Page 1

4th International architecture biennale rotterdam � 4iaBr

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FIELDGUIDE


new jersey comunnities

FIELD GUIDE

Case studies NJiT

4th International architecture biennale rotterdam

11


Community Locations 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

Llewellyn Park [Newark] Costa Mobile Home Park North Ward of Newark Radburn Collonade Park [Newark] Roosevelt Ocean Grove Medford Lakes The Trail [Jersey City] Port Liberte [Jersey City] Prison [Newark] Gangs and Police [Newark] Atlantic City Pallisades Park Lakewood Plainfield Iselin Elizabeth

New York

NEW JERSEY

Essex

Jersey City

Middlesex

Town Area

Monmouth

Township Outline Rail System

Pennsylvania

Major Highways

Ocean Burlington

Atlantic

Atlantic Ocean

#2

Delaware

0

5

10 MILES

15


#3 Hoboken

West Orange

North Ward Kearny

Newark Gangs & Police

Prison

Jersey CIty

New York City

9 EWR

Brooklyn Elizabeth 18

Upper New York Bay 1

0 MILE

Key Maps

Bayonne


New York

NEW JERSEY

Essex

NYC Union

Monmouth

Pennsylvania

Ocean Burlington

Atlantic

#4

Delaware

Atlantic Ocean

0

5

10 MILES

1

Rail System 5 Major Highways


NYC

#5

Utopia Itinerary Stops

NEW JERSEY

Radburn // Llewellyn Park // Colonnade Park // Ocean Grove // Roosevelt // Medford Lakes // Atlantic City

Conflict Itinerary Stops NYC

Palisades Park // North Ward of Newark // Gangs // Elizabeth // Plainfield // Iselin // Lakewood

Isolation Itinerary Stops

NEW JERSEY

NYC

Costa Mobile Park // Port LibertĂŠ // Prison

Itinerary Maps

NEW JERSEY


Acknowledgements: The studio would like to express our immeasurable gratitude to all those New Jersians who provided us with the valuable guidance, assistance, and information necessary to make this book a success. Our inquiries benefitted from the insight that you provided us in composing a collection of exemplary examples of community. Jennifer Masotti:

Historical Society of Llewellyn Park; Borough of Lodi Town Hall; Residents of N. Ward, Stephanie Masotti; Kevin Nascimento; Christopher Whitley

Pedro Torres Garcia-Canto: David F. Bostock; Matthew Grosser Candido S. Gude:

Ted Bell, Historical Society of Ocean Grove, Norman Goldman, Richard Harley, Walter Harper, Rev. Scott Hoffman, LeDuc Family; Rugters Library Special Collections Staff, Michael Ticktin

Joseph Vivino:

Koenitzer Family, Nancy of the Medford Lakes Public Library

Samu Szemerey:

Atelier CBG, Ning Gao-Condon

Jonathan Foster:

The Foster Family, Maureen O’Rourke, Elliot and Stanley Repko

Gregory Bassiely:

Richard Greenburg, Akintola Hanif, Dr. Kevin Yohe

Kelvin Lam:

Justin Booker, Susie at Pier Help desk, Dara Ng, Dwight Smith

Steven Antonino:

Palisades Park Korean Cultural Office; Lakewood Dept. of Community Services, Sons of Israel Temple; Plainfield Housing Office, Public Library, Town Hall

Cynthia Montalvan:

Iselin and Woodbridge Public Library

Rafael Paredes:

Yamil Avivi, Isabel Sanches of Las Delicias, Victor of El Rinconcito

t

#001 #6 Ocean Grove

-to Georgeen, who made this studio posible and to Lila, who was with us, and will be with us, always


Mobility

Activity

Ethnicity

Lifestyle

p. 008-009 p. 010-017 p. 018-019

Territory

Intro a. Preface b. Essay c. Case Study Key

Utopia

#7

Table of Contents

1. Llewellyn Park

Jennifer Masotti

p. 020-031

2. Costa Mobile Home Park

Jennifer Masotti

p. 032-043

3. North Ward of Newark

Jennifer Masotti

p. 044-055

4. Radburn

Pedro Torres

p. 056-073

5. Collonade Park

Pedro Torres

p. 074-091

6. Roosevelt

Candido S. Gude

p. 091-113

7. Ocean Grove

Candido S. Gude

p. 114-137

8. Medford Lakes

Joseph Vivino

p. 138-161

9. Island Urbanisms

Samu Szemerey

p. 162-179

10. Prison

Jonathan Foster

p. 180-211

11. Gangs

Gregory Bassiely

p. 212-247

12. Atlantic City Casino

Kelvin Lam

p. 248-273

13. Palisades Park

Steven Antonino

p. 274-289

14. Lakewood

Steven Antonino

p. 290-305

15. Plainfield

Steven Antonino

p. 306-321

16. Little India

Cynthia Montalvan

p. 322-351

17. Elizabeth

Rafael I. Paredes

p. 352-377

Table of Contents

Case Studies


#8


#9

Preface

Over the course of this past semester our studio members were directed to explore New Jersey with the deceptively simple goal to better understand the term “community”. With open minds we pounded the pavement, each of us shedding preconceived notions accrued by common experience. Coming together again, after researching, after diagramming and writing, we had discovered that New Jersey is much richer than we could have imagined. The variety of life here in this relatively small state speaks volumes about the larger condition of our country. The suburban block is not the homogeneous bore we’ve been lead to believe. Lift the veil on every “dull” suburb and you’ll be sure to find a complex underpinning of relationships each having the potential to be a community. We have come to understand that community is not simply a given people living in a given place. To be part of a community implies something more binding than a common land. Community is derived from a shared history or related interest of its members. It is not something tangible, something to be statically looked at, but something to be explored.


Quest for Community: A Procedural Analysis of the Journey into New Jersey’s Communities “At every instant, there is more than the eye can see, more than the ear can hear, a setting or a view waiting to be explored. Nothing is experienced by itself, but always in relation to its surroundings, the sequences of events leading up to it, the memory of past experiences.” – Kevin Lynch

The Objective: While maintaining a delicate balance between theory and practice, this project investigates communities within the state of New Jersey in order to construct a platform for discussion upon ‘The American Way Living’ and the detection of ‘The Open City.’ The Garden State serves as the portal through which this endeavor is pursued and realized. By way of validating the content of this work, a critical point of discussion must be tackled. The ‘case-for-community’ must be made. The answer to why are the places or social units which have been designated a ‘community’, in fact, a community. As a case-study oriented process, the fruits of our labor have coalesced in the form of a field guide…thereby, producing a document which is to function as an agent of community – inherently incomplete until it is coupled with the navigation and experience of community. Ultimately, the knowledge gained through this phase of the project will be re-evaluated and repositioned for phase two of the project. In this phase, proactive interventions will be proposed for many of the communities analyzed. These interventions (Phase 2) can be found in Vol.2.

Evaluating Our Role:

#10 Introduction

A range of professions intersect that of infrastructure planning, forming an array of trajectories upon which investigation and inquiry may venture. Whether experts in subject areas native to the infrastructural planner or visiting the foreign territories of neighboring professions, the stature and conceptual approach we adopt must reflect a certain measure of consistency and coherency. Aside from allowing the group to step back and question their intentions, this necessity facilitates the production of a field of data that is comparable, or otherwise, crossreferential. As this document is the combined work of eleven authors, it falls upon the shoulders of each aspiring infrastructural planner to position himself in a manner which negotiates the intentions of the individual, the project, and the community. Taking this into account, the body of our work exhibits a range of strategies varying in methods of observation, analysis, and documentation – a diversity which stems from the adaptability required of every infrastructural planner. The specificity of locale demands a specificity of tools to understand it by. With whatever annexations the individual may bring to their work, observance, creativity, and adaptability are held as necessary ingredients as we seek to visualize the inner workings of communities. “Most of the time, we live our lives within these invisible systems, blissfully unaware of the artificial life, the intensely designed infrastructures that support them.” It is our role to understand and visualize these systems which guide, govern, and generate community. Speaking towards Vol.2 of this project, it is also the role of the infrastructural planner to absorb and humbly utilize this knowledge to inform any measures of intervention that may be pursued.


With an objective and stance established, the next task to be addressed is site selection. In other words, why New Jersey? What justifications dub the state as exceptionally well-suited for the execution of this project? The interplay of factors such as heterogeneity and density unavoidably rises to the surface when addressing such inquiry. One of the smallest (ranked 47th) state’s in the nation at 8,729 sq mi, New Jersey concurrently exhibits the highest density per square mile in the nation at 1,134/sq. mile. Already a promising arena of exploration, further observation provides aptly sufficient justification as to New Jersey’s potential as the site of choice. From rural settings to intensely urban settings, the excessively wealthy to the impoverished, the highly planned to the seemingly organic, the fervently closed to the vastly open, from the geographically miniscule to the geographically prominent, New Jersey provides us with the optimal stage for research and analysis.

Introduction #11

The Site:

The expansive range of settings yields an equally robust amalgamation of cultural, economic, political, and social forces. The intensity and variability of these many constituent forces can be gauged, cross-referenced, and conditionally aligned as one peruses the content of the field guide. For example, the potent cultural substructure of a particular facet in Iselin, New Jersey, known as Little India, articulates a conflict zone between majority and minority or between the ‘cultural norm’ and the subculture. Llewelyn Park, in West Orange Township, New Jersey features the production of a conflict zone as well, though conceived from an entirely distinct intersection of forces – that of the private domain and public domain. These intersections are further explored in “Documentation Strategy.” Anecdotally speaking, just as one has more to gain from the entirety of a library than from the limitations of the fiction aisle, the potential New Jersey presents in its superbly heterogeneous countenance overshadows that of a more homogeneous selection. It is for this richness of diversity that the Garden State so appealed to the intentions of the project. The state’s unmatched capacity to generate and host such a wide spectrum of lifestyles leads one to speculate as to the reason for such variation. It is worthwhile to inquire as to the origins of such a potent diversity and the potential it presents for the future. Perhaps New Jersey is, in fact, an ideal testing ground, of sorts, for the germination of new or hybrid species of community.

Introduction

Operational Strategy: Bipartisan by nature, as infrastructural planners we are taxed with the balancing of a delicate dichotomy – that of the a priori realm and that of the a posteriori realm - a priori referring to that which exists in the mind prior to or independent of experience, and a posteriori referring to knowledge which is conceived through experience and observation. Though antithetical in nature, these distinct methodologies must both be utilized throughout the course of the project. The danger arises when one takes these notions in a rigidly linear sense. To optimize what is gained from the execution of the project it was necessary that we condition ourselves to incessantly oscillate between these two modes of operation – essentially between theory and practice. We needn’t grip our preconceptions but rather liquefy them and allow them to be shaped and informed by the specificity of place. This enables our work to synthesize a sense of place with the inevitable biases of any one author. It is with this adaptability that we approach the notoriously elusive notion of community.


Understanding Community: “Community is where community happens.” – Thomas Bender In order to effectively visualize the many embedded systems, the infrastructural adhesive that binds a community together, one must first come to terms with this notion of ‘community.’ What is a community and how is it defined? These are controversial questions which sociologists, anthropologists, ethnographers, psychologists, amongst many others, have debated. The term community is as vague as the term individual, and the multiplicity of its operative modes, defining parameters, and hierarchical structuring is still more complex and convoluted. The very nature of its semantic existence, a plurality with an indefinite amount of subsets embedded, or a noun that can also be a verb, can be described as internally paradoxical. How can this ubiquitous social unit be more accurately defined in a manner that is, as Thomas Bender states, “…independent of particular structures” yet also temporally relevant rather than “historically grounded.” To accomplish this we must detach ourselves from the historical axiom of community. There is an inherent problem in defining community; as the only definition, to be temporally relevant, must be vague such that it becomes seemingly inconsequential. The definition of community is inherently transient, subject to the ephemeral nature of life and context – what constituted a community in the mind of a seventeenth century American pilgrim is unavoidably different than that in the mind of a contemporary individual. To better convey the problem of defining community, consider the following analogy. If I was to ask one to define “proper attire” in a manner such that it is correct for all time periods and all peoples, assuredly the task is impossible. The best that can be done is to define the vaguer component which is ‘attire’- garments for the body, while the component ‘proper’ is variable in relation to time and people. Otherwise, a definition of “proper attire” for only the current time period and a specific group of people would have to suffice. Essentially, one can define the ‘fixed’ term but not the ‘variable term.’ The problem with defining community is identical to that above, however both the ‘fixed’ and ‘variable’ dimensions are embedded in this single term ‘community.’ I therefore endeavor to first define community in its most vague form. Then, by identifying some universal truths of ‘community’ (those being the components without which the very prospect of community could not exist) I will take it a step further by attempting to formulate a current and relevant definition. The term community is vaguely defined below:

#12 Introduction

A community is a social unit whose assembly allows the delineation of a social space. The next task is identifying the components of this definition which may be considered universal truths. The first of these universal truths would be its nature as a social unit. ‘Community’ must always refer to a unit of society, dependent or independent of place. The second component is assembly. This refers to the assembly of people by whatever means, physical, virtual, etc. The last component is the delineation of a social space or cohesion. It is that intangible cohesiveness that is formed between constituents of a network. That cohesiveness may be evident to the actors of a network or it may just-as-well be utterly obscure…however its existence is necessary to confirm a networks communal stature. It is this cohesiveness that facilitates the assembly of the actors. With these timeless attributes outlined, a more specific definition can be generated by substituting our current understanding of those components into the vague definition.


One must take not that this definition is relevant perhaps only for our generation or perhaps only for this calendar year or perhaps only for the instance during which it is written. Now we have defined merely the objective dimension of community we must also remember that the subjective interjections that every individual interpretation imposes must also be taken into account. This is the dimension that each author annexes to the definition of community, shaped through the nuances of locale and experience.

Introduction #13

A community is a group of people who form relationships over time by interacting regularly around shared experiences, which are of interest to all of them for varying individual reasons.

Though excessively verbose, this exercise is the product of dialectic between theory and practice or experience. The theoretical notions presented are the product of a dynamic interplay - that previously mentioned two-fold pedagogy linking theory and practice. This aforementioned method of analysis is key as our notion of what constitutes a community is constantly challenged throughout the course of our research. Examples of such challenges would be the engagement of transient communities and virtual communities.

Detecting the ‘Open City’ “The idea of the open city as a place of social integration, cultural diversity and collective identity is perceived as an irreversible achievement of modernity, and fuels our visions for a sustainable urban future.”-Professor Kees Christiaanse As an underlying substructure to the investigations of this project is the need to be equipped to detect any subtle manifestations of the ‘Open City.’ Ever-vigilant in our observations and analysis, an understanding of these manifestations affords insight into the manner in which the ‘Open City’ may be more holistically introduced to a community through Phase 2 – The Interventions.

Since its original meaning of “safe haven“ within a war-zone, the term “Open City“ has been used to describe an urban condition of freedom.

Introduction

Similar to the efforts made to understand community, the same effort was put into understanding the ‘Open City’ as a function of both theoretical conceptions and the influences of specific analyses and experiences.

