. (2000). 169 Baumann, G. (1996); Hall, K. (2002); Singh, G. and D. S. Tatla (2006). 170 Duffield, M. (1987). Black radicalism and the politics of de-industrialisation: the hidden history of Indian foundry workers. University of Warwick, Centre for Research on Ethnic Relations; Kalra, V. S., J. Hutnyk, et al. (1996). Re-sounding (anti)racism, or concordant politics? Revolutionary antecedents. Dis-Orienting Rythyms: The Politics of the New Asian Dance Music. S. Sharma, J. Hutnyk and A. Sharma. London, Zed Books: 127-56; Housee, S. and S. Sharma (1999). 'Too black, too strong?': anti-racism and the making of South Asian political identities in Britain. Storming the Millennium. T. Jordan and A. Lent. London, Lawrence and Wishart; Ramamurthy, A. (2004). Secular identities and the Asian Youth Movement. The Pakistan Workshop, Rook Howe, The Lake District; see section 4.2.2. 171 Hutnyk, J. (2006). The dialectic of 'here and there': anthropology 'at home'. A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain. N. Ali, V. S. Kalra and S. Sayyid. London, Hurst & Co: 74-90; Kalra, V. S. (2006). "Ethnography as politics: a critical review of British studies of racialized minorities." Ethnic and Racial Studies 29(3): 452-470. 164


attention. However, the diversity of political opinion among East Punjabis, evidence of increasing reactionary politics and shift towards support for the Conservative party should also be recognised172. In the late 1990s and 00s there has been a proliferation of interest in the involvement of ethnic minorities in the international and transnational political sphere, particularly in forms of religious fundamentalism. The focus has been on British Muslims’attachment and allegiances to the global Ummah, drawing out the idea of the Ummah as an anti-national phenomenon that disrupts the boundaries of the territorialised, sovereign nation-state173. Here, concepts of diaspora have been invoked to probe deeper into the cultural constitution of transnational connections in the place of migration. Werbner has introduced the concept of the ‘ invisible public sphere’ : the “local diasporic public sphere, almost entirely hidden from the gaze of outsiders… a space in which different South Asian local community leaders and activists from different national diasporic groups – Pakistani, Sikh, Indian, Bangladeshi – talk and argue among themselves, often about events back home or global political crises”174. Despite the current focus on Muslims, it is important to note that there is a historical pretext for such debates in studies of the Punjabi Sikh diaspora. The use of language such as the ‘ Sikh diaspora’has been criticised as an uncritical and unreflexive appropriation of the term ‘ diaspora’(see section 4.2.2.) to suggest an essentialist, religious, distinctively Sikh migration process which is not actually supported by the history of indenture or post-war South Asian migration175. However, the Sikh diaspora is now undoubtedly a political phenomenon. Its emergence has been traced historically to ‘ homeland’ politics in Punjab. Oberoi’ s argument is that within Punjab, it was the impending Partition at the end of the colonial period that made Sikhs begin to demand and appropriate the territory of Punjab; over the following four decades the idea of a special Sikh tie to Punjab was further entrenched by the struggle for Punjabi Sooba in the 1960s; the Green Revolution in the 70s; and finally by proponents of Khalistan176. The involvement of overseas Punjabis in ‘ homeland’politics has been considerable throughout the history of Punjabi migration, from the Ghadar movement agitating for Indian independence from North America in the early part of the 20th century; the development of chapters of the IWA overseas, which split between the CPI, the CPI(Marxist) and the CPI (Marxist-Leninist), tracing schisms within the party in India; the overseas chapters of the Congress Party and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), the main political party of the Sikhs in Punjab; and finally in Khalistani politics 177. 178 Relying on what Axel terms ‘ the place of origin thesis’ , Khalistan made ‘ Sikh homeland’politics an issue for migrant Punjabis and has been largely sustained and fuelled by the diaspora. In the 1970s the struggle for Khalistan began to be popularised in North America and Europe, although its proponents were not well received in mainstream Sikh organisations until after Indira Gandhi’ s storming of the Golden Temple in 1984; Khalistan then became central to the revitalisation of claims to Sikh nationhood. Research has interrogated the Sikh adoption of the term Qaom, or nation rather than the alternative Khalsa Panth, or community of believers, as a territorialisation of Sikh socio-political identity in the ‘ homeland’of Punjab179 (Dusenbery 1999; Tatla 1999; Axel 2001). Indeed, Axel’ s argument is that the threat of Khalistan for the Indian nation-state stemmed from the key involvement of Punjabi diaspora or the ‘ third Punjab’among those agitating for its demand; he posits a mutually constitutive relationship between the diaspora and the nation-state whereby “the indeterminacy of the Sikh diaspora intrudes upon and disrupts the formations of power and knowledge productive of the nation-state’ s sovereignty and


See Anwar, M. (2006). Sayyid, S. (2006). BrAsians: Postcolonial people, ironic citizens. A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain. N. Ali, V. S. Kalra and S. Sayyid. London, Hurst & Co.: 1-10; Leiken, R. (2005). "Europe's angry Muslims." Foreign Affairs 84(4): 120-35; Maxwell, R. (2006). "Muslims, South Asians and the British mainstream: a national identity crisis?" West European Politics 29(4): 736-56. 174 Werbner, P. (2002). Imagined Diasporas among Manchester Muslims. Oxford, James Currey; Werbner 2004: 898; Werbner, P. (2004). "Theorising complex diasporas: purity and hybridity in the South Asian public sphere in Britain." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30(5): 895-911. 175 Leonard, K. (1989). Pioneer voices from California: reflections on race, religion and ethnicity. The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab. N. G. Barrier and V. Dusenbery. Delhi, Chanakya Publications; McLeod, W. H. (1989). The first forty years of Sikh migration: problems and possible solutions. The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab. N. G. Barrier and V. Dusenbery. Delhi, Chanakya Publications; Dusenbery, V. (1995). A Sikh 'diaspora'? Contested identities and constructed realities. Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora. P. van der Veer. Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press: 17-42. 176 Oberoi, H. (1987). "From Punjab to 'Khalistan': territoriality and metacommentary." Pacific Affairs 60(1): 26-41. See section 4.2.2. on the emergence of Sikh ethnic consciousness among Punjabi Sikhs in the UK. 177 Tatla, D. S. (1999); Singh, G. and D. S. Tatla (2006); Dusenbery, V. (2008). 178 Axel 2001: 8-9. 179 Dusenbery, V. (1999). 'Nation' or 'world religion'? Master narratives of Sikh identity. Sikh Identity: Continuity and Change. P. Singh and N. G. Barrier. New Delhi Manohar; Tatla, D. S. (1999); Axel 2001. 173


integrity”180. In the UK, Jagjit Singh Chauhan first called for Khalistan in the late 1970s. A number of key organisations mobilised around Khalistan, including the Khalistan Council, the International Sikh Youth Federation and Babbar Khalsa; Khalistani politics were embraced by mainstream Jat gurdwaras and ‘ liberal’dissenters were persecuted and even killed181; Shaheedi Funds were set up through which “as much as 10 million pounds finds its way by ‘ dubious’means into Punjab”182; all of which made for a diplomatic crisis between the British and Indian governments183. Khalistani political activism has declined since the mid 90s, when the moderate SAD resumed power in Punjab. Nonetheless, recent research has stressed the continuation of the Khalistan movement in the Sikh diaspora, commemorating and keeping it alive through the circulation of cassettes and CDs and internet sites memorialising martyrs of the Punjab crisis. As in the case of the Muslim Ummah, the diaspora has sustained a deterritorialised Sikh identity challenging the boundaries of the nation-state in its assertion of the sovereignty of the Sikh Qaom or Khalsa Panth184. In addition to the considerable literature on Punjabi Sikhs, the activity of Hindu Punjabis in transnational Hindutva, such as the HSS and student Hindu organisations has also recently begun to be explored; although it should be noted that Hindu Punjabis have been less active on the whole than Hindu Gujaratis185. 4.2.2. Socio-cultural domain India The socio-cultural transnational space between India and the U.K as one see in the case of Punjabis, has undergone tremendous changes over years. The imagination of homeland for a first generation British Punjabi is significantly different from that of the second generation and third generation. The more recent literature differs considerably from the earlier with underlying assumptions of assimilation and incorporation186. Recent studies on socio-cultural transnationalism focused much on the continuing intense bond and network between the home and receiving countries through the Punjabi emigrants in the U.K and their family and relatives back in Punjab and how this has resulted in investment in social development projects in the sending country187. These literature presume that migration invariably precipitates transnational networks and the emigrants remain tied to their family and kinsfolk back home through intense networks of reciprocity188. “[N]o matter how long they stay abroad, most also retain strong feelings of obligation and loyality to their kinsfolk back home”189. One of the outcomes of such a transnational linkage is a stability of the inflow of remittances over time, which functions as migrant strategy for eventual family reunion190. It is pointed out that for the vast majority of early settlers, marriages were an instrument that invariably kept the transnational linkage in tact as their children’ s marriages were arranged mostly in migrants’ ancestral village or in its vicinity and not in the diaspora191. Transnational linkages are seen in these narratives as “an on-going process, in which members of a multiplicity of geographically separated but socially interlinked communities use and indeed continually readjust all the resources - human and cultural no less than material available to them, both to advance their interests, and to circumvent any obstacles they encounter”192. The linkages are certainly multilayered and serve as important component in the Punjabi migrant self. The contemporary Punjab 180

Axel 2001: 100. Tatla, D. S. (1993). The Punjab crisis and Sikh mobilisation in Britain. Religion and Ethnicity: Social Change in the Metropolis. R. Barot. Kampen, The Netherlands, Kok Pharos: 96-110; Tatla, D. S. (1999). 181


Thandi, S. (1996: 232). The Punjabi diaspora in the UK and the Punjab crisis. The Transmission of Sikh Heritage in the Diaspora. P. Singh and N. G. Barrier. New Delhi, Manohar. 183 Tatla 1999. 184 Gayer, L. (2002). "The globalisation of identity politics: the Sikh experience." International Journal of Punjab Studies 7(2): 224-62; Axel, B. K. (2005). "Diasporic sublime: Sikh martyrs, internet mediations and the question of the unimaginable." Sikh Formations 1(1): 127-154; Shani, G. (2005). "Beyond Khalistan? Sikh diasporic identity and critical international theory." Sikh Formations 1(1): 57-74; Kalra, V. S. and N. Nijhawan (2007). "Cultural, linguistic and political translations: Dhadi 'urban' music." Sikh Formations 3(1): 67-80. 185 Bhatt, C. (2000). "Dharmo rakshati rakshitah: Hindutva movements in the UK." Ethnic and Racial Studies 23(3): 559-593; Bhatt, C. and P. Mukta (2000). "Hindutva in the West: mapping the antinomies of diaspora nationalism." Ethnic and Racial Studies 23(3): 407-441; Raj, D. S. (2000). "'Who the hell do you think you are?' Promoting religious identity among young Hindus in Britain." Ethnic and Racial Studies 23: 135-58. 186 Hall, 2002 & 2004, Ballard, 2003 187 Ballard, 2003; Singh 2003; Thandi, 2004 188 Ballard, 2003 189 Ballard, 2003 190 Ballard, 2003 191 Gardner, 1995; Ballard 2003 192 Ballard, 1990


witnesses thriving transnational linkages, according to this view, through exclusive maintenance of family ties, community/village bonds and different forms of socio-cultural exchanges193. However, a set of most recent literature turn their focus to the increasing difference and division between transnational Punjabi migrants and non-migrants back at home. Taking cue from theoretical debates that place transnational migrations as a strong instrument in the contemporary global social stratification194, this literature emphasize the deepening social inequalities as a consequence of transnational economic, social and cultural relations. Contemporary Punjabi transnationalism is seen here as “creating new divisions and sustaining age-old inequalities, both across international borders and within East Punjab”195 The caste segmentation has been seen as reinforced in newer forms among the Punjabi community in England196. It is pointed out that the emotional ties that run between the transnationalm Punjabis and their kinsfolk back at home are declining and there is an increasing tendency among the Punjabi emigrants in the U.K to distinguish themselves in material and social status terms from their relatives in the Punjab. The British Punjabi citizen’ s sense of self is fashioned by divergent and contradictory cultural influences in contrasting social settings197. The opportunity of emigration and its advantages are still largely limited to already privileged caste groups and transnationalism becomes an instrument for them to reinforce their caste superiority198. The Punjabi emigrants to the U.K also create their own structures of solidarity in the destination country, primarily through the congregation of gurudwaras. Gurudwara, apart from a place of worship act as a core cultural institution and as a centre for Punjabi language and culture199. The Gurudwara culture is central in maintaining Sikhism abroad. The native culture and its artifacts are also reinforced through Bollywood cinema, satellite televisions, literature, popular music like Britsh Bhangra, fashion, cuisine and so on. The ‘ balle balle’Punjabi culture has been recreated in the diaspora locations of the U.K through these forms. On the other hand, the socio-cultural transnational space with Punjab was maintained through a variety of direct channels like exchanges through cultural tourism, sports, music, education, marriages, charitable donations, etc. apart from ties with kinsfolk. The British Punjabis maintained socio-cultural connection to their homeland also through the channel of philanthropy. The diaspora philanthropy was in existence for sometime in Punjab, it was in the last couple of decades it has gone to significant heights200. The diaspora philanthropy in Punjab is organized through the formation of village welfare associations through which funds are transferred for charity, infrastructure development, human development and recreational activities and as investment. The diaspora philanthropy seeks its justification in arguments like civic duty, loyalty to village, gratitude payback, sense of identity and so on, but bolstered strongly by the Sikh religious and moral philosophy. It is not surprising that along with the village welfare association, it is the gurudwars that mobilize money from diaspora for village infrastructure projects and for community projects. It is estimated that the NRIs have contributed altogether a whopping amount of over Rs.1,600 crores during the last five years to the villages in Doaba region of Punjab201. United Kingdom Until recently, British governments have not had a very clear philosophy for integrating immigrants. The assumption was that immigrants would assimilate of their own accord, hence the preference for Irish and other European migrants. The migration of people from the former Commonwealth raised concerns about acceptance and social stability. However, post-war governments failed to appreciate the scale and duration of immigration, and were reluctant to invest in schools, housing and other facilities for immigrants. As Layton-Henry describes, “integration 202 policy was thus reactive and piecemeal rather than proactive and planned” . From the 1960s to the late 1990s, UK immigration policies have maintained a double objective: immigration control combined with anti-discrimination 203 legislation for migrants once in the UK . The election of a labour government in 1997 marked a significant shift in 204 policies marked by: the introduction of ‘ managed migration’based on a points system (see 2002 Nationality, 193

Thandi, 2006 Bauman, 1998; Castles, 1998, 2003 195 Taylor, et. al, 2007. 196 Judge, 2002; Taylor, et. al, 2007 197 Hall, 2004; Taylor, et. al, 2007 198 Taylor, et. al, 2007 199 Lal, 2006 200 Roberts, 2005; Thandi, 2006; Shiveshwarkar 201 Awsthi, 2008 202 Layton-Henry 2004: 329; Layton-Henry, Z. (2004). Britain: from immigration control to migration management. Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective. W. A. Cornelius, P. Martin and J. F. Hollifield. Stanford, Stanford University Press: 297-333. 203 See eg 1965, 1968 and 1976 Race Relations Acts. Zetter, R. (2002). Survey on policy and practice related to refugee integration. Oxford, Oxford Brookes University. Somerville, W. (2007). Immigration under New Labour Bristol, Policy Press. 204 See 2002 Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act; See section 4.2.3. 194


Immigration and Asylum Act) (see section 4.2.3.); a tougher stance on asylum seekers (see Asylum and Immigration [treatment of claimants Act] Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Bill which led to removal of right of employment and increased detention of asylum seekers) and on undocumented/illegal migrants205 ; a substantial ‘ securitization’of migration whereby migrants and asylum seekers are implicitly identified as a security threat 206 (see Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001; Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005); and a shift from multiculturalism to ‘ integration’ , the latter entailing ‘ citizenship ceremonies’and a ‘ citizens test’207 . In other words, while current policies recognise the economic role of migration, they simultaneously restrict once more immigration, whilst criminalizing asylum seekers and undocumented migrants. In the wake of post-9/11 security concerns, migrants – in particular asylum seekers and illegal migrants – as well as some ethnic minorities (specifically Muslims) have been stigmatized as the ‘ enemy within’ , requiring integration within so-called mainstream UK society and culture and/or repressive interventions. From the 1960s to the present, research in ethnic and racial studies has had a consistent emphasis on caste, kinship, marriage practices and religious tradition as the key to comprehending the socio-cultural experience of South Asians in the UK. Socio-cultural engagement and acculturation have been studied within a framework of ‘ continuity and change’ , examining the impact of migration on the reproduction of these institutions and comparing their cultural constitution between the UK and South Asia. In relation to East Punjabis, the literature has dwelled upon the emergent caste hierarchy in the UK: the political and economic dominance of Jat Sikhs in the migration process, and their relations with Dalit groups referred to as the Adi-Dharmis, Ravidasis, Valmikis, Kabir Panthi, Dom, Sansi or Bhanjara; the upward mobility of the Ramgharia caste in the place of migration, arising from the legacy and reproduction of their entrepreneurship and entry to the professions in East Africa; and the caste-base of Hindu temples and cultural organisations208. Caste has been found to be a key influence on engagement in religion among East Punjabis in the UK. In the case of Dalit groups, the boundaries between Sikhism and Hinduism seem ‘ blurred’ . As Sikh orthodoxy is associated with Jat caste oppression, they are understood to be drawn to heterodox practices combining Sikh tradition with reverence for Sants (religious leaders) like Ravidas, who championed the causes of lower castes209. By contrast, in the course of their progression to globalised professionals, Ramgharia Sikhs have been said to be pursuing upward caste mobility through claiming a narrative of identity and community formation based on the lifetime of the Gurus, and closely observing orthodox Sikhism (a process akin to Sanskritisation)210. Kinship and associations based on village or region of origin have been represented as the key organising features of East Punjabi networks, although this perspective has been criticised for overlooking the significance of friendships from the neighbourhood, school, workplace and shop-floor, and the incorporation of friends and affines within what Werbner terms relations of ‘ kinship-come-friendship’211. In recent years work has examined how the building and meanings given to friendship interact with the migration process and phase of community development, gender and the life-course. Importantly, cross-ethnic friendships have only been examined in the context of the neighbourhood and workplace, and they have been overlooked as relatively uniplex, resulting in an overwhelming perspective of South Asian networks as ‘ insular’and ‘ bounded’ ; the significance of cross-ethnic friendships for individual identities has yet to be fully explored 212. In relation to kinship, the reconstruction of life-course rituals has received the greatest attention in the literature. Early work tended to emphasise the integrative function of marriage and its rituals, and rightly examined the choice of marriage partners as a process of negotiating ethnic identities, thinking through “who they are and what they will 213 214 become” ; and the centrality of marriage to ‘ ethnic renewal’ . In both academic and policy discourse, marriage practices have been understood as a key influence on migration trends and socio-cultural acculturation in the UK, 215 with a prominent focus on transnational marriage and household formation . Ballard has compared the marriage 205

See 2002 Government White Paper on Secure Borders, Safe Havens leading to increased penalties to employers of illegal migrants and calls for the introduction of identity cards to contain illegal migration. 206 See Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001; Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005. 207 See Fortier, A. M. (2005); Lewis, G. (2005); Yuval-Davis, Anthias et al. 2005 on tensions in New Labour policies towards multicultural citizenship and heightened commitment to a particular version of British national identity; see sections 4.2.1 and 4.2.4. 208 Aurora (1967); Helweg (1979); Bhachu (1985); Ballard (1989); Bhachu (1989); Nesbitt (1993); Nesbitt (1994); Judge (2002). 209 Nesbitt (1990); Nesbitt (1994) 210 Bhachu (1985). 211 Werbner (1990). 212 Westwood (1984); Bhachu (1988); Phizacklea (1988); Werbner (1988); Werbner (1990); Shaw (1997); Kalra (2000); Shaw (2000); Mand (2006). 213 (Raj 2003: 135) 214 Bhachu, P. (1985); Werbner, P. (1990). 215 Bhachu (1985); Ballard (1990); Jhutti, J. (1998). Study of Changes in Marriage Practices among the SIkhs of Britain. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Oxford; Bhachu (1999); Shaw (2000); Shaw, A. (2001). "Kinship, Cultural Preference and Immigrations: Consanguineous Marriage among British Pakistanis." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 7(2): 315-334;


‘ rules’of East and West Punjabis and explained the greater extent of transnational marriages for Pakistanis as a consequence of their preference for consanguineous marriage and extensive obligations to kin, whereas East Punjabis have been able to develop a greater propensity for locally arranged marriages with British-born partners, or for turning to connections in Canada, the USA and Australia216. However, the notion of marriage ‘ rules’has been criticised for unduly exaggerating cultural norms and overlooking the ways in which culture is contested and negotiated between different generations and actors. Rules and preferences are “rhetorical devices to support… to judge, to bargain and negotiate with others”217. The prolific literature on marriage is an important point of entry into wider questions in relation to representations of South Asians in the UK. In studies up to the 1980s, marriage was often cast as a key arena exemplifying the conflicting demands placed on the British-born second generation as they picked their way through tensions between parental and community expectations and their desire for cultural change. Debates about arranged and forced marriages have raged in academic and policy circles, with many studies and consultations casting marriage practices as the product of a pathologised, static South Asian culture, highlighting negative outcomes and attitudes, inter-generational and inter-cultural conflicts218. Latterly, as part of a backlash of critique against essentialism in ethnic and racial studies, marriage has been described as one of the most ‘ exotic racist categories’in accounts of South Asians in the UK 219. The point is not that caste, kinship or religion are unimportant; even the most strident critics recognise that “ethnic minorities have indeed formed strongly marked, cultural communities, and maintain in everyday life, especially in familial and domestic contexts, distinctive social customs and practices and continuing links with their places of origin”220. Rather, it is that compared with research on other ethnic minorities in the UK, the academic gaze towards South Asians has been unwarrantedly ethnicist, reifying cultural institutions and overlooking other aspects of experience such as political 221 identities; in Benson’ s terms ‘ Asians have culture, West Indians have problems’ . Research on processes of socio-cultural identification highlights the challenges of grasping the multitude of ways in which transnational migration impacts on the politics of identity. Much of the empirical work in this field has been focussed on the British-born second generation222. As Ballard wrote in the introduction to Desh Pardesh: “in contrast to their parents they are constantly on the move between a wide variety of social arenas, which are often organised around differing, and sometimes radically contradictory, moral and cultural conventions”223. Early work presented the second generation as caught and conflicted ‘ between two cultures’ , pulled between two incommensurable sets of moral universes224. Debates have moved on to theorising more complex identities; the dynamic intersection of ethnicity with class, status, education, gender, generation and region; a greater appreciation of individuals’agency in manufacturing and fashioning their own identities; ‘ code-switching’and

Gardner, K. and R. Grillo (2002). "Transnational households and ritual: an overview." Global Networks 2(3): 179-190; Mand, K. (2002). "Place, gender and power in transnational Sikh marriages." Global Networks 2(3): 233-248; Charsley, K. (2003). Rishtas: Transnational Pakistani Marriages. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Edinburgh; Mand (2003); Mooney, N. (2006). "Aspiration, reunification and gender transformation in Jat Sikh marriages from India to Canada." Global Networks 6(4): 389; on policy responses to marriage migration see Yuval-Davis, N. et al. (2005) and Gedalof (2007). 216

Ballard, R. (1990). Migration and kinship: the differential effect of marriage rules on the processes of Punjabi migration to Britain. South Asians Overseas. C. Clarke, C. Peach and S. Vertovec. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 219-249; Ballard, R. (2004). Riste and Ristedari: the significance of marriage in the dynamics of transnational kinship networks, CASAS, University of Manchester. 217 Shaw (2000): 138. 218 Ballard and Ballard (1977); Wilson (1978); Wilson (1992); Bhopal (1997); Bhopal (1997); Bradby (1999); Bhopal (2000); Shaw (2000); Samad, Y. and J. Eade (2002). Community Perceptions of Forced Marriage. London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Community Liaison Unit.; Home Office (2005). Forced Marriage: A Wrong Not a Right. London, HMSO; Wilson (2006). 219 Sharma, S., J. Hutnyk, et al. (1996). Dis-Orienting Rhythms: The Politics of the New Asian Dance Music. London, Zed Books; Ahmad, F. (2003). 'Still in progress?': methodological dilemmas, tensions and contradictions in theorizing South Asian Muslim women. South Asian Women in the Diaspora. N. Puwar and P. Ranghuram. Oxford, Berg; Ahmad, F. (2006). The scandal of 'arranged marriages' and the pathologisation of BrAsian families. A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain. N. Ali, V. S. Kalra and S. Sayyid. London, Hurst & Co: 272-288. 220 Hall, S. (2000): 219. The multi-cultural question. Un/Settled Multiculturalisms: Diasporas, Entanglements, 'Transruptions'. B. Hesse. London, Zed Books: 209-240. 221 Benson, S. (1996). Asians have culture, West Indians have problems: Discourses in race inside and outside anthropology. Culture, Identity and Politics: Ethnic Minorities in Britain. T. Ranger, Y. Samad and O. Stuart. Avebury, Aldershot; Alexander, C. (2002). "Beyond black: re-thinking the colour/culture divide." Ethnic and Racial Studies 25(4): 552-571; Hutnyk, J. (2006). 222 for a critique of how the term 'second generation' places ethnic minorities as perennial immigrants and outsiders see Hesse, B. and S. Sayyid (2006). The postcolonial political and the immigrant imaginary. A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain. N. Ali, V. Kalra and S. Sayyid. London, C.Hurst and Co.: 13-30.; Sayyid 2006. 223 Ballard, R. (1994): 30. Desh Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in Britain. London, Hurst & Co. 224 For two key collections see Watson, J. L., Ed. (1977). Between Two Cultures: Migrants and Minorities in Britain. Oxford Blackwell; Saifullah Khan, V., Ed. (1979). Minority Families in Britain: Support and Stress. London, Macmillan.


225 ‘ cultural navigation’ . S. Hall’ s work has been particularly seminal in advancing an understanding of identities as constituted and re-made through a process of ‘ becoming’ , constructed and asserted in different ways across different contexts and time, in relation to shifting socio-political structures and divisions of class, gender and ethnicity, and constituted by relations of power, acknowledging the importance of “history, language and culture in the construction of subjectivity and identity”226. Historical changes in socio-cultural identities have also been examined, linked with the involvement of the state and multiculturalism. The anti-racist movement had an important influence on socio-cultural identities as it solidified the use of Black as a secular political identity for all non-White ethnic minorities in the UK, creating wider alliances between South Asians and other Black groups. However, the wider Black consensus splintered during the 1980s, due to a well-known history of competition over state resources under the policies of multiculturalism, and concerns that the use of Black had rendered the South Asian experience invisible – particularly among Muslims in the fall-out of collective identities after the Rushdie affair 227. By contrast, the 1990s and 00s have been characterised by a historical shift in the prominence of religious identities, as the maintenance of religious identities has become increasingly important both as a framework for self-understanding and as a platform for claiming certain distinctive rights in a context of state multicultural policies. Much of this debate has focussed on the articulation of a rhetorical separation between ethno-national and religious identities by British Muslims, particularly in the second generation228. However, it is important to note similar processes taking place among East Punjabi migrants, for whom ‘ Sikh homeland’politics have brought religious identities to the fore from the early 1980s onwards229. Despite the plurality of religious identities and practices within Punjabi migration streams, the last fifty years has seen a progressive linking of Jat Sikh and Punjabi cultural identities in the UK, paralleling similar developments within India in the wake of the Punjabi Sooba. Hindus have adopted the term ‘ Hindu Punjabi’rather than the more familiar ‘ Punjabi Hindu’ , to emphasise the element of religious difference from Sikhs; and in everyday speech, the term ‘ Punjabi’has become a gloss for Sikh. Whilst Sikh parents have taught their children Punjabi, Muslim Punjabis have opted consciously for Urdu; whereas Hindu Punjabis have preferred to teach their children Hindi, as part of an articulation of Hindu identity, supporting the Indian nation and its official language230.