The “Open City” can be understood as a culturally and socially fertile arena which facilitates and initiates the interbreeding of social networks while nurturing those that already exist therein. As humanity inches closer towards this idealistic notion of globalization, one must question its role and purpose within our society and its capacity to influence its progression. The social and urban phenomenon of the “Open City” is essentially a prototype for the aims of society at large…the disintegration of boundaries to enable a fluid society, free from the biases, prejudices, and the pride that tends to segregate rather than integrate. Cohesion, once locally understood and identified with, is now writ large and used to bind communities at the urban or global scale. Identity has been translated from the micro to the macro or what might be called a “Collective Identity.”

As per the function of this notion in society, I would attest that it is meant to remain in the dormant state it currently inhabits. Some would say, even in this infantile state, that the ideal is evermore elusive as it is naturally on the verge of falling apart under the influence of its own market mechanisms such as free settlement and mobility of persons and goods. It is strongest as a notion meant to drive the progression of society. Humanity requires motivation and progress which is why perfection and utopian visions must remain out of grasp. Life is progress


and if a state of utopian nature is ever actually achieved, the impetus fueling human progression suddenly runs on empty. The “Open City” is an extremely powerful notion, and one that should be rightfully pursued. However, it is worthy to note that the pursuit itself is just as rewarding as the destination. As American writer Ursula K. LeGuin states “It is good to have an end to journey toward; but it is the journey that matters, in the end.”

Documentation Strategy: The field guide – a collection of data that transcends the stagnancy of the bookshelf, it functions as a resource in the dynamic operation and investigation of a given locale. It is not a mere reference book, but a tool to be used on the field. Every author was challenged to condense their graphic narratives into a format which lends itself to translation into a field guide. One key conceptual device used to orchestrate how the book would be operated was ‘varying velocities.’ This method forced the group to devise techniques which address the depiction of information at a variety of levels, each of which corresponds to a particular ‘velocity’ of reading. For instance, a ‘statistics tab’ can be found on the introduction page to each case study. This tab condenses a wide range of quantitative data into a format which is suitable for ‘the quick read.’ By contrast, lengthy texts and highly detailed diagramming was left for the ‘slow read’ sections. Not by any means a document meant to remain pristine, but rather, one meant to be aged and worn by excessive use as the varying velocities flip away at the pages of the field guide. An additional layer was inserted into the organizational hierarchy of the field guide – the itinerary routes. This stratum of information allows readers to choose a theme-based itinerary along which they might choose to travel if they desire to more explicitly experience the correlations between different communities. Essentially, we are using the communities as a way of further exploring particular thematic itineraries as well as vice- versa. Thomas Bender describes how such a method operates as a means of differentiating lifestyle patterns in the following manner: “Whether used as an analytical device for classifying social aggregates or as a normative judgment on social life, the concept of community never stands alone. Rather, it is consistently used as one pole of a typology of social forms that implicitly or explicitly contrasts communal with noncommunal patterns of life.” Three itineraries were used to thread communities sharing a similar theme together. The first of these itineraries is the Utopian Itinerary. A reader choosing this route of travel will be taken on a journey through a series of New Jersey communities that have strived for some utopian identity. The stops along this route are as follows:

#14 Introduction

The Utopian Itinerary: Radburn: “This quintessential example of a suburban garden city revolves around the separation of traffic and pedestrian circulation systems, creating a communal neighborhood backyardpark.” Llewellyn Park: “The worlds first, and presumably most exclusive, gated community.” Colonnade Park: “This site has hosted a number of the most popular utopian strategies – from Le’ Corbusier to Ludwig Mies Van de Rohe.” Ocean Grove:


Roosevelt: “Established as an agro-industrial cooperative testing ground for Jewish garment workers, it failed as a homogeneous utopian project, nonetheless, formed an enduring community spirit through the historical legacy of the site” Medford Lakes: “Embodying the popular 1900’s gated community, it is a rustic vacation community set in the heart of the Pine Barrens.”

Introduction #15

“The hybridization of a Methodist camp meeting with a seaside town has bred this intriguing instance on the New Jersey shoreline. A historically grounded town relaying methods of seclusion.”

Atlantic City: “This city establishes itself in an intimate setting that is born from the common interest of casino gaming.” Each of these New Jersey sites promises to convey a particular urban strategy geared towards a specific manifestation of the utopian ideal. The second of the itineraries is the Conflict Zones Itinerary, designed to expose the many constituent forces that might misalign to form a zone of tension within a community. The Conflict Zones Itinerary: Palisades Park: “Once a struggling minority, the Korean population of Palisades Park overcomes hardship, becoming a dominant economic force in this booming suburb.” North Ward of Newark: “North Ward of Newark is physically defined by danger zones that help create a social network of information and trust, which then helps gate and protect the community. Street Frats – Gangs of Newark: “Founded in the spirit of fraternity and brotherhood, the gang community is coaxed by a series of urban forces into an ongoing struggle against mainstream society and the enforcers of ‘legitimacy’.”

Plainfield: “Plainfield is a community divided. The North is marred by violence and poverty, while the South is a vision of suburban living.” Little Iselin: “A stage of growth for an Indian immigrant community in search of the American Dream – Oak tree road is a site of conflict as it is transformed to a site dominated by this ethnoburb.” Lakewood: “The Orthodox community of Lakewood has touched every inch of its town. Temples and Yeshivas appear on every block, a sight characteristic of this very devout people.”

Introduction

Elizabeth: “Elizabeth is a mix of ethnic groups that with time have changed the landscape and created an environment with nostalgic connotations.”

The third and final itinerary is the Isolation Itinerary – a route characterized by the sites ability to maintain and project a degree of isolation.


The Isolation Itinerary: Costa Mobile Home Park: “The Costa Mobile Home Park is a community united by its rejection from the borough of Lodi through both geographic and social means.” Porte Liberte: “An exemplary implementation of Island Urbanism – the French architect took the idea from his previous projects to create an archipelago in Jersey City with European-style architecture.” Prison: “The Essex County Correctional Facility, in Newark, is a center for the criminally inclined individuals from over 126 square miles.” Having experienced three distinct itineraries, each unfolding a narrative which threads seemingly disparate communities together into a larger thematic network, one is equipped with an experience-based knowledge that has been fortified with the observations and analysis efforts of eleven authors. The communities of New Jersey, though widespread along the typological spectrum, still retain qualities which allow for the cross-referencing the itineraries of this field guide strives for.

In Retrospect: So many of us, trapped within our own spheres of activity, remain unmoved by the vast sea of alternative lifestyles emitted from an increasingly multicultural, heterogeneous context. This project enhances ones aptitude for awareness while stirring the indifferent out of complacency. The communities of New Jersey are animated with vivid representations that concretize their communal status. This project hopes to revitalize these representations through graphic visualizations. In the wake of this project several concluding inquiries and observations can be made. In all our research, have we found the ‘Open City?’ Its discreetness is uncanny as it may shapeshift – taking the form of a wall of graffiti to something as seemingly unwelcome as conflict. Its strongest presence currently takes the form of potential. It is potential energy gradually secreting into the ether of social activity...gradually transforming idle and solitary urban structures into dynamic networks vibrant with kinetic energy.

#16 Introduction

As we strive for this idealistic environment, we inevitably fuel the progression of humanity. And as urban theorists, urban designers, infrastructure planners, or as a conscientious community dweller, it falls upon us to question and reevaluate the forces shaping the many networks of which we are apart: How can we think of the ‘Open City’ as a constructive element of urban development? What are the lessons to be learnt from the isolationism and the cohesion of communities in America? Is ther a way to develop communities that contribute to a larger urban system? How can that happen without a city compromising its own identity? To peruse what may lie ahead for New Jersey’s communities as potential sites of the ‘Open City,’ see Vol.2. – The Interventions.


Introduction

Introduction #17


pop. age gender religion

N/A

household marital status

income

race

male hispanic

asian

other hinduism jewish islamic christian

mix

Topic #09

Topic #08

Topic #07

Topic #06

Topic #05

Topic #04

Topic #03

Topic #02

Topic #01

size (miles²)

23.8 45-65

65+

~280,135

“The Topics Tabs”:

+100k divorced

THE LAYOUT:

This series of tabs is used to outline the content of each particular case-study. Each author is asked to formulate the structure through which the concept of his/her case-study may be readily understood. This evaluation is then translated onto this series of tabs. As each particular topic is addressed its correseponding tab will be pulled down. *This series of tabs will be used throughout the presentation of each case-study. Topics will vary from one case-study to another.

“The Statistics Tab”: This tab is used to streamline a range of purely quantitative or statistical data about the casestudy being presented. Subject areas covered in this “pull-down” include: -Geographic Size (square miles) -Population Size (# of people) -Age (years) -Gender -Race -Religion -Household Income (Thousands of Dollars per Year) -Marital Status -Average Household Size *This tab can be found on the first page of each case-study

“The Locator Tab”: This tab is used to demarcate the geographic location of the particular case study. *This tab can be found on the first page of each case-study.


This tab will always relay the name of the case-study being discussed on the page as well as the page number. The color of this tab will remain constant throughout each individual case-study; however it will vary from one case-study to another. *This tab will be used throughout the book and can be found in the upper right and lower left corners of each page with the exception of the case-study introduction pages in which the lower left name tab is absent in order to accomodate the statistics tab.

Layout Ex. #001 #19 Community Name

“The Name Tab”:

“The TopicTab”: This tab is an extension of the series found on the upper portion of the page to the left. It is used to identify the particular topic being addressed on the two-page spread with the exception of the introduction page of each case-study in which this tab will simply state the name the community *This tab will be used throughout the book and can be found in the lower right corner of the page.

This series of tabs is used to identify particular attributes that characterize the case-study being analyzed. It is meant to act as a cross-referencing mechanism facilitating the evaluation of one casestudy in relation to another. The range of possible attributes remain the same throughout the presentation of all the case-studies; however, the attributes identified as relevant to each individual case study may vary. (Those attributes deemed irrelevant are blanked out and will appear as a grey colored tab) *This tab can be found on the first page of each casestudy

Topic - -

“The Attributes Tabs”:


single

household marital status

158

married

divorced divorced

income

religion

other 60-100k hinduism 30-60k jewish 10-30k islamic 0-10k christian

+100k +100k

gender

male

caucasian race

female

black 0-1

10-20

age

1-10

45-65 20-40

asian hispanic

65+ 40+

mix

pop.

584

References

Gate Comparison

Conclusion

Changing Land Ma

Historical Timeline

Non-Homogeneity

Communal Land

A Public Park?

Contextual Gating

size (miles²) (miles )

.70


Jennifer Masotti

Essex County // New Jersey

A Public Gated Community?

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Walk to Penn Station Bus Lanes. Bus 21 to West Orange > Main Street &

Park Ave. Walk to 1 Park Way. From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station (PATCO Train- Outbound Direction; Switch in Trenton to NEC > NY Penn Station

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST” From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 21 to West Orange > Stop “Main St. & Park Ave.”

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 10 “West Orange”. From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > Garden State Parkway N > I 280 W > Exit 10 “West Orange”.

Llewellyn Park

Despite being the world’s first - and presumably most exclusive - gated community, Llewellyn Park has a nationally registered, historic state park at its very center. Legally, Llewellyn Park has to grant access through its private community five days a week to anyone that wishes to visit this site: Glenmont Park, the former home of inventor Thomas Edison whose most famous inventions include the light bulb and the phonograph. By having this very public feature in the center of an extremely private community, a fabulous contradiction between public and private sectors arises in the way the individual homes are oriented and the differing treatment of the land based on adjacency to a public or private road. In addition to this irony, Llewellyn Park exhibits a chance to observe the slow breakdown of homogeneity over time (both economically and racially) and how certain prejudices can physically manifest themselves within the planning development of the park.

Llewellyn Park #21

Llewellyn Park


ple x

280

#22 Llewellyn Park

Apa

Route

Ave. Ea gle

ain

nt

Ple asa M

Mt . Ro ck

R io

n

t rva ese

St .

P Physical Barriers:

High-Volume Roads

Preserved Forest

Solitary Entry Gate

Gatehouse

N

References

Gate Comparison

Conclusion

Changing Land M

Historical Timeline

Non-Homogeneity

Communal Land

A Public Park?

Contextual Gating


Public

Lllewellyn Park #23

Private

Llewellyn Park is surrounded by major thoroughfares to the East, South, and West and a Forest Reserve to the North. This physical isolation sets up a perfect scenario for a gated community, self-imposed isolation with only one entrance which is guarded twenty four hours a day. However, this perfect privacy is ruptured by Glenmont Park, and the fact that five out of seven days a week Llewellyn Park is made publicly accessible (shown at left). Technically, visitors to the site of Thomas Edison’s homestead are required to have reservations and signed passes in order to be granted access, however it is seldom required to produce these items at the gate house.

Residential-Private

Main Circulatory Roads Larger Estates

Side and Dead-End Roads

Road-Public

A Public Park?

The condition of having a public park in the middle of a private gated community brings about many issues of public and private domain. The diagram to the left illustrates the combination of physical and visual privacy conditions. The darkest purple represents the most private: the land of the private residences that are on private roads and are visually inaccessible. The slightly lighter purple lines are that of the roads that should be private, but are n o n e t h e l e s s accessible from the while driving to Glenmont Park. The lightest purple is the private land that is visually accessible while driving to Glenmont, while the white is the most public; that being the designated roads to get to Glenmont and the actual site of Glenmont Park where tours are held daily.

Visual access denied through steeply sloping landscape bordering all main circulatory roads.

Visual access to private residences granted through flat terrain. Privacy through strategically placed vegetation.


Designated Community Space

$

$ $

#24 Llewellyn Park

References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Changing Land Ma

Historical Timeline

Non-Homogeneity

Communal Land

There also exists several organizations created by the residents to help keep the community s o c i a l l y unified despite the large amounts of physical land separating their individual houses. The Ladies Association, for example, meets frequently requently equently to organize the events that occur in this communal space and are also lso in char cha charge of official welcoming and visiting the homes of newcomers. Similarly Si Similarl Similarly, the Llewellyn Park Preservation Foundation, the Llewellyn Park ark k Histor Historica Historical Society, and their personal Home Owners Association (in charge arge of collecting taxes to help maintain park property and pay for constant surveillence) bring together members that care about specific issues within the park.

$

$$

$$$ $$ $$$

$

$$$

A Public Park?

Contextual Gating

Despite the isolatory nature of the community (at least towards outsiders) there exists designated land for communal activities. Shown on the map to the left, the shaded area includes a pond, benches, and open grass to use for the various activities held there (such as a children’s Easter egg hunt in the Spring, a Holiday Party, Halloween festivities, barn dances, etc.). Almost as an acknowledgement of the fact that visitors of Glenmont Par wander Park wa further than they should, the social space is pushed to the rear off the park k and d even ven provides a parking p g are area off of the rear-most private road (shown in the darker shade). d )

Glenmont Park

$$$

$$

$ $$

Traditionally, the home owners of Llewellyn Park required people looking to move into the community to go through a personal interview process, to judge their character and help maintain the integriry of the communtiy. It wasn’t until a federal law was passed in the later half of the 20th century, making it illegal to continue this process as it was an active form of discrimination. Realistically, due to the expensive nature of the houses, an economic descrimination will always be in place. However, the selectivity of Llewellyn Park has not disappeared entirely. The less expensive homes or ones that don’t follow the typical Old English style, are placed on the dead ends and less trafficked roads. Conversely, the more expensive, traditional homes are placed surrounding Glenmont Park and on the roads leading the public viewers to it (to possibly attract future residents or just showcase the best possible face of Llewellyn Park. Overall Park Notice on the right how the hidden Organization: homes cling to the edges of this Hidden Homes c o m m u n i t y . Displayed Homes $ Cheaper $$ $$$

Moderate Expensive Gatehouse


Modern Architecture

Non-Homogenity

Lllewellyn Park #25 Types of Hidden Housing:

Less Expensive Social Space


References

Gate Comparison

Conclusion

Changing Land Mass

Historical Timeline

Non-Homogeneity

Communal Land

A Public Park?

Contextual Gating

1852- Llewellyn Haskell purchases 40 acres of land in what is now Llewellyn Park. 1853- Together Haskell and architect Alexander Jackson Davis devise a master plan for the land purchased. With this act, America’s first planned community was created. 1857- Gatehouse designed by A.J. Davis; Llewellyn Park now contains 350 acres. Haskell designates fifty acres in the parks center to act as community space, as developed by a Board of Trustees. Provided structure and helped define physical boundaries of the park. Park officially started ; first advertisment seen in newspapers. 1870- Park consists of 450 acres with over 100 home sites planned 1886- Thomas Edison purchases Glenmont Manor as a wedding present for his second wife, Mina Edison. 1931- Thomas Edison died; he is survived by his wife. 1941- Proprietor’s Association agrees that certain larger lots can be broken down into .5 acre increments in order to increase interest in buying land for those that can’t afford the entire large lot. 1946- Mina Edison sells the Glenmont Estate to Thomas A. Edison, Inc. so that “Glenmont and its contents can be preserved as a memorial to my dear husband and his work.” 1947- Mina Edison dies. 1950s- West Orange grows in diversity; Italians, Jews, and Irish begin

#26 Llewellyn Park

to move from the subrubs of Newark into West Orange. 1961- Glenmont Park, Thomas Edison’s home and a nationally registered historic landmark, opens for the first time in the direct heart of Llewellyn Park. 1967- Riots in Newark take place causing more people to leave Newark and join the West Orange Township. 1970s- The interview process is eliminated from the application to live

in Llewellyn Park due to a federal law that prohibits such discriminatory behavior.

1975- Five-man security force implemented at front gate. Three of the four gates are closed so that all incoming traffic has to pass by the gatehouse. 1980s- West Orange attracts “upwardly mobile African Americans.”

2002- The Proprietor’s Association decides to create a website to increase awareness about Llewellyn Park to aid in the ease of selling property. The website contains pictures and descriptions of all available properties and their prices.


1870 -100 Acres are added to the community; approximately 125 lots exist within.

1961 - Glenmont Park opens, introducing the e ironically positioned public park in a private gated community

Lllewellyn Park #27

Changing Land

1857 - Haskell creates community space and gate house; the two characteristics that define the community socially and physically.


References

Gate Comparison

Conclusion

Changing Land M

Historical Timeline

Non-Homogeneity

Communal Land

A Public Park?

Contextual Gating

Conclusion Llewellyn Park is an enormous source of contradiction. World-reknowned for being perhaps the most exclusive gated community, yet it is forced to open its gates five days a week to allow any ordinary person to come within and see Thomas Edison’s famous home, Glenmont Manor. Being that there are no physical barriers blocking the cars from leaving the designated route to Glenmont, they are free to roam about the entire complex resulting in not only creative ways of diverting public and private zoning, but also a possible moment of open city between those that belong there and those that don’t. While homogeneity is expected of a gated community such as this, a closer look reveals a variety of races, economic classes, and architectural styles lie within (though not entirely without prejudiced placing within the community), which hints at another open city condition that initiates in the 50 acres of designated communal land. This group-oriented space begins to break down an isolated society through the resident-lead committees that help organize community events in this space.

Comparing Gated Communities

#28 Llewellyn Park

Llewellyn Park

Typology

Self- Imposed

Total Sq. Ft.

.70 Square Miles 450 Acres

Individual Lot Size

130,680-217,800 Sq. Ft. 3 -5 Acres

Physically Binding Elements

Socially Binding Elements

Unspoken Social Rules

Anything Sacrificed to be a Member?

Concrete Walls, Iron Gate, Rt. 280,, Expansive Forest Elitist Sentiment, H.O.A., Ladies Association, Community-Wide Events, Communal Land

Drive in and go directly to your home; Don’t stop or pull over

$$ $$ $

Home Owners Association; Have to pay additional taxes to upkeep grounds and pay for security

Costa Mobile Home Park

North Ward of Newark


"Llewellyn Park May Be Parceled; Majority on Governing Body Favors Proposal xxxxxto Make 1/2-Acre Plots Available." The New York Times 3 Nov. 1941. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: Llewellyn Park.

Llewellyn Park #29

"History, Highlights." Llewellyn Park. 2000. Llewellyn Park. Autumn 2008 sssshttp://www.llewellynpark.com/.

"Llewellyn Park." 9 Feb. 2002. The Everything Development Company. 7 Sept 2008 http://everything2.com/index.pl?node=llewellyn+park&lastnode_id=124. Martin, Antoinette. "An Enclave Wonders if It Is Too Private." The New York Times 10 July 2005. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: Lllewellyn Park. Martin, Antoinette. "Ins and Outs of Castle Selling." The New York Times 3 Feb. aaaa2008. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: Llewellyn Park. Platt, Frederick. "Edison: Catnaps In the Alcove; Tom Edison: Those Catnaps in the Alcove." The New York Times 26 Oct. 1975. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: Llewellyn Park.

Rand, Ellen. "New Jersey Housing; A Haven of Anachronistic Calm." The New YorkYork Times 21 Dec. 1980. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: Llewellyn ParkPark. "The Edison Home and Family." Edison Natural Historical Site. U.S. Department aaaaof the Interior: National Park Service. Autumn 2008 http://www.nps.gov aaaa/archive/edis/home.htm Tucker Hilliard Marketing Communications, comp. Llewellyn Park: An aaaaExtraordinary Residential Community Nestled in West Orange, NJ. THMC, aaaaInc. U.S. Census Bureau Maps and Cartographic Resources. USA. US Census Bureau. aaaaGeography Division. Autumn 2006. Census Bureau Map Products. Autumn aaaa2008.

References

"Private Park to Let Public Tour Home Of Edison in Jersey." The New York Times 10 May 1961. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: Llewellyn Park.


2% Living alone

35% Married couple

41%

Family no husband present

16%

100%

Planning

(houses) $400,000 /200,000

Medium 16 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

(units)

Owner-occupied housing units 0%

Renter-occupied housing units

Average housing size

3,50

Low 0

High 142

Householder over 65

Average familly size

#30 Llewellyn Park

6%

Married couple with kids

53%

$1 M /500,000

Density // Quantity // Average Price

47%

Sort of association

19%

1.23

Occupeid

up to 60

planned

Housing

61%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

20%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

85% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

0%


Art & Entertainment

Public Administration

Houseworker

Muslim

81%

Llewellyn Park #31

Race combination

Ethnicity

Jewish

Religion

10%

Caucasian

8%

2%

5%

4%

Statistics

Professional

Buddhist

Ethnicity // Religion

Education + Health

Christian

Commuting to work

Transportation, Information & other Services

90%

Profession

Sales

Unemployed

Employment Non-skilled Labor Force

2%


household marital status

149 158

divorced

other hinduism jewish islamic christian religion

+100k

income

male race

gender

age

45-65 5

asian hispanic

65+

mix

pop.

388 584

References

Gate Comparison

Conclusion

Changing Site Usa

Historical Timelin

Adjacencies

Resident Reaction

Social Exclusion

Physical Isolation

size (miles²)

.01 .70


Jennifer Masotti

Bergen County // New Jersey

Roll Over or Roll Out

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - (take bus, see below)

From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station (PATCO Train- Outbound Direction; Switch in Lindenwold AC line to Absecon > Bus 559 to Lakewood Terminal > Bus 139 to Port Authority (Continue with Bus Directions Below)

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 161 to Paterson > Stop “Rt. 46 & Money St.” From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal.

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 10 “West Orange”. From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike N > Garden State Parkway N > Exit 157 “US-46 E”.

Bus 161 to Paterson via Union City > Stop “Rt. 46 & Money St.”

Mobile Home Park

Due to the stereotype that accompanies those that live in mobile homes (of being of bad values, low income, high crime, etc.) the borough of Lodi created an invisible gate around the Costa Mobile Home Park by physically isolating it from the rest of the borough through deteriorating roads, awkward intersections, and gates from neighboring houses. Socially, this isolation is continued through the fact that all the community events and even schools are held far from the location of the mobile home park. The reaction to this inhospitality can be seen in the way the residents of the mobile home park choose to inhabit their ‘parking spots.’ Those that ignore the imposed seclusion set up miniature front lawns and display potted plants, while those that feel oppressed by the isolation keep their additions to their land inexpensive and easily to dismantle.

Mobile Home Park #33

Costa Mobile Home Park


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Mobile Home Park #34 Costa Mobile Home Park to miss and hard to physically navigate a car into

Awkward four-way intersection makes entrance easy

es om

Route 46 E serves as a high

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Children Play Safely Here

tion

References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Changing Site Usa

Historical Timeline

Adjacencies

Resident Reaction

Social Exclusion

Physical Isolation


20% of the Mobile Home Park residents are 65+ years old. Yet the senior building is 1.25 miles away, making it difficult to reach.

st a

I f borough w i d e events were held in either of these two parks, the mobile home residents could easily be more incorporated into the community of Lodi, as a whole.

N

Public Parks Town Buildings

Social Exclusion Social

Senior Center

Co

ile ob e M om rk H a P

Approximately 26% of the residents of the Mobile Home Park are 18 years or younger, legally requiring them to attend school. Yet with the exception of Wilson Elementary School (which only services 10% of the total juvenile population), the rest of the schools are either to far away to walk to or are privatized.

Public Schools

Private Schools

Community Events

speed d anger b ar

as bloc kades

Costa Mobile Home Park #35

Borough-wide events occur West of an axis created along Main Street/Memorial Drive (the access street from Route 46 East and off of which all municipal buildings are located.

Su homerprounding res rier at th i ark inh e North abitandtents react to ern end s the s a t of the m me wahye mobile obile ho as the c me par ity k


References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Changing Site Usa

Historical Timeline

Adjacencies

Resident Reactions

Social Exclusion

Physical Isolation

The reactionary sentiments of the residents of the mobile home community to the city-imposed isolation can be seen in the ways they choose to physically inhabit their individual space. Those that have lived there for a while add plants, front steps, lawn furniture, and cover up their wheels; they make themselves at home. Those that don’t intend to stay long simply park and make do with nothing additional in the interim; their ‘yards’ remain bare. And then there are the majority of the homes, which seem to be stuck in the middle, not willing to admit through physical adaptation to their mobile homes that they’ll be in this place for too long. So they add non-decorative and purely functional make-shift elements, which often end up becoming permanent.

Awning

Mailbox Permanent Front Steps

#36 Mobile Home Park Costa

Potted Plants Plastic Furniture Start at inhabiting but plastic so it’s easy to move, take with in case of leaving, or throw out if there’s not enough room inside Make-Shift Front Steps and Porch Functional and even social but wood is misaligned and warped, seems structurally unsound Axel rests on Cinder Blocks Admitted that tires damage with that much weight on them for a long period of time but done in a non aesthetically pleasing manner in hopes that it’s only temporary

Wheels Hidden

with Siding Paved Front

Here-To-Stay

Walkway

Hitch Left Exposed

Wish-It-Wasn’t-So

Water Heater On Front Yard Tied to back of trailer, temporarily rested on the grass to alleviate some weight from the trailer Hitch Facing Road Hook up and leave anytime Empty Side Yard Adjacent empty lots are used (by those who plan to stay) as front yard but here it is left void

Wheels Exposed

Ready-To-Go


Water heaters, sheds, and other storage space maintain rear boundaries

Blinds always drawn Fencing on sideto-side adjacency

Mobile Home Park #37

Mobile Home to Mobile Home

Due to the small lot size and the fact that the mobile home takes up most of the space; privacy is a crucial matter that must be dealt with. Private entrances to homes are always in between mobile homes.

Mobile Home to Street

Wall of Cars (Privacy) Dead End

Children playspace; all ride bikes

Mobile Park to Community

Further Fencing Side Yard Setback Barren Side Yard

Adjacencies

Residents park directly in front of their homes, creating a privacy buffer zone. Also, due to the isolated dead-end condition of the park, the children play safely in the street with no fear of cars.

In addition to seclusion from the city,the surrounding community adds another layer of barriers through fencing, building their homes far from the fence, and leaving the side yards bare.


References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Changing Site Usa

Historical Timeline

Adjacencies

Resident Reaction

Social Exclusion

Physical Isolation

1500s-The idea of the mobile home was thought to be based on the

roaming of gypsies with their horse-drawn wagons.

1870s- First

mobile homes appeared on the Outer Banks of North Carolina. Homes were built on skids and then moved seasonally based on the tides of the ocean.

1894- Borough of Lodi was created from smaller portions of Lodi Township and Saddle River Township. 1915- Site of Costa Mobile Home Park owned by Boroughs & Neely Co. and used for agricultural purposes. 1935- Route 46 (the Northern border of the Costa Mobile Home Park) was comissioned. 1960s- Mobile homes flourish across New Jersey.

19611980s- A

developer tried to build a hotel where Costa Mobile Home Park and its neighbor, Brown’s Trailer Park lay, but was stopped by the residents based on technicalities on the variance application.

Costa Mobile Home Park Mobile Home Park #38

1983- 295,000 new mobile homes sold. 1991- Jack F. Kemp, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, called for states to remove barriers to mobile homes and their parks to encourage the spread of afforable housing. Only 170,000 new mobile homes sold, the flourishing has tremendously slowed. 2004- Stephen Lo Iacono, borough manager of Lodi, announces that 20 acres of land along the South side of Route 46 E - including the property of Costa Mobile Home Park - will be claimed by the borough through eminent domain to make way for the development of a new strip mall or possibly offices. This would force over two hundred mobile homes and several small businesses to relocate. 2006- Public Advocate Ronald K. Chen enters the case saying that the town must provide sufficient evidence that the area along Route 46 is in dire need of redevelopment. 2007- Courts rule in favor of the residents of the Costa Mobile Home Park but residents remain fearful that the city will try again soon. 2008- Site is used as Mobile Home Park where the types of residents


Mobile Home Park #39 N

N

1961 - Rt. 46E exists, early stages of park boundaries begin to form; site is empty lot.

Changing Site Use

1915 - Agricultural Fields initially existed on the site.

Types of Trailer Additions: Permanent Temporary

have separated themselves willingly by the amount of time they intend to stay in the park.

None

N


References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Changing Site Usa

Historical Timeline

Adjacencies

Resident Reaction

Social Exclusion

Physical Isolation

Conclusion The Costa Mobile Home Park is a community united by its rejection from the borough of Lodi that it geographically belongs to. After being physically and socially isolated and their homes constantly in danger or repossession by the town via emminent domain, the residents of the Mobile Home Community leave their houses in a temporary state so they can move out whenever the feelings of inhospitability grow large enough to drive them away. If the borough of Lodi shifted some events from the center of town to parks closer to the trailer park, possibly some isolation could end through an open city moment, allowing the two groups to begin integrate and understand one another.

Comparing Gated Communities

Costa Mobile Home Park

#40 Mobile Home Park

Llewellyn Park

Typology

Self- Imposed

Exile

Total Sq. Ft.