In the 1990s and 00s the critique of multiculturalism moved research towards the analysis of hybridity and diaspora, as a critique against ethnic absolutism and a front-lining of self-defining difference231. In the UK, it seems that the debates around Afro-Caribbean and South Asian minorities have taken off in different directions. Whilst theoretical work around representation, identity and the politics of difference has tended to focus on Afro-Caribbean experience, producing a literature that is increasingly abstracted from lived experience, research on South Asian minorities has been more empirical and less productive of theory232. Whilst Afro-Caribbeans have become the custodians of a cutting-edge, creative, commodified ‘ culture of desire’233, South Asian identities have been defined as fixed, bounded, exclusive and impenetrable. In the context of multiculturalism, this essentialism has been as much the work of South Asian communitarians as by academic research 234. In the field of cultural studies, the TranslAsia group are thought to have broken new ground in rendering South Asian identities and subjectivities as opaque and complex, criticising the reification of cultural difference, the inequalities between minorities and the 225 226


Bhachu, P. (1985); Bhachu, P. (1989); Ballard, R. (1994); Brah, A. (1996). Cartographies of Diaspora. London, Routledge. Hall, S. (1992): 257. New ethnicities. Race, Culture and Difference. J. Donald and A. Rattansi. London, Sage: 252-59.

Modood, T. (1992). British Asian Muslims and the Rushdie Affair. Race, Culture and Difference. J. Donald and A. Rattansi. London, Sage; Modood, T. and P. Werbner, Eds. (1997). The Politics of Multiculturalism in the New Europe: Racism, Identity and Community. London, Zed Books; Hall, S. (2000). Frontlines and backyards. Black British Culture and Society. K. Owusu. London, Routledge. 228 Gardner, K. and A. Shukur (1994). 'I'm Bengali, I'm Asian, and I'm Living Here': The Changing Identity of British Bengalis. Desh Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in Britain. R. Ballard. London, Hurst & Co; Jacobson, J. (1997). "Religion and Ethnicity: Dual and Alternative Sources of Identity among Young British Pakistanis." Ethnic and Racial Studies 20(2): 238-56; Jacobson, J. (1998). Islam in Transition: Religion and Identity among British Pakistani Youth. London, Routledge; Alam, Y. and C. Husband (2006). British Pakistani Men from Bradford: Linking Narratives to Policy. York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation; Brown, K. (2006). "Realising Muslim women's rights: the role of Islamic identity among British Muslim women." Women’ s Studies International Forum 29: 417-430. 229 Dusenbery, V. (1995); Tatla, D. S. (1999); Axel, B. K. (2001); Singh, G. and D. S. Tatla (2006); see section 4.2.1. 230 Nesbitt, E. (1991). 'My Dad's Hindu, my Mum's side are Sikhs': Issues in religious identity Charlbury, National Foundation for Arts Education; Nesbitt, E. (1995). "Panjabis in Britain: Cultural history and cultural choices." South Asia Research 15(2): 221238; Raj, D. S. (2003). 231 Gilroy, P. (1993). The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. London, Verso. Bhabha, H. (1994). The Location of Culture. London, Routledge; Clifford, J. (1994). "Diasporas." Cultural Anthropology 93: 302-38. 232 Benson, S. (1996); Alexander, C. (2002). "Beyond black: re-thinking the colour/culture divide." Ethnic and Racial Studies 25(4): 552-571. 233 Gilroy, P. (1993); Gilroy, P. (2000). The sugar you stir. Without Guarantees: In Honour of Stuart Hall. P. Gilroy, L. Grossberg and A. McRobbie. London, Verso. 234 Modood, T. (1992); Baumann, G. (1996); Housee, S. and S. Sharma (1999).


academic establishment, and exploring cultural exchanges across the Asian/White divide as well as with AfroCaribbean, North American and Subcontinental cultural forms235. Empirical work on East Punjabi identities such as K. Hall (2002) has blunted the critical political dimensions of these interventions. Hall posits two reified cultural traditions at odds with each other, albeit with the twist that these reified traditions now provide the basis for hybrid identities; however, this was precisely the dichotomy that was being questioned. More generally, empirical researchers have complained that the retreat into the textual and ‘ moral pure ground’of theory has left them grappling with problems of representation and essentialism in the messy and incommensurable world of data 236. Baumann’ s monograph on Southall is more astute in identifying how in everyday life, minorities at once reify their cultures and communities and also deny their own reifications: “they are thus not the dupes of the dominant discourse, but neither are they the post-modern champions of a cult which worships ‘ hybridity’or ‘ border zones’for their own sake… Southallians develop their discursive competencies in close connections with the social facts of everyday life and they cultivate fine judgements of when to use what discourse in which situation”237. Increasingly, the paradigms of hybridity and diaspora have been challenged to examine the unequal power relations within which cultural exchange takes place, provoking a renewed interest in transnational processes and movements, the circulation of goods, ideas, people, and an appreciation of the mutual constitution of entities thought of as distinct, such as ‘ Britain’and ‘ India’238. In relation to East Punjabis, there are many fertile fields of research exploring cultural exchange through the transnational production and consumption of certain types of commodities, with an explicit examination of the complex subjectivities that underlie these activities. Important examples include the production and reception of bhangra music, the unequal relations in its industry and its patronising packaging and commodification as Asian Kool 239; television and film, both that produced in South Asia as well as in the UK and elsewhere in the diaspora240; and the South Asian fashion industry241. Transnational Punjabi experiences of travel in Punjab have also been explored, documenting a desire for some sort of touristic experience based on consumption and personal pleasure 242. This literature provides a valuable missing perspective on the dynamic influence of South Asia on the formation of diasporic identities, providing an important counterpoint to the bulk of the literature which is focused on social and cultural processes within the UK243.


See Sharma, Hutnyk et al. 1996; Kaur, R. and J. Hutnyk, Eds. (1999). Travel Worlds: Journeys in Contemporary Cultural Politics. London, Zed Books.; Ali, N., V. Kalra, et al. (2006). A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain. London, C. Hurst & Co. 236 Alexander (2002): 565. 237 Baumann (1996): 204. 238 Werbner, P. (1999). "Global pathways: working-class cosmpolitans and the creation of transnational ethnic worlds." Social Anthropology 7(1): 17-35; Kalra, V. S., R. Kaur, et al. (2005). Diaspora and Hybridity. London, Sage. 239 Banerji, S. and G. Baumann (1990). Bhangra 1984-8 :fusion and professionalisation in a genre of South Asian dance music. Black Music in Britain: essays on the Afro-Asian contribution to popular music. P. Oliver; Back, L. (1995). "X amount of Sat Siri Akal!: Apache Indian, reggae music and intermezzo culture." New Formations; Werbner, P. (1996). "Fun spaces: on identity and social empowerment among British Pakistanis." Theory Culture and Society 13; Kalra, V. S. and J. Hutnyk (1998). "Brimful of agitation, authenticity and appropriation: Madonna's 'Asian Kool'." Postcolonial Studies 1(3): 338-355 Maira, S. (1998). "Desis reprazent : bhangra remix and hip hop in New York City." Postcolonial Studies 1(3): 357-370; Maira, S. (1999). "Identity Dub: The Paradoxes of an Indian American Youth Subculture (New York Mix) " Cultural Anthropology 14(1): 29-60; Hutnyk, J. and S. Sharma (2000). "Music and Politics: an introduction." Theory Culture and Society 17(3): 55-63; Kalra, V. S. (2000). "Valayeti Rhythmns; Beyond Bhangra’ s Emblematic Status to a New Translation of Lyrical Texts." Theory Culture and Society 17(3): 8097. 240 Gillespie, M. (1989). "Technology and tradition: audiovisual culture among South Asian families in West London." Cultural Studies 3(3): 226-39; Gillespie, M. (1995). Television, Ethnicity and Cultural Change. London, Routledge; Dwyer, R. (2000). "'Indian values' and the diaspora: Yash Chopra's films of the 1990s." West Coast Line: Autumn; Gillespie, M. (2000). Media culture and economy in the Indian diaspora. Culture and Economy in the Inian Diaspora. New Delhi, India International Centre; Dwyer, R. (2006). Planet Bollywood. A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain. N. Ali, V. S. Kalra and S. Sayyid. London, Hurst & Co; Werbner, P. (2004). "Theorising complex diasporas: purity and hybridity in the South Asian public sphere in Britain." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30(5): 895-911; Kaur, R. and A. Terracciano (2006). South Asian / BrAsian performing arts. A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain. N. Ali, V. S. Kalra and S. Sayyid. London, Hurst & Co. 241 Bhachu, P. (2004). Dangerous Designs: Asian Women Fashion the Diaspora Economies. London, Routledge; Bhachu, P. (2004). Its hip to be Asian: the local and global networks of Asian fashion entrepreneurs in London. Transnational Spaces. P. Jackson, P. Crang and C. Dwyer. London, Routledge; Dwyer, C. (2004). Tracing transnationalities through commodity culture: a case study of British South Asian fashion. Transnational Spaces. P. Jackson, P. Crang and C. Dwyer. London, Routledge. 242 McLoughlin, S. and V. S. Kalra (1999). Wish You Were(n’ t) Here: discrepant representations of Mirpur in narratives of migration, diaspora and tourism. Travel-Worlds: Journeys in Contemporary Cultural Politics. J. Hutnyk and R. Kaur. London, Zed Books: 120-136; Bradby, H. (2000). Locality, loyalty and identity: experiences of travel and marriage among young Punjabi women in Glasgow. Tourism and Sex: Culture, Commerce and Coercion. S. Clift and S. Carter. London, Cassells: 236-249; Mand 2003. 243 Ramji, H. (2006). "British Indians 'returning home': an exploration of transnational belongings." Sociology 40(4): 645-62; Taylor, S., M. Singh, et al. (2007). "A diasporic Indian community: re-imagining Punjab." Sociological Bulletin 56(2).


4.2.3. Economic domain India India tops the list of recipient countries of migrant remittances at $ 27 billion in 2007, as per the latest statistics provided by the World Bank244. Punjab too receives remittances in the form of family remittances, foreign direct investment and capital inflows that take advantage of the relatively risk-free Indian capital market 245. But a proper estimation of remittances being received by the Punjab from its overseas emigrants has not been done so far; so is the case of remittance flow from U.K to the state246. According to the National Family Health Survey nearly half of the migrants do make remittances and it was as much as Rs. 3,500 million per annum during the early 1980s 247. The relatively better living standards and high per capita income of Punjab is often attributed to the flow of money from overseas. The investments in the home village on houses etc. by the British Punjabis are strategies of mobility as much as they are results of economic mobility. The investment might start with refurbishment of houses leading towards the end of their employment career in the construction of vast palaces to mark their achievements248. Similarly there were investments on land as well, but neither cultivated intensely nor sold off. In both cases as most of the British Punjabis would not be coming back, will serve only symbolic purpose than bringing any actual dividends249. But the channels through which the remittance money is circulated are divergent, which include diverse consumption expenditure, that ensure steady circulation of money in the native economy. The home-ward orientation of the overseas Punjabis and the diaspora focused orientation of homeland would have its own positive and negative impacts. But it is doubtless that the remittances have significantly improved the welfare of the migrant households250. Another set of literature do not concede any sweeping economic development for Punjab due to remittances from the U.K and elsewhere. The money was spent mostly on splendor and prestige- as in the case of palatial houses and huge extent of agricultural land purchased of remittances going without being used- in an attempt to fulfill the migrant’ s sense of self-achievement. The majority of the remittances are directed to personal consumption251. At another level the NRI support for state development is seen as producing uneven and development policy and practice252. The inflow of money without a productive logic is seen as generating a situation of dependency on transnational money253. Only certain villages and groups of people gain from NRI investment in Punjab and there are people who claim to have lost more than have gained from NRI investment254. On the whole, it can be well assumed that remittances play a complex yet vital role at the household, community and regional levels and their potential to transform the region is certainly enormous. The central government and the state government, though belatedly, recognizing the diaspora’ s economic potential are striving hard for a healthy engagement with them, particularly in financial relationships255. United Kingdom Policies have progressively attempted to link immigration to the needs of the UK economy. Labour migration first began to be tightened in the 1960s. The 1961 Bill made entry to Britain dependent on employment vouchers issued by the Ministry of Labour; in 1964, the Labour government tied the voucher system more closely to the needs of the British economy by closing the unskilled category employment vouchers. In January 1973, Britain joined the EEC and millions of European workers automatically gained the right to enter Britain to work, further obviating the need for Commonwealth workers256. From 1997, the Labour government has introduced the first major shift towards ‘ managed’labour migration since the 1960s257 . There has been a substantial increase in legal immigration through the expansion of the work permit system and a number of other schemes including the Highly Skilled Migrant 244

Radha and Xu, 2008 Thandi, 2004 246 Nanda and Veron, 2008 247 Ibid. 248 Ballard, 2003 249 Ballard, 2003 250 Thandi, 2006 251 Taylor 2007; Dhesi, 2004; Ballard 2003, Thandi, 2006 252 Roberts, 2004 253 Ballard, 2003 254 Taylor et. al, 2007 255 Thandi,, 2007; Nayyar, 1994; Lall, 2001 256 Paul, K. (1997); Spencer, I. R. G. (1997); Jopke, C. (1999); Hansen, R. (2000). 257 Layton-Henry, Z. (2004); Flynn, D. (2005); Somerville, W. (2007). 245


Programme (HSMP), launched in 2002, which introduced a ‘ points system’that recognises experience at senior level and earnings in the country of origin. Until 2006, lesser-skilled labour was permitted immigration in the context of a guest worker system designed to meet the need for short-term casual labour, but this has now been phased out 258. Critics have questioned whether these policies amount to a genuine liberalisation of immigration controls, and whether the rights of migrant workers are adequately protected in a demand-led immigration regime, as has been seen in the case of healthcare professionals who have self-funded courses to convert their qualifications – only to find that laws concerning their right to remain in the UK have been tightened259 . At the same time, illegal immigrants and asylum seekers have been subject to tougher rhetoric, detention and deportation260. In recent years the Indian government has attempted to encourage the transnational economic participation of Non-Resident Indians (NRIs) through the creation of specially designated NRI bank accounts offering high rates of interest, on the condition that the money deposited cannot be taken back to the NRI’ s country of residence. Furthermore, the Indian government has established a number of policy initiatives and incentive packages to attract NRI investment and investment by Overseas Corporate Bodies owned by NRIs (i.e. companies in which NRIs hold at least 60% of the equity); automatic and simplified procedures for the approval of NRI investments have also been introduced261. Recent work on South Asian migration to the UK has criticised that experiences of labour have little place in the theoretical framework of transnationalism: “surveying the literature as a whole, the unmistakeable absence of discussions of employment would seem to imply that migrants have little interest in anything but forging allimportant ties between sending and receiving societies… At the bottom, this stems from a desire to avoid talking about what migrants spend most of their waking hours doing. Work.”262. There is therefore a clear need to look at migrants’employment in the place of migration to understand their opportunities and constraints for transnational economic participation. Employment has had a central place in the literature on South Asian migrants in the UK. The development of statistical data on employment and ethnic group has generated a huge body of quantitative data on inequalities in the labour market, mapping out the general disadvantage of ethnic minorities263. As Ballard has pointed out, this literature tends to be “strongly deprivationist in character… rest[ing] on two key terms – racial discrimination and racial disadvantage – which provide the conceptual foundations for almost all current research and policy formulation”264. However, as the statistical data has become more sophisticated, there has been an increasing appreciation of the diversity and divergence in the economic position of different ethnic minorities. South Asian communitarians and academic researchers alike have dwelled on the relative prosperity and social mobility of people of Indian and East African Asian origin vis à vis Pakistanis and Bangladeshis 265 (characterised by Modood as the ‘ high achievers’vs the ‘ believers’ ). For example, of all the ethnic minorities, Indian men have employment rates that are most like those of the White British, although Indians still perform worse in the labour market than their similarly qualified White British counterparts, with some arguing that their high qualifications have helped to conceal their continuing disadvantage266. Analysis of the intersection between ethnic group and religion has identified further differences among the Indian origin population, highlighting the relative disadvantage of Indian


Somerville (2007). Flynn (2005). 260 Bloch, A. and L. Schuster (2005). "At the extremes of exclusion: Deportation, detention and dispersal " Ethnic and Racial Studies 28(2): 481-512; Somerville 2007. 259


Thandi, S. (2000). "Vilayati Paisa: some reflections on the potential of diaspora finance in the socio-economic development of Indian Punjab." International Journal of Punjab Studies 7(2): 323-41. 262 Ahmad, A. N. (2008): 50-51. Gender, 'transnationalism' and illegality in migration: a comparative history of Pakistanis in Europe. Unpublished PhD thesis, European University Institute, Florence, Italy. 263 Karn, V., Ed. (1997). Ethnicity in the 1991 Census: Employment, Education and Housing among the Ethnic Minority Populations of Britain. London, HMSO; Modood, T. and R. Berthoud (1997). Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage. London, Policy Studies Institute. 264 Ballard, R. (1992: 484). "New Clothes for the Emperor? The conceptual nakedness of Britain's race relations industry." New Community 18: 481-492. 265 Modood and Berthoud (1997); Platt, L. (2002). Parallel lives? Poverty among ethnic minority groups in Britain. London, Child Poverty Action Group; Modood, T. (2004). "Capitals, ethnic identity and educational qualifications." Cultural Trends 13(2): 87105. 266 Platt, L. (2005). Migration and social mobility: the life chances of Britain's minority ethnic communities. Bristol, Policy Press; Simpson, L., K. Purdam, et al. (2006). Ethnic minority populations and the labour market: an analysis of the 1991 and 2001 census. London, Corporate Document Services, Department for Work and Pensions, Research Report No 333.


Muslims compared with Hindus and Sikhs267. With the most recent analyses identifying considerable polarisation between and within ethnic minorities, critics have argued that there is a need to analyse the politics of representation that lie behind the interpretation of statistical data268. In relation to East Punjabis, the literature identifies important axes of economic differentiation resulting from the legacy of pre-migration caste, education and class locations; regional economic histories within the UK; and era of migration, as a result of state policies on immigration. In the 1930s, the pioneer migrants from East Punjab were from the Bhatra (peddler) caste, who made a living by working as door-to-door peddlers of clothes and other household goods269. In the post-war mass migration the vast majority of East Punjabis were medium and smallscale Jat farmers, accompanied by lesser numbers of artisans (particularly Ramgharias, Ghumars, Julahas, Jhinwars and Nais) and landless labourers (Chamars, Chuhuras). In the main, the early labour migrants lacked the educational qualifications, occupational skills, information and networks to do anything else, and were incorporated into British industries as manual unskilled labour. In West London, East Punjabis were recruited into Heathrow airport and in the surrounding light industries; in East London, they entered the rag trade, light manufacturing, London transport and the Ford motor company in Dagenham; in the East Midlands, they entered light engineering, the textile, rubber, food and brick industries; in the North, textiles, steel mills and heavy manufacturing; and in the West Midlands, iron foundries, light engineering and transport 270. The influence of their ethnic and cultural identities on their experiences on the shop-floor, their work culture, participation and marginalisation within the trades unions are documented in Wright (1968), De Witt (1969), Beetham (1970), Brooks and Singh (1979), Duffield (1987), Shamsher (1989), Josphides (1991), Kalra (2000) and Tatla (2002). In addition, there were some graduates in the post-war mass migration. Some eventually entered teaching, as part of a recruitment drive to overcome a shortage of teachers in the mid 60s; but most were unable to break into labour markets commensurate with their qualifications and either returned to India or migrated onwards North America 271. An important exception were the doctors and nurses who were recruited directly into the NHS, whose qualifications and organisational ties preserved their occupational status272. Nonetheless, research has shown that racial discrimination constrained their career detinations within the NHS too273. The arrival of East African migrants in the mid-1960s further expanded the tranche of middle-class, professional East Punjabis. Most had sufficient qualifications and skills to avoid factory work, and entered positions in the professional and civil services274. By the mid 1960s some of the Batoos (labour brokers or middlemen), who tended to be former school teachers and army officers and endowed with the linguistic skills and cultural capital required to do so, had branched into selfemployment, beginning first with corner shops selling Punjabi food and clothing, and then gradually expanding out of businesses catering for migrant transnational practices and into mainstream sectors such as estate agents, travel, grocery stores and some professional services. The shift to self-employment has continued over the subsequent three decades275. As in studies of immigrants in other countries, debates around the South Asian entry to self-employment have dwelled on the question of ‘ did they jump or were they pushed’ : the extent to which it was


Brown, M. S. (2000). "Religion and economic activity in the South Asian population." Ethnic and Racial Studies 23(6): 10351061; Platt 2005; Strelitz, J. (2006). The second generations : A longitudinal study of origins and socio-economic outcomes for children of immigrants. Unpublished PhD thesis, London School of Economics. 268 Werbner, P. (1999): 571. "What Colour 'Success'? Distorting Value in Studies of Ethnic Entrepreneurship." Sociological Review 47(3): 548-579. 269 Aurora (1967); Ballard and Ballard (1977); Singh (1977); Helweg (1979); Ballard (1989). 270 Marsh, P. (1967). Anatomy of a strike: employers and Punjabi workers in a Southall factory. London, IRR; Brooks, D. and K. Singh (1979). Pivots and presents: Asian brokers in British foundries. Ethnicity at Work. S. Wallman. London, Macmillan: 92112; Helweg, A. W. (1979); Duffield, M. (1987). 271 Singh, G. and D. S. Tatla (2006). 272 Hardill, I. and S. MacDonald (2000). "Skilled International Migration: The Experience of Nurses in the UK." Regional Studies 34(7): 681-692; Poros, M. V. (2001). "The role of migrant networks in linking local labour markets: the case of Asian Indian migration to New York and London." Global Networks 1(3): 243-259; Robinson, V. and M. Carey (2001). "Peopling Skilled International Migration: Indian Doctors in the UK." International Migration 38(1): 89-108; Raghuram, P. (2006). Asian women medical migrants in the UK. Women, work and migration: Perspectives from Asia. New Delhi, Sage. 273 Community Relations Council (1976). Doctors from Overseas: A Case for Consultation. London, Community Relations Council; Anwar, M. and A. Ali (1987). Overseas Doctors: Experience and Expectations. London, Commission for Racial Equality; Esmail, A. and S. Everington (1993). "Racial discrimination against doctors from ethnic minorities." British Medical Journal 306: 691-2. 274 Bhachu, P. (1985); Robinson, V. (1988). "The new Indian middle class in Britain." Ethnic and Racial Studies 11(4): 456-73; Bhachu, P. (1989). "Culture, ethnicity and class among Punjabi Sikh women in 1990s Britain." New Community 17(3): 401-412; Robinson, V. (1993). "Marching into the middle class? The long-term resettlement of East African Asians in the UK." Journal of Refugee Studies 6(3). 275 Singh, G. and D. S. Tatla (2006).


due to an enterprising ‘ bootstrap capitalism’– or forced by exclusion and discrimination in the labour market276. In the case of East Punjabis in the UK, the shift into self-employment was hastened by economic restructuring in the 1970s and 80s, industrial unemployment, deregulation and the labour flexibility drive under Conservative rule277. Within each region and industry, however, people of Indian origin experienced levels of unemployment quite similar to the White British; unlike Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, who experienced higher unemployment despite facing similar local conditions in those areas278. Another strand in the debates around South Asian self-employment concerns the transformative potential of ‘ ethnic enclave economies’ : whether they are successfully generative of economic value and social capital, a privileged space from which newcomers might learn the tools of the trade and eventually set up their own businesses – or whether the ethnic enclave is merely “a sideways shift from lumpenproletariat to lumpenbourgeoisie”279, ‘ thinly disguised wage labour’280, comprising businesses that are perennially exploited by native firms, hugely costly to the self and ridden by internal class and gender relations281. Inequalities of gender and generation have been examined extensively in relation to employment, articulating with wider, ongoing debates about patriarchy and female agency. An important strand of the literature on South Asian women’ s employment focuses on their low status in the labour market; how patriarchy structures their position in ethnic businesses; and the exploitative terms of their employment and working conditions 282. Another strand focuses on South Asian women as active workers and entrepreneurs, and particularly their prominent role in industrial disputes since the 1980s283. In relation to East Punjabis, Indian women have been found to have employment rates that are broadly similar to the White British majority, and the rates among East Asian women are even higher; although when analysis is carried out by religion, the employment rates of Hindu women are found to be higher than those of Sikhs284. Patterns of employment of South Asian women are complex and contextual,


Aldrich, H., T. Jones, et al. (1984). Ethnic advantage and ethnic minority business development. Ethnic Communities in Business: Strategies for Economic Survival. R. Ward and R. Jenkins. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 189-212; Werbner, P. (1984). Business on trust: Pakistani entrepreneurs in the garment trade. Ethnic Communities in Business: Strategies for Economic Survival. R. Ward and R. Jenkins. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 166-18; Werbner (1990); Jones, T., T. McEvoy, et al. (1992). Labour intensive practices in the ethnic minority firm. Employment, the Small Firm and the Labour Market. J. Atkinston and D. Storey. London, Routledge: 173-205; Srinivasan, S. (1995). The South Asian Petty Bourgeoisie in Britain: An Oxford Case Study. Aldershot, Avebury; Metcalf, H., T. Modood, et al. (1996). Asian SelfEmployment: The Interaction of Culture and Economies in England. London, Policy Studies Insitute; Werbner (1999); Kalra (2000). 277 Standing, G. (1994). The 'British experiment': structural adjustment or accelerated decline? Globalization, Institutions and Regional Development in Europe. A. Amin and N. Thrift. Oxford, OUP: 279-297; Green, A. (1997). Patterns of ethnic minority employment in the context of industrial and occupational growth and decline. Ethnicity in the 1991 Census: Employment, Education and Housing among the Ethnic Minority Populations of Britain. V. Karn. London, HMSO: 67-89; Modood, T. and R. Berthoud (1997). 278

Iganski, P. and G. Payne (1999). "Socio-economic re-structuring and employment: the case of minority ethnic groups." British Journal of Sociology 50(2): 195-215; Simpson, L., K. Purdam, et al. (2006). 279 Aldrich, H., T. Jones, et al. (1984): 191. 280 Rainbird, H. (1991). The self-employed: small entrepreneurs or disguised wage labourers? Farewell to Flexibility. A. Pollert. Oxford, Basil Blackwell: 200-213. 281 Werbner (1990); Jones, McEvoy et al. (1992); Barrett, G., T. Jones, et al. (2001). "Socio-Economic and Policy Dimensions of the Mixed Embeddedness of Ethnic Minority Business in Britain." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 27; Ram, M., T. Abbas, et al. (2001). "Making the link: households and small business activity in a multi-ethnic context." Community, Work and Family 4(3): 327-348; Ram, M., T. Abbas, et al. (2001). "'Apprentice entrepreneurs'? Ethnic minority workers in the independent restaurant sector." Work, Employment and Society 15(2): 353-372; Sanghera, B. (2002). "Microbusiness, household and class dynamics: the embedding of minority ethnic petty commerce." The Sociological Review: 241-257; Ahmad (2008). 282 Saifullah Khan, V. (1975). Asian women in Britain: Strategies of adjustment of Indian and Pakistani Migrants. Women in Contemporary India. A. de Souza. New Delhi, Manohar; Wilson 1978; Wilson, A. (1992). Beyond an assertion of identity. Crossing Black Waters. A. de Souza and S. Merali. London, Working Press; Bhopal, K. (1997). "South Asian women within households: dowries, degradation and despair." Women’ s Studies International Forum 20(4): 483-92; Bhopal, K. (1999). "Domestic finance in South Asian households in East London." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 25(1): 81; Bhopal, K. (2000). "South Asian Women in East London: The Impact of Education " European Journal of Women's Studies 7(1): 35-52; Wilson (2006). 283 Hoel, B. (1982). Contemporary clothing sweatshops: Asian female labour and collective organisation. Work, Women and the Labour Market. J. West. London, Routledge; Parmar, P. (1982); Westwood, S. (1984). All Day Everyday: Factory and Family in the Making of Women's Lives. London, Pluto; Bhachu, P. (1988). Apni Marzi Kardhi - Home and Work: Sikh Women in Britain. Enterprising Women: Ethnicity, Economy and Gender. S. Westwood and P. Bhachu. London, Routledge; Phizacklea, A. (1988). Entrepreneurship, ethnicity and gender. Enterprising Women: Ethnicity, Economy and Gender. S. Westwood and P. Bhachu. London, Routledge. 284 Modood, T. and R. Berthoud (1997); Brown, M. S. (2000); Platt, L. (2002); Platt (2005).


varying in relation to generation, religion, class, migration histories, region and education285. Moreover, critics of this literature have argued that the point is to appreciate the ways in which women’ s reproductive labour – as well as their participation in paid employment – is integral to transnational household economies and livelihoods286. In the 00s, the third and fourth generation of East Punjabis are socially mobile, with educational performance among 16-30 years being better than the national average, although more so among Hindus than Sikhs (see section 4.2.4); and substantial numbers entering the professions, light service industries such as IT, banking and insurance, and positions as managers, central and local government employees287. Despite the significant entry into the middle class occupations, research indicates that professional spaces continue to be racialised and assume a ‘ White somatic norm’affecting bodily performances such as clothing, language and accent 288. The labour experience of middle-class migrants from India is also an important area for new research following trends in immigration policies that are selective of highly-skilled migrants289. Despite the downward mobility of Indian middleclass migrants upon entering the UK labour market, studies have highlighted the greater capacity of middle-class migrants to secure employment commensurate with their qualifications and occupational status, and also the ways in which migration to the UK, even if it requires class-incongruent performances, strategically augments class and gender identities to allow for social mobility at the point of returning to India – particularly through saving money, purchasing consumer goods and accelerating the progression to financial independence and maturity290. Finally, at the other end of the labour hierarchy, research has recently turned towards irregular, illegal migrants from Punjab, who are exploited in informal ‘ enclave economies’established by their co-ethnics291. To date, the literature on the transnational economic activities of South Asian migrants has reflected few of these nuances of economic location and trajectory in the UK. In relation to East Punjabis, we know that the amounts of remittances from the UK have been in decline for the last two decades292. However, research has only recently begun to untangle how the capacity to participate in transnational economic activities emerges from intersecting gender, generation and class locations, migration histories and era of migration, as a result of changing regimes of capital and welfare293. Quoting A. Ahmad on Pakistani migration: “long-settled old migrants in the UK who enjoyed 285

Bhachu (1989); Brah (1996); Holdsworth, C. and A. Dale (1997). "Ethnic differences in women's employment." Work, employment and society 11(3): 435-457; Dale, A. (2002). "Social exclusion of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women." Sociological Research Online 7(3); Dale, A., N. Shaheen, et al. (2002). "Labour market prospects for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women." Work, employment and society 16: 5-25; Dale, A., N. Shaheen, et al. (2002). "Routes into education and employment for young Pakistani and Bangladeshi women in the UK." Ethnic and Racial Studies 25(6): 942-968; Ahmad, F., T. Modood, et al. (2003). South Asian Women and Employment in Britain. London, Policy Studies Institute; Lindley, J., A. Dale, et al. (2004). "Ethnic differences in women's demographic, family characteristics and economic activity profiles, 1992 to 2002." Labour Market Trends(April): 153-165; Lindley, J., A. Dale, et al. (2006). "Ethnic differences in women's employment: the changing role of qualifications." Oxford Economic Papers 58: 351-378; Salway, S. (2007). "Economic activity among UK Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in the 1990s: evidence for contiunity or change in the Family Resources Survey." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33(5): 825-847. 286 Parmar, P. (1982). Gender, race and class: Asian women in resistance. The Empire Strikes Back: Race and Racism in 70s Britain. P. Gilroy and J. Solomos. London, Centre for Contemporary Studies: 236-271; Westwood and Bhachu (1988); Brah (1996); Phizacklea, A. (2000). The politices of belonging - Sex work, domestic work: transnational household strategies. Transnationalism and the Politics of Belonging. S. Westwood and A. Phizacklea. London and New York, Routledge: 120-145; Harriss, K. (2007). Long-term ill-health and livelihoods among Pakistanis in the UK: class, gender and household economies. Unpublished PhD thesis, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine; Ahmad, A. N. (2008). Critical approaches to the study of masculinity: gender and generation in Pakistani migration. Gendering Migration: Masculinity, Femininity and Ethnicity in Postwar Britain. L. Ryan and W. Webster. London, Ashgate. 287 Raj (2003); Platt (2005); Singh and Tatla (2006). 288 Puwar, N. (2001). "The racialised somatic norm and the senior civil service." Sociology 35(3): 651-70; Raj 2003; Ramji, H. (2003). Engendering diasporic identities. South Asian Women in the Diaspora. N. Puwar and P. Raghuram. London, Berg: 227241; Ramji, H. (2005). "Exploring intersections of employment and ethnicity amongst British Pakistani young men." Sociological Research Online 10(4); Ramji, H. (2007). "Race in professional spaces: exploring the experience of British Hindu women accountants." Ethnicities 7(4): 590-613. 289 Khadria, B. (2006). "Migration between India and the UK." Public Policy Research (September issue): 172-184. 290 Werbner, P. (1999); Poros, M. V. (2001); Batzinsky, A., L. McDowell, et al. (2008). "A middle-class global mobility? The working lives of Indian men in a west London hotel." Global Networks 8(1): 51-70; Fuller, C. J. and H. Narasimhan (2008). "From landlords to software engineers: migration and urbanization among Tamil Brahmans." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50(1): 170-196. 291 Ahmad, A. N. (2008). "Human smuggling and illegal labour: Pakistani migrants in London's informal economy." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies: forthcoming.; Ahmad, A. N. (2008). The Myth of Arrival: Pakistanis in Italy Pakistani Diasporas: Culture, Conflict and Change. V. Kalra. Karachi, Oxford University Press; ; Bilton, R. (2008). "Migrant criminal network exposed." BBC South Asia: 16th July. 292 Singh and Tatla (2006). 293 Kalra (2000); Walton-Roberts, M. (2004). Returning, remitting, reshaping: Non-Resident Indians and the transformation of society and space in Punjab, India. Transnational Spaces. P. Jackson, P. Crang and C. Dwyer. London, Routledge: 78-103;


more secure employment were able, on the basis of their relative prosperity, to invest in entrepreneurial activities, travel and the purchase of property in Pakistan. Is this really that surprising?�294. These questions remain to be explored in the context of East Punjabi transnationalism. Up to the 1990s accounts of the transformative impact of transmigrant economic activities on East Punjab were positive. Ballard has compared the economic impact of migration in the Jullundur Doaba favourably with Azad Kashmir, arguing that owner-cultivation; the relative skills of farmers and craftsmen; the close symbiosis between agricultural and industrial development; and critically with the policies of the Indian government towards controlling the import of manufactured goods, providing protection for basic manufactured goods, allowed migrant remittances to be invested more productively in agriculture in Jullunder 295. Data from the late 1970s confirmed that migrant remittances were invested in productivity-increasing investments in agriculture, unlocked a rigid land market, and fuelled the intensification of capitalist agriculture in East Punjab296. However, by the 00s work on the transnational economic activities of East Punjabis has begun to take a less celebratory tone. Looking at industrial rather than agricultural investment Thandi concludes that, despite the renewed effort to attract NRI investment and foreign direct investment by the Punjab and Indian governments, investment has remained low and the state is lagging behind other states; he attributes this to the reluctance of migrant Punjabis to invest in Punjab and their inexperience in industrial investments and entrepreneurship 297. Accounts of philanthropic ventures and social development projects funded by East Punjabi migrants find them to be riddled with unequal relations between transmigrants and non-migrants, differences of agenda, priorities, and mutual resentment; the projects funded by migrants are found to be often motivated by a self-serving desire to improve living conditions for migrants whilst making return visits to Punjab298. Observations of the ostentatious consumption of migrants in East Punjab have alarmed academic and policy-oriented work alike, as illustrated by the stance of the All-Parliamentary Group Punjabis in Britain, which has sought to raise awareness in the diaspora of missed opportunities for contributing meaningfully to the development of Punjab299. However, productive forms of consumption, such as the spending of remittances on healthcare and education, have been overlooked300. More broadly, the literature has stressed the tensions and conflict between transmigrants and non-migrants, as transmigrants tiptoe through the ‘ translocal moral economy’of obligations and dependency, to the varying disappointment, disgruntlement and glee of the nonmigrants301. In the meantime, in a rush post 9/11 to ensure that remittances are not used to fund criminal or terrorist activities, all forms of informal money transfer (the hawala system, for example) have come under tight scrutiny, as can be seen in the UK Government's concerns to regulate migrant workers' remittances and promote the use of formal channels302. There is a real and present danger that in this process of scrutiny, the very existence of Harriss (2007); Ahmad (2008); Batzinsky, A., L. McDowell, et al. (2008). "A middle-class global mobility? The working lives of Indian men in a west London hotel." Global Networks 8(1): 51-70. 294 Ahmad (2008): 51. 295 Ballard, R. (1983). "The context and consequences of migration: Jullundur and Mirpur compared." New Community 11(11736). Ballard, R. (1987). The political economy of migration: Pakistan, Britain, and the Middle East. Migrants, Workers and the Social Order. J. Eades. London, Tavistock: 17-41; Ballard 1989; Ballard, R. (2003). "A case of capital-rich under-development: The paradoxical consequences of successful transnational entrepreneurship from Mirpur." Contributions to Indian Sociology 37: 51-81. 296 Thandi, S. (1994). "Strengthening capitalist agriculture: the impact of overseas remittances in rural central Punjab in the 1970s." International Journal of Punjab Studies 1(2): 239-69. 297

Thandi, S. (2000) Gardner, K. (2002). Age, Narrative and Migration: The Life Course and Life Histories of Bengali Elders in London. London, Berg; Chopra, R. (2005). Producing the non-resident: risky strategies and family plans. South Asia Anthropology Group Annual Conference: Risk, University of Sussex, 13th-14th September 2005; Harriss, K. and A. Shaw (2006). Family care and transnational kinship: British Pakistani experiences. Kinship Matters. F. Ebtehaj, B. Lindley and M. Richards. Oxford, Hart; Harriss, K. and A. Shaw (2008). Kinship Obligations, Gender and the Life-course: Re-Writing Migration from Pakistan to Britain. Pakistani Diasporas: Culture, Conflict and Change. V. Kalra. Karachi, Oxford University Press. 299 See Singh and Tatla (2006). 300 Gardner (2002); Chopra (2005); Harriss and Shaw (2006); Harriss and Shaw (2008). 301 Gardner, K. (1995). Global Migrants, Local Lives: Travel and Transformation in Rural Bangladesh. Oxford, Clarendon Press; Osella, F. and C. Osella (2000). "Migration, money and masculinity in Kerala." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 6(1): 115-131; Velayutham, S. and A. Wise (2005). "Moral economies of a translocal village: obligation and shame among South Indian transnational migrants." Global Networks 5(1): 27-47; Osella, F. and C. Osella (2006). "Once upon a time in the West: Stories of migration and modernity from Kerala, South India." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 12(3): 569-88; Taylor, S., M. Singh, et al. (2007). "Migration, development and inequality: Eastern Punjabi transnationalism." Global Networks 7(3): 328-47. 302 DFID (2005). Sending money home? A survey of remittance products and services in the United Kingdom. London, Profile Business; Pearce, D. and V. Seymour (2005). Sending money home: remittances to developing countries from the UK. London, DFID; Ballard, R. (nd). Remittances and Economic development, Memorandum, 298


informal systems is seen as a problem per se and all transactions falsely come under suspicion. As Ballard (2006)303 concludes, "it may well be that some 'dirty money' gets inserted into the huge flows of value passing through but the same is also undoubtedly true of the mainstream banking system". Use of informal money transfer networks cannot per se be taken as evidence or even hint of any illegitimate activity; the use of such arrangements is commonplace to the point of banality across the world. Finally, although debates about ‘ the myth of return’were thought to be finished due to the lack of economic opportunities in the sending areas of South Asia, the ageing of the post-war migrants from South Asia has prompted research to return to the phenomenon of return migration. Return migration has been found to be highly restricted, but primarily by migrants’subjective reorientations towards the place of migration; their embeddedness within networks of ‘ kinship-come-friendship’in the place of migration; and their dependence on the infrastructure of NHS healthcare and in some cases the welfare state304. Recently, however, there has been academic and media interest in return migration among the middle-classes, for whom a desire to return to India has been reawakened by India’ s growing prosperity and the higher standard of life it is now seen to afford305. In the case of East Punjabis, however, it seems significant that middle-class return migrants are availing themselves of properties in metropolitan centres like Delhi and Bombay rather than relocating to rural Punjab.

4.2.4. Educational domain India Emigrations for education to the U.K from India have been a regular feature right from the colonial time. This was not only because of the availability of quality education in England, but also to make use of the conduit of education to become settlers and citizens of the destination country eventually. The ‘ academic gate’as students in fact supplements the ‘ employment gate’for migration306. Both the U.K and the U.S governments now allow foreign students to stay on and work rather than returning to their countries of origin upon completion of their degrees. From at least the mid-19th century, Indian students began to have an increasing presence in Britain. Oxford, Cambridge and Edinburgh were popular destinations for early students. Most of the South Asian students came on scholarship to study law or medicine or to specialize in subjects taught at technical and research institutes. Certain others reached England to take the ICS examination. A significant number of Indian nationalist leaders were educated in England, mostly on scholarships provided by the colonial Indian government or the imperial government. The government of India’ s policy towards emigration of Indian students abroad for education is limited to offering a few scholarships. Emigration for education is largely a private affair or on scholarships from foreign agencies. The proportion of students who are financed by their own resources including that of their families, are huge and according to one estimate almost three-fourth of international students reported their primary source of funding for education comes from students’personal and family sources or other sources outside of the US 307. The U.K government is promoting the admission of foreign students in their universities and institutes with an intention of mopping up foreign student fees308. The general economic boom in India is allowing more and more students to go abroad for their higher studies. This in a sense results in reverse flow of remittances out of the home countries of the migrants. The U.K is nowadays banking highly on the resources through ‘ trade in educational services’ . But there are no serious studies on this phenomenon and the transnational space created through educational migrations. Punjab is huge market for such U.K universities and educational institutions as indicated by the presence of numerous overseas educational agencies and consultancies operating in various cities of the state. This is supplemented by regular educational fairs, visits of foreign university delegations and regular advertisements through mass medias309. Many educational institutions in the Punjab is said to have standing MOUs with agencies 303

Ballard, R. (2006). "Hawala: criminal haven or financial network?" 42 Newsletter of the International Institute of Asian Studies: 8-9. 304 Bryceson, D. and U. Vuorela (2002). Transnational Families in the Twenty-first Century. The Transnational Family: New European Frontiers and Global Networks. D. Bryceson and U. Vuorela. Oxford, Berg; Gardner, K. (2002); Harriss (2007). 305 Raj (2003); Fuller and Narasimhan (2008). 306 Lal, 2006 307 Khadria, 2006 308 Findlay, 2006, Khadria, 2006 309 Nanda and Veron, 2008


abroad and even permanent members stationed with them Nanda and Veron, (2008). Being a community on the move and with a significant presence in the UK, the migration of students from the Punjab have a direct link to potential job opportunities after completion of courses. The educational institutions from their side resort to various measures to allure the students including competitive fees structure, visa services, high standard of living, part-time job support, etc. The migration of students also resulted in the mushrooming of agencies and institutes which undertake and evaluate English communication courses, taking full advantage of the high demand for educational migration. The policy of the government of India in emigrations for education is by and large that of non-interference. There is no licensing system for the educational consultancies and agencies working even in smaller towns of India and no initiative to regulate their functioning. On the other hand, being emerged as a major hub of education with many premier educational institutions, government of India has instituted a scholarship scheme aimed to making higher education in India accessible to the children of overseas Indians. Under this scheme MOIA provides 100 scholarships annually to students from diverse disciplinary backgrounds from 2006-07 onwards310. United Kingdom Academic debates and policies concerning the relationship between education and migration in UK have been dominated by issues concerning the participation, marginalization and exclusion of migrant/ethnic minority children, young adults and adults from mainstream education. Academic and policy-oriented discussions have proceeded alongside, and contributed to, wider debates on the impact of immigration to the British Isles, although it was only in 2006 that ‘ migrant students’became the focus of explicit government policies311. Until then, Reynolds argues, “migrant students have been… dealt with the categories of being EAL [English as an Additional Language] learners or as ethnic minorities”312. In any case, we can identify three main trends informing education policies since the 1960s. By the 1970s, an early focus on education as a means for the assimilation of migrants into ‘ mainstream’society through the inculcation of specific linguistic and cultural skills came under criticism. The apparent ethnocentric, if not altogether racist, nature of assimilation policies had not only led to further marginalization but resulted in “significant academic underachievement and negative self-identity amongst ethnic minority groups 313. The 1975 Bullock Report314 opened the road for a shift from monocultural to multicultural education which would allow an appreciation and celebration of difference, whilst counteracting racial discrimination in education315. While research on second generation migrants highlighted complex everyday negotiations between different cultural orientations316, the limits of early multicultural education policies – entailing on the one hand a reification and exoticization of ‘ ethnic cultures’and a glossing over class, gender and generational differences within minority communities, and on the other disregarding institutional forms of racism – soon became apparent 317. Indeed, research undertaken in the 1980s and early 2000s whilst critically assessing the experiences of multicultural education318 and its relation to labour market access319 it engaged with issues of class and gender differentiation320. 310

MOIA, 2007 See DfES (2005). Aiming High: New Arrivals National Strategy. London, HMSO; DfES (2007). New Arrivals Excellence Programme. London, HMSO; Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (2006). "Pathways to Learning for New Arrivals." 312 Reynolds, G. (2008: 5). The impacts and experiences of migrant children in UK secondary schools. Working Paper number 47. Brighton, Sussex Centre for Migration Research; see also Anderson, B. and R. Williamson (2004). Diversity in the Classroom. Discussion Paper, COMPAS, University of Oxford. 313 Milner, D. (1975). Children and Race. Harmondsworth, Penguin; Troyna, B. (1993). Racism and Education. Buckingham, Open University Press; Reynolds 2008 314 DES (1975). A Language for Life. London, HMSO. 315 See eg 1985 Swann Report summarised in Runnymede Trust (1985). Education for All: A Summary of the Swann Report. London, Runnymede Trust. 316 See eg Ballard and Ballard (1977) on Punjabi Sikhs. 317 Parekh, B. (2000). The future of multi-ethnic Britain: report of the Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain. London, Profile Books Ltd; Modood, T. (2005). Multicultural politics: racism, ethnicity and Muslims in Britain. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press. 318 Troyna, B. (1987). "Beyond multiculturalism: towards the enactment of antiracist education in policy, provision and pedagogy." Oxford Review of Education 13: 307-320. Gibson, M. A. and P. Bhachu (1988). "Ethnicity and school performance: a comparative study of South Asian pupils in Britain and America." Ethnic and Racial Studies 11: 239-262.; Foster, P. (1990). Policy and Practice in Multicultural and Antiracist Education. London, Routledge; Back, L. (1992). "Social context and racist name calling: an ethnographic perspective on racist talk within a South London adolescent community." European Journal of Intercultural Studies 1(3): 19-38; Troyna, B. (1993). Racism and Education. Buckingham, Open University Press; Adia, E., D. Roberts, et al., Eds. (1996). Higher Education: The Ethnic Minority Experience, The Higher Education Information Services 311


While the critique of multiculturalism moved research towards the analysis of the interplay between hybridity and essentialism321 and the theorization of complex identities322 (see section 4.2.2.), national and international political events – specifically ethnic riots and terrorism – led to a progressive distancing from multiculturalism as a blueprint for education policies and a simultaneous move towards policies directed towards fostering integration and cohesion. Already prefigured in existing inclusion policies323, emerging educational policies324 “share with multiculturalism a celebration of diversity [but] insinuate a need to foster a common British identity”325. Here the promotion of social cohesion and integration in schools is not simply envisaged as a means for encouraging equal participation in a more tolerant society326, but also as a tool for the inculcation of [British] value s which would counteract religious radicalism amongst ethnic minority [read Muslim] youths327 . In the meantime, the 1996 Education Act and the 2001 government white paper “Schools: Building on Success” have responded to community-religious specific needs by granting funding to faith based schools, an opportunity taken up especially by Muslim and Sikhs328. Moreover, in recent research, ‘ ethnic capital’– articulated through “familial relationship, transmission of aspirations and attitudes and norm enforcement”329 – has been identified as a determinant factor underscoring the academic success of specific minority communities, Indian and Chinese in particular330. For example, Connor et al. (2003) note that over half of 18/19 years old Indian origin youths are at

Trust (HEIST); Modood, T. and T. Acland, Eds. (1998). Race and Higher Education. London, PSI; Gillborn, D. and H. Mirza (2000). Educational Inequality: Mapping Race, Class and Gender. London, OfSTED; Shiner, M. and T. Modood (2002). "Help or hindrance? Higher education and the route to ethnic equality." British Journal of Sociology of Education; Connor, H., C. Tyers, et al. (2003). Why the difference? A closer look at higher education minority ethnic students and graduates. Research Report 532. London, Department of Education and Skills; Modood, T. (2003). Ethnic differentials in educational performance. Explaining Ethnic Differences. D. Mason. Bristol, ESRC and The Policy Press; Payne, J. (2003). Choice at the end of compulsory schooling: a research review. Research Report 414. London, DfES. 319 See eg Owen, D., D. Green, et al. (2000). Ethnic Minority Achievements in Education, Training and the Labour Market. Research Report 225. London, DfES; Cabinet Office (2003). Ethnic Minorities and the Labour Market, Strategy Unit: Centre for Economic and Social Inclusion; Connor, H., C. Tyers, et al. (2003). Why the difference? A closer look at higher education minority ethnic students and graduates. Research Report 532. London, Department of Education and Skills. 320 Bhachu, P. (1991). "Ethnicity constructed and reconstructed: the role of Sikh women in cultural elaboration and educational decision-making in Britain." Gender and Education 3: 45-60; Abbas, T. (2002). "A retrospective study of South Asian further education college students and their experiences of secondary school." Cambridge Journal of Education 32: 73-90; Dale, Shaheen et al (2002); Ahmad, Modood et al. (2003); Archer, L. (2003). Race, masculinity and schooling. Maidenhead, Open University Press; Platt (2005); Ramji, H. (2005). "Exploring intersections of employment and ethnicity amongst British Pakistani young men." Sociological Research Online 10(4). 321 See eg Baumann (1996); Werbner and Modood (1997). 322 Jacobson, J. (1997). "Religion and Ethnicity: Dual and Alternative Sources of Identity among Young British Pakistanis." Ethnic and Racial Studies 20(2): 238-56; Vertovec, S. and R. Cohen, Eds. (2002). Conceiving Cosmopolitanism: Theory, Context and Practice. New York, OUP; Vertovec, S. (2006). The emergence of super-diversity in Britain. Working Paper number 25. University of Oxford, COMPAS.; Vertovec, S. (2007). "Super-diversity and its implications." Ethnic and Racial Studies 29: 1024-1054; see section 4.2.2. 323 DfES (2000). Race Relations Amendment Act 2000. London, HMSO; DfES (2004). Every Child Matters: Change for Children in Schools. London, HMSO. 324 DfES (2005); DfES (2006). Guidance on the Duty to Promote Cohesion. London, HMSO; DfES (2007). 325 Reynolds (2008): 7. 326 CESI (2002). Social Inclusion, ; cf Johnston, R., S. Burgess, et al. (2006). "School and residential ethnic segregation: an analysis of variations across England's local education authorities." Regional Studies 40(9): 973-990. 327 For a critique of neo-assimilationism see Back, Keith et al. (2002). For a critique of the criminalisation of South Asian origin Muslim youths see Vertovec, S. (2002). Islamophobia and Muslim Recognition in Britain. Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens. Y. Haddad. Oxford, OUP; Hussain, Y. and P. Bagguely (2005). "Citizenship, ethnicity and identity: British Pakistanis after the 2001 riots." Sociology 39(3): 435-457; Modood, T. (2005). Multicultural politics: racism, ethnicity and Muslims in Britain. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press; Werbner, P. (2005). "Islamophobia, incitement to religious hatred: legislating for a new fear?" Anthropology Today 21(1): 5-9; Alam, Y. and C. Husband (2006). British Pakistani Men from Bradford: Linking Narratives to Policy. York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation; Phillips, D. (2006). "Parallel lives? challenging discourses of British Muslim self-segregation." Environment and Planning 24(1): 25-40; Hopkins, P. (2007). "Global events, national politics, local lives: young Muslim men in Scotland." Environment and Planning 39: 1119-1133; Dwyer, C., B. Shah, et al. (2008). "From cricket lover to terror suspect: challenging representations of young British Muslim men." Gender, Place and Culture 15(2): 117136. 328 Parker-Jenkins, M. (2002). "Equal access to state funding: the case of Muslim schools in Britain." Race, Ethnicity and Education 5(3); Nesbitt, E. (2004). Intercultural Education: Ethnographic and Religious Approaches. Brighton, Sussex Academic Press; Parker-Jenkins, M., D. Hartas, et al., Eds. (2004). In good faith: schools, religion and public funding. Aldershot, Ashgate. 329 Modood (2004): 100; cf. Bhachu (1991). 330 See Connor, Tyers et al. (2003).


university, more than double than their Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin counterparts331. And yet, such a 332 recognition of community-specific needs and orientations has not produced a ‘ transnational challenge’ to multicultural education policies and research which, constrained by what Robertson and Dale (nd) call ‘ methodological nationalism and statism’ , have not moved to consider the global production of educational regimes. While global educational linkages have been discussed with reference to the circulation of skilled and professional migrants within the ‘ brain drain/brain gain’paradigm333 , to date little is know about relationships between transnational migration and education. Current research suggests, though, that, on the one hand, transnational migrant networks (through individual remittances or the activities of migrants’organizations) sustain ‘ community development’in India - and South Asia more generally - including in the filed of education334, albeit since 2001 the same networks have been associated to criminal or terrorist activities335. On the other, in areas of South Asia with a high incidence and long history of emigration, parental strategies concerning children’ s education are increasingly directed towards enhancing chances for international migration, a trend supported by the expansion of private English-medium education336. For example, the Global Education Management Systems (GEMS; owned by a very wealthy Gulf-based Kerala migrant -) which runs several prestigious schools in the UAE and claims to cater for more than 40,000 children is setting up private schools in India in areas of high migration – including the Punjab – as well as in location with a substantial Indian diasporic population, UK and USA in particular. These schools are advertised as providing “modern, cosmopolitan education in an Indian environment”337. At the same time, Indianorigin parents might send their children back to India in order to expose them to ‘ Indian culture and traditions’ , while avoiding what are perceived to be the pitfalls of UK youth culture. Finally, in India parents might decide to take up migration to UK to enhance children’ s education338. 4.3 TRANSNATIONAL SPACE 3: MOROCCO-FRANCE 4.3.1 Political domain Morocco The history of the transnational migration in Morocco was punctuated by two main phases, marked each by a particular wave of migration.The first wave of migration so-called ‘ visible work’from the 1960s, institutionally organized within the framework of inter-state convention and maintained by a demand sustained from the enterprises of European countries (France, Belgium, Germany and Netherlands) in lack of workforce after the end of the war. Massive recruitments of workforce were organized in the peasant communities of the poorest mountainous regions of Morocco, namely Rif, the High, Medium and Anti-Atlas.The second wave of migration which has not yet been motivated by the absence of the employment perspectives triggered off in the direction of new destinations (Italy and Spain) from the second half of the 1980s and which coincides with the commitment of the Moroccan State in the program of structural adjustment. Contrary to the first one, this emigration is not institutionally organized and has concerned, paradoxically, even economically favoured Moroccan zones. In spite of the seniority and the scale of the phenomenon, the research on transnationalism in Morocco is still in the embryonic state. The majority of the theses conducted on this subject by Moroccan researchers were defended abroad. The national bibliography constitutes of individual analyses, and rarely of product of research programs which denote a strategy for the understanding of the phenomenon. We present below a critical synthesis of the state of the art on the issue as it emerges from this national bibliography. The main interest here concerns the state management of the migratory streams and the Moroccan communities settled abroad. Analyses show how under 331

Cf Bhatti, G. (1999). Asian Children at Home and in School. London, Routledge. Vertovec, S. (2001). Transnational challenges to the 'new' multiculturalism. WPTC-01-06. University of Oxford, Transnational Communities Programme Working Paper Series. 333 See eg Skeldon, R. (2005). Globalisation, skill migration and poverty alleviation: brain drains in context. Working Paper number 15. Brighton, Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty.) (on training and circulation of South Asian-origin doctors and nurses see eg Hardill and MacDonald (2000); Robinson and Carey (2001); Raghuram (2006). 334 See eg van Hear, N., F. Pieke, et al. (2004). The contribution of UK-based diasporas to development and poverty reduction. University of Oxford, COMPAS.) 335 For a critique see Ballard (2006). 336 See Mand (2003); Chopra (2005) for the Indian Punjab; and for Kerala Osella, C. and F. Osella (2008). Nuancing the migrant experience: perspectives from Kerala, South India. Transnational South Asians: The Making of a Neo-Diaspora. S. Koshy and R. Radhakrishnan. New Delhi, OUP. 332