.70 Square Miles 450 Acres

.01 Square Miles 7.1 Acres

Individual Lot Size

130,680-217,800 Sq. Ft. 3 -5 Acres

640 Sq. Ft. .02 Acres

Physically Binding Elements

Socially Binding Elements

Unspoken Social Rules

Anything Sacrificed to be a Member?

Concrete Walls, Iron Gate, Rt. 280,, Expansive Forest Elitist Sentiment, H.O.A., Ladies Association, Community-Wide Events, Communal Land

Drive in and go directly to your home; Don’t stop or pull over

$$ $$ $

Home Owners Association; Have to pay additional taxes to upkeep grounds and pay for security

of Newark

Awkward 4-Way Awk Inte Intersection,Speed Bum Bumps, Rt. 46E, Fencing from Immediate Neighbors Animosity from Neighbors and City; Feeling Unwelcome and Purposefully Isolated ? ? ?

Park car as soon as in park then use bike (or walk); Stay off of other people’s lots even if the ground is clear; Public space in roads Forced into Sterotype; Every 20-30 years the city tries to claim the land through eminent domain


Mobile Home Park #41

"Bergen"Bergen County County Road Maps Changing Landscape Road1965: MapsSheets 1965: 1-2." SheetsMap. 1-2."The Map. The Changing Landscape of Bergen County, County, New Jersey. 1965. Rutgers University. 28 Sept.28 2008 of Bergen New Jersey. 1965. Rutgers University. Sept. 2008 h t t p : / /hmt at pp:m r ua tkgeerr. rs u. et d / /amkaepr .m gu e r/ bs .eerdgue/nb_ecroguennt_yc/ o ludnbtey r/ og lednb. ehrt m g eln. . h t m l .

Garbarine, Rachelle. "A Bump"AinBump the Road." 25 Jan. 25 2004. NewThe York Times Garbarine, Rachelle. in the Road." Jan.The 2004. New York Times Nytimes.com. AutumnAutumn 2008. Keyword: Costa Costa Mobile Mobile Home Home Park. Park. Nytimes.com. 2008. Keyword:

"History"History of Lodi."of The Official SiteWeb of the of Lodi, of New The Lodi." The Web Official SiteBorough of the Borough Lodi,Jersey. New Jersey. The BoroughBorough of Lodi. ofAutumn 2008 http://lodiboro.org/index.php?option=com_ Lodi. Autumn 2008 http://lodiboro.org/index.php?option=com_ frontpage&itemid=1. frontpage&itemid=1.

Kilgannon, Corey. "Corey. Trailer-Park Sales Leave With Single-Wides and Kilgannon, " Trailer-Park SalesResidents Leave Residents With Single-Wides and Few Options." The NewThe York Times Apr. 2007. AutumnAutumn Few Options." New York 18 Times 18 Apr.Nytimes.com. 2007. Nytimes.com. 2008. Keyword: Costa Mobile 2008. Keyword: CostaHome MobilePark. Home Park.

References References

"Plate 013 - Garfield, Lodi andLodi Hasbrouck Heights,Heights, New Jersey." Map. Bergen "Plate 013 - Garfield, and Hasbrouck New Jersey." Map. Bergen County County 1912 Vol1912 2. 1912. Map Works, Residential Genealogy. Vol 2.Historic 1912. Historic Map LLC. Works, LLC. Residential Genealogy. 28 Sept.28 2008 http://www.historicmapworks.com/search/city.php?query= Sept. 2008 http://www.historicmapworks.com/search/city.php?query= lodi&state=nj. lodi&state=nj.

Public Advocate Enters Lodi Eminent Domain Domain Case, 11/15/06. USA. State New of New Public Advocate Enters Lodi Eminent Case, 11/15/06. USA.of State Jersey. Jersey. Department of the Public Advocate. 15 Nov. 2006. New Jersey Department of the Public Advocate. 15 Nov. 2006. New Jersey Department of the Public AutumnAutumn 2008 http://www.state.nj.us/ Department of the Advocate. Public Advocate. 2008 http://www.state.nj.us/ publicadvocate/news/2006/approved/061115_amicuslodicase.html. publicadvocate/news/2006/approved/061115_amicuslodicase.html.

U.S. Census Bureau Bureau Maps and Cartographic Resources. USA. USUSA. Census Bureau.Bureau. U.S. Census Maps and Cartographic Resources. US Census Geography Division.Division. AutumnAutumn 2006. Census Bureau Bureau Map Products. AutumnAutumn Geography 2006. Census Map Products. 2008. 2008.


47%

29% Living alone

23% Married couple Married couple with kids

10% Family no husband present 29%

66%

Planning

(houses) $400,000 /200,000

Medium 0 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

(units)

Owner-occupied housing units 34%

Renter-occupied housing units

Average housing size

2.69

Low 149

High 0

Householder over 65

Average familly size

#42 Mobile Home Park

38%

Sort of association

53%

$1 M /500,000

Density // Quantity // Average Price

25%

1.23

Occupeid

up to 60

Not planned

Housing

49%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

26%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

90% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

10%


Professional

Art & Entertainment

Public Administration

Houseworker

Ethnicity // Religion

Muslim

75% Caucasian

12%

3%

13%

Statistics

Jewish

Ethnicity

5%

Religion

Buddhist

Commuting to work

Education + Health

Mobile Home Park #43

Christian

Sales

Transportation, Information & other Services

Race combination

Unemployed

85%

Profesion

Employment Non-skilled Labor Force

6%


single

household marital status

960

divorced

income

30-60k

+100k

religion

christian

other hinduism jewish islamic male

race

caucasian gender

age

45-65

asian hispanic

65+

mix

pop.

4,800

References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Zone Definition

Historical Timeline

Safety Network

Social Display

Individual Gating

Physical Boundarie

size (miles²)

.81


Jennifer Masotti

Essex County // New Jersey

An Urban Buddy System

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - NJCL to Matawan > Stop “Newark Penn Station”

Light Rail to Grove St. > Stop ‘Davenport Ave.” From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station (PATCO Train- Outbound Direction; Switch in Trenton to NEC > NY Penn Station (Continue with Above Directions)

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler Srt”. From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler Srt”.

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 14B “MLK Blvd”. From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike N > Garden State Parkway N > Exit 148 “Bloomfield Avenue”.

No. Ward of Newark

Being located in a city nationally known for its high crime rate, the citizens of the North Ward of Newark have created their own community through a social network of safety. It is physically bound on four sides by two different types of dangers: high crime areas and dangerous, high-traffic roadways. Starting at the scale of gating an individual house, smaller social networks form from resulting social display spaces and meetings around this walking-oriented neighborhood, which sequentially, combines to create a social ‘gate’ that isn’t necessarily trying to keep danger out, but rather keep those that wish to be safe, together and within.

No. Ward of Newark #45

North Ward of Newark


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References

Gate Comparris

Conclusion

Zone Definition

Historical Timeli

Safety Network

Social Display

Individual Gating

Physical Boundaries


inha Actuall y bita nts gets u than ; Less sed by pr the fron istine t ya rd.

Bea u wel tiful to c spa ome co attract ce t hat nversa attenti o is o t nly ion; Of n and visu t ally en a acc ess ibl

e.

Front Yard

Opaque and worn. It is not possible for people walking on the street or neighbors to see into the back yard. Maximum privacy is assured.

Thin and widely spaced. Always allows for easyy visibilityy into the yard and allows (and encourages) passerbys to look in.

Children playing, outdoor family eating, pets outdoor play area, Any private activity that the residents in the house can share without having observers

Displaying decorated and often unused spaces. Residents sit on the steps making the stairs a social space and the yard the topic of conversation.

OBJECTS DISPLAYED

USAGE

FENCING FEN CING TYPE

Back Yard

Individual Gating

The North Ward of Newark is bound physically by danger on all four sides; to the East and West - infamous neighborhoods known for their violent crimes, and to the North and South - high-speed and high-volume roadways known for their congestion and is unsafe for drivers and pedestrians alike. As a result of these ominous adjacencies, the residents of this community, one by one began to fence in their own personal houses, bringing the idea of a gated community to the solitary, individual s c a l e .

Opaque Fences, Tall Shrubbery - No Permeability Landscaping, Expensive Car (Religious) Statues

No. Ward of Newark #47

Individual Gating


References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Zone Definition

Historical Timeline

Safety Network

Social Display

Individual Gating

Physical Boundarie

Cheap With sparse or no yard

Loo

ornamentation the house looks uncared for and inexpensive. Moreover, fewer people stop to talk to the people waiting on the stoop because the unkempt appearance is uninviting.

ks L ike FrieCost : $ nds : $ :

Efficient By separating the yards with a L oo

ks L ike FrieCost: : $$$$ nds $$ :

h i

h o w are

you nice to meet you. g o o d d a y

Wasteful

Loo

#48 No. Ward of Newark

ks L ike FrieCost: : $$$$ nds $$$ : $

h i

h o w are

you nice to meet you. g o o d d a y

fence, the home owner lavishes money only where the neighbors see: the front yard (saving money by not decorating the back). This picturesque landscaping draws people and their conversation from the street. Without the fence to separate the front and back yards, the home owner is forced to spend more money to maintain all the land, instead of just the visible parts. This attracts the same amount of people as the ‘Efficient’ yard decorators but is infinitely more expensive.

Due to the social interaction that results from the individual fencing of each house, an information network begins to develop as people walking to work, school, etc. stop by front yards to chat, and then trade any new information or gossip to subsequent conversations.


Safety Network

No. Ward of Newark #49

Eventually, as time passes and more meetings and conversations take place, the network becomes so large that all news is spread to the farthest reaches of the community through two primary types of interactions: conversations between residents on the front steps and passersby and meetings that occur between people walking in the street (which is typical of this pedestrian-oriented area).

This mass-spreading of news is primarily oriented towards warning fellow community members of new safety concerns or crime hot-spots (drive-by violence, robberies, suspicious people walking around in an area where every face is recognizable, etc.) This social-trust, safety network serves as the larger scale, non-physical, “gate� of the North Ward of Newark because the information helps protect the residents of this community from the surrounding danger.


References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Zone Definition

Historical Timeline

Safety Network

Social Display

Individual Gating

Physical Boundarie

#50 No. Ward of Newark

1880s- Bloomfield Avenue, currently the Northern “danger

boundary” of the North Ward, was officially created by combining Newark and Pompton Turnpikes. Also, a large number of Italians began moving to Newark around this time. 1895- Branch Brook Park (the Southern danger zone) was officially opened on the site of a former Civil War army training ground. 1911- The Italian population dominated the North Ward. 19151927- Generous citizens, Bamberger and Fuld, donate 2,000 cherry trees to Branch Brook Park, starting Newark’s race with Washington D.C. for the city with the most cherry blossoms. While initially beautiful, now Branch Brook Park is known for its dangerous nature at night and its high gang activity. 19301967- Race riots break out in the Central Ward of Newark due to the widespread police brutality and lack of political representation of the dominant African American population. It created a mass exodus of Caucasians to the suburbs after violence erupted and Newark fell into civil unrest. 1970- Ken Gibson elected as the first African American Mayor of Newark. He was backed by Mr. Steve Adubato, a former school teacher that resigned to help pursue community-wide interests. He’s known as the ‘Boss’ of the North Ward and carries a lot of political weight in the city. 1970- With the help of local religious leaders, Steve Adubato creates the North Ward Center as a social service community outreach to help the citizens of ‘his’ ward as troubling times overtook Newark. 1975- Adubato expands the North Ward Center to include the North Ward Child Development Center (making preschool available). 1978- Feeling unsafe after the riots, the residents of the North Ward formed their own vigilante patrol. They claimed to be unbiased by race but newspaper articles have cited them as “getting rough” with outsiders. 1980 - Adubato adds the Newark Business Training Institute (a career development center for all ages) to the North Ward Center. 1987- With the political alliance of Mr. Adubato, Sharpe James is elected the second African American Mayor of Newark. 1997- Adubato further expands the North Ward Center to include the Robert Treat Academy (a new K-8 School). 2001- Adubato adds the Casa Israel as the fifth installment to the North Ward Center to serve as an adult medical day care center. 2008--


Bloomfield

No. Ward of Newark #51

East Orange

e r R i v c i s a s 1915 - Only 20 years after a creation of Branch Brook Park and

1930s - The crossing of Park Avenue (one of the binding streets of dangerous traffic) and Clifton Avenue. Note how the three main methods of transporation then (horse and carraige, the trolley, and walking) are all shown on Park Avenue. Also note, Park Avenue is slightly wider than Clifton Avenue. 2008 - The same Park Avenue and Clifton Avenue intersection but nearly 80 years later. Still a heavily trafficked road and this previously tame intersection has become a major source of congestion during rush hour. Also note that the road is now surrounded by apartment complexes and commercial buildings rather than large, single family estates.

Zone Zone Definition Definition

the about 35 after Bloomfield Avenue was first renamed, the town of Newark recognizes the clear dividing qualities of these two elements as they’ve marked a zone - Zone 11 - based on their boundary lines.

P


References

Gate Comparrison

Conclusion

Zone Definition

Historical Timeline

Safety Network

Social Display

Individual Gating

Physical Boundarie

Conclusion The North Ward of Newark is a type of gated community that exists through different scales. Starting by the large scale physical boundaries, it is surrounded by danger on all four sides which results in a reaction on the personal scale: the fencing in of individual houses. Resulting from this fencing was a system of displaying ones economic status and general approachability by using the front yard as a picturesque display space ( while the back yard remains relatively undecorated and actually functional for the families). This display resulted in people conversing over the display and eventually as more people joined the fencing displays, a communication network was established. Thus bringing the social network of the larger, entire community scale as the social gating to the North Ward; that it serves as protection from danger and crime because the information of where to stay away from is passed though an infinite number of meetings of the community members.

Comparing Gated Communities Costa Mobile Home Park

#52 No. Ward of Newark

Llewellyn Park

North Ward of Newark

Typology

Self- Imposed

Exile

Total Sq. Ft.

.70 Square Miles 450 Acres

.01 Square Miles 7.1 Acres

.81 Square Miles 520.5 Acres

Individual Lot Size

130,680-217,800 Sq. Ft. 3 -5 Acres

640 Sq. Ft. .02 Acres

5388 Sq. Ft. .12 Acres

Physically Binding Elements

Socially Binding Elements

Unspoken Social Rules

Anything Sacrificed to be a Member?

Concrete Walls, Iron Gate, Rt. 280,, Expansive Forest Elitist Sentiment, H.O.A., Ladies Association, Community-Wide Events, Communal Land

Drive in and go directly to your home; Don’t stop or pull over

$$ $$ $

Home Owners Association; Have to pay additional taxes to upkeep grounds and pay for security

Social Trust Network

Awkward 4-Way Awk Inte Intersection,Speed Bum Bumps, Rt. 46E, Fencing from Immediate Neighbors Animosity from Neighbors and City; Feeling Unwelcome and Purposefully Isolated ? ?

Danger Zones: Crime and High-Speed Traffic Communal Safety Interest, “Neighborhood Patrol”

?