Cf Froerer, P. (2007). "Disciplining the saffron way: moral education and the Hindu Rashtra." Modern Asian Studies 41. Mand (2003); Chopra (2005); Osella and Osella (2008); Salway S, P Chowbey et al. (2008). South Asian Fathers. York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation. 338


the effect of different factors (fixation of the Moroccan migrations in Europe, the importance of the financial transfers to the Moroccan economy, strong development of the international mobility since and by Morocco and the European pressures on the country to adopt a strict policy of control) migration has become a matter at once of foreign policy and internal policy339. Overall, the attitude of the Moroccan State vis-à-vis the migratory phenomenon is considered as being animated by three motivations: the will of maintaining migration flows as means of regulating the labour market, the consolidation of the human and cultural ties of the immigrants with the country of origin and the promotion of the transfers which constitute the main source of currencies of the country340. Vis-à-vis its expatriates, management structures and representation - as the Foundation Hassan II for the Moroccans living abroad 341, the ministerial department342 dedicated to this same population and more recently the consultative Council of the Moroccan community abroad343 - constitute the bulk of the institutional arsenal set up by the Moroccan State 344. This institutional plan displayed by the Moroccan State towards its Diaspora was the object of various evaluations. And certain authors, denouncing the deficiencies of the state action, question the political rights of the Moroccan immigrants in the country of origin and their representation in the elected national authorities345. Regarding the management of the migration towards Europe (that of the national as well as the transit of streams from the other countries towards the north bank of the Mediterranean), the Moroccan State yields to, under the pressure of Europe, the security approach by setting up a control mechanism (intensification and modernization of the system of surveillance and recognition in the border areas, creation within the Ministry of Interior of the national Observatory of the migration and especially the Directorate of the migration and the borders surveillance). This security treatment of migration is devoted to the legislative plan by the adoption of the law 02-03 concerning the entry and the residence of foreigners, emigration and irregular immigration346. With this new law, which has sparked a heated debate, Morocco registers its action in the European strategy which focuses its efforts on the security approach of migration, transformed in the eyes of certain analysts into the gendarme of Europe 347. So, the evaluation of the measures and rules taken by the Moroccan State to the migration as towards its own immigrants dominate the national research at the political level. The other issues to be explored are the forms and the effects of the increasing influence of the migration in the national politics and in the management of the public affairs. The political aspects of the transnational mobility have been considered only on a macro sociological plan. And yet, the phenomena of the social ascent, due to the international migration, observed in certain local communities 348 question the rearrangement of the local political life under the effect of the transnational mobility (emergence of notabilities related to the migration for example). For example, in rural communities the dynamics engendered by the migration have altered the local social systems by restricting the local solidarities, and by weakening the influence of certain traditional basic groups of the social organization as the extended family and the lineage349.So, 339

Alami M’ Chichi, H., La migration dans la coopération UE-Maroc entre tentative de gestion institutionnelle et pragmatisme, in. Alami M’ Chichi, H., Hamdouch, B. et Lahlou, M., Le Maroc et les migrations, FES – Maroc, Rabat 2005 ; Khachani, M., Les Marocains d’ ailleurs. La question migratoire à l’ épreuve du partenariat euro-marocain, AMERM, Rabat, 2004 ; Belguendouz, A., Le Maroc coupable d’ émigration et de transit vers l’ Europe, Boukili Impression, Rabat, 2000. 340 Khachani 2004; Chigueur, M., Harrami, N., Khachani, M., Nadif, M. et Zekri, A., Les politiques migratoires au Maroc. Une lecture critique mise en contexte, in. Collectif, Le migrant marocain en Italie comme agent de développement et d’ innovation dans les communautés d’ origine, Ed. Exodus, Milan 2005 (Chiguer et al. 2005a). 341 Loi n° 19-89, promulguée par le Dahir n° 1-9-79 du 13 juillet 1990, portant création de la Fondation Hassan II pour les Marocains Résidant à l’ étranger. Site officiel de la Fondation : 342 Ministère Chargé de la communauté Marocaine Résidant à l'Etranger - 343 Dahir n° 1.07.208 du 21 Décembre 2007 portant création du Conseil de la Communauté Marocaine à l’ Etranger. Site officiel : 344 Alami 2005 ; Khachani 2004; Chigeur et al. 2005a. 345 Belguendouz, A., « M.R.E. » Quelle marocanité, Salé, Imprimerie Beni Snassen, 2004 ; Belguendouz, A., Marocains des ailleurs et Marocains de l’ intérieur, Salé, Imprimerie Beni Snassen, 2003 (Belguendouz, 2003a) 346 Bulletin officiel n° 5162 du 25 ramadan 1424 (20 novembre 2003). ; Khachani 2004: Khachani, M., L’ émigration subsaharienne, le Maroc comme espace de transit, AMERM, Rabat, 2006. 347 Belguendouz, A., Le Maroc non africain. Gendarme de l’ Europe ? Alerte au projet de loi n° 02-03 relative à l’ entrée et au séjour des étrangers au Maroc, à l’ émigration et l’ immigration irrégulières ! Imprimerie Beni Snassen, Salé, 2003 (Belguendouz 2003 b) ; Belguendouz, A., UE-Maroc-Afrique migrante. Politique européenne de voisinage – Barrage aux sudistes. De Schengen à « Barcelone + 10 », Imprimerie Beni Snassen, Salé, 2005 ; Lahlou, M., Etat des migrations irrégulières entre le Maghreb et l’ Union européenne. Motifs et caractéristiques récentes. In. Alami M’ Chichi, H., Hamdouch, B. et Lahlou, M., Le Maroc et les migrations, FES – Maroc, Rabat 2005. 348 Harrami, N. et Mahdi, M., « Mobilité internationale et dynamiques de changement dans les sociétés de départ », in. Trevisan, E. (dir.), Mediterraneo e migrazioni Oggi. In memoria di Ottavia Schmidt di Friedberg, Casa editrice Il Ponte, Bologne, 2006. 349 Harrami et Mahdi 2006


several issues needs to be explored, such as the strategies (individual or of groups) implemented by the migrants, in a relationship to the community of departure, which aim for example at investing with the municipal council, at influencing the policy and the municipal management, etc. Are these steps part of an objective to defend a common local heritage, strengthen belonging to the place or, on the contrary, are they a means to acquire or to strengthen an economic and social position? In other words, do these individual or collective initiatives, in conjunction with the migration, constitute the beginning of territorial approach? France From the different scientific studies which were interested in the migratory policies in France, it is possible to make two main remarks: The first one lies in the fact that the research works which dealt with these questions generally focused on the macro or the global level and rarely evoked the incidences which have these policies on the groups and the individuals. Secondly, these works showed little of the link between policies of the host country and the original one in dealing with the migratory streams. From these two assessments, we are going to describe the way in which these works dealt with the migratory question in France by insisting on three phases which correspond to particular migratory policies and that gave birth to an abundant literature. The first phase corresponds to the proclamation of the independence in Morocco and “Les Trentes Glorieuses”. Indeed, the chronological analysis of the history of the Moroccan immigration in France made by scientific studies make systematically the link between historic events such as both world wars, “Les Trentes Glorieuses”, the proclamation of independence in 1956 with the Moroccans' significant presence in France. So, as Mr. Belbah and P. Vgelia350 (2003: 20) underline it, «the strictly linear reading of the statistical curves since 1912 contributes to strengthen the illusion of the legitimacy of such an interpretation. There would have been actually two immigrations, the first one starting from 1912 till 1956, and the second beginning after the independence of Morocco and became increasingly more important from the signature of the French-Moroccan agreement of 1963”351. This agreement inaugurated a new era in which Morocco became officially a providing country of labour. Ten years after the agreement of 1963, France decided officially to suspend the working immigration. This decision had mitigated effects on the Moroccan immigration that can be summed up as follows352 : a growth of the number of Moroccans which reached a 90 % increase in twelve years, a qualitative change and which lies in the increase of the family immigration (a presence of more than 40 % of women within this population during the eighties compared to 20% twenty years earlier) and a growth of the number of naturalisations after 1991353 . In this way, the scientific studies focused particularly on families and the role of women within the family structure354. Some works (C. Petonnet355, on 1982; J. Streiff-Fénart and S. Adezian 1983)356 showed that the female migrants maintain in the migratory context community relationships which allow them at first to ease the isolation from which they suffer. They are involved in a network of elementary sociability (family relationships, friendships and grass root organisations) which fulfil “essential functions: exchange of images of services, information, communication and exchange of images of the identity which help the individual to represent himself 357 within his own group as well as within the whole society, and to recognise his place and role within this society”. In short, the predominant idea in the writings on immigration was the construction of family framework which is considered as a unique mean for the feminine migration. This, in fact, became an accepted model and remained unquestioned. Thus to be a girl or a wife of an immigrant (often seen as a man and a hard worker) became obvious


M. Belbah and Patrick Veglia, « Pour une histoire des Marocains en France » in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1242, pp. 18- 31, 2003. See also, E. Atouf, « Les Marocains en France de 1910 à 1965, l’ histoire d’ une immigration programmée », a communication in a Conference at Casablanca, 2003. 351 This agreement was published in the Official Paper on 2 August 1963 and contains fourteen articles with the annexe about the procedures of « recruitment, selection and transportation of Moroccan workers to France » and a protocol related to the professional training of the adults. 352 M. Belbah and Patrick Veglia, « Pour une histoire des Marocains en France » in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1242, pp. 18- 31, 2003, p. 24. 353 Z. Chattou and M. Belbah, La double nationalité en question : enjeux et significations de la double appartenance, Karthala, Paris, 2002. 354 A. Zehraoui, « Images de l’ autre : la population maghrébine au regard de la société française », in Migrations Sociétés, vol IX, n° 2, pp. 7-20, 1997. see also the same author, L’ immigration, de l’ homme seul à la famille, CIEMI, Paris, 1994. 355 C. Petonnet, Espaces habités : ethnologies des banlieues, Paris, Galilée, 1982. 356 J. Streiff-Fénart and S. Andezian, « Relations de voisinage et contrôle social : le rôle des femmes dans les communautés maghrébines immigrées dans le Sud de la France », Peuples Méditerranées, vol.22-23, pp. 249-255. 357 I. Taboada-Leonetti , Stratégies identitaires, Paris, PUF, 1990.


and predetermined the image of the migrant woman. This fact, according to Stéphanie Condon (2000: 302) 358, prevented for a long time serious studies on the migrations of free and working women in France. The Law of October 9th (1981) allows foreigners to form organisations on a simple statement with the same conditions as the national citizens. Moreover, it created a new favourable frame for the socialisation of the immigrants. Different studies on this subject are centred on two main questions: the role of the immigrants’ organisations in their political359 and economic360 integration and as a vehicle of integration. 361. Therefore, studies which dealt with the political aspect of the immigrants’organisations put emphasis on their role in taking the first step towards democracy and citizenship362. From the 1990s appeared studies which show how the activities of the immigrants’organisations made them essential parts in the local development in their home countries (C. Quiminal, 1991363 ; C. Daum, 1997364 ; T. Lacroix 2003365). This link between “here”and “over there” shows the transnational aspect of this question. Since decades before, the Africanist studies have shown yet a network of relationships in different areas of Sub-Saharan Africa during the colonial and pre-colonial era (a growing number of traders, the strong link between the urban and rural areas). From now on researchers start to put more and more emphasis on the links and the multipolar network (socioeconomic, religious, political… ) created by the migrants between different migration areas and their home countries, and also on the links created at the Diasporas 366 level. This widened perspective raises more complex questions in terms of alliances, identity and citizenship as it will be shown later in this study. 4.3.2 Socio-cultural domain Morocco In the Moroccan research, the socio-cultural dimensions of transnationalism are generally examined through two perspectives: the impact of the mobility on the departure zones and the changes relating to the identity and culture of the immigrants (depending on the generations and gender). The works realized on this subject are of micro sociological type.The motor of the social and cultural changes in work in the communities of departure under the effect of the transnational mobility are the material / financial transfers or in kind carried out by the immigrants 367. 358

Stéphanie Condon (2000) criticise the « female and male dichotomy on the outlook about the role of each one which did not leave space for studies in France neither on women’work nor for the role of the fathers of the male migrants». 359 R. Leveau, « les associations ethniques en France ». In Bernard Falga, Catherine Withol de Wenden and Claus Leggewie, De l’ immigration à l’ intégration en France et en Allemagne. CERF Editions, Paris. T. Lacroix « L’ engagement citoyen des Marocains de l’ étranger ». In Hommes et Migrations, n° 1256, juillet-août 2005. Z. Daoud, De l’ immigration à la citoyenneté. Itinéraire d’ une association maghrébine En France : l’ ATMF, 1960-2003. Mémoire de la Méditerranée Houilles, 2002. . 360 C. Quiminal, Gens d'ici, gens d'ailleurs, Christian Bourgeois, Paris. see the same author « Le rôle des immigrés dans les projets de développement et les formes de coopération possibles dans la vallée du fleuve Sénégal, in Migration et développement : un nouveau partenariat pour la coopération, OCDE, Paris, 1994, pp. 329-336 ; Daum Christophe, 1997 : " La coopération, alibi de l’ exclusion des immigrés ? (l’ exemple malien) ", in Les lois de l’ inhospitalité, coordination FASSIN (D.), MORICE (A.), QUIMINAL (C.), La Découverte, septembre 1997, pp. 197-216. 361 D. Schnapper, and F. Gaspard, « Assimilation, insertion, intégration: les mots pour ‘devenir français’». In Hommes et Migrations, n° 1209, septembre-octobre, 1997, Paris. 362 About this report see , A. Geertz, « quelle place pour les associations dans cette société en crise », in Environnement, n° 44, 1998, pp. 9-10 ; F. De Moffarts, « De l’ exil à l’ intégration : secteur associatif ominiprésent ». in L’ Observatoire, n°6, 1995, pp. 44-48 ; R. Leveau, « Mouvement associatif et transition ambiguë vers la politique dans l’ immigration maghrébine ». in Etudes politiques du Monde Arabe. Dossier du CEDEJ, le Caire, 1991 et Salzbrunn, Monika, 2002 : Espaces sociaux transnationaux: pratiques politiques et religieuses liées à la migration des musulmans sénégalais en France et en Allemagne, en particulier pendant les campagnes électorales du nouveau Président du Sénégal , Abdoulaye Wade (1994-2001). Thèse de doctorat en Anthropologie sociale et Ethnologie, EHESS 363 C. Quiminal, Gens d'ici, gens d'ailleurs, Christian Bourgeois, Paris. See the same author « Le rôle des immigrés dans les projets de développement et les formes de coopération possibles dans la vallée du fleuve Sénégal, in Migration et développement : un nouveau partenariat pour la coopération, OCDE, Paris, 1994, pp. 329-336. 364 Daum Christophe, 1997 : " La coopération, alibi de l’ exclusion des immigrés ? (l’ exemple malien) ", in Les lois de l’ inhospitalité, coordination FASSIN (D.), MORICE (A.), QUIMINAL (C.), La Découverte, septembre 1997, pp. 197-216. 365 T. Lacroix, Espaces transnational et territoires. Les réseaux marocains de développement. Theses doctorate in Geography. Migrinter, Université de Poitiers, décembre 2003. 366 The sociological debate around the notion of the diasporas and its link with transnationalist point of view, cf, M. Hovanession, 1998 réf, N. Glick Schiller, 1991, réf ; D. Schnapper, 2001, réf ; M. Bruneau, 2004, réf. The issue of the relationship with the home country is at the centre of debates. 367 Mter, A., La population ksourienne du sud du Maroc et l'émigration internationale : le cas des vallées du Dadess et du Draa dans la province de Ouarzazate, Thèse de doctorat : Géographie : Poitiers : 1995 ; Mounir, S., Mina Fkih Ben Salah ila Milano.


These transfers, carried out mainly within the framework of the family solidarity, have significantly improved the living conditions of the households (introduction of certain equipments of comfort, renovating buildings, etc.) provoking at the same time a series of socio-cultural transformations. In the historic zones of international mobility in Morocco as oases of the South (emigration towards France), the traditional social structures are experiencing disintegration, the social relationships having become loose. The collective organization of space yields to the individual initiative368. In these hierarchical societies, where social divisions are set up in real ethno-cultural groups; the international migration radically altered the criteria of classification of the social groups. Migrants, mainly stemming from dominated origins, implement strategies to rehabilitate their group membership as the exhibition of signs of success in immigration, the acquisition of “agricultural" lands in a dry region where the land has especially a social and not economic value, and the use of the material wealth accumulated in immigration to get married to groups (prohibited previously) notably the holy lineages, thus strengthening the economic ascent by another one symbolically loaded369. Everywhere, the wealth introduced by the migration allowed families which occupied subordinate strata of the social hierarchy to make a remarkable movement of social ascent 370. In the rural communities affected by the new migratory dynamics (emigration towards Italy and Spain), the wealth of the transnational mobility have become objects of competition between the households, so propelling these units in circles where they were absorbed by the family and the lineage, in front of the social scene. These same competitions have greatly contributed to the entry of woman to this mobility out to foreign countries. They have even weakened the influence of a fundamental marital rule, which forbids women to have non-Moslem spouses371 .The migratory dynamics by means of the phenomena of social ascent modified radically the connections in the work and in the economic activity. The finality of the economic work is henceforth appreciated otherwise. In certain rural societies recently affected by the international migration, the reference is not any more made with regard to the one who works to succeed in surviving well or even in living suitably but with regard to the one who grew rich "quickly", the transnational migrant in this particular case372. The observation concerning the transnational mobility as a motor of social and cultural changes remains valid for two big waves (the ancient of the 1960s and the new begun since the middle of the 1980s) marking the transnational mobility in Morocco. The transnational mobility is a fundamental element of the socio-cultural changes operated in the zones of departure. Now, anthropological inquiries carried out in the new zones of departure show that the new wave to Italy and to Spain produced transformations, in terms of scale and of duration, more important than those caused by the wave of the 1960s. The impact of the labour migration on the communities of origin was discreet and slow while it is spectacular and very fast in the second type of emigration. Certain regions integrated into this second wave of migration present today a new case in the history of the social changes led by the migration. The new migration to Italy and to Spain changed the communities of origin profoundly and rapidly (in less than a decade)373. It is still problematic why the second wave had, at much reduced time, a devastating effect on the social structures of communities of origin. The research within this realm focuses in the cultural changes which affect the migrants and their families in the areas of immigration. The approaches of culturalist inspiration, with different terms but which become confused (identity, acculturation and integration), dominate the construction of the object in the research at the socio-cultural 374 levels of the life of the migrants in host countries . The geographical movement of the society of departure to the

Al-hijra addawliya al-maghribiya ila Italia wa taatiruha âala manatiqi al-itilaq (De Fkih Ben Salah à Milano. La migration internationale marocaine et ses effets sur les régions de départ), Faculté des lettres et des sciences humaines, Rabat, Thèse de géographie, 1996 ; Harrami & Mahdi 2006; Harrami, N. & Mahdi, M., « Mobilité transnationale et recomposition des valeurs sociales dans la société rurale marocaine d’ aujourd’ hui », in. Gandolfi, P. (dir.), Le Maroc aujourd’ hui, Casa editrice Il Ponte, Bologne, 2008. 368 Mter 1995 369 Rizki, M. & El Machi, M., La migration internationale dans la région de Tinjdade. Le cas de la Municipalté de Tinjdade et d Ksar Zaouia), Mémoire de Licence en géographie, Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de Meknès 2003-04, doc. ronéo, en arabe. 370 Mounir 1996 371 Harrami & Mahdi 2006 et 2008 372 Harrami, N., « Mobilité internationale des marocains vers l'Europe: structure, impact et représentation sociale », Baltic and Mediterranean –Shared Future in Action: A Euro-Mediterranean Gathering under the Mid-Night Sun, Tampere 2 et 3 juin 2008, Fondation Anna Lindh – Tapri – IEMed (Harrami 2008a) 373 Harrami & Mahdi 2006 et 2008 374 Harrami, N., « La integracíon como aculturación : anotaciones a propósito de la sociología de la integracíon de las personas de origen de los países del Maghreb en Francia », Seminario internacional euro-maghrebí: Analizar la integracíon de las


host society is dreaded as a circulation of a culture (that is of origin) to the other one (that of reception), which passage imposes learning, developments and arrangements375). The research often remained a prisoner of a rigid representation of the double cultural referential and the consequences of the constructions based on the opposition culture of origin / host culture. The cultures are envisaged as closed totalities almost endowed with objective existence, between which the individual is called to choose. Furthermore, the opposition culture of origin / culture of reception cannot report manipulationstransformations to which are subjected the various codes regarding the concrete situations faced376. In spite of these failures which characterize the research on the cultural future of the migrants, important processes of accommodation with the cultural contexts of the host society were described both to the first generation and to the generations stemming from the immigration. Among these processes, we can quote: (1) Religious practice maintained but strongly accommodated to the requirements of the society of arrival due to the legal constraints 377; (2) Rules relative to the chastity of the girl remain only partly and affect only little the social practice of families 378; (3) Expansion of the values of social and economic success, what strongly supports the emancipation of women and young people379; (4) Development of the identical meanings of the values, rules and cultural practices of "origin" in the concern to protect a collective identity380 ; (5) maintenance of traditional forms of solidarity and mobilization of the migrants with informal connections: networks of neighborhood, relationships, mosque 381 ; (6) Adoption of the new practices of organization, of solidarity and mobilization of the migrants with formal connections

antiguas migraciones a los nuevos flujos migratorios (enfoque comparado Francia-Espa a, 30 juin, 1 et 2 juillet 2008, Université de Jaén (Espagne). (Harrami 2008b) 375 El Kilani, J., Le français parlé par les immigrés marocains en France, Thèse de 3e cycle en Linguistique, Paris, 1983 ; Charef, A., Essai sur la structure sociale des immigrés marocains dans la région parisienne, Thèse de 3ème cycle en Anthropologie, Université de Paris V, 1983-1984 ; Hamadi, M.-B., Du bled à la Z.U.P., problématique culturelle des immigrés dans l'agglomération mantaise, Paris, C.I.E.M.-L'Harmattan, 1984 ; Nadia Benjelloun, Les immigrés maghrébins et l'islam en France : identité et intégration, In Hommes et migrations . - N. 1097 (1986) . - p. 43-63 ; El Bernoussi, N., Les représentations des maladies mentales chez les immigrés maghrébins en France, In Bulletin économique et social du Maroc . - N. 158 (1986) . - p. 85-93 ; Achmakh, F., Les femmes marocaines immigrées en France : conflits de normes et changements d’ attitudes, Thèse de 3e cycle : Psychologie : Paris 7 : 1987 ; Ouadahi, J., Interculturation (s) et subjectivité (s). Essai d'analyse clinique du discours de quelques enfants d'immigrés maghrébins en France. Thèse de 3ème cycle, Toulouse - le Mirail, 1988 ; El-Alami, L., Adaptation des jeunes immigrés marocains, leur identité culturelle, leur représentation de soi, thèse de troisième cycle, Lyon II, 1985 ; L’ Khadir,A. Les Pratiques de soin chez les immigrés marocains à Bordeaux II, mémoire de D.E.A. en Ethnologie-Anthropologie, 1989-1990 ; Alem, N., Types d'alternances de codes employés par les immigrés maghrébins résidant en France, in Aspects de la situation sociolinguistique de la communauté marocaine en Europe et au Maroc / Centre d'études sur les mouvements migratoires maghrébins, Oujda : Université Mohammed I, 1999. - p. 55-69 ; Gouirir, M., Ouled El Kharij : les enfants de l’ étranger : socialisation et trajectoires familiales d’ enfants d’ ouvriers marocains immigrés en France, Thèse de doctorat en sociologie : Paris 10 : 1997 ; Harrami, N., Les jeunes issus de l’ immigration marocaine dans la région de Bordeaux : Etude de quelques aspects de leur participation à la culture parentale, Villeneuve d'Ascq : Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 1998 ; Harrami, N., « Considérations sur le phénomène des jeunes filles « fugueuses » dans la société migrante marocaine de France », in. Actes de la journée d’ étude sur le thème ‘ Les adolescents à la croisée des chemins, 25 juin 1998, Rabat: Association des Démographes marocains, 2000 ; Harrami, N., "Les jeunes émigrés et la culture parentale", in. Le rapport du social 2001, Bulletin Economique et Social du Maroc, n°160, novembre 2001, Rabat, OKAD ; Harrami, N., « Attitudes religieuses de la jeunesse musulmane », in. Afkar/Idées, Estudios de Politica Exterior SA (Madrid) et Instituto Europeo del Mediterraneo, IEMed (Barcelone), n° 3, été 2004. ; Elhariri, S., Des femmes marocaines en migration : essai géographique : espace vécu et circulation migratoire des immigrées marocaines : le cas de Gennevilliers et de Poitiers, Thèse Doctorat : Géographie, Université de Poitiers, 2003. 376 Harrami 2008b 377 Harrami 1998 378 Harrami 2000; Harrami, N., «Les jeunes issus de l'immigration marocaine en France et les règles familiales relatives à la "chasteté de la jeune fille"», communication présentée au colloque international «Jeunes, dynamiques identitaires et frontières culturelles», AISLF, Association Tunisienne de Sociologie et UNICEF, Hammamet (Tunisie), 16-17 février 2007 (Harrami 2007a). 379 Harrami 1998; Hariri 2003. 380 Harrami 1998; Harrami, N., « La représentation de l’ appartenance religieuse chez les jeunes issus de l’ immigration marocaine en France », communication présentée au colloque « Entre protection des droits et mondialisation. Dynamiques migratoires marocaines : histoire, économie, politique et culture », Génériques (Paris) & CDIFDH (Rabat), Casablanca, 13-15 juin 2003 – Le texte de la communication est consultable sur : 381 Moubaraki, Mohamed El-, Marocains du nord : entre la mémoire et le projet, Paris : l'Harmattan, 1989 ; Harrami 1998


(former students and children of first generation): associative movement and political parties382; (7) Modernization of religious practice by the children of migrants through a work of re-interpretation which takes into account the cultural context of the society of immigration (development of the ethical and hygienic meanings) 383. France The socio-cultural aspect of immigration has drawn the most important attention. Three levels of analysis were taken into account even if they were taken rarely collectively. The scientific literature that it is academic or sponsored by the public bodies treated often the question of immigration under its integration aspect. However, it is already possible to notice that this literature rarely tackled this question in a transtionalist perspective. The analysis of this literature also showed the narrow link between the production of the scientific knowledge and the political concerns of the French state in the immigration issue. At the beginning of the 20th century, the government started to set up gradually a social policy in the form of charities as the SSAE (a social service for the assistance of the emigrants) in 1926, the CIMADE (an organisation for assisting the displaced) in 1939, Red Cross … After the second World war, the National Immigration Office (ONI) will take in charge the recruitment and the transportation of the workers but always without efficient receiving policies. It was not until the sixties after the decolonisation that the reception of the migrants was going to begin to form itself, notably through the FAS (A fund of social action) created in 1958 for the Algerians. The will of integration of these populations would replace the simple insertion. Later, the policies of reception would become for the State a priority, until the CAI (Reception and Integration Contract) created in 2003 (S Ansett, 384 on 2006: 46). In an official document, A New Policy for Immigration, published in 1978 by the Secretary of State to the migrant workers, the claimed aim was to stabilize the number of immigrants and «to avoid that their social and cultural heterogeneousness reaches a degree such as any insertion would become extremely difficult”385. Therefore, at this stage, it seems that the French State did not have a consolidated receiving policy. Indeed, the seventies would be marked by the will to reverse the policies of the appeal to labour migration by family migrations: the priority was not the reception but the implementation of policies to organise the return386 of the foreigners. All along the eighties, the predominant idea was that Immigration was handled and contained. In this context, policies of reception do not appear as a priority and no more approached on the sense of the reception of new immigrants in France, but as the reception in public services, and this new approach tends also to facilitate the access of the immigrants to their rights. Basically, the new orientations made the reduction of the restrictions in the common rights its priority concerning the access to school, housing, training and employment. While sharing this idea, most of the researchers who dealt with these questions raised some doubts by putting in advance specific problems of the immigrants. It is possible then to quote some studies concerning immigrants housing for instance C. Petonnet (op cit. 1982) and V. De Rudder (on 1983, 1985) 387 who insisted on one hand on the neighbourhood relations which were disintegrated following the rehousing of the immigrants and on the other hand, showed the extreme difficulty of access for the housing for the immigrant families. The return of the right political party in 1986 resulted in a strong confrontation about the Immigration question during the nineties. The government of Michel Rocard did not ignore the evolution of the public opinion. A more voluntarism and advocated policy of integration was wished. Two new structures were then created: a General Secretary for the Integration as well as a High Council of Integration. As far as the reception of the new immigrants 382

Daoud, Z. , De l’ immigration à la citoyenneté. Itinéraire d’ aune association maghrébine en France : l’ ATMF 1960-2003, Mémoires de la Méditerranée (sans lieu d’ édition), 2002 ; 382 Merizak, M., Immigration, militantisme politique et mouvement associatif des marocains en France : des origines aux évolutions, Thèse de doctorat : Sociologie : Paris 8 : 2006. 383 Harrami 2004 384 S. Ansett, « La longue mise en œ uvre d’ une politique d’ accueil des immigrés », in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1261, mai-juin 2006, pp. 46-60. 385 « New Policies of Immigration » Secrétariat d’ Etat aux travailleurs immigrés, p. 151. 386 It is in this way that the issue of the Return gave birth to an abundant literature. See for instance, A. Sayad, « Le retour élément constitutif de la condition de l’ immigré », Migrations Société, vol. 10, n° 57, pp. 9-46 ; See also E. Rude-Antoine, « Carte de séjour ‘ retraité’un premier bilan », in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1236, 2002, pp. 29-2002 ; in the same edition see the article by C. Quiminal « Retours contraints, retours construits des émigrés maliens », in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1236, 2002, pp. 29-2002, pp. 35-43 and A. Petit « L’ utime retour des gens de fleuve Sénégal », in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1236, 2002, pp. 29-2002, pp. 44-52. 387 V. De Rudder « L’ exclusion n’ est pas le ghetto, les immigrés dans les HLM », in Projet, janvier-fév, n° 171-172, pp. 8091.See also the same author, « Les conditions de logement des Algériens en France : un problème racial ? », in Les Algériens en France, genèse et devenir d’ une migration, J. Costa-lascoux et E. Temime (Coord), Paris, CNRS, 1985, pp. 320-335


was concerned, there would be a profound reorganization of the system which gradually would lead to finish with the system based on associations, in order to set a more professionalized systems and widen the targeted public. These new measures388 which had set up regional structures of welcoming the families reaffirmed the responsibility of the government in the application of this system concerning the reception of the immigrants. As a response to those preoccupations, studies dealing with the question of the integration took two directions: a branch of these researches tackled the reasons of the failure of the republican model of the integration389 while other studies insisted more on the crisis of this model by showing the exclusion to which the migrants are the subject390. After two thousands, the French government recognized the failure of that model of integration. As a result, it reaffirmed again its will to control immigration and to redefine the conditions of receiving the foreigners. Indeed, the government formalized the reception and the process of integration of foreigners by the Contract of Reception and Integration (Contrat d’ Accueil et d’ Intégration) 391 with a duration of one year, renewable once. The CAI contains two aspects: A common contract which is valid for all the public. It contains also mutual obligations of the two parties (the State and the new immigrant): it requires for the new migrants the respect of the laws and the values of the Republic and to follow civic instruction; in other side, the French State has to facilitate the access for the individual rights and language learning. The Contract contains also an annex which states further commitment to follow, if necessary, a linguistic formation and\or a supplementary training in the knowledge of the life in France and proposes an individualized social follow-up. However, it is too early to measure the impact of this new system on the newly arrived migrants. But an inquiry led by the DPM “Direction de la population et des migrations”(the Population and the Migrations Centre) gives us the first conclusions drawn by the institutional actors concerning the application of this system. According to this inquiry392, the signers of the contract in 2005 are mainly foreigners coming from the Maghreb - Algeria (22,5 %), Morocco (14,5 %) and Tunisia (6,6 %) and their average age is 31 and a half years. The second inquiry led by S. Olivier393 (2006) concerns essentially the beneficiaries of contract and their way of perceiving this system. Among the results of this inquiry, the author indicates at first the various motivations evoked by the signers. About this subject, he brings out two profiles. On one hand, there are those who could be called "interested", for which the signature of the contract meet with their objectives, long-term certainly, but at once perceptible: it is about making the subsequent procedures for the renewal of the residential card or a possible naturalization easier. On the other hand, the "curious", those who consider the signature of the contract as being a mean of looking for information and tools which would facilitate the comprehension of the French society. Besides their motivations, this inquiry also show that the expectations of the beneficiaries are mainly their desire to have access to the rights and to the laws governing the French society as well as to the vocational trainings and to the employment market. However, at the side of this system, we see appearing another question which is in correlation with that of the integration: it concerns the fight against growing discriminations. Among elements structuring the public action concerning the implementation of policies of fighting against discriminations, the first one holds in the recent creation of a proper organization against all forms of discrimination: the High Authority of Fight Against the Discriminations and for the Equality (HALDE). With the help of various devices conceived to fight against the "racial discriminations", the French authorities chose "the total fight against all forms of discrimination ". The second 394 element concerns the French conceptions of the relationship between “racial question " and " social question 388

Circulaire DPM du 12 mars 1993. See for instance the works of D. Schnapper, La France de l’ intégration. Sociologie de la Nation en 1990, Bibliothèque des sciences humaines, Paris, 1991. See the same author, La communauté des citoyens. Sur l’ idée moderne de nations, NRF, Paris, 1994. See also the works of G. Noiriel, Le creuset français, 390 we can cite here the works of P. Simon, « Le logement et l’ intégration des immigrés », in M. Segaud and al (sous la dir.), Logement et habitat, l’ état des savoirs, Paris, la découverte, 1998 ; M. Oberti, « La relégation urbaine, regard européens », in S. Paugam (sous la dir.), L’ exclusion, l’ Etat des savoirs, Paris, La découverte, pp. 237- 247, 1996 ; D. Pinson, R. Bekker, N. Boumaza, Familles maghrébines en France, l’ épreuve de la ville, Paris, PUF, 1999. 391 This contract created in April 10th, 2003 received a legislative foundation in the law for the promotion of the social cohesion of January 18th, 2005, which intends to be generalized to the whole national territory in 2006. it was the object of an experiment in twelve departments starting from July 1st, 2003. This one enlarged to 14 supplementary departments in 2004, to cover 61 departments on December 31st, 2005. 392 The conclusions of this enquiry have been reported in the article M. Maréchau- Mendoza, « Le dispositif du CAI : explication et bilan », Hommes et Migrations, n° 1261, mai-juin 2006, pp. 61-65. 393 S. Olivier, « Les signataires du CAI, des positions contrastées », Hommes et Migrations, n° 1261, mai-juin 2006, pp. 101114. 394 The word « race » here is not understood in its biological and essentialist meaning, idiotic as well as dangerous, but as the division of the social world in "racial" categories produced by racism. « Race » does not pre-exist to racism, but it is its resultat (C. Guillaumin, 1971). For M. Omi and H. Winant (1994), racism is many things at the same time: an ideological system, beliefs, 389



". This one is exactly characterized by the refusal to use the word of "race" as well as by attributing "racism" to the ideology of the extreme right, to the prejudices and to the physical acts of violence or verbal. The first devices of “fighting against racial discriminations” had nevertheless opened the way to the recognition of the specificity of the inequalities related to racism. Following the example of the inequalities between the sexes, the inequalities related to racism can not be reduced to the socio-economical disparities, as it is shown systematically and in a convergent way by the available statistical surveys in the domains of employment, housing, school and health services. This recognition remains nevertheless fragile because of the paramount importance of the «French model of integration» and the difficulty of isolating racial discriminations from other social difficulties. 4.3.3 Economic domain Morocco The economic aspects of the migration are mainly examined within the framework of three categories: the financial transfers of the migrants, the impact of the international migration on the zones of departure and the factors of the mobility concerning particularly the brain drain. The questions of the financial transfers and the brain drain are generally treated in a macro-social perspective while the economic impact of the mobility on the zones of departure is examined on meso and micro-social levels. According to recent studies, more than 9 Moroccan migrants out of 10 make financial transfers during the five years examined. About 60 % transfer at least a quarter of their annual incomes396. Compared to the rest of the world, Morocco occupies the fourth world rank behind India, Mexico, and the Philippines397 But it is in Morocco where these transfers have greatest impact on the national economy. This windfall constituted the main resource in currencies, exceeding widely tourism and the overall investments and the private foreign loans to Morocco398.Undeniably, the main Moroccan wealth results from the export of the labour force. The research gap can be identified with regard to the economic transfers of the migrants, concerning particularly transfers in kind. Their assessment is difficult. But these seem important regarding Italy and France where the "business of the suitcase" is one of the most important means of transfers. Moroccan immigrants engaged in the business regularly commute between the country of immigration and Morocco in vehicles filled with goods 399. According to an inquiry covering two main areas of emigration, Nador in the North and Tadla in the Center, transfers in kind cover 30- 50 % of all financial transfers400. The brain drain is a severe challenge for Morocco. The development of this phenomenon is explained by inherent factors of the professional, economic, social and political environment. It is especially the economic cost of this migration that is considered. It seems that the lack of specialists in certain countries of the EU, in particular, in the sector of the new information technologies and the communication brings these countries to launch recruitment campaigns. The data on these recruitments are very rare, but certain indications reveal the importance taken by this exodus, such as the existence in France of an " Association of the Moroccan Computer specialists in France " (the AIMAF), an association of Moroccan biologists and the association " Savoir et Développement " which includes Moroccan researchers of different specialities operating in various French regions, in Canada and in the United States401. The phenomenon which takes disturbing dimensions affects not only the graduates who have difficulties finding an employment, but also those who are employable locally.This exodus reduces the availability of the qualified

behaviours and a structured phenomenon made by economic division, housing segregation and other forms of inequalities. It does not go necessarly with prejudices and individual hostilities. 395 D. FASSIN, E. FASSIN (sous la direction de). De la question sociale à la question raciale ? Représenter la société française, Paris, La Découverte 2007. 396 Hamdouch, B. et al., Les Marocains résidant à l’ étranger. Une enquête socio-économique, INSEA, Rabat 2000, Hamdouch, B., Les effets économiques de la migration internationale au Maroc, in. Alami, H. et al., Le Maroc et les migrations, Rapport, FES, Rabat, 2005. 397 Khachani 2004; Chigueur, M. et al., L’ émigration marocaine vers l’ Europe et l’ Italie, in. Collectif, Le migrant marocain en Italie comme agent de développement et d’ innovation dans les communautés d’ origine, Exodus, Milan, 2005. 398 Khachani 2004; Hamdouch 2005. 399 Khachani, M. & Harrami, N., « La question migratoire dans les relations euro-maghrébines », communication présentée au XII assises de la Méditerranée « Phénomènes migratoires dans les sociétés de la Méditerranée et des Balkans », Fédération des Barreaux de l’ Europe, Trani (Italie), 27-29 juin 2002. 400 GERA : "Etude localisée sur l'impact des transferts des résidents marocains à l'étranger". Rapport final. Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, .Rabat 1994. 401 Khachani 2004


workforce which Morocco needs in order to guarantee autonomous and long-lasting development and begin the restructuration of its economy402. The formation of an executive is expensive. An engineer of the National Institute of the Posts and Telecommunications of Rabat (whose entire promotion 2001 has left the country) costs to the State about a million dirhams (100 000 euro) for two years of formation. To this amount, it is necessary to add all the expenses connected to his/her training before entering this Institute. In other words, a considerable volume of budgetary expenditure related to education serves, in fact, for financing the technological development of the countries benefiting from this form of emigration403. Quantitatively, the works on the impact of international mobility on the zones of departure constitute the bulk of the research carried out in Morocco on the international migration. These works, mainly developed within geography, tried to picture changes induced by migration in regions with high dynamic international migration. Such is the case of the south (Sub, the High Atlas and Anti-Atlas), the Grand Casablanca and the Oriental which constitute the historical home of international migration in Morocco. The descriptions and the analyses concerned the transformations of the space and the economy of the zones of departure under the effect of the international migration. The development of the tertiary activities, the change in the structure of buildings (passage from the housing in a mud to brick housing in the rural and access to the property in the urban) and the extension of cities by means of the emergence of new residential lots are presented everywhere as the main effects of the international migration. It is indisputable that the money of the Moroccan migrants contributes significantly to the economic life of various regions of the country. In some regions, it constitutes the main economic resource. Its role in boosting the construction sector is fundamental whether through the acquisitions of housing or by the effect led by the mobilization of this money in banks. The transformations of the space are particularly perceptible in rural areas regarding the level of the architectural transformations and the way of life404. In the metropolis of Casablanca, traditional host of the internal migrations is the main pole of the Moroccan international migration; the realizations made in the real-estate have remarkable spatial effects405. Also, in the other traditional zones of departure as Sous in the South, the Oriental and the Rif in the North of the country or in the new areas of departure as the plain of Tadla in the center of the country, the migration, through the financial transfers and the investments of the emigrants, plays a driving role in boosting the real-estate sector, the urbanization and the improvement of the housing conditions of the populations406. The international migration is praised as a factor of economic development. This vision was embodied in the works realized in the new zones of departure as Tadla, Settat and Khouribga in the center of the country 407. Other works have attempted qualify this “developmental”role of the international migrations. If the transnational mobility has led to an improvement of the economic conditions of the households, it did not promote everywhere development of the zones of departure. In the pre-Saharan oases, the low local economic potentialities and the research for favorable places activated the drainage of the capital towards the economically most developed regions. This process has often come along with the exodus of migrants' relatives towards the places of investment. The 402

Hamdouchi 2005 403 Khachani 2004; Collectif, La migration Sud-Nord : la problématique des fuites des compétences, AMERM, Rabat, 2002. 404 Charef, 1986 405 Zouana, Khadija L'émigration internationale de travail et ses implications spatiales dans la Wilaya du Grand Casablanca : étude de cas : étude géographique et cartographique, Thèse de doctorat : Géographie : Poitiers : 1993 406 Haj Ali, Oulfa, Caractéristiques de l'émigration marocaine vers l'Espagne et son impact sur les transformations sociospatiales : cas de la commune rurale de Sidi Boutmime / Oulfa Haj Ali In Emigrés-immigrés dans le développement local : [actes du colloque international organisé à Agadir du 26 au 28 février 2003] / [par l'Observatoire régional des migrations Espaces et sociétés] ; sous la dir. de Mohamed Charef et Patrick Gonin ; Lazaar, M'hamed, La migration internationale de travail et ses effets sur les campagnes du Rif : (province d'Al Hoceima - Maroc), Thèse : Géographie humaine : Poitiers : 1989 ; Daide, H., La migration internationale de travail et son rôle dans l’ urbanisation de deux petites villes du sud-ouest marocain : Tiznit et Ouled Teima, Thèse de 3e cycle : Géographie : Poitiers : 1989 ; Charef, M., L’ émigration internationale et son rôle dans la production du logement au Maroc, thèse de géographie, Université de Poitiers, 1986 ; Ellaik, R., Al-Hijra adawliya wa taatiruha âla al-majal arrifi bi-tadla. Halat jamaâatai Ouled Said El Oued wa Ouled Youssef (L’ immigration internationale et ses effets sur l’ espace rura du Tadla. Cas des communes de Ouled Said ElOued et Ouled Youssef), Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de Béni Mellal, mémoire de licence en géographie1998 ; Fettah, R, Al-hijra addawliya wa taâtiruha âla attamain. Halat Beni Mellal (La migration internationale et ses effets sur l’ urbanisation. Cas de la ville de Béni Mellal), Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de Béni Mellal, mémoire de licence en géographie, 2002 ; El Hafnaoui, F., Al Hijra adawliyya wa taatiruha âala al-majal a-rrifi bi-Tadla. Halat jamaâtay Bradia wa Ouled Zmam (La migration internationale et ses effets sur l’ espace rural du Tadla. Le cas des communes de Bradia et Ouled Zmame), Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de Béni Mellal, mémoire de licence en géographie, 1998 ; El Haji, H., Al Hijra a-dawliyya wa taatiruha âala al-majal arrifi bi-Tadla. Halat jamaât Bni Oukil. (La migration internationale et ses effets sur l’ espace rural du Tadla. Le cas de la commune de Bni Oukil), Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de Béni Mellal, 1998. 407 Mounir 1996 403


economy of the international migration promotes then the exacerbation of the regional disparities and not the development of the regions of high migration. The ageing of the first generation migrants threatens thousands of families with the disappearance of remittances. Some zones of departure may have to face in a near future a difficult economic situation408. France Most of the scientific studies which bent over the immigration issue from the economic point of view, namely that concerning the immigration from the Maghreb, made it under the prism of ethnic networks. One of the results of these researches is the important role played by the ethnic networks in setting up businesses and companies (A. Pécoud409, 2004). However, even if the action of these networks is perceived as fundamental, it is often approached exclusively from the “bottom”, the fact which shows little of the variety of the entrepreneurship within the immigrant populations. Besides, this approach hides the importance of the economic, institutional and political context within which these commercial activities take place. Trade activities of the immigrants are often considered as ethnic: we use for example frequently the expression "ethnic trade". Numerous researchers in social sciences were interested in the question of the ethnic trade in the urban space and in that of the commercial community networks (M. Guillon and I. Taboada-Leonetti, 410 1986 ; A. Raulin, 411 2000 ; A. Battegay412, 2003). But there are few who tackled the question of trade in the form of transnational space as did E. Ma Mung et G. Simon. 413 1990 and A. Tarrius414 1987 ; M. Perraldi415, 2001 and 2002) as well as who took into account the gender aspect of this activity (V. Manry416, 2005) . The stress on the notion of the ethnic trade lies on the fact of the essential role played by the community links in the functioning of the immigrant trades, and first of all in the access of the immigrants to the entrepreneurship who have in general only limited resources, which makes them as well as the other immigrants in the bottom position of the social scale. This in fact should have prevented them from opening their own businesses, but their belonging to a minority group opened for them other opportunities, called ‘ ethnic’ , which helps them to overcome these difficulties (A. Pécoud, op cit : 13). A. Battegay (1990 : 147) showed that ethnic trades were introduced “in the breaches of the trade system, mainly in poor areas created by the reorganisation of the urban trade”, and the immigrants who hold these trades adopted “the local consumer habits”. Whereas, A. Raulin (1987) insisted rather on the idea of the cultural communication habits as a stage setting to implement ethnicity in purposes of marketing, and considers that the ethnicity constitutes a mode of organization which draws its legitimacy from various cultural registers. An essential characteristic of the immigrant networks such as they appear in the scientific works on the immigrants’ trades is what could be called "the bottom" dimension. The underlying idea is that networks develop in opposition to an established and dominant system, from which the immigrants are more or less explicitly excluded. This “bottom" dimension also shows itself by the informal aspect of the networks which traders often use in their activities. The entrepreneurs of the majority obtain bank loans and engage formally their employees, whereas the immigrants have appeal to informal procedures based on the trust and on the help of the members of their families or their ethnic group. This approach claims that there are two worlds: the first one from "the top", which is the one of the receiving society, works according to formal rules, and the second from “below", proper to the minorities, governed by much more informal rules. However, according to A. Pécoud (2004, op cit : 15) to tackle the issue of the whole immigrants activities , particularly their trade activities, by making systematically the distinction between the “top” and “below”, the 408

Naim, Mohamed, La migration internationale de travail et les transformations socio-spatiales dans les oasis presahariennes du Maroc : le cas de la vallée du Todrha, Thèse de doctorat : Géographie : Nice : 1997. 409 A. Pécoud, « Réseaux, ethnicité et institutions dans les économies immigrées », in Hommes et migrations, n° 1250, pp. 1323. 410 M. Guillon et I. Taboad-Leonetti, Le triangle de Choisy. Un quartier chinois à Paris, CEMI/L’ Harmattan, Paris, 1986, pp. 7379. 411 A. Raulin, L’ ethnique est quotidien. Diasporas, marchés et cultures commerçantes et cultures métropolitaines, Paris, L’ Harmattan, Coll. Connaissance des Hommes, 2000. 412 A. Battegay, « Les recompositions d’ une centralité commerçante immigrée : la Place du Pont à Lyon ». Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales, Vol 19, n° 2, pp. 9-22. 413 E. Ma Mung and G. Simon, Commerçants maghrébins et asiatiques en France, Masson, Paris, 1990. 414 A. Tarrius, Les fourmis d’ Europe. Migrants pauvres et nouvelles villes internationales, l’ Harmattan, Paris, 1995. 415 M. Peraldi (ed.), Cabas et contraintes. Activités marchandes et réseaux transfrontaliers. Maisonneuve et Larose, Paris, 2001, M. Peraldi (ed.), La fin des norias ? Réseaux migrants dans les économies marchandes en Méditerranée, Maisonneuve et Larose, Paris, 2002. 416 V. Manry, « Les mobilités féminines maghrébines dans l’ espace Euro-méditerranéen : quand Fatima, Aicha, Meryem… .prennent la route, in Migrations Société, vol 17, n° 99-100, pp. 210-213 ?


approach has two main flaws: On one hand, this approach neglects the internal heterogeneousness to the immigrant populations. All the entrepreneurs do not join in the same way these "ethnic" networks, and the commercial activities of some have nothing to do with these informal practices. There are even entrepreneurs of immigrant origins who maintain no more relationship with the population from which they came from. On the other hand, this approach from the “bottom" hides the importance of the wider context in which the commercial activities of the immigrants takes place. Undoubtedly the immigrant entrepreneurs often occupy weak positions within the societies in which they live, and if we cannot deny that they develop strategies allowing them to surmount this subordinate position , the fact remains that they belong to a macro-context - economic, institutional, political and that their commercial opportunities depend largely on this context. At the same time as this approach which is particularly interested in the commercial activities in the host countries even when it recognizes their transnational dimension, other works rather centred on the economic role played by immigrants in their home countries. And therefore, the issue of the co-development prevails. Indeed, the researchers dealing with the question of the savings and with the transfers of money by the migrant workers in France tend to assimilate the savings to the economic transfer417. Thus to take these two concepts together means that the sending of capital made by the immigrants towards their home countries have a productive end, thus means an economic development (R. Blion and S. Witeska, 418 on 1998, p: 38). The savings of the migrant workers and their sending to the home countries are one of the recurring subjects of the economic analysis of the international migrations. Many articles and works were dedicated to this subject these last twenty years and all contain evaluations of the amount of transfers made by the migrant workers, as well as the analyses on the possible impact of these transfers on the economic development of their home countries. From these studies, it emerges clearly that the remittances constitute, for the developing countries, a very important part of the transfers of resources from the industrial nations. The importance and the regularity of the capital depend on the interaction of many factors, such as the living conditions in the host country, the degree of assimilation of the immigrant of consumer habits dominating in the host country, the age, the family situation, the duration of stay of the immigrant as well as the existence or not of a project of return (Ibid, p. 40). Furthermore, there is a clear cleavage between the countries which are at the origin of the oldest migratory streams, for which transfers are yet stabilized or even decline, and those which constitute the most recent manpower providers , for which the growth of the volume of the transfer continues in a constant flow (In. Lebon419, on 1984). 4.3.4 Educational domain Morocco The dimensions of the transnationalism related to the domain of the education are examined in two perspectives: 1) The appreciation of the social structure of the migratory flows; 2) The effects of the mobility on the schooling in the zones of departure. The blind spot of the Moroccan research on the dimensions of the transnationalism in relation to the education remains the migration of studies. Numerous students leave Morocco every year to enter or finish their higher education in Europe and in North America. Despite the importance of the phenomenon, we have no knowledge about the processes of departure, trajectories and especially any future of these students after the formation. For both mentioned aspects, analyses concern mainly the meso and micro-social levels. As for the structure of the migratory streams from Morocco, the education presents a relevant variable to seize the evolution of the socio-demographic characteristics of migrants over time. Based on this socio-educational variable, the consulted researches characterize the waves of the years 1980/90 as being revelations of a turning point in the practice of the international mobility in Morocco. As a result of the implementation of the plan of structural adjustment imposed on the Moroccan State by the international financial institutions (World Bank and IMF), and of the stopping of the systematic recruitment of university graduates, 1980s marked a strong integration of educated 420 individuals and young graduates in the migratory dynamics . Until then, migration was mainly carried out by individuals having evolved outside the school system.


We can cite for instance the article of N. Martin, « Le programme de développement local migratoire au Mali, en Mauritanie et au Sénégal », in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1214, 1998, pp. 86-90. 418 R. Blion, S. Witeska, « Revenues, Epargne et Transferts d’ économies des immigrés Maliens et Sénégalais en France », in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1214, 1998, pp. 46. 419 A. Lebon, « Les envois de fond des migrants et leur utilisation », Migrations Internationales, n° 22, octobre 1984, pp. 281333. 420 Hamdouchi 2005; Mounir 1996; Ablal, A., Al hijra assiriyya : muqaraba sossiolojia. (La migration clandestine : approche sociologique), éd. Synergie , Fès, 2002


In this second part, migration while allowing a development of the schooling of the children in the zones of departure by means of the financial transfers that improve the economic possibilities of the households 421, the new models of social success introduced by the migration strongly participated in the disqualification of success through school422. Choices and plans concerning education are sometimes motivated by the considerations to take part in transnational mobility423. This turning point in the impact of the migration concerning education, visible since the 1980s, coincides with the stopping of systematic recruitment of the laureates of universities (applied by the plan of structural adjustment), and thus the decline of the integrative function of the school424. France In this field, the scientific studies focused on two poles: the difficulties met by migrant pupils in their schooling and the equivalences of diplomas of the migrants. The emergence of the question of the schooling of the migrant pupils as an "issue" deserving a particular institutional treatment goes back to the beginning of the seventies. Thus in 1970425, the government created introductory classes in the primary school ( classes d’ initiation, CLIN), and three years later special classes were created in the middle schools called afterwards “receiving classes” (Classes d’ Accueil, CLA), which will be gradually completed by more performing devices to include (remedial classes and complementary classes) (C. Schiff, 426, on 2004: 75). Inquiries led about the supposed difficulties met by the migrant pupils reveal a dysfunction at the level of the institution itself. A case of this dysfunction was given by C. Schiff, on 2004: 79) who from a mathematical test for the migrant pupils coming from the Maghreb, showed that the difficulty came from the fact that the test in question, even if it is drafted in Arabic, it is above all elaborated according to the standards of the French school system which does not take into account the teaching methods of Arabic in schools in the Maghreb countries. Another problem underlined by the author lies in the hesitations of the institutional actors who perceive the aged teenagers of the first migrant as "above the school age". However, most of the works dedicated to the pupils within the educational system concern mainly the young people born in the host country more than on the pupils newly arrived427 with their parents. According to P. Vianna428 (2004) the various reasons pointed out by the researchers to explain the "failures" of the educational system in its mission to integrate the young people from the immigration lies mainly in an unfavourable socio-economic context, within an educational system functioning in a logic of social reproduction which excluded the most vulnerable, the social background which excludes and discriminates children of foreigners and finally institutional means and political measures little adapted to the case of the young people coming from immigration. Next to this important research studies on the young people, coming from the immigration, inside the school system, the other much rarer works dedicate themselves to another aspect of the educational system, namely the migration and the insertion of the immigrant intellectual elites429. They also show how the international, national and local contexts, the social networks, or the capital of these social categories define more and more atypical migratory routes and draw new migratory maps. They pointed out an important intra regional intellectual migration of the young graduates from the Maghreb or more and more important western Africa migrations: Many Tunisian 421