Park car as soon as in park then use bike (or walk); Stay off of other people’s lots even if the ground is clear; Public space in roads

st someone st s eone e som Walking past etiquite; oad a c ossw cr oss ss a only Cross road att crosswalk lking king ki ing llon ing on ng d ng di st when walking long distance or out of community; Stoop commu mmunity mm nity;; S pea aking rules rules ru speaking

Forced into Sterotype; Every 20-30 years the city tries to claim the land through eminent domain

With this massive network, gossip travels as quickly as safety information


Butterfield, Fox. "Newark's New Minority, the Italians, Demands Equity; Newark's New Minority Seeks Equality." The New York Times 28 Aug. 1971. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: North Ward, Newark.

No. Ward of Newark #53

Bennett, J. "Bloomfield Avenue." North Ward. Newarkology. 5 Oct. 2008 http://www. newarkhistory.com/bloomfieldave.html.

Ferretti, Fred."Newark Hospital Hailed as a Symbol; Stone Is Laid for Columbus, a 176-Bed Facility That 'Didn't Run Away" The New York Times 13 Nov. 1972. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: North Ward, Newark. Golway, Terry. "Steve Adubado, Newark's Go-To Guy." The New York Times 27 Mar. 2005. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: North Ward, Newark. Kihss, Peter. "Newark Order Curfew and Bans Street Protests; City Hall Under Guard." The New York Times 4 Sept. 1974. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: North Ward, Newark.

References

Kocieniewski, David, and John Sullivan. "In Newark, a Ward Boss With Influence to Spare." The New York Times 16 Jan. 2006. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: North Ward, Newark. Narvaez, Alfonso A. "Civilians Patrol Area in Newark To Deter Crime; North Ward Group Denies Any Vigilante Intent Greater Need Stressed Protection Called Inadequate 'Sometimes We Get a Little Tough'" The New York Times 29 Nov. 1978. Nytimes.com. Autumn 2008. Keyword: North Ward , Newark. "Newark 1904." Map. Old Newark Images in Time. 1904. Old Newark Web Group. 5 Oct. 2008 http:// www.oldnewark.com/ imagepages/ maps/ index. htm .

"Robert Treat Academy." 5 Institutions, 1 Mission. 2007. North Ward Center, Inc. Autumn 2008 http://www.northwardcenter.org/home.html.

U.S. Census Bureau Maps and Cartographic Resources. USA. US Census Bureau. Geography Division. Autumn 2006. Census Bureau Map Products. Autumn2008.


31% Living alone

21% Married couple Married couple with kids

21%

Family no husband present

Planning $400,000 /200,000

Medium 687 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

(units)

Owner-occupied housing units 72%

Renter-occupied housing units

Householder over 65

3.19

(houses)

High 0

28%

Average housing size

8%

Average familly size

#54 No. Ward of Newark

19%

49%

Low 273

Density // Quantity // Average Price

51%

Sort of association

25%

$1 M /500,000

2.14

Occupeid

up to 60

Not planned

Housing

49%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

26%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

83% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

2%


Professional

Art & Entertainment

Public Administration

Houseworker

No. Ward of Newark #55

Race combination

Unemployed

Jewish

3% Muslim

22%

Caucasian

Ethnicity

4%

Religion

Buddhist

30%

1%

2%

45% 1%

1%

Statistics

Education + Health

Christian

Ethnicity // Religion

Transportation, Information & other Services

93%

Commuting to work

Sales

3%

Profession

Employment Non-skilled Labor Force

18%


household marital status

2,67

divorced

income

0-10k religion

other 60-100k hinduism 30-60k jewish 10-30k islamic +100k

race

black

hispanic

asian

mix

gender

male age

20-40

size (miles²)

0.3388

The thick red line

Daily life II

Daily life I

Back to reality

Utopia

History

pop.

3,100


Pedro Torres García-Cantó

Bergey County // New Jersey Radburn was founded in 1929 as "a town for the motor age". Its planners, Clarence Stein and Henry Wright, and its landscape architect Marjorie Sewell Cautley, aimed to incorporate modern planning principles, which were then being introduced in England's Garden Cities, as advocated by urban planners Ebenezer Howard and Sir Patrick Geddes.

Radburn #57

Radburn // Fair Lawn

Radburn was explicitly designed to separate traffic by mode, with a pedestrian path system that does not cross any major roads at street level. Radburn introduced the largely residential "superblock" typology and is credited with incorporating some of the earliest cul-de-sacs in the United States.

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Seacacus Juction ( Northeast Corridor/Northeast Jersey Cost line/Gladstone Branch/Montclair-Boonton Line) // Seacacus Juction - Radburn (Bergen County Line) From Philadelphia - Seacacus Juction ( Northeast Corridor/Northeast Jersey Cost line/Gladstone Branch/Montclair-Boonton Line) // Seacacus Juction - Radburn (Bergen County Line)

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 148 to Midland Park > Stop “State Hwy 208 & Fairlawn Ave.” From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 148 to Midland Park > Stop “State Hwy 208 & Fairlawn Ave.”

By car:

From New York City: George Washignton Brigde > State RT4 > State 208 > Exit “Oakland/RT-208 N” From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > I 80 W > Exit 64 A“State Hway 17N.”> Route 4W > Route 208>Fair Lawn Ave.

Radburn

But at the end not everything was as lovely as it looked in the 1930’s. The number of inhabitants was estimated to reach but in actuality only acquired 30,000. As a result, only the first to 3,100 of three phases was built.


The thick red line

Daily life II

Daily life I

Back to reality

Utopia

History

1850 - 1920's: Sprawl & Suburbs. Industrial Revolution : Industrial cities World War I and the next 10 years: 883,000 new houses per year in all the country This sprawl was developed in 3 different ways: Railroads Suburbs Streetcar Suburbs, Suburbs of the Motor Age: Sunnyside Gardens & Radburn

Why Fair Lawn? In 1927 City Housing Corporation began to search for a suitable site on which to Guild its second experimental community (after Sunnyside Gardens). Company executives canvassed seventy-seven sites throughout the northeast of New Jersey, finally settling on a large tract of land in Fair Lawn, a small rural community in central Bergen County about fifteen miles from Manhattan. Only a single road (Fair Lawn Avenue), and no official road maps or zoning ordinances had been put into effect. The absences of formal land use procedures would facilitate innovative site planning. And also a little grading would be necessary; and because the land was not rocky, no heavy blasting would be required. Good choice!

At first, 20,000 to 30,000 people. At the end 3,100 people. Howard: " in his model he included housing for a range of income groups so that each garden city would be a microcosm of the larger society" vs Elitism.

#58 Radburn

Radburn: step backward from the degree of diversity attained in Sunnyside. 1928: Prices ranged from $7,900 to $18,200 (twice the average price of American houses in late 1920’s). Lower Radburn price cost almost 70% more than the cheapest Sunnyside house. 1933: First survey of Radburn. 87% of the men had some colleges education and almost all of them held white collar or professional positions. Ebenezer Howard


History

Radburn #59


The thick red line

Daily life II

Daily life I

Back to reality Utopia

History

Radburn: "The town for the motor age" First planned community to consider automobile as a vital part of the American way of life. But the landscape should not be dominated by the automobile.

Self-sufficiency: 1929 // 2009 Radburn was planned to be completely self-sufficient. They reserved some land for industries, some for stores, and also all the facilities that a community like this needed. Thus the Radburn plan can be considered really modern and open, because it was based on some of the principles of sustainability that we are starting to assimilate now; The place: next to a railway station, quintessential of a self-sufficient city. Also they were conscious that they were building a suburb, and that most of the people will commute to New York City Working areas: working close to home to save money and also CO2 emissions. Industry + Park: Having industry in your neighborhood could be considered a bad idea, but if it is well situated and you have open space enough to counteract industrial emissions. It is a really sensible consideration

SUPERBLOCK: cul-de-sac * 200 by 600 feet blocks vs. 1,200 by 1,800 feet conventional American city block. * Radburn parkilands: 4 to 6 acres

#60 Radburn

* Each cul-de-sac: 10 to 18 houses * Average parcel size: 4,500 sq ft * 149 acres built; 23 acres for green open space (15%) ; 25 % less space for streets and utility lines


Radburn #61

Housing Typologies

Tunnel that connect parks A

Old wooden brigde across Fair Lawn Ave.(1929-1948)

Single family home Big single family home Multifamiliar town house Duplex // Semidetached Apartment House that not belong to Radburn Association

Circulations: Pedestrian walkways Motor traffic

Utopia

Housing typologies:


The thick red line

Daily life II

Daily life I

Back to reality

Utopia

History

1929

Utopia

#62 Radburn

Landscape Picture

Motor traffic completely Heterogeneity of houses and people.

Main entrance in the park. Service entrance by the street Main entrance from the street Service entrance from the garage

Main entrance from the park


Radburn #63

2009

Back to reality

separated from pedestrians Homogeneity of houses * 469 of the 640 houses are from more or less the same typology, what means the 73,2%

Homogeneity of people * In 1934 (first Radburn survey) reflect that 87% of the men and 75% women had attended college * 60% of the Radburnites were mid-range executive * In 1930; 77% were protestants

From self-sufficiency to dormitory suburb

Main door and three cars per family

At least one car in the parkland

Main entrance serving street and park

Main Entrance Parkland Garage Living Room Dining Room Kitchen Porch Stairs

Back to reality

* 70% of the Radburnites commute to New York City


#64 Radburn

Back to reality

Utopia

History

The thick red line

Daily life II

Daily life I

Daily life I


Margaret // grandchildren // Maggy (daughter) // Joe (son-in-law) Margaret is in her sixties and she has lived in Radburn since her daughter, Maggy, move there. Why did she do that? Because her son-in-law’s family is a thirdgeneration family in Radburn and the majority of the people that have grown up here, when they decide to create a family, move back to this lovely garden city. In this case, Joe and Maggy show Maggy’s parents the place and they fell in love with the place instantly. They didn’t move however until Joe Jr. was born 8 years ago; two year later a little girl come into the family: Rose.

Radburn #65

Interviews

Joe and Maggy work, he in the city, and Maggy a couple of miles away from Radburn. Every morning both take their car, just after grandma Margaret arrive home to give breakfast to the kids. Joe goes to the station as he commutes by train to New York City. Maggy uses the car because there isn’t any public tranportation to her job. Grandma goes with the kids to the school, but they come back home by themselves. Normally they hang out in the park until 6 when dinner is ready. Daddy and Mommy have just arrived, Margaret has done a great job one more day. Now she goes back to her home in the other park, she doesn’t like the tunnel, “it’s cold, an there is not too much traffic in Radburn...”.

School bus, Some of the children arrive to the school by bus. This school was thought to serve only Radburn’s children, but that was only the initial idea. The original plan was 3 schools contained for 30,000 inhabitants. At the end, however Radburn has just 3,100 inhabitant, so in the 1940’s the Association decided to sell the school to the Town Hall for just $0.01, since then the school have been expanded twice, the last one in 2001, following very strict architectural guidelines.

She lives in the last Radburn Association house that typically belong to members of the RA, shown as “the thick red line”. She doesn’t have direct access to the park, so she uses one of the cul-de-sac to go for a walk; she loves this place, especially in winter when it’s extremely calm.

Megan She lives in the apartments and works in the city, forcing her to commute everyday by public bus.

Jimmy He lives in the other side of “the thick red line”. He is studying in Radburn School. He also doesn’t have direct access to the park but he hangs out there normally with his friends, the majority of them from Radburn Association.

Daily life I

Rose


The thick red line

Daily life II

Daily life I

Back to reality

Utopia

History

Daily life II Interviews John

John is retired and has lived in Radburn since his friend Alfredo found an apartment for him and his wife. He was born in the city, and loves it, and he goes everyday by bus. His friend is a Colombian architect that moved here due to a complete fascination about the character of this place. John commented to me that once you’ve tried Radburn you’re completly hooked. He’s no in the RA because lives in an apartment in one of the areas that was reserved for comercialized businesses but that during one of the economic crisises, the RA was obligated to sell as residences. He uses the park a lot, preferring to walk through it, and he also goes to the theater plays and all other activities that the Association organizes. “It’s much more open that what you can imagine”.

Melanie // Mel // Daddy // Joey // Tiddy, This family have been living in Radburn for 7 years. They weren’t looking for something in particular, but when they arrived here they couldn’t imagine themselves in any other place. They think that the fee that they pay for the mantainance of the park is quite expensive, but each time that they go with the car to find a new house they imagine their kids crying in the back of the car when they are moving. ”Ok, it was more expensive than some of the houses in this area (about 10% more), but have you seen the parks??

#66 Radburn

Melannie and her husband are teacher but unfortunately not in Radburn, so they use the car to go to their school, Melanie takes little Mel with her. Joey is old enough to go to school alone, but sometimes when he comes back home, his parents haven’t arrived yet, so he has to go over to a neighbor’s house. And who is Tiddy? Tiddy is a little dog, that is maybe the one that likes the park the most. He is also the meeting “event” of the family, they normally all go for a walk together.


Daily life II

Radburn #67


Comunnity vs Association

Daily life II

Daily life I

Back to reality

Utopia

History

The Thick Red Line Same place Same background Different Association Different community? Not right to use Radburn’s facilities?

Section 3 Section 2 Section 1

#68 Radburn

The Radburn Association. The Association is a non-profit corporation charged

with fixing, collecting and disbursing charges; maintaining services, parks and facilities; and interpreting and applying the Declaration of Restrictions, which are restrictive covenants running with the land. Each property within the Association boundaries is governed by these Restrictions. And also by the Architectural guidelines.

Facilities:

The Association manages a park network of 23 acres, two swimming pools, four tennis courts, four baseball fields, three playground areas, five outdoor basketball courts, an archery plaza, two summer houses, and a community center called the Grange, which includes offices, a library, clubroom, kitchen, maintenance shop and garage, a recreation room and a gymnasium equipped with a stage.


Radburn #69 Section 1

Section 2

One of the not-RA houses has opened its backyard to the park

Section 3

Most of the not-RA houses have defenses in their backyard so their have to walk all the way around to go into the park

The thick red line

The topography acts as a natural barrier


Repercussion

Precedents

Sunnyside Gardens (Queens // New York City) 25,000 inhabitant

Cohesion

Repercussion

Vallingby (Stockolm // Sweden) 25,000 inhabitant

#70 Radburn

Open vs Close

Accessibility

Orebro (Sweden)

Baldwin Hills (Los Angeles // California // USA)

Reston (Virginia// USA) 56,000 inhabitant

Columbia (Maryland// USA) 88,000 inhabitant

Davis (California// USA)


Radburn #71 Examples: As the country struggled out of the Depression, the influence of the Radburn Idea was first reflected in the various Greenbelt communities of the Resettlement Administration and later, in Baldwin Hills, Los Angeles. The Idea then showed up in England and later in Sweden at Vallingly, the huge Stockholm suburb; at the Baronbackavna Estate, Orebro and at the Beskopsgaden Estate, Goteborg. It was in the post World War II England that Radburn achieved a generic status. The "Radburn Plan", the "Radburn Idea", and the "Radburn Layout" appeared first at Coventry and later at Stevenage, Bracknell and Cumbernauld. It has since spread to Chandigarh, India; to Brazil; to several towns in Russia and to a section of Osaka, Japan. The Japanese community is almost an exact duplicate of the original Radburn. The "Idea" finally returned to the United States at Reston, Virginia and Columbia, Maryland. Several towns since have been modeled after the "Radburn Plan". Brazilia and the capital of New Zealand are current projects which are consciously implementing Radburn-based concepts.