Charef 1986 Mounir 1996 423 Harrami, N., « Les étudiants des facultés des lettres marocaines et l’ enseignement universitaire: l’ acquisition des savoirs et la représentation de l’ avenir professionnel », in. Gérard, E. (dir.), Savoirs, insertion et globalisation. Vu du Maghreb, Publisud, Paris 2006. 424 Harrami & Mahdi 2006 425 M.-C. Blanc-Chaleard, « Français et Italiens à l’ école de la République, Histoire de quatre écoles primaires de l’ Est parisien », Revue d’ histoire moderne et contemporaine, vol. 38, n° 4, 1991 ; C. Schiff, « Les adolescents primo-arrivants au collège. Les contradictions de l’ intégration dans un univers en tension », VEI enjeux, n° 125, juin 2001 ; L.-A. Vallet et J.-P. Caille, Les élèves étrangers ou issus de l’ immigration dans l’ école et le collège français, Les dossiers d’ éducation et formation du ministère de l’ Education nationale, n° 67, avril 1996. 426 C. Schiff, « L’ institution scolaire et les élèves migrantes : peut mieux faire », in Hommes et Migrations, n° 1251, 2004, pp. 7585. 427 As an example , we can cite the following research works : A. Aggoun, « Le projet de vie de l’ adolescente d’ origine maghrébine en situation de réussite scolaire », in Migrations Société, n° 73, janvier-février 2001, pp. 127-146 ; H. Ait Mouhou, Les jeunes issus de l’ immigration maghrébine : l’ investissement scolaire, une stratégie identitaire, Dijon : IRTESS, mémoire de DEASS, 2000 ; F. Aubert et al, Jeunes issus de l’ immigration : de l’ école à l’ emploi, paris, CIEMI-L’ Harmattan, 1997, C. Barthon, « La ségrégation comme processus dans l’ école et dans la ville, REMI, n° 1, 1998, pp. 93-102… 428 P. Vianna, « Les échecs du système éducatif français », in Migrations Société, vol 16, n° 93-94, pp. 129-139 429 See for instance, A. Kadri, Parcours d’ intellectuels maghrébins, Paris, Kartala, 1999 ; V. Geisser, Diplômés maghrébins d’ ici et d’ ailleurs, Paris, CNRS, 2000. BORGNOGNO, V, STREIFF-FENART, J, PONARD, M, WOLLENDWEIDER, L, SIMON, V (1995), Les étudiants étrangers en France: trajectoires et devenir, Rapport pour la DPMI, Université de Sophia Antipolis, Décembre 1995 ; V.SIMON, La migration des étudiants maghrébins en France et ses transformations(1962-1994), thèse de doctorat en histoire, Paris VII, 1997. 422


graduates for example go more and more in Mauritania and in Morocco and conversely Moroccans make Tunisia as one of their destinations. Senegal becomes too a privileged destination for number of students from the Maghreb. Also Sahelian students tend to diversify their destinations to the Maghreb and to the Middle East. Immigration routes are also redefined afterward by the public policies towards immigrations from the South in the Shengen zone. France appears then for many as a transit country for re-emigration to other destinations like Canada, United States and other countries of northern Europe. We notice also another intra European movement, not yet clearly defined, inside the Shengen zone. So, many graduates, after a brief passage in France, settle in Belgium, Holland, Spain and even in UK ( though it is not inside the Shengen zone). In contrast number of graduates coming from Germany, Spain, Italy and some Northern Europe countries settle in France. However, Italy and Spain known as emigrating countries turn to be a ground for immigration and we observe in these countries a significant increasing number of North Africans and Africans during the last decade. No doubt, the language factor helped to shape the routes of the migrations in the past. However, nowadays this aspect tends to disappear in the choice of the migration destinations. And we were able to see Arab speaking students, who followed their studies in the Anglo-Saxon countries, emigrate to the Gulf countries and even towards Malaysia and Indonesia. However, the destinations tend to be more diversified, number of Arab speaking intellectuals settle in UK, United States, Canada and some North African countries as well as Africa. Moreover, France is no more an exclusive destination for the French speaking elites who emigrate more and more to other European countries like Germany, Northern Europe or to the United States. These circuits are often based on the social networks governed by family relationships. The already established families constitute a landmark in the elaboration of the emigration plan. So, many graduates who settled in the none traditional immigration countries fall back to France and Belgium where they could find relatives. It is so important to question, through the family policies implemented by States either the home or the host countries, namely through the family reunification policies and their impacts, the sociological transformations of the family towards a double even a triple residence and the manipulation of the social advantages, the papers, the passports, and nationalities. These circuits can be also built on political links: we observed for example that the stop of the electoral process in Algeria and its consequences developed a migration movement based on the partisan membership either Islamist or communist. We so observe a phenomenon of ‘ transnationalisation’of these political networks which appear for the Islamist, as a new shape of alter globalisation besides those more classic movements inspired by the left. There are finally circuits based on cultural affinities with an identity aspect as those of the Berber cultural movement or other minority ethnic groups. The representation of the graduates as well as the practices are to be distinguished according to the statutes of each category - unemployed persons, academics, doctors, journalists, artists, computer specialists, public / private administrative executives, political activists - according to the sex-ratio, the age, the conditions of departure and arrival, according to the political and ideological beliefs of each one. However, in taking into account all these parameters, we can formulate the hypothesis that their relationship with the home country is mainly determined by the different ways and principles of insertion followed in the host countries and defined by the representations that each makes out of her/his future. 4.4. TRANSNATIONAL SPACE 4: TURKEY-GERMANY 4.4.1 Political domain Turkey With the exception of the early years of the Republic of Turkey when there was a two-way flow of people — influx of Muslim-Turkish populations of the Ottoman Empire left outside the borders of newborn Turkey and the exodus of non-Muslims out of the same borders— there was a tendency in the migration literature to treat Turkey as a case of country of origin. However, since 1979 Turkey has also become a country of immigration and transit, a change that is only recently widely acknowledged by the academic literature.430 Escape from political persecution and violence 430

See çduygu, A. (2004) Demographic Mobility and Turkey: Migration Experiences and Government Responses. Mediterranean Quarterly 15 (4): 88-99; (2006) A Panorama of the International Migration Regime in Turkey. Revue Europeenne des Migrations Internationales 22 (3): 11-21; and Erder, S. (2003) Global Flows of Huddles: The Case of Turkey. In Zeybeko lu, E. & Johansson B. (Eds.) Migration and Labour in Europe. Istanbul: Marmara University Research Center for International Relations (MURCIR) and Swedish National Institute for Working Life (NIWL).


as well as economic motivation stimulate migrants from a large spectrum of countries to come to Turkey. Recently, Turkey is attracting more and more immigrants from Western Europe. The change from being a country of origin to one of destination and transit put Turkey in a rather awkward position in terms of her own migration policies. Turkey found herself in the middle of the many criticisms that she was herself posing towards other countries — especially Germany, where there are large groups of Turkish immigrants. To illustrate, like Germany, Turkey is quite unwilling to accept being an immigrant country.431 It is almost with the pressure of the EU accession negotiations that the necessary policies have begun to take into effect.432 Still, there are many legal limits to immigrants’political and social integration into the community at large.433 While there are ongoing legal problems with the state’ s management of migration, the Turkish society’ s attitude to immigrants is somewhat hypocritical. On the one hand, the way that Turkish people treat those immigrants from the EU can be defined as “positive discrimination”, i.e., attributing positive characteristics to the entire group of migrants from the EU. 434 On the other hand, there is a newly developed xenophobia against non-EU migrants in Turkey.435 Although tthe attitude of Turkish society towards the migrants from the EU is quite positive, the state’ s philosophy of various immigration and asylum-related policies and practices bears a resemblance to the society’ s rather intolerant manners towards the non-EU migrants. The Law on Settlement of 1934 is the major piece of legislation that sustains this conservative philosophy of the state436.The law contains terms on who can immigrate, settle, and acquire refugee status in the country, noticeably giving preferentiality to individuals of Turkish descent and culture who apply as immigrants and refugees. Conversely, despite her conservative policies on the permanent settlement of foreigners, Turkey’ s visa regime has been somewhat liberal. The Turkish Passport Law that outlines the conditions for foreigners to obtain entry visas for Turkey states that foreigners who want to live in Turkey must enter the country legally, and some foreign citizens must possess an entry visa. However, until recently, while citizens of more than 40 countries did not need to obtain visa to enter the country, nationals of more than 30 countries could get sticker-type visas at the Turkish borders. Moreover, regardless of their continuing participation in irregular migration, citizens of Iran, Morocco, and Tunisia still have three-months visa exemptions.437 The major legal instrument that settles on the residence and working status of migrants in Turkey is the Turkish Law on Foreigners (Law No. 5683, dated 15 July 1950) that states that foreigners must apply for a residence permit that is issued by the local Police Department after a detailed investigation.438 Frequently, a work permit is a precondition for a residence permit, as the applicant has to demonstrate a valid work permit or sufficient financial sources during the application. In addition, the applicant must prove no aim of disturbing public order in the country. Only after the fulfillment of these conditions that a residence permit may be issued, initially for one year, renewable for a period of three years, and then again for a period of five years. 439 Maybe the most germane legislation defining the transnational political activities of immigrants in Turkey is the Citizenship Law (Law No. 403, dated 11 February 1964). The recent amendments to the Law may also be used to reflect the changes in Turkey’ s perception of migration management. An amendment to Article 5 of the Law, which is dated 4 June 2003, had consequences for fighting against irregular migration and protecting immigrants’ 431

For a critique of the German policies towards immigrant communities, see Hönekopp, E. (2007). Yabanc lar ve Türklerin Alman Emek Pazar na Entegrasyonu: Birçok Sorun. In Kaya, A. & ahin, B. Kökler ve Yollar Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar . 432 For a more detailed analysis of migration as an issue between Turkey and EU, see Widgren, J. (2003). Turkey on the Threshold to the EU: Will Migration Be a Complicating or Facilitating Factor? In Zeybeko lu, E. & Johansson B. (Eds.) Migration and Labour in Europe. Istanbul: Marmara University Research Center for International Relations (MURCIR) and Swedish National Institute for Working Life (NIWL). 433 Kaiser, B. (2007) Türkiye'deki Avrupa Birli i Yurtta lar : Siyasal ve Toplumsal Kat n Önündeki Engeller. In Kaya, A. & ahin, B. Kökler ve Yollar Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar . 434 Ibid. 435 Do an, E. (2007) Locating Xenophobia in Turkey. In E. Berggren, et. al. (Eds.) Irregular Migration, Informal Labour and Community: A Challenge for Europe. Maastricht, Shaker Publishing. 436 çduygu, A. (2007) EU-ization Matters: Changes in Immigration and Asylum Practices in Turkey. In Faist, T. & Ette, A. (Eds.) Europeanization of National Policies and Politics of Immigration: Between Autonomy and the European Union. Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 201-222. 437 For more information on Turkey’ s visa requirements, see the official website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 438 There is also the Law on the Residence and Travel Activities of Foreigners (Law No. 7564) of the same date that regulates the conditions for residence and settlement of foreigners. 439 Foreign spouses of Turkish citizens may obtain a three-year residence permit on their first application, which is then renewable after five years. Upon termination of marriage or death of the Turkish spouse, they do not have any legal right to renew residence permit.


rights.440 Before the amendment, while female foreigners could acquire Turkish citizenship immediately by marrying a Turkish national — causing many irregular women migrants to obtain permits via arranged marriages— it was harder for male foreigners to obtain Turkish citizenship through marriage. Under the current legislation, the conditions for citizenship are standardized for both genders: foreigners who are married to Turkish nationals can become citizens of the Republic on the condition that their marriage continues over three years. Additionally, children of such couples are immediately granted Turkish citizenship. There is an increased tolerance of dual citizenship in Turkey. According to the findings of academic research, the number of Turkish citizens living abroad and their economic weight to Turkey are important in elucidating this phenomenon where a variety of émigré Turkish organizations, especially in Germany, persuade policy-makers in Turkey to assist their needs to integrate in their host country without having to renounce their rights to inheritance in Turkey441. Despite such an opening in Turkey’ s citizenship law and perception on dual citizenship, many Turkish migrants living abroad are still having problems in terms of acquiring citizenship of their host countries. 442 Yet, this lack of recognition on the state level does not prevent their involvement in political participation and activities. In Germany, where dual citizenship is almost treated as a taboo, there is a tendency to encourage associations of migrant communities443. Accordingly, there are a total of 2,014 active Turkish-migrant associations in Germany. While 668 of these can be defined as religious associations, 670 are involved in socio-cultural, 343 in sportive, and 333 in other activities where a majority of these associations belong to Islamic movements, and a significant number of them represent the Kurdish diaspora. 444 The effect of such groups on the Turkish-German and Turkish-EU relations is a topic of extensive scholarly debate. Based on the findings of a comparative study of the so-called Euro-Turks living in Germany and France, while 40 percent of Turkish immigrants living in Germany and France make up a bridge between Turkey and Europe, another 40 percent is a barrier between the two, and almost 20 percent are assimilated.445 On the state-level, whether Turkey can bridge its immigration policies with those of the EU is still a subject of controversy. On the one hand, on 25 March 2005, the Turkish government adopted an Action Plan for Asylum and Migration that is a comprehensive document of the depiction of the existing policies and practices and the mid-and-long-term goals to be achieved in the areas of immigration and asylum.446 On the other hand, it became apparent that the Plan’ s comprehensive codification, through the Law on Aliens and the Law on Asylum has been postponed to 2012.447 Germany Concepts and research on phenomena of political transnationalism refer mostly to the meso-level of transnational political practices and the macro-level of political institutions. Although one could also focus on individual political behavior on the micro-level, such as voting, political media-consuming, support of political parties, these kinds of action are usually of interest in relation to their collective and institutional relevance. Moreover, most of the few studies that exist so far on political transnationalism concentrate on the interactions and interdependencies of the 440

çduygu, A. (2007) EU-ization Matters: Changes in Immigration and Asylum Practices in Turkey. In Faist, T. & Ette, A. (Eds.) Europeanization of National Policies and Politics of Immigration: Between Autonomy and the European Union. Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 201-222. 441 Kadirbeyo lu, Z. (2007) National Transnationalism: Dual Citizenship in Turkey. Dual Citizenship in Europe. T. Faist. Hampshire and Burlington, Ashgate. 442 For example, for an overview, and a critique, of the German citizenship law, see Kaya, A. (2005). Citizenship and the hyphenated Germans: German-Turks. In Keyman, E. F. & çduygu A. Citizenship in a Global World. London and New York, Routledge. Similarly, for an overview of citizenship and international migration debate in Australia in relation to Turkish migrants, see enay, B. (2007). Uluslararas Göç ve Vatanda k: Avustralya'daki Türk Göçmenler Üzerine Bir nceleme. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul. 443 Abadan-Unat, N. (2007) Türk D Göçünün A amalar : 1950'li Y llardan 2000'li Y llara. Kökler ve Yollar. A. Kaya, B. ahin. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar . 444 For a study of such organizations in London, UK, see Bal-Uzun, Ö. & Da delen, G. (2007). Göçmenlerin Örgütleri ve Örgütlerin Göçmenleri: Londra'da "Türkiyeli" Kültürlerin Üretimi. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul. Similarly, for a detailed focus on women’ s organizational networks in Amsterdam, Netherlands see Öztan, E. (2007). Göç Ba lam nda Yurtta k ve Toplumsal Cinsiyet: Amsterdaml Türkiye Kökenli Göçmen Kad nlar n Sosyal A lar ve Sivil/Siyasal Kat m. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul. 445 Kaya, A. & Kentel, F. (2005) Euro-Türkler Türkiye ile Avrupa Birli i Aras nda Köprü Mü, Engel Mi? Almanya-Türkleri ve Fransa-Türkleri Üzerine Kar la rmal Bir Çal ma. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar . For another comparison of Turks in Germany and France, see Tuzcu, P. (2007). Almanya ve Fransa'da Türk Göçmen Olmak: Göçmen Kimli inin Olu um Sürecinde Ortak Yönleri Olan ki Farkl Örnek. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul. 446 çduygu, A. (2007) EU-ization Matters: Changes in Immigration and Asylum Practices in Turkey. In Faist, T. & Ette, A. (Eds.) Europeanization of National Policies and Politics of Immigration: Between Autonomy and the European Union. Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 201-222. 447 Ibid.


meso- and the macro-level. Perhaps, that could be attributed to the fact, as Bauböck 448 suggests, that transnational political activities always affect governmental units, whereas transnational relations and ties in the economic, sociocultural and educational domains need not involve states and nations. This also suggests that analyzing political transnationalism of migrants should include different kinds of actors and their interactions: besides the groups and organizations involved in cross-border political activities, also relevant political actors and governments in both the emigration and immigration states as well as transnational civil society organizations and international institutions should be included449. Different forms of transnational politics of immigrants can be distinguished. According to Østergaard-Nielsen, a basic differentiation between “homeland politics”450 and “immigrant politics”because of the different addressees of transnational claims-making is useful. Whereas the former pertains to cross-border politics, supporting or opposing the political regime or certain political parties or goals in the country of origin, the latter is aimed to improve the status of emigrants in the immigration state, but also can have a transnational dimension if countries of origin are involved in supporting emigrants in the countries of immigration. Studies on migrant political participation in the German as well as in the European context until very recently have concentrated predominantly on the meso-level, focussing on collective participation and organization of immigrants or, if including interactions with state authorities, were confined to political processes within the immigration states451. These studies build, by and large, on the assumption of a positive relation of political participation in the immigration country of settlement with immigrant integration and, if considered at all, view political practices of migrants directed to their home countries, often implicitly, as an indicator of disintegration. A study, considering explicitly the transnational dimension of migrant politics, explains transnational practices of immigrants as a consequence of the political opportunity structures of immigration states452. Based on a quantitative comparative content analysis of newspapers in the Netherlands, Great Britain and Germany, the authors claimed that a disproportionate share of homeland political claims-making among migrants in Germany is due to a comparatively restrictive model of inclusion, mainly regarding citizenship law. However, it could well be that the more liberal democracies also favour ‘ homeland’oriented politics, albeit for other reasons. In other words, it could be that not only restrictive citizenship policies but, quite to the contrary, a wide range of civil and political rights and opportunities encourage transnational politics. Moreover, multicultural policies can be conducive to transnational practices as they provide resources and space for institutionalisation of ethnic or religious organisations. 453 However, that the dynamics of transnational political practices cannot be regarded simply as a function of the immigrant integration regime of the respective immigration state, demonstrate convincingly the comprehensive studies of transnational politics of Turks and Kurds in Germany and, in comparative perspective, of Turks and Kurds in Germany and the Netherlands by Østergaard-Nielsen454. First, migrants react also politically on events and developments in their home country, for which reason the political opportunity structure of the emigration country has to be included in analysis. One obvious example in the Turkish-German context is the mobilization of Kurds in Germany, including their sympathizers, in the 1990s due to the persecution of Kurds in Turkey. How transnational practices have been brought forward through the political contexts in both countries has been 448

Bauböck, R. (2003) Towards a Political Theory of Migrant Transnationalism. International Migration Review, 37(3), 700-723. Østergaard-Nielsen, E. (2003) The Politics of Migrants’Transnational Political Practices. International Migration Review, 37(3), 760-786. 450 “Homeland politics”can be further differentiated: “Emigrant politics”pertains to emigrants demanding recognition, certain rights and political influence in their home country polity, “Diaspora politics”is confined to marginalized and excluded groups in the country of origin or to those not even having a homeland polity, and “Translocal politics”focus on the local instead of the national level and is oriented to improve the situation in local communities of origin. See Østergaard-Nielsen, E. (2003) The Politics of Migrants’Transnational Political Practices. International Migration Review, 37(3), 760-786; Østergaard-Nielsen, E. (2003) Transnational Politics. Turks and Kurds in Germany. London/New York: Routledge, p. 21. 451 Layton-Henry, Z. (1990) Immigrant Assoziations. In Layton-Henry, Z. (Ed.) The Political Rights of Migrant Workers in Western Europe. London: Sage Publications, 94-112; Soysal, Y. N. (1994) Limits of Citizenship. Chicago: University Press of Chicago; Doomernik, J. (1995) The Institutionalization of Turkish Islam in Germany and the Netherlands: A Comparison. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 18(1), 46-63; Koopmans, R. & Statham, P. (2000) Challenging the Liberal Nation-State? Postnationalism, Diehl, C. (2002) Die Partizipation von Migranten in Deutschland: Rückzug oder Mobilisierung? Opladen: Leske + Budrich. 452 Koopmans, R. & Statham, P. (2003) How National Citizenship Shapes Transnationalism: Migrant and Minority Claimsmaking in Germany, Great Britain and the Netherlands. In Joppke, C. & Morawska, E. (Eds.) Towards Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States, Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 195-238; Koopmans, R., Statham, P., Giugni, M. & Passy, F. (2005): Contested Citizenship. Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe. Minneapolis/London: University of Minnesota Press. 453 Faist, T. (2000) The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Moreover, the methodological problem with such a quantitative content analysis is that because of news selection and agenda setting processes of mass media it rarely captures the whole spectrum of transnational political activities. 454 Østergaard-Nielsen, E. (2001) Transnational Political Practices and the Receiving State: Turks and Kurds in Germany and the Netherlands. Global Networks, 1(3), 261-281; Østergaard-Nielsen, E. (2003) The Politics of Migrants’Transnational Political Practices. International Migration Review, 37(3), 760-786. 449


analyzed with respect to different Kurdish organizations455 as well as regarding especially the radical PKK. 456 Another example of the influence of Turkey’ s political context on migrants’political actions towards their home country is the fact, that, at times, Turkish representatives seek to extract political support from migrant communities abroad. However, the German-Turkish case is even more complex because of the plurality of interests, identities and related organizations of Turkish migrants in Germany, which itself has a mobilization potential: “When different groups stand up to represent Turks or Kurds, Sunnis or Alevis, others will immediately dispute their legitimacy as overall spokespersons. Similarly, the information campaign or claims-making of one organization is rarely left uncommented upon by others”457 These findings suggest, second, that explanations of transnational political practices, besides of considering the political opportunity structures of governmental and policy institutions of both the immigration and emigration states, also should include the processes of interaction between different, and sometimes competing, interest and migrant groups. Another study (Liese, 2000) 458 in the German-Turkish context has concentrated on how transnational networks of human rights organizations, consisting of different actors and organizations in both countries as well as those of International Nongovernmental Organizations, exert comparatively effective pressures on the advancement of human rights compliance in Turkey. Especially their potential to communicate information on human rights violations and their higher capacity to reproduce patterns of solidarity, in the context of a dense transnational network, was able to attract the attention of governmental actors and international organizations. However, the mobilization capacity of strong and dense transnational relations can also be used by extremist and radical groups, as a study on a Turkish ultra-national organization shows 459. Political transnationalism is not only related to the question of how political conditions and interactions shape crossborder political practices, but it is also concerned with the influence on or even change of political institutions through transnational interactions. As Bauböck 460 contents, migration “becomes transnational only when it creates overlapping memberships, rights and practices that reflect a simultaneous belonging of migrants to two different political communities.”The paradigmatic example of a transforming political institution, as it can be derived from that account is, of course, dual citizenship, which occurrence has heavily increased during the last decades. 461 From this perspective, dual citizenship also seems to be the only adequate concept of citizenship which can be described as transnational. Since citizenship in its national form means an interdependent relationship between democratic participation, rights and duties, and membership462, there is a danger of “conceptual stretching”463, if one denotes only one of these dimensions already as citizenship. For example, transnational practices as a fight for rights should not be identified with having individual rights, which, by definition, can be enforced by means of institutions. This also can be demonstrated with regard to concepts of postnational and global citizenship. The notion of “postnational membership”464 accounts for new sources of individual rights beyond the nation state granted to non-citizens, but at the same time underrate the dimension of democracy and corresponding political rights. The extension of the democratic dimension of citizenship is focussed on by accounts of “global” or “cosmopolitan”notions of citizenship465, but both concepts neglect especially the aspect of membership to a selfdefining political community and the voluntary willingness to accept the duties associated with this collective identity in return for equal rights and binding democratic decisions within that community. 455

Faist, T. (1999) Developing Transnational Social Spaces: The Turkish-German Example. In Pries, L. (Ed.) Migration and Transnational Social Spaces. Aldershot: Ashgate, 36-69; Faist, T. (2000) The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 218. 456 Mertens, I. (2000) Von einer “Inneren Angelegenheit”, die auszog, Europa das Fürchten zu lehren. Transstaatliche politische Mobilisierung und das „Kurdenproblem“. In Faist, T. (Ed.) Transstaatliche Räume. Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur in und zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. Bielefeld: Transkript, 159-199. 457 Østergaard-Nielsen, E. (2003) The Politics of Migrants’Transnational Political Practices. International Migration Review, 37(3), 760-786. 458 Liese, A. (2000) “Räuber und Gendarm”. Die Türkei und das transstaatliche Netzwerk zum Schutz von Menschenrechten. In Faist, T. (Ed.) Transstaatliche Räume. Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur in und zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. Bielefeld: Transkript, 299-338. 459 Arslan, E. (2004) Turkish Ultra-nationalism in Germany. Its Transnational Dimensions. In Faist, T., Özveren, E. (Eds.) Transnational Social Spaces. Aldershot: Ashgate, 111-139. 460 Bauböck, R. (2003) Towards a Political Theory of Migrant Transnationalism. International Migration Review, 37(3), 700-723, p. 705. 461 Hart, B. de & Oers, R. v. (2006) European Trends in Nationality Law. In Bauböck, E., Ersbøll, E., Groenendijk, K. & Waldrauch; H. (Eds.) Acquisition and Loss of Nationality. Policies and Trends in 15 European States. Vienna: Institute for European Integration Research, 317-357; Howard, M. M. (2005) Variation in Dual Citizenship Policies in the Countries of the EU, International Migration Review, 39, 697-720. 462 Faist, T. & Kivisto, P. (2007) Citizenship: Discourse, Theory, and Transnational Prospects. Oxford: Blackwell. 463 Fox, J. (2005) Unpacking “Transnational Citizenship”. Annual Review of Political Science, 8, 171-201. 464 Soysal, Y. N. (1994) Limits of Citizenship. Chicago: University Press of Chicago; ; Jacobsen, D. (1996) Rights across Borders. Baltimore/Maryland: John Hopkins University Press. 465 McGrew, A. (1998) Demokratie ohne Grenzen? Globalisierung, demokratische Theorie und Politik. In Beck, U. (Ed.) Politik der Globalisierung. Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp, 374-422.


However, a problem with dual citizenship as the paradigmatic institution-based expression of transnational ties concerns the mechanisms and justifications, by which a growing tolerance of dual citizenship has been pushed, in national as well as in international contexts. Many aspects, which have been important here, were connected to the right of citizenship in its traditional national form and the respective principles, especially democracy and equal rights, attributed to citizenship466.467 With regard to Germany, an argumentation analysis of several parliamentary and public debates on dual citizenship showed that these discourses were firmly tied to the realm of the nationstate468. Not surprisingly, the Christian Union parties as the main opponents of dual citizenship contended, in essence, that it would constitute a serious obstacle to the integration of immigrants because it allows for return to the home country at any time and, thereby, escaping from the duties and responsibilities of citizenship. Moreover, renunciation of the applicant’ s previous citizenship as a precondition of naturalisation was regarded as a central proof of authentic willingness to integrate on the immigrant’ s part and hence should be seen as something of a loyalty oath. In any case, naturalisation without the requirement of renouncing previous citizenship was thought detrimental to integration, because it excuses immigrants from further efforts to integrate and releases them from making a clear commitment to one or another state and country. On the other hand, the Social Democrats and the Green Party, in advocating dual citizenship, tied their main arguments for eased naturalisation conditions to political and social equality. Full legal and political inclusion of immigrants within the nation-state and its institutions and society was viewed as a matter of equal and basic individual rights, a means of political integration by facilitating political participation of immigrants, a precondition of successful social integration and, not least, an important element of nation-state based democracy, assuming the congruence of the people subjected to the law with the citizenry entitled to democratic participation in the making of these laws. Although in principle dual citizenship could be regarded as a legal expression of transnational identities469, within the German debate its advocates justified it only as a means to enhance the German orientation of immigrants by naturalisation, thereby contributing to immigrant integration in a national perspective. However, that such considerations about shifting identities due to migration, globalisation and transnational ties of immigrants and emigrants can play a certain role also in citizenship policy processes, indicates, for example the Swedish case, where such arguments contributed to the eventual tolerance of dual citizenship in the Swedish citizenship reform of 2001470. In Germany, however, the political arguments both in favour and against were connected entirely to the ‘ national’integration of immigrants471. Such notions of the connection of citizenship and integration obviously imply, on the individual level, that loyalty is seen as a limited resource and, on the state level, that it is distributed between nation-states perceived mainly as containers. Viewing integration this way, amounts to a sort of zero sum game: either one is in, or out. That leaves no room for intermediate instances. Thus, immigrants maintaining social and symbolic ties to their home countries, as expressed in their wish to retain their original citizenship, are viewed either as having automatically a lack of identification with their receiving state. Or, as in the case of the proponents of dual citizenship, it is assumed that such homeland-oriented ties can be neglected, because they deemed to be of a symbolic kind and of minor importance, likely fading away in the course of time. Nevertheless, even Germany, although still upholding to avoid dual citizenship as far as possible, provide for numerous exceptions. From 2000 until 2006 the number of naturalizations with accepted dual citizenship amounts to about 460.000, which is a quota of circa 45 percent of all naturalizations. However, if one is interested in the total number of dual citizens residing on German territory, dual citizenships evolved from other instances, such as children of bi-national couples, have to be added as well the number of dual citizens before 2000. A recent study, focussing on the micro-level by asking individual persons upon their perceptions and interests on the issue, found


Faist, T., Gerdes, J. & Rieple, B. (2004) Dual Citizenship as a Path-Dependent Process, International Migration Review 38, 913-944. 467 The initial concept of “transnational citizenship”from Bauböck was even broader, denoting the whole range of changes of membership rules as a consequence of immigration, such as residence permits, naturalizations etc. See Bauböck, R. (1994) Transnational Citizenship. Membership and Rights in International Migration, Aldershot: Ashgate. 468 Gerdes, J., Faist, T. & Rieple, B. (2007) We are all “Republican”Now – The Politics of Dual Citizenship in Germany. In Faist, T. (Ed.) Dual Citizenship in Europe: From Nationhood to Societal Integration. Aldershot: Ashgate, 45-76. 469 Gerdes, J. (2000) Der doppelte Doppelpass. Transstaatlichkeit, Multikulturalismus und doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft. In Faist, T. (Ed.) Transstaatliche Räume. Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur in und zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. Bielefeld: Transkript, 235-298. 470 Gerdes, J. & Faist, T. (2007) Varying Views on Democracy, Rights and Duties, and Membership: The Politics of Dual Citizenship in European Immigration States. In Faist, T. & Kivisto, P. (Eds.) Dual Citizenship in Global Perspective. From Unitary to Multiple Citizenship. Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 135-158. 471 Gerdes, J., Faist, T. & Rieple, B. (2007) We are all “Republican”Now – The Politics of Dual Citizenship in Germany. In Faist, T. (Ed.) Dual Citizenship in Europe: From Nationhood to Societal Integration. Aldershot: Ashgate, 45-76.


that in effect many of them regard their dual citizenship as a kind of official legitimation of their bi-cultural identity472. In this sense, the recognition of transnational living circumstances, such as growing up within different cultural and ethnic backgrounds, nations and religions, obviously can contribute to enhanced integration. That is even true, if this official recognition contribute to their self-confidence in developing specific competencies related to their transnational background, such as bilingualism and inter-cultural role-taking. However, whether and to what extent dual citizens in fact exercise their rights connected to their citizenships in a transnational manner should be studied more closely. This also relates to the growing debate on “external citizenship”, i.e. the political inclusion, as the granting of voting rights and parliamentary seats, of emigrants and (dual) citizens residing abroad, which up to now is conducted predominantly in a normative way473. 4.4.2 Socio-cultural domain Turkey In the recent decades, the general principles of integration policy have undergone a noteworthy transformation from assimilationist to pluralistic, but without much focus on transnational ties.474 The limited migration literature that focuses on the socio-cultural issues regarding Turkey and Turkish immigrants is also confined in this assimilationist versus pluralistic continuum, and is silent about transnational ties. Most of this literature focuses on assimilation, social-exclusion475, and/or integration476, and the strategies that immigrants develop to cope with these policies477. An important transitional space that can fall into the socio-cultural category is the media. Turkish TV channels broadcasting in Europe, special programs solely produced for the Turks living in Europe, and the image of such Turks in the media have recently attracted scholarly interest 478 . With the success and recognition of the secondgeneration German-Turkish directors in the international movie scenery — e.g., Fatih Ak n— there is also a new academic notice of the depiction of German-Turks in movies479. Literary works of second-generation GermanTurkish writers are also of scholarly interest480. Almost none of these works posit a theoretical approach to the issue of socio-cultural transnational spaces, but put forward descriptive examples. Germany Although Germany is one of the most important European destinations for migrants since the Second Word War, Germany did “not understand itself as a country of immigration for non-Germans”481. A process of policy review began in 2001 with the report “Structuring Immigration – Fostering Integration”of the Independent Commission on Migration to Germany (2001). The so-called Süssmuth Commission argued for a new legislation of immigration and 472

Schröter, Y. M. & Jäger, R.S. (2007) “We are Children of Europe”. Multiple Citizenship in Germany. In Pitkänen, P. & Kalekin-Fishman, D. (Eds.) Multiple State Membership and Citizenship in an Era of Transnational Migration. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 67-90. 473 Barry, K. (2006) Home and Away: The Construction of Citizenship in an Emigration Context. New York University Law Review, 81(1), 11-59; Bauböck, R. (2006) Migration und politische Beteiligung. Wahlrechte jenseits von Staatsgebiet und Staatsangehörigkeit. In Oberlechner, M. (Ed.) Die missglückte Integration? Wege und Irrwege in Europa. Wien: Braumüller, 209–223. 474 For an answer to the question, “where does Turkey stand on the issues of migration and multiculturalism?”see I k, . E. (2007) A View From Istanbul: Where Does Turkey Stand on the Issues of Migration and Multiculturalism? Berggren, E., et. al. (Eds.) Irregular Migration, Informal Labour and Community: A Challenge for Europe. Maastricht, Shaker Publishing. 475 E.g. Alund, A. (2003) Social Exclusion and Cultural Expressions: Reflexions from a Study of Youth in Multiethnic Stockholm. Migration and Labour in Europe. E. Zeybeko lu, B. Johansson. Istanbul, Marmara University. 476 E.g. Kutluer, F. (2007) Almanya'daki kinci Ku ak Türk Gençlerinin Ayr mc k ve Uyum Kar nda Geli tirdikleri Eylem Stratejileri. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul. 477 E.g. Gezici-Yalç n, M. (2007) Almanya'da Göçmen Kimlikleri ve Sosyal De im Talebi. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul; . Özülke, C. I. (2007) Kimlik Aray ndaki Türk Kökenli Almanlar: Berlin/Kreuzberg Örne i. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul 478 Ba türk-Akca, E. (2007) Hem " çeride," Hem "D ar da" Olmak: Almanya'daki Türklerin Kimlik Kurgusunun De imi ve Medyada Temsili. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul; Bacik, Ç. (2007) Türk Televizyonlar ve Avrupa'daki Türklere Yönelik Özel Programlar. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul. 479 Eren, N. (2007) Almanya'daki Üçüncü Ku ak Türklerin Lola + Billikid ve Duvara Kar Filmlerinde Sunumu. ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul. 480 Ünlüsoy, M. (2007) Almanya'da Türk Göçmenlerin Olu turdu u "Göçmen Yaz ". ç/D /Göç ve Kültür. I k Üniversitesi, ile, Istanbul. 481 Brubaker, R. (1992) Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, p. 174.


introduced for the first time the idea of integration courses. Based on the reports recommendations, a new Immigration Law came to force on January 1, 2005. It is the first German law regulating measures designed to facilitate immigrant integration. This Law strives at the integration of legal immigrants in Germany by way of integration courses consisting of a language course together with an orientation course, mandatory for immigrants from non-EU countries. Foremost the courses aim to support the integration of immigrants into German society. Since the commencement of the Immigration Act until the end of the year 2006 a total of 7.045 integration courses were completed, thereof 5.091 in 2006 and 1.954 in 2005. The establishment of integration courses illustrates, that integration in the political debate is understood as integration into the existing German society. Since the debates on the immigration law, public discourses as well as policies in Germany changed significantly, favouring highlyskilled immigrants but restricting access of immigrants who are deemed costly. In recent years, a number of debates have focused on naturalisation exams and integration courses. During the reign of Social Democrats and the Green Party so-called activation policies such as workfare programmes have gained increasing influence in public discourses as well as in policies. The relevant, and prominent, phrase in Germany of “supporting and demanding” (“Fördern und Fordern”) together with demands for a general revision of the relationship between rights and duties in the areas of labour market and social policies is increasingly applied also to matters of integration.482 Political debates between the major parties in Germany turn increasingly on questions of how heavy the sanctions should be in terms of social assistance, residence permits and barriers to naturalisation, if integration requirements are not fulfilled. However, the tendencies of making residence permits and citizenship acquisition – Germany will introduce a citizenship test on the federal level in September 2008 – increasingly dependent on individual performances, denoted as “repressive liberalism”483, seem to be deeply embedded in discourses in many European states on what has been called the “retreat of multiculturalism”484 and the “return of assimilation”.485 Obviously, two broader issues underlie the view that integration should be proved and tested: alleged patterns of failed integration, with reference to high unemployment rates and lower education levels of immigrants and their higher-than-average welfare aid dependency, on the one hand, and a growing fear of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism in the aftermath of 09/11, which led to an increasing political and public observance of illiberal traditional and religious practices, such as headscarf wearing, forced and arranged marriages and affinity to honor killings, on the other hand. However, these contexts also indicate how far immigration in Germany is perceived in conventional terms of a definite relocation to and successive integration into a single nation state, which tends to preclude the assumption of enduring transnational contacts, relations and ties of migrants. That might be related to the fact that Germany, on the official level of politics, detected only very recently its national interest in immigration and integration. The same understanding of integration can be found at the academic level. The German debate on immigration integration has been shaped strongly by assimilationists. One of the most influential is Hartmut Esser who understands integration of immigrants as being or becoming part of the existing system of the receiving society, implicitly conceptualized as national society486. Esser distinguishes cognitive, structural, social and identificational assimilation as different dimensions, but a serious alternative to assimilation does not exist for immigrants487. In his newest book “Language and Integration” (Sprache und Integration)488, the German language proficiency is considered the most important condition for successful integration. Bilingualism, on the other hand, he considers not a beneficial and useful competence for linguistic and vocational integration of children of migrants. In recent years Esser’ s modernist-assimilationist theory has been supplemented by Wilhelm Heitmeyer’ s cultural deficit 489 approach . According to Heitmeyer, many immigrant cultures and identities are antagonistic to Western values. A bicultural life style is rejected as it would not develop a coherent identity. Despite their diverging outlooks, Esser and Heitmeyer thus agree that cultural adaptation is a prerequisite for structural assimilation, that retaining cultural 482

Bommes, M. (2006) Einleitung: Migrations- und Integrationspolitik in Deutschland zwischen institutioneller Anpassung und Abwehr. In Bommes, M. & Schiffauer, W. (Eds.) Migrationsreport 2006. Fakten – Analysen – Perspektiven. Frankfurt a. M./New York: Campus, 9-25. 483 Joppke, C. (2007) Beyond National Models: Civic Integration Policies for Immigrants in Western Europe. West European Politics, 30, 1-22. 484 Joppke, C. (2004) The Retreat of Multiculturalism in the Liberal State: Theory and Policy. The British Journal of Sociology, 55, 237-257. 485 Brubaker, R. (2001) The Return of Assimilation? Changing Perspectives on Immigration and its Sequels in France, Germany and the United States. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 24, 531-548. 486 Esser, H. (1980) Aspekte der Wanderungssoziologie. Assimilation und Integration von Wanderern, ethnischen Gruppen und Minderheiten. Eine handlungstheoretische Analyse. Darmstadt/Neuwied: Luchterhand. 487 Esser, H. (2004) Welche Alternative zu „Assimilation“ gibt es eigentlich? In Bade, K. & Bommes, M. (Eds.) Migration – Integration – Bildung. Grundfragen und Problembereiche, IMIS-Beiträge 23/2004. Osnabrück: IMIS, 41-59. 488 Esser, H. (2006) Sprache und Integration. Die sozialen Bedingungen und Folgen des Spracherwerbs von Migranten. Frankfurt am Main, New York: Campus. 489 Heitmeyer, W., Müller, J. & Schröder, H. (1997) Verlockender Fundamentalismus. Türkische Jugendliche in Deutschland. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.


traditions will prove problematic and that biculturalism and bilingualism do not work. Because society is understood as relatively socio-economically and culturally homogeneous, integration has to be seen as a one-sided process, by which immigrants adapt to mainstream requirements. From the perspective of transnationalism however, it is argued that there is no coherent cultural core to which immigrants could adapt. Ludger Pries490 claims that models of immigrant incorporation ought to be pluralised according to different patterns of migration. In an ideal-typical way, he distinguishes four different forms of migration: classical immigration/emigration resulting in a definitive relocation from one country to another; returnmigration where state border mobility is temporary and oriented to return; diaspora-migration which is characterised by rather forced causes of international mobility and where in spite of some forms of incorporation in the immigration state symbolic and social ties to the countries of origin are maintained; and finally transmigration which proceeds in mobility patterns back and forth and the relative simultaneous connection of migrants to two or more locations. Although he admits that assimilation theory may be adequate for the first case of conventional immigration, he does not specify the features and criteria of incorporation for the other three migration types. Such a multi-perspective analysis of immigrant integration was already proposed and applied to Polish migrants in Germany by Faist491.492 However, he distinguishes four models of integration: an “old” and a “new” model of assimilation as well as cultural pluralism and trans-state integration. The empirical analysis finds that all models capture essential parts of the Polish immigrant experience in Germany. Which model is appropriate depends on the respective historical period, the causes of migration, the relation to the homeland and the extent of discrimination in the country of immigration. For example, the initially often conflictive adaptation patterns of Polish immigrants in the early 20th century corresponds to the predictions of ‘ old’assimilation theory; the experience of many ethnic Germans in the 1980s and 1990s to the so-called ‘ new’assimilation theory; those of Polish immigrants who arrived in the 1950s and 1960s to cultural pluralism; and many of those who have been mobile across borders since the 1990s to a trans-state perspective. A further differentiation with regard especially to transnational modes of integration is proposed by a group of researchers at the Max Plank Institute for Social Anthropology 493.From their ethnographic studies of various transnationally oriented migrant groups in Germany they distinguish five different pathways of migrant incorporation: Christian modernists, local public foreigners, family networks, vernacular cosmopolitanism and regional cosmopolitanism. Contrary to the assumptions of the dominant German discourse on immigrant integration, they argue, first, that the focus on cultural differences and the upholding of cultural practices on the part of immigrants should not be viewed as an impediment to integration and, second, that incorporation in one society is neither empirically nor theoretically exclusive. Further research on transnationalism and integration exists especially with regard to the Islamic community Milly Görüs in Germany494. The studies show the transformation of Milly Görüs into an organisation of German civil society. Previous transnational research is done concerning migration and integration, but systematic research on transnational social security has not been undertaken in Germany until now. This seems to be not least down to the fact that social security is often organized at national and local levels. National states are still and will continue to be an important frame concerning social policy and social work. Moreover, informal support is often based on 495 physical contact and simultaneous presence . On the other hand, it is noticeable that transnational social support practices are increasing. From this two questions arise: First, what happens when social support practices are not within the same system of social policy? Migrants especially move between diverse social security systems. While countries of residence are predominantly welfare states, in countries of migrants’origin state-organized social 490

Pries, L. (2006) Verschiedene Formen der Migration - verschiedene Wege der Integration. In Otto, H.-U. & Schrödter, M. (Eds.) Soziale Arbeit in der Migrationsgesellschaft. Multikulturalismus - Neo-Assimilation - Transnationalität. Lahnstein: Verlag Neue Praxis (Neue Praxis Sonderheft), 19–28. 491 Faist, T. (2003) Amalgamating Newcomers, National Minority and Diaspora – Integration(s) of Immigrants from Poland in Germany. In Sackmann, R., Peters, B. & Faist, T. (Eds.) Identity and Integration. Migrants in Western Europe. Aldershot: Ashgate, 205-234. 492 For another transnational study on transnational social spaces of Polish migrants in Germany, see Glorius, B. (2007) Transnationale Perspektiven. Eine Studie zur Migration zwischen Polen und Deutschland. Bielefeld: Transkript; Glorius, B. & Friedrich, K. (2006) Transnational Social Spaces of Polish Migrants in Leipzig (Germany). Migracijske i etnicke teme, 22(1-2), 163-179. 493 Glick Schiller, N., Nieswand, B., Schlee, G. et. al. (2005) Pathways of Migrant Incorporation in Germany. TRANSIT 1, Art. 50911. 494 Schiffauer, W. (2004) Die Islamische Gemeinschaft Milli Görus. Ein Lehrstück zum verwickelten Zusammenhang von Migration, Religion und sozialer Integration. In Bade, K.J, Bommes, M. & Münz, R. (Eds.) Migrationsreport 2004. Fakten – Analysen – Perspektiven. Frankfurt am Main/New York: Campus, 67-96.; Trautner, B. (2000) Türkische Muslime und islamische Organisationen als soziale Träger des transstaatlichen Raumes Deutschland-Türkei. In Faist, T. (Ed.) Transstaatliche Räume. Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur in und zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. Bielefeld: Transkript, 57-86. 495 Zechner, M. (2008) Care of Older Persons in Transnational Settings. Journal of Aging Studies, p. 41.


security often is absent. Thus, migrants are especially involved in two sets of social protection and social polity. Second, what happens when social security practices expand over geographical distance? It is to be assumed, that by processes of transmigration new and specific forms of social support develop. Thus, Hans Günther Homfeldt et al.496 suggests that transnationalisation not only comes along with capital and brain circulation but also with care circulation. “It is well documented in research literature that family responsibilities do not entirely fade away with increasing distance or with the passing of time”497. But until now in German transnationalism research, less is known about the formation and maintenance of transnational social spaces of support. Future research in this area can be based on analyses to topics of, for example, transnational motherhood 498, care of older persons in transnational settings499 but also models and strategies of marriage500. It is to be shown, under what conditions social support networks emerge, how caring from distance works, what kinds of networks can be distinguished and how stable they are. The focal point of interest will be not only immigrants and their family and kin networks but also organisations providing transnational social support, and benefits, services and politics of the nation state. Of particular interest will be the interdependences between private and public care benefits systems and transformations in both areas. 4.4.3 Economic domain Turkey The most important legislative change regarding the economic domain of migration in Turkey came with the new Law on Work Permits for Foreigners (Law No. 4817, dated 15 March 2003). The new Law nullified the discriminatory Law on Activities and Professions in Turkey Reserved for Turkish Citizens (Law No. 2007, dated 16 June 1932) that restricted foreign citizens from practicing certain professions. The new Law indicates the attitude that work permits for foreigners should be administered on the basis of labor market demands, and not nationality. It enables foreigners to have easier access to work in Turkey via allowing work permits to be issued to individual foreigners — rather than companies— and institutionalizing the process by making the Ministry of Labor and Social Security the only authority in charge501. While such legislation is obviously only concerned with the migrants seeking opportunities within Turkey, there are also policies to give social assistance to Turkish labor migrants abroad. The case of Turkish Labor Attachés in Germany is illustrative of such efforts as a new form of public service502. The research focusing on the labor migration to and from Turkey develops parallel to the reality in the field. As labor migration to Turkey is a rather recent phenomenon — even the legislative change is quite new— the literature on the topic is quite trivial. Conversely, the research on the labor migration from Turkey has a rather long history, going back to the second half of 1960s and 1970s when labor migration to Western Europe, especially Germany, accelerated.503 With the reduction of labor migration in the second half of 1980s, the scholarly interest in the topic was somewhat diminished.504 Today, starting with Turkey’ s accession negotiations with the EU and the emigration 505 pressure from Turkey’ s young population, the topic is becoming popular again. Germany, as the host of largest immigrant Turkish community in Western Europe, is the main case study of labor 506 migration from Turkey. Within the economic domain of transnationalism and migration, an issue of actual 496

Homfeld, H.G., Schröer, W. & Schweppe, C. (2007) Transnationalisierung Sozialer Arbeit. Transmigration, soziale Unterstützung und Agency. Neue Praxis, 37(3), p. 241. 497 Zechner, M. (2008) Care of Older Persons in Transnational Settings. Journal of Aging Studies, p. 33. 498 Hondangneu-Sotelo, P., Avila, E. (1997) I’ m here but I’ m there. The Meaning of Latina Transnational Motherhood. Gender and Society, 11(5), 548-571; Salazar Parrenas, R. (2001) Mothering from a Distance: Emotions, Gender and Inter-Generational relations in Filipino Transnational Families. Feminist Studies, 27(2), 361-390. 499 Zechner, M. (2008) Care of Older Persons in Transnational Settings. Journal of Aging Studies, 22, 32–44. 500 Beck-Gernsheim, E. (2006) Transnationale Heiratsmuster und transnationale Heiratsstrategien. Ein Erklärungsansatz zur Partnerwahl von Migranten. Soziale Welt, 57, 111–129. 501 çduygu, A. (2007) EU-ization Matters: Changes in Immigration and Asylum Practices in Turkey. Europeanization of National Policies and Politics of Immigration: Between Autonomy and the European Union. 502 Ünver, O. C. (2003) Social Assistance to Labour Migrants as a New Form of Public Service: The Case of Turkish Labour Attachés in Germany. Migration and Labour in Europe. E. Zeybeko lu, B. Johansson. Istanbul, Marmara University Research Center for International Relations (MURCIR) and Swedish National Institute for Working Life (NIWL). 503 Toksöz, G. (2006) Uluslararas Emek Göçü. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar . 504 Ibid. 505 Ibid. 506 Hönekopp, E. (2007) Yabanc lar ve Türklerin Alman Emek Pazar na Entegrasyonu: Birçok Sorun. Kökler ve Yollar. A. Kaya, B. ahin. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar ; Toksöz, G. (2006) Uluslararas Emek Göçü. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar .;


importance has to do with remittances, the money Turkish migrants send to their families and communities of origin. In a detailed study of labor migration to Germany, Martin concludes that while “emigration usually provided upward mobility for migrants and their families, it did not sustain development in emigration villages and towns.”507 The recruitment, remittances and returns of the early periods of emigration did not convert the emigration locales into economically dynamic areas for three main reasons: 1) the tendency of remittances to be spent on housing or consumer durables instead of being invested in factories; 2) the failure of many factories financed by remittances to be viable; 3) the preference to invest remittances in nearby cities, thus accelerating rural-to-urban migration (Ibid.). Thus, while remittances are considered as important assets in the development of the economies of origin, research shows that there are reasons to question this conventional wisdom, and to look at the micro factors affecting the process — which is another deficiency of the field of migration studies in Turkey. Transnational entrepreneurship of Turkish migrants in Western Europe is also of scholarly concern. There are 57,000 Turkish owned businesses in Germany and 7,000 in Netherlands. Initially, these businesses were considered as niche economies of ethnic market demands, which over the years, transformed into transnational entrepreneurships508. To illustrate, although China’ s rise in textile industry halted the process, some entrepreneurs opened textile workshops in Turkey with German and Dutch capitals and manage to export their products to third countries. Germany Economic transnationalism comprises a host of phenomena, because it pertains to the whole range of cross-border exchanges of goods, capital, services and labor forces and the interactions and relations of people, organizations and state actors, which facilitate these processes of economic exchange. However, we will concentrate on the issue of labor migration and transnational migrant entrepreneurship. Due to increasing labour market gaps and in order to maintain the level of economic growth, between 1955 and 1966 Germany signed several guest worker recruitment agreements with Italy, Spain, Greece, Turkey, Portugal, Yugoslavia, Tunisia and Morocco. 509 The recruitment of guest-workers was initially regarded primarily as an issue to be handled predominantly within the usual German corporatist institutions, i.e. by the Federal Labor Office in collaboration with the employer organizations and trade unions. The assumption that these guest workers would finally return home was initially shared on all sides, namely by the German state, the corresponding sending states and the immigrants themselves as well.510 In 1973 a general recruitment stop was enacted, after a serious economic recession in the context of the oil-price crisis and corresponding rising rates of unemployment. Ironically, that what was intended as a tighter immigration control measure turned out to lead to additional immigration in terms of family immigration. Because a policy of forced repatriation was ultimately not a serious political option and the guest workers feared that they would not permitted to return if they leave Germany, many of them decided to stay and, moreover, to unify with their families as far as that was legally possible. However, even after the recruitment stop labor immigration to Germany continued although to a lesser degree because of exception decrees for specific sectors and regarding seasonal workers. In the beginning of 2000s, Germany witnessed extensive political, public and academic debates on a comprehensive immigration policy in the context of increasing economic globalization and a nation state based competition of knowledge-based societies. In an climate of rising expectations concerning economic growth Toksöz, G. (2007) Göç Alan Ülkelerin gücü Piyasalar ndaki Geli meler ve Göçmen gücüne Talep: Almanya Örne i. Kökler ve Yollar. A. Kaya, B. ahin. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar ; Toksöz, G. (2007) Informal Labour Markets and the Need for Migrant Workers: The Case of Turkey from a Comparative Perspective. Irregular Migration, Informal Labour and Community: A Challenge for Europe. E. Berggren, et. al. Maastricht, Shaker Publishing. Literature also focuses on other cases. For example, for an analysis of work strategies among Turkish immigrants in London, UK, see Erdemir, A. & Vasta, E. (2007) Work Strategies among Turkish Immigrants in London: Differentiating Irregularity and Solidarity. Berggren, E. et. al. (Eds.) Irregular Migration, Informal Labour and Community: A Challenge for Europe. Maastricht, Shaker Publishing. Similarly, for an analysis immigrant family businesses and their social integration in Sweden, see Kamali, M. (2003) Immigrant Family Businesses and Social Integration. In Zeybeko lu, E. & Johansson B. (Eds.) Migration and Labour in Europe. Istanbul, Marmara University Research Center for International Relations (MURCIR) and Swedish National Institute for Working Life (NIWL). The literature is not limited to Western Europe, for a study of Turkish migration and workforce in Sydney, Australia, see Inglis, C. & Manderson, L. (1984) Turkish Migration and Workforce in Sydney, Australia. International Migration Review XVIII(2): 258-275. 507 Martin, P. L. (1991) The unfinished story: Turkish labour migration to Western Europe. Geneva, International Labour Organisation, p.105. 508 Abadan-Unat, N. (2007) Türk D Göçünün A amalar : 1950'li Y llardan 2000'li Y llara. Kökler ve Yollar. A. Kaya, B. ahin. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar , p. 400-401. 509 Martin, P.L. (2004) Germany: Managing Migration in the Twenty-First Century. In Cornelius, W.A., Takeyuki, T, Martin, P.L. & Hollifield, J.F. (Eds.) Controlling Immigration. A Global Perspective. Stanford/California: Stanford University Press, 221-253, p. 225. 510 Joppke, C. (1999) Immigration and the Nation Sate: The United States, Germany and Great Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 65.


due to a boom in the so-called New Economy of the information and communication technology sectors, the conception gained importance that Germany should join the “race for talent”511 and to canvass especially highly skilled migrants. This led finally to the 2005 Immigration Law, which especially provided for immigration opportunities of high-skilled immigrants on a permanent basis and for entrepreneurs willing to make substantial investments temporarily. Furthermore, foreign students, after finishing their education, were offered a one-year residence permit for job search. By and large, three phases of economic activities of immigrants can be distinguished 512. In the first period, remittances of labor migrants from Germany to the emigration countries dominated, which, however, decreased gradually in the German-Turkish case in the 1980s and 1990s. In the second period, increasing ethnic businesses are visible, concerning self-employments which reacted on special demands of the immigrant population. For example, the number of Turkish self-employed rose from 10.000 to 35.000 from 1983 to 1992. In the third period, a growing share of migrant enterprises occurs, moving from the ethnic niche to transnational coordination of business activities. A conceptual definition of transnational entrepreneurship can be derived from a revision of what is understood of ethnic entrepreneurship. The latter is usually defined with regard to three dimensions, where ethnic resources can be used: the sphere of production and creation of products and services including supplying, the realm of organization and recruitment of staff members, and finally concerning marketing, canvassing towards specific, in this case, ethnic clients and customers513. Against this background, transnational entrepreneurship can be understood as the use of transnational exchanges und relations in one or more of these three dimensions. In contrast to the US, even social research on ethnic business in Germany has been evolved very recently. Existing studies are mostly confined to single cities514. The question of migrant entrepreneurship in Germany has been addressed primarily, due to the general dominant framework conditions of integration in Germany, from an assimilationist perspective. Thus, how and to what extent such enterprises relate to transnational resources and opportunities have been rather underrated. Ethnic businesses is often deemed as an “ethnic mobility trap”, assuming that specific ethnic social and cultural resources is inefficient in terms of upward mobility in comparison to human capital. However, in the economic realm criticism of an assimilationist approach seems to be more widespread than in other areas of integration515. In any case, the relevant questions can be addressed on the meso-level, concerning the structure of migrant enterprises and their organizations in terms of sectors, turnover and numbers of employees, and on the micro-level, with regard to the social position of non-German entrepreneurs in terms of income, education and experiences with unemployment. On the macro-level, existing state rules on business start-ups and concerning preconditions in terms of residence permits have to be included in analysis. Non-German self-employed people, in comparison with Germans, are clearly under-represented in the craft sector and in classical freelance jobs, while concentrating in the tertiary sector. Business establishments by immigrants from former countries of German labor recruitment were made to a share of 44% in the gastronomy, especially from Italians and Greeks. With regards to the distribution according to branches of trade in North Rhine-Westphalia 511