Conclusion Conclusion

From a sociological point of view, Radburn not only exemplifies an ideally planned place to live, but it also establishes a real mode or plan of living. The planned use of the land and the establishment of the Association creates a lifestyle that is unheard of in most of modern societies. It is a lifestyle of community concerns, action and participation. James Dahir saw in Radburn a new hope for a humanistic society through planning which took into account the social, as well as the physical, needs of the residents. He writes: "social planning of an advanced order. It is manipulation of physical elements to induce and encourage a social and human goal. It is a kind of planning which recognizes that the growing edge of civilization is in the human and not the mechanical direction, though the mechanical factors must be carefully aligned and allocated to support and advance the communal achievements and the social inventions of a free people of autonomous family life."


21,3% Living alone

28,4% Married couple

29%

9%

Married couple with kids

Family no husband present

80%

Planning

(houses) $400,000 /200,000

Medium 78 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

(units)

Owner-occupied housing units 20%

Renter-occupied housing units

Average housing size

3,12

Low 469

High 93

Householder over 65

Average family size

#72 Radburn

12,3%

47,5%

$1 M /500,000

Density // Quantity // Average Price

52,5

Sort of association

23%

1.23

Occupeid

up to 60

Not planned

Housing

52,3%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

24,7%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

98,3% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

0,2%


Christian

0,2%

Radburn #73

90%

0,2%

Race combination

Unemployed

Buddhist

10%

Jewish

70%

Muslim

Religion

Employment

36,7%

1,4%

Sales

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

22,1% Education + Health

13,9% Professional

3,4%

Art & Entertainment

3,2% Public Administration

3,7% Houseworker

11

0,7%

4,9%

5,5%

Statistics

24,9%

91,5% Caucasian

Ethnicity

16,6%

10%

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Commuting to work

15,9%

Profession

10%


household marital status

2,85

divorced

other hinduism jewish islamic christian religion

+100k

income

male race

gender

age

45-65

asian hispanic

65+

mix

size (miles²)

0,1350

God is in the details

Mies Low-cost

Daily life

Property

Urban experiments

Garden Urban Suburns

pop.

~4,500


Essex County // New Jersey

Three buildings designed by no less than Ludwig Mies van der Rohe himself, in Newark? That was my initial reaction to the news. I’d been there before and had always thought: “How can somebody copy Lake Shore Drive as barefacedly?” Then everything start to make sense Seagram Building in 1958-60, Newark 1958-60, while he was in New York why not build a few more buildings? The results were three towers, privately owned near Branch Brook Park, north of Newark’s downtown district. The main idea was to bring middle-income families to the area of the Christopher Columbus Homes, a Le Corbusier-style low-income apartment complex. Two of the Mies buildings, called the Pavilion Apartments, face each other across a lawn respecting the importance of the old 8th avenue, which although it is presenty only partially intact, buildings along it still acknowledge mutual edge. The third building, called Colonnade Park, is a long rectangle that overlooks Branch Brook Park (Newark’s version of New York City’s Central Park). Colonnade Park and the two Pavilion buildings are nearly identically detailed. Each façade is structured with I-beams, glass, radiators and air conditioning, the same system that Mies was improving from 860 Lake Shore Drive to the Lafayette Park towers. As Fred A. Bernstein emphasized in his articule “Mies in Newark”*: ...” The best thing about the buildings is their ability to capture views. The Pavilions are placed as the perfect frame to the picture of New York’s Downtown that you can see from Colonnade. A 1960s brochure for the buildings promised that, for eastfacing residents, Manhattan’s skyline would be the “fourth wall.”

The city closed the Columbus Homes in 1990 and dynamited them in 1994. They have been replaced by suburban looking one- and two-family houses with shutters and flowerboxes and front stoops. The main goal of this case study thesis is try to show how an utopian idea of community can be dynamited and how that then started a de-evolutionizing process that creates extremely interestings situations. *Fred A. Bernsteins ”Mies in Newark” Published in Oculus (Journal of the New York AIA chapter) November 2005

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Newark Broad St Station (Gladstone Branch/Montclair-Boonton Line) Newark Penn Station ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station) From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station ( Northeast Corridor Line) + ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station)

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST” From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST”

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.” From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.”

Colonnade Park

Pedro Torres García-Cantó

Colonnade Park #82

Colonnade Park // Newark


God is in the detail

Mies Low-cost

Daily life

Property

Urban experiment

Garden Urban Suburb

Garden Urban Suburb Colonnade Park, dormitory city With the route 280 as southern boundary, and permanently guarded by Broad Street Station, Colonnade Park is the quintessential dormitory city. Only 12 miles separates this area from New York City. High and low density share this space, next to Branch Brook Park, alternating public and private green free spaces. Just in the middle, Church and School work together as the core of this community.

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ig kL

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Ne

McKinley Elementary School (1915)

#83 Colonnade Park

St. Lucy’s Church

Wynona Lipman Gardens (1998) atio

t St

tree ad S Bro sit) tran

170 town public leasing houses // Community center

J n (N

Pavillion South (1958-60)

366 apartments for rent // 21 stories // Collective Laundry

Pavillion North (1958-60)

366 apartments for rent // 21 stories // Collective Laundry & Supermarket

R

80

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t ou

il

Ra

0

28


This area is not completed yet, but in the 1990’s Newark City Hall gone to great lengths to clean up and rebuild the area by developing several public housing projects.

rk

Pa

B

Colonnade Park (1958-60)

588 leasing apartment // 21 stories // Common Laundry

Supermarket Villa Victoria

Nursing Home

St. Lucy’s Community Center s ark ing ty P Build un Co tion sex tra Es minis Ad

Ileast Prospect Village

26 town renter-occupied houses for rent

XX Kemsco Village (~2000)

50 town owner-occupied houses

53 town public leasing houses // Community center

arden Urban Suburb

ch

an

Br

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Colonnade Park #84

Colonnade Park can be read as the fulfillment of this area of Newark. In the 1950’s this area used to be a dead area in one of the most industrials cities in the country, bounded by a highway, the railway station and Branch Brook Park. Privilage place for commuting, the first step in this way was to build Chistopher Columbus Public Housing project, in 1954 (this project was replaced by Wynona Lipman Garden in 1998). Then in 1960, the famous European architect, Mies Van Der Rohe, completed one of his less known projects, one apartment building and two pavilions.


God is in the detail

Mies Low-cost

Daily life

Property

Urban experiments

Garden Urban Sub

Urban experiments // Looking for a "community" 1915-54

McKinley School and an Italian community.

There is not much information about this area for this period, all what we know is about Newark; In 1915, traffic in Newark was as heavy that the city converted the old bed of the Morris Canal into the Newark City Subway, making Newark one of the few cities in the country to have an underground system. This area used to have the largest Italian community in the city, that in those days Italians and Jewish were majority with more than 50,000 inhabitants each. In 1948, just after World War II, Newark hit its peak population of just under 450,000 inhabitants

1954 Christopher Columbus housing project. The largely Italian-American First Ward was one of the hardest hit by urban renewal. A 46-acre (19 hectare) housing tract, labeled a slum because it had dense older housing, was torn down for multi-story, multi-racial Le Corbusier-style high rises, named the Christopher Columbus Homes. The tract had contained 8th Avenue, the commercial heart of the neighborhood. Fifteen smallscale blocks were combined into three "superblocks". The Columbus Homes, never in harmony with the rest of the neighborhood, were vacated in the 1970s. They were finally torn down in 1994.

#85 Colonnade Park

1958 Mies' buildings // Interstate 280 // Destruction of 8th ave. Unaccountably the Mies project destroyed the continuity of 8th avenue, though it respected the footprint, that until 1958 used to be the heart of the Italian community at the beginning and Chistopher Columbus houses later. The Intestate 280 could be considered the replacement, but obviously a highway doesn't have the same character as a street.

1998//2001 Columbus replacement // Unfortunate attempts to find the perfect city All the attempts to fix this neighborhood, or to find "the perfect community", can be considered really unfortunate. First of all, in 1998, a public town housing project tried to use public spaces as the solution, using garden-cities ideas, green public areas and shared parking space. But really small entrances can be consider the most important reasons of the creation of several mini-ghettos. Reduce public spaces and eliminating shared parking were the main ideas to fix the situation, what as it's really obvious unleashed a bigger dissension with the neighborhood. Finally the last project turn the neighborhood backs, with typical own property based project. Another suburb? Sure


1954

1915-1954

e. nu ave h t 8

Colonnade Park #86

1915-1954

1915 McKinley Elementary School is founded Italian community

e. nu ave 8th

1958

1958 Interstate 280 was built 1958-60 Colonnade Park and the Pavilion were built

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1998 // 2001

1998 Columbus housing were replaced by Wynona Lipman Gardens public housing project 2000-01 Two public housin projects: * Kemsco Village * Ileast Prospect Village

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Urban experiments

1954 Christopher Columbus housing projects was built lt


God is in the detail

Mies Low-cost

Daily life

Property

Urban experiment

Garden Urban Sub

Property and typologies // Urban diversity Apartments Mies Van Der Rohe built three apartments building, with the majority of the units being rental. There ara a total of 1320 units: 588 in the Tower and 366 in each Pavillion.

Public town leasing housing In this area we found three different projects. Wynona Lipman Gardens with 170 town houses (three different sizes), and a community center (used just for leasing events); Kemsco Village with 53 town houses (two sizes) and Ileast Prospect Village with 26 town houses (all the same size)

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#87 Colonnade Park

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The inhabitants give the character of a neighborhood, in this case, the majority of the neighborhood is inhabit of tenants, but normally they are here for a long-term. In comparison to the owners, they don’t involved too much in the community. So we can say that often the people that feel the neighborhood as their own, they are really involved and they created their own character. That is not this case, the percentage of owner is too low to give them the responsibility of creating the identity of this place, so are the tenants, and also the old tenants(there used to be a big Italian community in this place, and the church could be consider still Italian) are really involved in this community.

Colonnade Park #88

Owner occupied town houses.

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Property: Town owneroccupied houses Town public leasing houses Apartments for rent Private Nursery home

Property

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God is in the detail

Mies Low-cost

Daily life

Property

Urban experiment

Garden Urban Sub

Interviews and daily routines Pavilion // Mum and 2 kids (Joe & Sarah); Daddy Mom commutes to New York every day, see use her own car because she is going to Downtown. She take with her both childrens, Joe, the eldest, goes to McKinley school, so he’s in the car for a few minutes, little Sarah, goes with mummy to her company’s playground. Don’t forget daddy, he works in Midtown so he takes the train to Penn Station New York. Nowadays daddy is going green so he go to the station on foot, lets see what happend in the winter...

Wynona Lipman Garden// Little Billy Billy is 9 years old, he lives in one small house. He could be considered bi-racial, his father is african-american and his mother is Puerto Rican. He can speak Spanish fluently and English, he is the quintessential of this community because both races are the most ail tR gh he iso represented in this place. He lives really close to the school L k ar goes on foot alone every day. His mother pick himNewup after 80 e2 school...”but she is really bored, she is always speaking with ut other Ro kids’ mothers when she wanna go to home” 0

#89 Colonnade Park

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Colonnade Park #90

Colonnade Park// Manuela & Mario Jose Manuela is Mexican, she’s just been in USA for 1 year, she’ still using the Spanish every chance she has. Her husband has been the manager of the building for the last 5 years, more than 3 of them was alone in the states, sending money home until Manuela and Mario Jose (7) moved to Colonnade. They used to have a lot of african-american friends but in the last year everything have changde and a los of latinos have moved into the building so Manuela is really happy because she can speak Spanish all the time, the problem is Mario Jose’s English, that’s not the way to improve it!!

Colonnade Park// Pam & John Pam is a really young mum, she works hard during the morning in the city in order to be ready to pick John from the school at 3pm. Dad is working in a bank in Newark downtown, so in case that Pam is catching up any traffic jam, daddy can pick John up. Daddy uses the public transit to work. ark

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Owner occupied // Jack & Jack Jr.

Jack takes the car to the garage and waits for Jack Jr, he says goodbye to mum, that stays at home, because she works there. Jack Jr is in the car just for 2 minutes because they arrive to the corner and daddy stops and wait until he sees how his son is going into the school after that he drives to the station, he’s going to park there and go by train to the city. In the days with really good weather, he goes on foot.

School bus


God is in the detail

Mies Low-cost

Daily life

Property

Urban experiment

Garden Urban Sub

Pavillions (1958-60) There’s a previous design by Mies Van Der Rohe for the Pavillion Apartments in Lafayette Park, the blueprint dates back to 1957, but Lafayette wasn’t finished until 1963, so we can consider these two Pavillions as an experiment, with less budget. Actually when you arrive there and you go to the lobby, images of Lake Shore Drive, Lafayette and even Seagram building’s lobbies come to mind; glass, clear space, steel, light… Where have all these gone? We are possibly in Mies’ lowest-cost buildings. Apartments for rent in comparison with the luxury of Lake Shore Drive. Actually these Pavillions and also the tower look at 860-880 Lake Shore Drive as a model, as the master model, but if you look at them carefully they look more like “the copy”: 900 Esplanade Apartments. You just have to see façade’s substructure, extremely useful in Lake Shore Drive case, but much more decorative in Esplanade. Is not typical in Mies to find this kind of detail, how a constructive system could degenerate into a decorative piece of steel? If “God is in the details” as Mies used to said, where has God gone in this case?. ht

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#91 Colonnade Park

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We just can find an example of this kind of building in Mies, we should go back to 1927, when Weissenhof was organized, an International Exhibition about housing, in Stuttgart (Germany), Mies was the comissioner, and invited the majority of the architect of what later was called Modern Style (Beherens, Gropius, Hilberseimer, Oud, Poelzig, Scharoun, Stam, Taut and also LeCorbusier). All the projects were about single or town houses, but the exception was Mies’ building, four-story of collective houses, solved by four different building put together. In Colonnade, Mies took two Pavillions and he placed them back-to-back together, so they work as two completely different buildings but at the end they look like one. Both parts of the building just share the laundry and some spaces that are available in the basement, and also the huge parking area.

Colonnade Park #92

Colonnade Park (1958-60)

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God is in the details

Mies Low-cost

Daily life

Property

Urban experiment

Garden Urban Sub

History of a Detail // Looking for God “Skin and Bones” architecture is how Mies used to called his building, so lets talk about the skin. I will try to explain the history of Mies’ most famous building only through a detail . The façade, the steel W-shape piece of the courtain wall system, could be the key of this story. Six different projects and fifteen years to show how a detail could create the identity of the hole building and how it was improve, if God is in the details, Mies was definitely looking for him.

#93 Colonnade Park

Curtain wall substructure details Ÿź


Colonnade Park #94

Ÿ Lake Shore Drive 1948-51

Ÿ Lake Shore Drive vs Seagram Building Ÿ Commonwealth 1953-57

Ÿ Seagram Building 1958-60

ŸPavilion Lobby

ŸLake Shore Drive’s Lobby

Weissenhoff, Stutgart 1929

God is in the details

“The Colonnade and the two Pavilion buildings are nearly identically detailed. In each, façades are made of glass and under-window grilles that read as solid surfaces; I-beams, doubling as mullions, extend a couple of inches beyond the building envelopes. Radiators and air conditioning units are kept low to the floor, a far more satisfying arrangement than at, say, I.M. Pei's Kips Bay Towers in Manhattan, where window air conditioners are a visual nuisance. Each apartment is provided with vertical blinds in a light gray that keep the exteriors chromatically consistent (a trick Mies tried at Seagram too). The biggest problem, according to many residents, is that the large windows don't open. The approach is vintage Mies, and it's used here as successfully as it is in any of his far-more-famous buildings. ” Fred A. Bernstein

ŸSouth Pavilion’s Lobby


The Chemistry of Urbanism. Through this thesis I've realized that Urbanism is extremely similar to chemistry, in order to this, I will call the first part of this conclusion Experiments, and the second one Catalysts.