Shachar, A. (2006) The Race for Talent: Highly Skilled Migrants and Competitive Immigration Regimes. New York University Law Review, 81(1), 148-206. 512 Faist, T. (1999) Developing Transnational Social Spaces: The Turkish-German Example. In Pries, L. (Ed.) Migration and Transnational Social Spaces. Aldershot: Ashgate, 36-69. 513 Goebel, D. & Pries, L. (2006) Transnationalismus oder ethnische Mobilitätsfalle? Das Beispiel des ethnischen Unternehmertums“. In Kreutzer, F. & Roth, S. (Eds.) (2006) Transnationale Karrieren. Biographien, Lebensführung und Mobilität. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 260-282. 514 Pütz, R. (2004) Transkulturalität als Praxis. Unternehmer türkischer Herkunft in Berlin. Bielefeld: Transcript; Yavuzcan, I. H. (2003) Ethnische Ökonomie. Zur Ausformung ethnischen Unternehmertums von Türken und Iranern in personalen Beziehungen. Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kovac; Hillmann, F. (2003) Positionierung und Bedeutung ethnischer Arbeitsmärkte. In Occasional Paper Geographie 13. Berlin: FU Berlin, Berliner Institut für Geographische Wissenschaften; Fallenbacher, T. (2001) “Ethnic Business”in Nürnberg. Fallstudie Dönerkebab. Mitteilungen der Fränkischen Geographischen Gesellschaft, 48, 247272; Pécoud, A. (2001) The Cultural Dimension of Entrepreneurship in Berlin’ s Turkish Economy. Revue Européenne des Migrationes Internationals, 17(2), 153-168; Pécoud, A. (2002) “Weltoffenheit schafft Jobs”: Turkish Entrepreneurship and MultiCulturalism in Berlin. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 26(3), 494-507; Pécoud, A. (2003) SelfEmployment and Immigrants’Incorporation. The Case of Turks in Germany. Immigrants and Minorities, 22(2-3), 247-261. 515 Faist, T. (2000) The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces, Oxford: Oxford University Press; Rieple, B. (2000) Transstaatliche Wirtschaftsräume zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. In Faist, T. (Ed.) Transstaatliche Räume. Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur in und zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. Bielefeld: Transkript, 87-111; Goebel, D. & Pries, L. (2006) Transnationalismus oder ethnische Mobilitätsfalle? Das Beispiel des „ethnischen Unternehmertums“. In Kreutzer, F. & Roth, S. (Eds.) (2006) Transnationale Karrieren. Biographien, Lebensführung und Mobilität. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 260-282.


in 2003, Turkish self-employed businesses operate primarily at retail (36 %), catering (23 %) and in the service sector (22 %). The remaining enterprises work in the craft (10 %), wholesale (5 %) and construction (2 %) sectors. Within retail, nearly half of Turkish businesses are allotted to the food sector516. It is assumed that the distribution of Turkish business in overall Germany is nearly similar. A more recent study on the structures of suppliers, staff members and customers of Turkish enterprises in Berlin shows a differentiated picture517. More than half of Turkish enterprises resort to predominantly German and only a quarter to Turkish suppliers. The share of Turkish firms with solely Turkish employees amounts to 62%, with Turkish as well as Germans to 22% and with German staff members only to 11%, whereas the latter nearly doubled from 2001 to 2005. The portion of Turkish businesses which have predominantly German customers increased in the period of 2001 until 2005 from 41% to 46%, while the share of Turkish enterprises having overwhelmingly Turkish customers decreased from 28% to 19%. Concerning status positions of migrant entrepreneurs, it has been found518 that non-German entrepreneurs indeed have a lower income on average than German self-employed, but a higher one than migrant employees. Similarly, migrant entrepreneurs have a higher level of education than immigrants who are employed. However, because of a high degree of variance regarding both indicators, it can be assumed that in several sectors ethnic entrepreneurship might hinder social mobility. Nevertheless, these results indicate, that the ethnic mobility trap theses do not apply in general. Also, accounts on integration success of immigrants should include the perceptions of the people concerned as well. A study drawing upon biographic interviews with entrepreneurs of Turkish migration background found that indeed some of them felt relegated to very specific market and customer segments, but many others, however, regard their ethnicity as an extension of their opportunities of choice and action.519 There are also some studies which demonstrate convincingly that cultural or social resources based on ethnicity enables to tap in specific market taps instead of ethic niches, what in turn can contribute to upward mobility of migrants. Fallenbacher520, for instance, showed for Dönerkebab-restaurants that many of them are predominantly oriented towards German customers. For example, Turkish immigrants of the second or third generation, who were successful within the German education system, offer knowledge-based services, such as tax and legal advice, for customers of Turkish background.521 However, up to now, there is very few research on how such cultural and social resources are used in a transnational context522. An inquiry of Turkish enterprises of different size in Germany demonstrated that the use of transnational resources and relations contributed substantively to their economic success 523. Similarly, a study of enterprises in a Turkish city, which were partly founded by return migrants from Germany, showed the beneficial influence of the use of transnational relations to Germany. 524 4.4.4 Educational Domain Turkey Conventionally, the state-run educational systems have been constructed in a nationalist idiom that both reproduces and emphasizes the cleavages rooted in nation and language. Thus, language is maybe the principal 516

Zentrum für Türkeistudien (2003) Die Wirtschaftskraft der türkischen Selbständigen – Deutschland, NRW und der Europäischen Union. Essen. 517 Zentrum für Türkeistudien (2005) Türkische Unternehmer in Berlin. Struktur – Wirtschaftskraft – Problemlagen. Eine Analyse im Auftrag des Integrationsbeauftragten des Senats von Berlin. Essen. 518 Özcan, V. & Seifert, W. (2000) Selbstständigkeit von Immigranten in Deutschland – Ausgrenzung oder Weg der Integration? Soziale Welt, 51(3), 280-302. 519 Pütz, R. (2004) Transkulturalität als Praxis. Unternehmer türkischer Herkunft in Berlin. Bielefeld: Transcript, p. 211. 520 Fallenbacher, T. (2001) “Ethnic Business” in Nürnberg. Fallstudie Dönerkebab. Mitteilungen der Fränkischen Geographischen Gesellschaft, 48, 247-272 521 Institut für Mittelstandsforschung (2005) Die Bedeutung der ethnischen Ökonomie in Deutschland. Push- und Pull-Faktoren für Unternehmensgründungen ausländischer und ausländischstämmiger Mitbürger. Eine Studie im Auftrag des Bundesministeriums für Wirtschaft und Arbeit. Mannheim: Universität Mannheim, Institut für Mittelstandsforschung. 522 Pécoud, A. (2000) Thinking and Rethinking Ethnic Economies. Diaspora, 9(3), 439-462; Goebel, D. & Pries, L. (2006) Transnationalismus oder ethnische Mobilitätsfalle? Das Beispiel des „ethnischen Unternehmertums“. In Kreutzer, F. & Roth, S. (Eds.) (2006) Transnationale Karrieren. Biographien, Lebensführung und Mobilität. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 260-282. 523 Rieple, B. (2000) Transstaatliche Wirtschaftsräume zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. In Faist, T. (Ed.) Transstaatliche Räume. Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur in und zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. Bielefeld: Transkript, 87-111. 524 Disbudak, C. (2004) Transnational and Local Entrepreneurship. In Faist, T. & Özveren, E. (Eds.) Transnational Social Spaces. Aldershot: Ashgate, 143-162.


issue to reflect on under the educational domain. Turkey’ s position vis-à-vis an immigrant education policy is rather ambivalent. On the one hand, the state somehow recognizes the problem of immigrant education and develops strategies favoring children of Turkish immigrants. For example, Turkey initiated state high schools — Anadolu Lisesi— with German as medium of education in order to alleviate the adaptation of children of returning-Turkish migrants from Germany into the Turkish educational system. On the other hand, this acknowledgment only involves children of immigrants who choose to come back to Turkey. There are no effective policies relating to the education of Turkish immigrant children living abroad, resulting in Islamic networks to fill in this gap in the form of Quran courses. 525 The picture of the educational domain is unpromising. At the same time as Turkey as the country of origin lacks policies regarding the education of its citizens living abroad, the host countries are also deficient in their management of education of their migrant populations. To illustrate, currently 17 percent of migrant youth in Germany cannot get a diploma and this level is only 7 percent with native Germans. 526 Moreover, while 32.7 percent of migrant youth has no vocational education, this level is only 8.1 percent with the natives.527 In Germany, the problems in education of immigrant children go back to 1980s where states applied different models of education. While Turkish children in Bavaria had their primary education in Turkish — causing them not being able to continue to higher education in Germany where medium of education was German, the Berlin model taught immigrant children only in German — giving children hard time in dealing with the language barrier at school as well as creating new barriers in their communication with their families. 528 In the state of North Rhine Westphalia, there was a trial of mixed-education, but without compulsory education of the mother tongue — causing families to choose between weekend language courses organized by the Turkish state and the local Islamic networks’Quran courses529. Recently, there is an increasing focus on multiculturalism in education that sees bilingualism as a resource rather than a problem530 and multicultural education as a tool to integrate youth of Turkish descent into the German society at large.531 However, the policy implications of such research have not been realized thus far. Overall, it is important to reiterate the general neglect of migration-related-issues in both Turkish policy and academic circles.532 On the academic side, there is a definite need for detailed qualitative and quantitative studies533 that build on theory rather than being descriptive narratives. On the policy side, like Germany that did not accept being an immigrant country until very recently and had few initiatives of creating a general migration policy534, Turkey is reluctant to realize its transformation from being a country of emigration to immigration. This unwillingness seems to change with the accession negotiations to the EU, but the process is rather slow and needs to accelerate. On the whole, there is a need to go beyond the approaches fed by assimilation versus pluralism theories, and analyze the many transnational spaces within migratory flows.


Abadan-Unat, N. (2007) Türk D Göçünün A amalar : 1950'li Y llardan 2000'li Y llara. Kökler ve Yollar. A. Kaya, B. ahin. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar . 526 Toksöz, G. (2007) Informal Labour Markets and the Need for Migrant Workers: The Case of Turkey from a Comparative Perspective. Berggren, E. et. al., (Eds.) Irregular Migration, Informal Labour and Community: A Challenge for Europe. Maastricht, Shaker Publishing. 527 Ibid. For a study of the young people of migrant origin in Sweden, see Westin, C. (2003) Young People of Migrant Origin in Sweden. In Zeybeko lu, E. & Johansson, B. Migration and Labour in Europe. Istanbul, Marmara University Research Center for International Relations (MURCIR) and Swedish National Institute for Working Life (NIWL). 528 Abadan-Unat, N. (2007) Türk D Göçünün A amalar : 1950'li Y llardan 2000'li Y llara. In Kaya, A. & ahin, B. Kökler ve Yollar. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar , p. 8. 529 Ibid. 530 Neumann, U. (2007) E itim ve Ö retim Sürecinde Bir Kaynak Olarak Çokdillilik. In Kaya, A. & ahin, B. Kökler ve Yollar. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar . 531 Boos-Nünning, U. (2007) Almanya'daki Türk Kökenli Genç Göçmenlerin Topluma Entegrasyonu: Kültürleraras E itim. In Kaya, A. & ahin, B. Kökler ve Yollar. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar . 532 Abadan-Unat, N. (2007), p. 37. 533 Ünalan, T. (2003) Turkish Emigration in the 1990s: Findings from a Eurostat Project. In Zeybeko lu, E. & Johansson, B. Migration and Labour in Europe. Istanbul, Marmara University Research Center for International Relations (MURCIR) and Swedish National Institute for Working Life (NIWL). 534 Hönekopp, E. (2007) Yabanc lar ve Türklerin Alman Emek Pazar na Entegrasyonu: Birçok Sorun. In Kaya, A. & ahin, B. Kökler ve Yollar. Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yay nlar .

76 Germany Regarding the educational domain, the undertaken migration research in Germany is primarily focusing on the micro level. Most of the available studies are analysing immigrants and their educational qualifications and attainments. Moreover, the educational space is so far predominantly analysed from a national perspective. And if traditional migration research is focusing international relations of migrants they are often seen in conflict with educational integration in Germany. On the other hand, transnational studies highlight practices of highly skilled migrants and disregard transnational educational spaces of less qualified migrants. Thus, the question arises whether or not and under what conditions transnational relations and strategies can contribute to educational success. Since the report of the OECD’ s Programme for International Students Assessment (PISA) in 2001, the debate on the failures of the German public education and school system is raising, particularly with regard to the situation of young migrants. The data have shown that children and young people with migration background do not succeed in the German school system. The children of foreigners, whether they migrated with their parents or were born in Germany, lag behind in education, both in comparison to their native counterparts and in comparison to similar pupil and student populations in other countries. Almost all studies on the education of migrants arrive at the general conclusion that migrants in Germany have a low level of education. This is not only true for the first generations of migrants which often came as labour migrants, so called guest workers, during the 1960s and early 1970s to Germany, but also for the second and third generation of migrants. The study by Frank Kalter and Nadine Granato finds that “the second generation does better than the first; however, when compared to the German reference group there remains a remarkable gap in human capital assets. Second-generation Turks are especially disadvantaged with more than 40% holding no or only primary education and more than 90% holding qualifications no higher than lower secondary.”535 Particularly female Turkish migrants are affected by low education. While there is a broad consensus that migrants are disadvantaged in the German education system, the attempted explanations for mechanisms of inequalities in education relating to ethnic backgrounds are very different. They range from institutional discrimination in schools536 to individual qualification deficits of young migrants like the absence of German language skills.537 In order to grasp the issue of migrants in the educational domain in an adequate way, the question arises, “in which way social (in)equality in education is affected by processes of transnationalisation.”538 From the perspective of traditional migration research connections of migrants to their country of origin are often seen as problem for their integration in the receiving country. For example, Claudia Diehl539 explores the question, whether longer stays in the country of origin influence success in school negatively. Based on interviews with young adults of Turkish and Italian descent, she concludes that commuter have fewer language skills than non-commuter, affecting their success in school adversely. Following Diehl, further research is necessary to clarify whether migrants with lower language skills quite often commute or commuting causes low language skills. While research on assimilation and integration mostly describes transnational ties as disadvantages of pupils with migration background, transnational studies are particularly interested in successful educational strategies of immigrants. Sara Fürstenau conducted a qualitative study among young people from Portuguese families in Hamburg, where the largest Portuguese community in Germany is located. The study points out at least two findings concerning the correlation of immigrant education and transnational social ties. First, transnational courses of live may interfere 540 with success in school and second, multilingual competences and skills may open opportunities during school to


Kalter, F. & Granato, N. (2007) Educational Hurdles on the Way to Structural Assimilation in Germany. In Heath, A.F. & Cheung, S.Y. (Eds.) Unequal chances. Ethnic minorities in Western labour markets. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 271–319; p. 285. 536 Gomolla, M. & Radtke, F.O. (2002) Institutionelle Diskriminierung. Die Herstellung ethnischer Differenz in der Schule. Opladen: Leske und Budrich; Kristen, C. (2006) Ethnische Diskriminierung im deutschen Schulsystem? Theoretische Überlegungen und empirische Ergebnisse. Discussion Paper Nr. SP IV 20006-601. Berlin: Arbeitsstelle Interkulturelle Konflikte und gesellschaftliche Integration (AKI), Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB). 537 Esser, H. (2006) Sprache und Integration. Die sozialen Bedingungen und Folgen des Spracherwerbs von Migranten. Frankfurt am Main, New York: Campus. 538 Fürstenau, S. (2005) Migrants’Resources: Multilingualism and Transnational Mobility. A Study on Learning Paths and School to Job Transition of Young Portuguese Migrants. European Educational Research Journal, 4(4), 369-381; p. 369. 539 Diehl, C. (2002) Die Auswirkungen längerer Herkunftslandaufenthalte auf den Bildungserfolg türkisch- und italienischstämmiger Schülerinnen und Schüler. Zeitschrift für Bevölkerungswissenschaft, 27(2), 165-184. 540 Fürstenau, S. (2004) Transnationale (Aus-)Bildungs- und Zukunftsorientierung. Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft, 7(1), 33–57.


work transition.541 The interviewed young Portugueses belong to the group of the second and third generation. Their parents predominantly came during the labour force recruitment period in the 1960s and 1970s to Germany. Mobility is also important in the live of the interviewed young people themselves. For example, some of them were born in Portugal and temporary travel abroad, for example on holidays. The study shows that the youths take their transnational orientation as chance and are able to change between the German and Portuguese educational system if necessary. These changes between two (or even more) national educational systems can affect the success in school of children and young people. As the study of Heike Niedrig and Joachim Schroeder 542, drawing on the example of young African migrants, discusses, there are chances as well as hurdles for transmigrants in the German education system. Moreover, there are still difficulties in the mutual acceptation of educational standards between European Union member states.543 However, it will be an important question to be considered in future research to what extent the process of European homogenization in education would reduce these obstacles. This can be faced as an example for the interdependence of the micro and the macro level in the educational domain. But coming back to the study of Fürstenau, young people from Portuguese families benefit not only from their transnational education careers but also multilingualism can be considered a resource during school to work transitions.544 All young people of the sample, born either in Portugal or after their family arrived in Germany, speak at least two languages. They practiced German at school and Portuguese in their family and at Portuguese classes in the afternoons twice a week. The experiences of the young people show that migrants can profit by their multilingual skills in the labour market. Some of them were looking for vocational areas in which they could deal mainly with languages, others found work in international contexts and a third group could use their multilingual skills, simply because of the multicultural context in Hamburg as a city of immigrants. The young people in the study by Fürstenau show that multilingual competences may be a resource during school to work transition. Also Ingrid Gogolin and Ludger Pries545 address in their article “Transmigration and Education” (Transmigration und Bildung) multilingualism. They come to the result that migrant families do not see language of origin and language of the majority in a dichotomous or competing relation. In fact, both languages assume an important function in migrants’lives. In order to describe the empirical evidence of emerging transnational social spaces, transnational studies often refer to highly skilled migrants, like educational migrants546, international students or professionals. Elisabeth Scheibelhofer547 conducted a qualitative study on scientists from Austria working in the USA. Anja Weiß 548, referring to highly skilled migrants, suggests the emergence of a transnational middle class, and Carola BauschkeUrban549 explores the question how identities and activities of female scientists are constituted in transnational spaces. Transnational careers550 as well as epistemic networks551 are addressed by transnational studies.


Fürstenau, S. (2005) Migrants’Resources: Multilingualism and Transnational Mobility. A Study on Learning Paths and School to Job Transition of Young Portuguese Migrants. European Educational Research Journal, 4(4), 369-381 542 Niedrig, H. & Schroeder, J. (2004) Bildungsperspektiven jugendlicher Transmigranten. Chancen und Barrieren im Bildungswesen aus der Sicht afrikanischer Migrantenjugendlicher in Hamburg. In Oßenbrügge, J. & Reh, M. (Eds.) Social spaces of African societies. Applications and critique of concepts about "Transnational Social Spaces". Münster: Lit Verlag, 77– 109. 543 Fürstenau, S. (2004) Transnationale (Aus-)Bildungs- und Zukunftsorientierung. Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft, 7(1), 33–57. 544 Fürstenau, S. (2005) Migrants’Resources: Multilingualism and Transnational Mobility. A Study on Learning Paths and School to Job Transition of Young Portuguese Migrants. European Educational Research Journal, 4(4), 369-381; p. 54. 545 Gogolin, I. & Pries, L. (2004) Stichwort: Transmigration und Bildung. Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft, 7(1), 5–19. 546 Martin, J. (2005) Been-To, Burger, Transmigranten? Zur Bildungsmigration von Ghanaern und ihrer Rückkehr aus der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Münster: Lit Verlag. 547 Scheibelhofer, E. (2006) Wenn WissenschaftlerInnen im Ausland forschen. Transnationale Lebensstiele zwischen selbstbestimmter Lebensführung und ungewollter Arbeitsmigration. In Kreutzer, F. & Roth, S. (Eds.) Transnationale Karrieren. Biografien, Lebensführung und Mobilität. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 122-140. 548 Weiß, A. (2006) Hoch qualifizierte MigrantInnen. Der Kern einer transnationalen Mittelklasse? In Kreutzer, F. & Roth, S. (Eds.) Transnationale Karrieren. Biografien, Lebensführung und Mobilität. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 283-300. 549 Bauschke-Urban, C. (2008) Zwischen den Welten? Eine neue Generation von Wissenschaftlerinnen in transnationalen Räumen? In Zimmermann, K., Kamphans, M. & Metz-Göckel, S. (Eds.) Perspektiven der Hochschulforschung. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 273–292. 550 Kreutzer, F. & Roth, S. (Eds.) (2006) Transnationale Karrieren. Biografien, Lebensführung und Mobilität. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag. 551 Faist, T. (2008) Migrants as Transnational Development Agents. An Inquiry into the Newest Round of the MigrationDevelopment Nexus. Population, Space and Place, 14, 21–42; p. 31.


While the majority of traditional migration studies are generally analysing low skilled migrants, transnational studies are focusing on the mobility and networks of highly skilled. It would be required to include also less qualified migrants in empirical analysis, due to the fact that transnational phenomena also occur among them. 552 This especially will be important in the Turkish-German case. As showed above, Turkish immigrants are particularly affected by disadvantages in the German school system and have lower qualification levels. Not until transnational research is reflecting different kinds of migration and migrants, the empirical plurality and complexity of migration is met. Thus, Roland Verwiebe553 suggests to distinguish five types of European migration courses, which are elites, upper middle class, middle class, lower middleclass and underclass. Concerning the educational domain this calls for analysing primary, professional as well as higher education. 5. CONCLUSION In comparison to the current state of the art, this project, involving relevant European and non-European countries, represents an advance, because although a considerable amount of study has been conducted during the last few decades on migration, the research has so far failed to generate an adequate understanding of the ways in which the new forms of peoples’transnational activities play a role in Europe and other continents. It is expected that the research conducted within TRANS-NET will make a significant contribution to the current state of the art theoretically, because the concept of transnationalism has so far been insufficiently conceptualized; and practically, because it offers practical insights into the multi-level transformation processes underway due to the new patterns of migration and types of migrants not present in the past. The eight countries, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, India, Morocco, Turkey, and the United Kingdom offer different cases of interest. The countries within the focus of the project have diverse histories of migration and have adopted different policies towards migrants. National perspectives differ also in migration research. The issues concerning discrimination, integration and citizenship have aroused interest in many countries. As far as some domains are concerned, a number of studies have been published on transnational networks, remittances, transnational or hybrid identities as well as transnational social spaces. However, the project’ s State of the Art report show that in most participating countries there is no systematic analysis of the transnational phenomena, neither concerning the four domains (political, socio-cultural, economic and educational) nor focusing at different levels of analysis (macro, meso and micro) simultaneously. The primary axis of the current transnational migration is along the states in the South to the North, and from the East to the West. This consortium includes countries at both ends of the migration axes, sending countries (Estonia, India, Morocco, Turkey) and receiving countries (Finland, U.K., France, Germany)554. Some of these countries are also transit countries (Morocco, Turkey). These countries are located on three continents, Africa, Asia and Europe. The following transnational spaces will be taken as the main units to analyse the border-crossing linkages and relationships: Estonia/Finland, India/Britain, Morocco/France, and Turkey/Germany. While they represent different cases, there are also common features. In all cases, border-crossing migration is the result of an interplay of various historical, political, economic, and socio-cultural factors. For instance, Estonia as a new EU Member State and as a post-communist country is considered an important contributor for this project. Border-crossing mobility between Estonia and Finland has acquired increasing importance since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The Finnish-Estonian border has changed from a rather closed border to one between two EU-countries. Transnational migrants between Estonia and Finland have mainly been family-based and work-related. After Estonia became a member of the EU in 2004, free movement of labour was allowed within EU, including Finland. However, a transition phase was amended until 1 May 2006. Today, most Estonian labour migrants in Finland are so-called posted workers. In all sending countries, transnational migration has become an established livelihood strategy, and in all cases resource transfer plays a central role in the local/national economy, helping to structure wider socio-cultural practices. For example, in India, migrants’remittances play an important role in producing the economic and social development. India has a long history of overseas migration to U.K. In addition to major socio-economic changes, this has led to thriving ‘ boom’economies and new forms of transnational life-styles (IT professionals, university students, e.g.). Transnational mobility between India and U.K. is mainly based on work and family reasons, and 552

Aschauer, W. (2006) Transnationale Migration. Analyseebene und mögliche empirische Zugänge. In Oberlechner, M. (Ed.) Die missglückte Integration? Wege und Irrwege in Europa. Wien: Braumüller, 257–279. 553 Verwiebe, R. (2006) Transnationale Migration innerhalb Europas. In Kreutzer, F. & Roth, S. (Eds.) Transnationale Karrieren. Biografien, Lebensführung und Mobilität. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 301-325. 554 However, new patterns of international migration challenge the assumptions about clear-cut distictions between emigrant and immigrant countries.


has recently become increasingly important, in spite of the long distances. A precondition for this increase in transnational activities is the technological development. As far as this research project is concerned, the focus in the UK will be on the Indian East Punjabi community. East Punjabis in the UK are part of a complex global diaspora and have multiple transnational connections. In the UK, research in ethnic and racial studies has had a consistent emphasis on caste, kinship, marriage practices and religious tradition. In particular, marriage practices have been understood as a key influence on migration trends and socio-cultural acculturation, with a prominent focus on transnational marriage and household formation. Another parallel case with colonial background, Morocco/France, provides an example how migration has profoundly changed the social structure of the communities of origin. Furthermore, the remittances of migrants have a strategic value for the national economy. Yet the brain drain causes severe difficulties for the Moroccan society. Differences appear as well. One particular aspect currently causing concern in France is the relatively large number of undocumented migrants with Moroccan background. A further problem regards cases of social exclusion among the representatives of Muslim minority. Turkey represents a country actively engaged in seeking membership with the EU. Although not an EU state, Turkey is still strongly committed to Europe. Germany has been the main magnet for labour migrants and refugees from Turkey to Europe. Turkey was not a significant emigration country until the early 1960s, but during the following three decades more than four million Turks emigrated abroad for employment. Today, the TurkishGerman community is the largest migrant community in the EU. This group includes labour migrants, family-related migrants and asylum seekers. In the Turkish case, the issue of the identity politics has often became an intrinsic part of the migration debate, ranging from political Islam to ethnic nationalism (the Kurdish question both in the Middle East and diasporas in Europe). Recently, there has been a growing interest in the migrants’political activities. The German research team underlines that the dynamics of transnational political practices cannot be regarded simply as a function of the immigrant integration regime of the respective immigration state. Migrants react also politically on events and developments in their home country, for which reason the political opportunity structure of the emigration country has to be included in analysis. In addition, explanations of transnational political practices, besides of considering the political opportunity structures of governmental and policy institutions of both the immigration and emigration states, also should include the processes of interaction between different, and sometimes competing, interest and migrant groups. The TRANS-NET project will provide comprehensive theoretical analyses and practical insights on the political, socio-cultural, economic and educational dimensions of migrant transnationalism. An increse in transnational mobility of people has also given rise to an increasing interest in multiple state membership. In some countries, the attempts have been made to facilitate the attainment of dual citizenship. As far as dual citizenship is concerned, it is to be examined whether and to what extent dual citizens in fact exercise their rights connected to their citizenships. Furthermore, as transnational social support practices are increasing, it is to be explored what happens when social security practices expand over national borders. In addition, the future research in this field could cover not only immigrants and their family and kin networks but also organisations providing transnational social support, and benefits, services and politics of the nation state. Of particular interest could be the interdependences between private and public care benefits systems and transformations in both areas. In last decades, researchers have paid more attention to the transnational economic networks and to the effects of remittances. However, scholars have only recently begun to explore how the capacity to participate in transnational economic activities is linked with employment, gender, generation, class, migration histories, and era of migration. The previous research in France has showed how the living conditions in the country of destination, the length of the stay, the situation of the family and the plans concerning the return, for example, have an effect on the amount and regularity of remittances. In Morocco and in Turkey, researchers have explored the effect of remittances and migration to local communities in the countries of origin. Yet one should examine in more detail the micro factors affecting the process as well as the outcomes. Recent work on South Asian migration to the UK has criticised that experiences of labour have little place in the theoretical framework of transnationalism. Consequently, there is a need to look at migrants’employment in the place of migration to understand their opportunities and constraints for transnational economic participation. As far as migrant entrepreneurship is concerned, one should consider how and to what extent such enterprises relate to transnational networks, resources and opportunities. The educational domain has so far predominantly been analysed from a national perspective. Research within the educational domain has often been focused on the difficulties experienced by the immigrant children in the formal education and on the efforts to support their integration. While global educational linkages have been discussed with reference to the circulation of skilled and professional migrants within the ‘ brain drain/brain gain’paradigm, to date little is know about relationship between transnational migration and education.


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Transnationalisation, Migration and Transformation