Experiments: Urban ones.

#95 Colonnade Park

One of the most known scientific method is called "Trial and error", and that is the best definition for the urbanism of this area. We don't know too much about this place specifically between 1915 and 1954, but we know perfectly how was. The first decision that Newark City Hall did in 1954, could make sense actually, it was just the renewal of one area that used to be industrial and was starting to transform into a residential area. First experiment, we are speaking about a period of architectural history marked by the CIAMs and the The Athens Charter that was elaborated in 1933 but was published in 1942. The result of these theories was extremely well understood by Le Corbusier, who whit his “Unités d’Habitation” (Marseille 1947-52, Nantes 1952, Briey en Forêt 1957, BerlinCharlottenburg 1957, Meaux 1957, Firminy 1964 ) showed to the world another possible way of living. Newark took this way, and the built fifteen small-scale blocks were combined into three "superblocks". The main problem was the kind of people that started to live there, as a public housing project, the city hall, gave the keys to really low-income people, they didn’t realiz that if you don’t mix different economical-backgrounds, you’ll create ghettos. After some time, less than 4 years, they realized the fact of mixing classes, so they did the second experiment, which consisted of luxury apartments building for people completely different than of Columbus Houses, the result was that this two/three places didn’t relate to each other, obviously. After 20 difficult years, The Columbus Homes, never in harmony with the rest of the neighborhood, were vacated in the 1970s. This fact destroyed completely the neighborhood because until 1994 they were there, abandoned, just showing the city how badly an experiment could end. They were torn down in 1994. In 1998 the third experiment started, Garden Urban Suburbs, what an idea!. The most interesting point about these three last experiments is that you can perfectly see how and idea is de-evolving. First of all, in 1998, a public housing project tried to use public spaces as the solution, using garden-cities ideas, green public areas and shared parking space. But really small entrances can be considered as the most important reasons for the creation of several minighettos. Reducing public spaces and eliminating shared parking were the main ideas to fix the situation, what is really obvious unleashed a bigger dissension with the neighborhood. Finally the last project turned the neighborhood backs, with typical private-property project. Normally the Architecture is blamed and more often the Urbanism. This project aims to show how sometimes it’s not Architecture’s fault; it’s not the test tube. And isn’t the people’s either, the reactives; It’s the mixture, the proportions, the quantity…the quality.


We are speaking a very strange case, because you can think about many different dormitory-cities, also about many cities strongly bound, but can you think in a city with both conditions, in the middle of a city? Thank tothis last condition, something extremely interesting happens here. All these different people, all this reactives, are really well mixed, who is guilty? The kids; the catalyst. As a catalyst does in a reaction, kids accelerate the process. It is amazing how as extremely simple lives could entail as these complex hidden logistic behind. If you go to this place, and ask the people if they recognized themselves in a community they all say an emphatic “no” but, here comes the tricky question: Where does your kids go to school? The majority of them answer McKinley. And do you know other kids’ parents? Yes, of course!.

Colonnade Park #96

Catalyst = Children

Kids are just playing in the playground and their parents are speaking, at picking-up time. Normally the kids have to pull their parents because they love speaking to other parents. In this neighborhood it’s quite difficult, the interaction between people, there are a few places for it, that normally are too close; laundries are too geographical; supermarket in a dormitoryneighborhood doesn’t make sense as meeting point; the church is the focus in the old Italian community that used to live here; the little park in between is not really useful if each building has its own green space; so what’s left? The School! Meeting and interaction point.

So how can we consider this a really big experiment where the most important thing, is not the result, and neither the inputs?. It’s just the catalyst and how architects can channel this force in order to use it as a community developer.

Bibliography. Bernstein, Fred A. “Mies in Newark”. Oculus ( Journal of the New York AIA chapter) November 1992. Waldheim, Charles. Case: Lafayette Park Detroit. Harvad Design School. Prestel. 2004

Conclusion Conclusion

The main question now is: What about the people who don’t have kids? In this case, we can consider this area as the quintessential dormitory city, because there is not any kind of activity, neither cultural, neither recreational in the area so they just use this place to sleep.


26,6% Living alone

21% Married couple

45,2%Married

couple with kids

Family no husband present

8,8%

95%

Planning

(houses) $

Medium 273 (houses) $

(units)

Owner-occupied housing units 5%

Renter-occupied housing units

Average housing size

3,43

Low 26

High 1464

Householder over 65

Average family size

#97 Colonnade Park

29,3%

47,5%

$

Density // Quantity // Average Price

52,5

Sort of association

12,9%

2.85

Occupeid

up to 60

Not planned

Housing

55,9%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

31,2%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

98,3% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

1,7%


Sales

6,5%

20,1% Education + Health

20%

Professional

6,9%

Art & Entertainment

1,2% Public Administration

1,2% Houseworker

17,6%

26,5% Caucasian

Colonnade Park #98

Religion

Race combination

Unemployed

Muslim

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

8,9%

Jewish

53,5%

0,4%

1,2%

29,5%

Statistics

22,4%

Buddhist

Ethnicity

26,6%

1,4%

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Christian

Commuting to work

20,4%

7,9%

45,3%

Profession

Employment

36,7%

1,4%


single

household marital status

2,77

married

divorced

income

religion

other 60-100k hinduism 30-60k jewish 10-30k islamic 0-10k christian +100k

gender

male

caucasian race

female

black

hispanic

asian

mix

age

65+

pop.

933

Adaptation

Congregation

Expansion

Catalyst

Social

Physical

Failure

“Utopia” to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

size (miles²)

2


Roosevelt #100

Roosevelt Candido S. Gude

Monmouth // New Jersey A Community Success through A Utopian Failure Envisioned as an utopian example for communal growth following the Howardian ideals of the Garden City movement, Roosevelt originated as an experiment in social living, designed as an agro-industrial cooperative strictly for Jewish garment workers. Although unsuccessful as a New Deal labor project due to the breakdown of the cooperative spirit, the failure, nevertheless, catalyzed an enduring community spirit as the residents collaborated in all aspects of town administration and converted the borough into a great united family, with a network of connections. As Roosevelt presently tackles issues of the 21st century and the increasing suburbanization of the area, the historical legacy of the site, and a shared sense for the reverence of the past preserves the culture and common identity; for without history, the ability to understand the present and future is squandered and the collective spirit of a place is lost as it assimilated into the surrounding blend.

Overview

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Princeton Junction Station (Northeast Corridor Line)

Roosevelt

Traveling along county road 571 of Monmouth County, amidst the secluded forests and farmland, one is quickly and unexpectedly encountered with a green sign announcing the historic district of Jersey Homesteads in the Borough of Roosevelt. Before one is given the chance to assimilate the implications of this site, a rectilinear building emulating the design aesthetics of the European Bauhaus movement is passed, as well as several houses that seem to mimic the forms, yet with modern adaptations. Next, as one is completed disoriented by the sights of the previous 30 seconds, this secluded commune disappears into its surroundings. Could this seemingly alien encounter be the New Deal-age planned cooperative of Roosevelt, with its uniqueness and forested seclusion, characterizing the essence and being of community life? Yes, it is

By Car on RT 571 to Roosevelt (passing Hightstown) From Philadelphia - Princeton Junction Station (Northeast Corridor Line) + Car on RT 571 to Roosevelt (passing Hightstown)

By bus:

From New York City: Inexistent Route From Philadelphia: Take Bus 409 to Trenton > Bus 600 to Princeton Junction > Route 130 Shuttle or a cab.

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.” From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.”


Adaptation

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“Utopia” to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

Foundations

#101 Roosevelt

The shtetl was the representative residential location of the pre-holocaust central and eastern European Jewish populations. The concept of this type of culture of living was a metaphor for the traditional way of life of the 19th century, portraying pious communities that followed Orthodox Judaism and maintained a social stability despite outside influences. It was a tradition of the last millennium, in which maintaining their unique language, Yiddish, and operating on a communal spirit were both expected and essential. The May laws introduced by Czar Alexander III of Russia in the late 19th century banned Jews from the rural areas, causing a large Hasidic Jewish exodus to the United States. A large majority of them eventually settled in dense urban settings, leading distrusting sentiments against them because it was believed that they were unable to live from the land, thus, sparking the Jewish back-to-the-land concept.

Observing from an urban planning standpoint, this period of time benefitted from the theories of both Elwood Mead and Ebenezer Howard. Their ideas would be implement in community planning in the early 20th century, Mead with the homestead communities of the New Deal plan, and Howard for suburban developments. The former individual was a civil engineer who was appointed the Chairman of State Rivers and Water Supply Commission of Victoria, Australia. During his tenure down-under, he became influenced by the Australian land settlement policy, in which an individual may purchase land at a fraction of the cost; however, was obligated to maintain the property in order to inhabit it. When he returned to the United States to head the Bureau of Reclamation, he brought this idea back with him. Ebenezer Howard, the world renowned British urban planner, was highly expressive of his views on the problems of the urban mass and the philosophy that citizens should return to the land. From this, he developed the ‘town within the country’ concept from where the legendary Garden City movement developed from. He felt that urban centers should be surrounded by a greenbelt of parks and agricultural land. His theory was comprised of 8 points: planned dispersal with the decentralization of industry to towns, limited size, gardens, zoning, greenbelts, wards, cooperatives, and a unified land ownership.


Agricultural College

New Forests

Allotments Children’s Cottage Homes

Allotments Convalescent Homes

Garden

ses

Ga r

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Ga

Cow Pastures

New Forests

Factories

Fruit Farms

Artesian Wells

Asylums for Blind and Deaf Farm for Epileptics

Brickfields

New Forests

New Forests

Small Holdings Large Farms

Sewage Farms

Howard’s Garden City Key: Agriculture Greenbelt Industry

Both implement the cooperative town concept that is limited in size and owned among all.

Kastner’s Roosevelt Master Plan

A Shtetl in NJ ?

1929

Costa Mobile Home Park ### Roosevelt #102

It is unfortunately that the devastating Great Depression was needed to function as the catalyst to bring all of these constituents together. President Roosevelt’s reform program, the New Deal, was a token that proved essential to his election. The passing of the National Industrial Recovery Act on 1933 established the Division of Subsistence Homesteads, whose purpose was to decentralize industry from the cities and enabled workers to improve their standards of living through the help of subsistence agriculture. Benjamin Brown, a Ukrainian-Jewish immigrant who had already established rural cooperatives, was attracted with the possibility in assisting his fellow people and sought to create a agro-industrial cooperative in New Jersey for the Jewish garment workers of New York. He and a commission that he formed, that included prominent Jews, such as Albert Einstein, applied for the $500,000 award from the Division of Subsistence Homesteads, and purchased a track of farmland in Monmouth County. He called upon a German-born architect and city planner, Alfred Kastner, who was known for his designs for lowcost housing. In designing the community, it was evident that he was influenced by both the Bauhaus aesthetic and the Garden City movement. Kastner actually in turn hired a young Louis Kahn to help him on this project. Jersey Homesteads was born (the name was changed to Roosevelt in 1960 to commemorate FDR’s influence in establishing the town). In summary, the reasons for the establishment of what today is known as Roosevelt, NJ, began with the poor European treatment of the Jews and the subsequent migration; a raison d’etre. This combined with the back-tothe-land philosophy, new ideas in urban planning, the Great Depression, and the consequential government mechanism were the ingredients needed.


Adaptation

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Social

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Failure

“Utopia” to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

Forming Utopia For many Jewish families this was almost a dream come true. They would be able to leave the crowdedness of the city and live in a house in the rural country that was still within commuting distance to New York. The option of residing in an open air space with plenty of room for gardens and children to play, while still maintaining a very homogenous atmosphere, since all the neighbors were to also be Jewish garment workers was very enticing.

+ $500 x 200

Utopian Setting

“...such a lovely house, plenty of grounds for the children, and what a comparison for the city... ”

In order to suppress competition between homesteaders and unite them under the same goal of maximizing profitability, a $500 buy was required. The intention was to begin to foster a community feeling amongst the homesteaders (see Social Community Formation) as well as the ensure commitment amongst those involved. Considering that the nation was with suffering the effects of the Great Depression, such a large sum of money was hard to come by. Only those truly inspired by the cooperative ideal would be willing to save the money on this venture. This policy was one of the American adaptations to the Mead vision of planned communities.

#103 Roosevelt

Housing The dwellings of Roosevelt were also utopian ventures in design, especially visible in their forms as they followed the lines of style of the European Modernists. They containing the latest amenities and luxurious of the 1930s: the most advanced HVAC system that could be used year-round, a refrigerator, oven/stove, running water, a central sewage system, doublehung floor to ceiling windows, hardwood floors, and tiles in the bathrooms. Moreover, they implemented passive solar techniques by incorporating the overhanging eaves of the roof.


Roosevelt #104

Factory

Farm

Retail Utopian System

Jersey Homesteads was a unique case study of the subsistence homesteads because it was the only one to function as an agro-industrial cooperative that included all three entities: a factory, farmland, and a retail store. The trade name of the association responsible for this venture was Tripod, to signify this triple collaboration. 200 families were expected to come and participate in the enterprise, with approximately 160 of them employed at the factory. Those who were not employed at the factory would have the responsibly of managing the farms and the retails stores. Moreover, during harvesting season, it was expected that the other individuals would assist them. Ideally, everything in the community was to sync together and work in unison, all striving to achieve the success of the cooperative. Utopian Dwelling Passive Solar

Floor-Ceiling Windows

“Utopia to...�

The Cooperative Set-up

Ample Green Space

Amenities


Adaptation

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Catalyst

Social

Physical

Failure

“Utopia� to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

The Begining of the End: Housing Failures The cooperative did not enjoy the success that it was envisioned to have even from its onset. The first occurred with the construction of the homes. Kastner attempted to build them all from prefabricated concrete panels; however, every time a wall was erected, it collapsed. So the colony was without houses and a defunct concrete factory. Eventually, it began to manufacture CMU blocks for the houses, but, they cost four times their market value. With the arrival of the first settlers on July 10, 1936, only a handful work completed. In 1939, about 100 homes were still vacant.

!!!

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LA

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ELEVATED COSTS!!!

Is there anyone living there???

Costs

#105 Roosevelt

Factory Failures

Estimate

Actual

Return

The factory suffered an uncountable amount of problems also. When it finally opened for business, only eight of the expected a hundred people where living in the town. The first year was disastrous for the cooperative, ending far below the red line. Brown asked for another loan from the government, criticizing them for the initial failure of the factory due to poor propaganda caused by the lack of a workforce. The next year was just as unsuccessful. By 1939, in order to cut losses and to make up for its $200,000 investment, the government auctioned off the factory, making only $1,811! Foremost, poor management and workers petitioning for higher wages were the major causes of its inefficiency.


Roosevelt #106 Farm Failures Nothing in the borough was except from difficulty, even the farms had a great share of difficulties. The first cause was in the selection of the families that were to live in the cooperative. Many of them were not fit for strenuous labor. Furthermore, the factory work paid better than farm work; therefore, many homesteaders opted out from assisting in the farm. There was no collaboration, evident in the barn anecdote. Transient workers had to be brought in to run it, conflicting with the interests of the residents, who cared more about cheap food than to make a profit. I would rather read than farm. I earn more at the factory.

This is why no one is getting their milk. What happened here???

I don’t know...Maybe the conveyor stopped working.? But why?

Complete Failure? Actually a success....

Barn Anecdote

Failure

I am not fit to work at the farm. Look how skinny I am!

Piece

In 1940, the cooperative dream was abandoned because there was no desire to continue living by its creed. The residents of Roosevelt had suffered many hardships and witnessed their monetary investments wash away. Jersey Homesteads was a monument to the social ideals of the 20th century. This example of the Jewish back-to-the-land philosophy was destined to doom from the beginning; nothing developed as planned, nevertheless, the community found its own form and feeling.


Adaptation

Congregation

Expansion

Catalyst

Social

Physical

Failure

“Utopia� to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

Architecture Defines Community The architecture of Roosevelt, as well as the urban planning strategies utilized in its design, became paramount catalysts for the formation of a close-knit community, regardless of the failures of the cooperative dream.

House

#107 Roosevelt

The incorporation of the porch into the design of the homes of the homesteaders was a paramount community oriented decision that allowed each family to open themselves up to the street and subsequently, the rest of the community. Porches are social gathering nodes, were one is given the opportunity to socialize and interact with each other.

Many of the houses in Roosevelt have the garages adjoining those of the neighbors, some not even close to the house itself. This imposes and ultimately, strengthens the communal feeling of community. Walls and driveways are shared amongst individuals, becoming a precursor to the sharing of other effects.


Roosevelt #108 The homogeneity of the architecture as well as the physical people occupying the area fostered the development of community, when the

Through the use of streetscape and the greenbelt, Kastner was able to direct the location of probable community interactions, mainly children playing in the streets. Each house opens up to the street, resulting in the creation of this sensation of sociability and freedom. Children could run, adults could discuss impending issues, and when it is dinnertime, where one eats is inconsequential, because everyone forms one great family.

The street btecomes a unifying zone for the residents of Roosevelt.

Porch

“There was such a freedom about friendship. You could just walk into people’s houses and just sit down and enjoy an evening; we loved it - life here was just wonderful.”

P o r c h

Physical Catalyst t

Master Plan


Adaptation

Congregation

Expansion

Catalyst

Social

Physical

Failure

“Utopia” to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

“New Deal Raises a Little Soviet”

Jersey Homesteads? I’m not going to sell to you because its communist there.

“Soviet-Inspired Project Near Hightstown to Have “Co-operative” Needlework factory; Director-in-Chief is Russian-Born. 200 carefully selected families, headed by a Russian-born little Stalin, will be running their ‘co-operative ’ full blast not 50 miles from the birthplace of American Democracy.” What a headline. As if the residents need any more difficulties, especially after the collapse of the cooperative, feelings in the surrounding areas were apprehensive with the notion that such an intuition would neighbor them. Prejudices where strong towards the Jews and many stores in the adjacent towns would refuse service to them.

Even the children of the garment workers had to face similar challenges when they attended school, especially at Allentown High School, because Roosevelt Elementary School only went up to sixth grade. In a school of about 400 students, about 10% of them where the children of the Homesteaders, and they all came on one bus, the ‘Jew bus.’ Fights were a common thing between children of both groups. Rumor has it that the New York Jewish kids were the tougher ones.

#109 Roosevelt

Hey, its the Jewish Commy kids!!! Lets go get them!!!

Yeaaaa, let’s go!!!

Here comes the Jew bus.


Roosevelt #110

Togetherness With the collapse of the cooperative, it was very evident that hard times were ahead. They were forced to go and find jobs outside the borough, and in November 1939, 81 out of 120 working individuals were commuting to New York, Freehold, and other areas to earn a living. Everyone in the town was basically in the same position, with the discriminatory and economic hardships that they were facing; however, they also remained appreciative if what Roosevelt’s New Deal had done for them – provided them with a communityorientated setting in the countryside. They all found ways of bounding together. Everyone became involved in community, helping each other.

Social Catalyst

$500

The homesteaders remained united under these hardships for many reasons. One dealt with the initial $500 deposit that represented that they were committed to the community dream that was envisioned for them. In addition to this, the homogeneity amongst the settlers was paramount. They practiced the similar religion, held similar customs, and were able to relate to each other. Finally, as these elements fostered closer relationships, the residents already found themselves in exemplary community settling and many refused to leave, despite the hardships because this was their home, and they were grateful for it.


Adaptation

Maintenance

Expansion

Catalyst

Social

Physical

Failure

“Utopia” to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

Following the Plan Ironically, one of the things that occurred as planned throughout Roosevelt’s existence was the execution of the Kastner master plan. The borough adhered rigorously to its urban design, maintaining a cohesive community feel whose echelon may be found in the middle ground between over-development and lack thereof. Issues relating the effect of car culture and suburbanization in our contemporary time have resonated throughout the 1936 town, and although car culture has had a profound effect on the essence of Roosevelt, it has not suffered from the suburbian syndrome. This is how it preserves its allure, suspending it in a balanced state, regardless that is presently listed as one of the best places to live in the state.

Municipal Bld. Complex Original USPS

1936 1940

1950

1960

1970

Roosevelt Senior Citizen Solar Vilalge North Valley Rd + Eleanor Dr. developed

Land around sewage plant + Lake Dr. developed Dome Homes

FDR Memorial

Congregation Anshei Roosevelt Gas station Current USPS Building

Most homes occupied Name changed to Roosevelt Houses sold to homesteaders Artist community

Vacant homes rented out Factory auctioned off Cooperative abandoned

Establishment

#111 Roosevelt

The community feel that was Roosevelt at its commencement is perhaps responsible for the reason that it developed as it has. Many of the individuals who grew up in the homestead as youth have become to move back into the town. Nostalgia of how the community is probably the motivating factor, considering that although Roosevelt still exhibits homogeneity, it is a distinct typology. No longer can one characterize it as the shtetl of New Jersey, although the Jewish population is still a significant minority at approximately 33%.

1980

1990


Roosevelt #112

This high regard for the past is also illustrated in the residence patterns of the Roosevelt Senior Citizen Solar Village. Intended to accommodate elderly persons in economic need, my research has revealed that many of the residents there are relatives of residents of Roosevelt, which enforces the vision that Roosevelt upholds for itself. Some developmental ventures are the product of the innovation present within this 2 sq. mi. Continuing the legacy of experimental housing typologies, the borough houses several geodesic dome houses as a tribute to the factory that the town once housed. Physically, although Roosevelt has expanded, it has accomplished it in an dedicated manner to what the town stood for, and has been able to preserve its essence by maintaining both tangible and sensational elements intact. 1970s Lake Dr. development Dome Houses + 1970s Consolidated Borough Hall USPS + Store Sewage adjacency development Map: Housing Farmland Woodland Town Center

Population

Preserved Farmland

800 Eleanor Dr. North Valley Rd. Solar Village

700 2000

2006

2008

Expansion

900


Adaptation

Congregation

Expansion

Catalyst

Social

Physical

Failure

“Utopia” to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

Nodes Being a small, secluded enclave, when referring to institution’s located within the town, the definite article, ‘the’ – such as ‘the’ school, ‘the’ store, ‘the’ post office – is used because there is only one of them. This exclusivity converts these structures into the important landmarks of the town. Moreover, in being the only ones available in town, they also serve a double function of become the main congregation centers of town, and adding this to the fact that they are adjacent physically, creates a physical center of town where all 900 residents of Roosevelt have the opportunity to run into everyone else. In Roosevelt, everyone knows everyone. Its Times Square, only Roosevelt scale. The BoroughHall functions as the administrative center of town.

The school is the youth center of the town. It also functions to host townwide cultural events.

#113 Roosevelt

The billboard is located in the space between the post office and the store. Taken over by anouncements and other papers, its is a community tool, allowing the residents to all be aware of what’s happening.

The post office and store complex is the social hub of Roosevelt. Everyone at one point or another interacts with this sight, fostering posibilities to encounter other residents of the town.


Roosevelt #114

Itineraries The intersection of the school with the post office/ store complex is where one has the greatest probability of a chance meeting with other fellow residents. Kids usually use this space as an after-school hang out site, especially if they are hungry for a snack. Adults main function in this space is going to get the mail, because Roosevelt does not have mail delivery; the town does not employ a mailman! This hub becomes, socially, the most beautiful of Roosevelt. A different car pulls up every five minutes, and one cannot expect to leave without initiating a conversation with someone they know.

Key: Adult Itinerary Child Itinerary Traffic Density

Traffic Density One could see how the most dense traffic is located by the store and the post office, stressing the importance of this location.

Congregation

I need to go to the post office to pick up my mail. Maybe I will run into Sue there.


Adaptation

Congregation

Expansion

Catalyst

Social

Physical

Failure

“Utopia” to...

A Shtetl in NJ ?

Greenwich Village of NJ” The residents of Roosevelt had to learn how to adapt to many different changes that they were to experience early in their settlement. These experiences has helped the borough learn to coop and survive with the rapidly changing times of modernity and is a fundamental piece in continuing the legacy of Roosevelt. The borough was having trouble attracting new residents because it lacked the attractions necessary for urban growth. Roosevelt would have had a lot of trouble surviving if it was not for the influx of a community of artists. It all started with the renowned muralist Ben Shahn, who painted the mural seen to the left in the school and decided to reside in Roosevelt thereafter. Many other artists decided to follow him and also moved to Roosevelt.

Non-$500 Once the cooperative became non-operational, the homes were available to the general public without the need to upfront the $500 investment. This angered many of the original settlers who felt that these new residents should not be given an equal voice in the government.

#115 Roosevelt

They should have no voice here!!!. They did not have to pay their $500!!!

$500


None of the Bauhaus style houses in Roosevelt have survived without some sort of alterations to their architecture. The main changes include the installation of gable roofs to allow for another story, or aluminum siding to conceal the monolithic aesthetic created from the CMU blocks. Although the houses are not in their original state, one could understand the homogeneity in their designs.

Addition of a second floor and a modification to the exterior form and aesthetic of the house.

Roosevelt #116

Architecture

Addition of a second floor and the addition of aluminum siding as cladding

The car came to Roosevelt simultaneously as an omen and a curse. It allowed people to communicate and integrate in to the larger whole; however, it began to weaken the community bonds because it is used to go everywhere, including just a mere 100 feet to the post office. It has also hurt the store because shopping now is done outside Roosevelt. Nevertheless, they adapted to this by installing a roadside sign.

Adaptations

Car Culture


What is in Roosevelt’s Future? Roosevelt’s secluded location in the wilderness of Monmouth county, has been paramount for its survival and formation as a community, nevertheless, suburbia is secretly knocking on its back door. Does Roosevelt know who it is and will it let it enter? Being this middle ground between over-development and lack thereof, the borough offers the integration of urban and rural lifestyles. It lingers on this see-saw of urbanity; however, it is tipping, but is it to the right side? Community and cohesiveness have been the prevailing entities in a battle with existence that Roosevelt was always be considered the underdog. At its establishment, the people of the surround areas saw it as such, and when the government sold its part, it too joined that group of individuals who believed that the dream was a dead cause; oh how wrong they were. Roosevelt is probably one of the site-specific communities of New Jersey that exhibits the quintessential qualities to fulfill community at a social scale, one that should always precede the physical. The town has adapted to many changes and challenges during its lifespan. This metamorphosis that now is visible reflects the historical and the cultural events that the town lived through. Remarkable – when viewing Roosevelt one could begin to understand it in four dimensions, as different historical elements are perceptible at just a glance.

Viewing space and time simultaneously in Roosevelt.

#117 Roosevelt

Roosevelt will survive as long as its historical legacy is maintained. Once the actual residents of the town forget why the bust of FDR is by the school, or the reason for the greenbelt-esque landscape strategy surrounds the town, or how come there is a very high concentration of Jewish names in the cemetery, all hope is lost.

Are urban spaces and zones of congregation now restricted to asphalt?


Brodkin, Kimberly, From the Jersey Homesteads to Roosevelt : community and identity in a New Deal settlement, Rutgers Special Collections, 1992 Cheslow, Jerry, “If You’re Thinking of Living In Roosevelt, NJ; A New Deal Enclave Friendly to the Arts,” Fe. 3 2002 nytimes.com

Roosevelt #118

Bibliography

Cohen, Jasin H., From utopia to suburbia: the architecture and urban planning of Roosevelt, New Jersey,Rutgers Special Collections 1994 Conkin, Paul K., Tomorrow a New World: The New Deal Community Program, Da Capo Press, New York, 1976 Rosskam, Edwin, Roosevelt, New Jersey: Big Dreams in a Small Town & What Time Did to Them, Grossman Publishers, New York, 1972 Shapiro, Arthur, Notes on the History of Jersey Homesteads Historic District and the Jersey Homesteads Historical District Advisory Council, 2008, njcc.com Smothers, Ronald, “Built as a Refuge with a Dash of Utopia, It Faces Change and Resists It,” New York Times, Sept. 20 2005, nytimes.com Interview with Michael Ticktin, Roosevelt Historian

And the car? The symbol of 20th century suburbia. It has already invaded the fabric of Roosevelt, which averages over 2 cars per household. Understandable that fact that it is needed to accomplish responsibilities that Roosevelt does not have the capabilities for , but was that not one of the original concepts of the original cooperative? This machine is competing with the fabric of community foundation in Roosevelt. Ingenious was the individual who thought about a town WITHOUT a mailman; (this could in fact be the thesis or a later intervention for later projects concerning communities: are towns without a mailman more prone to community development that those with?) one that required the residents to WALK to the post office and interact with all along the way. The car has negatively transcended that ideal to the point that one interacts more with door handles than with people.

Conclusion

Some images courtesy of F RIM of Panoramio


18,7% Living alone

64,1% Married couple

32,3%Married

couple with kids

7,7%

Family no husband present

Planning

(houses) $400,000 /200,000

Medium 18 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

Owner-occupied housing units 12,8%

Renter-occupied housing units

Average housing size

3,17

Low 261

87,2%

Householder over 65

Average family size

#119 Roosevelt

11,3%

Sort of association

51,9% 48,1%

$1 M /500,000

Density // Quantity // Average Price

16,3%

2,77

Ocuppeid Occupeid

up to 60

Not planned

Housing

53,7%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

30%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

96% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

0,6%


Sales

0,9%

Education + Health

5,9%

Art & Entertainment

4,6% Public Administration

6,5% Houseworker

0,9%

Roosevelt #120

Religion

Muslim

23%

Professional

Jewish

86%

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

12,2%

Race combination

Unemployed

27%

89% Caucasian

2,6%

2%

4,5%

Statistics

5,3%

Buddhist

Ethnicity

14,7%

2%

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Christian

Commuting to work

20%

68%

2,2%

Profession

Employment

36,7% 3,2%

1,4% 4,5%


single

household marital status

1,67

married

divorced

income

religion

other 60-100k hinduism 30-60k jewish 10-30k islamic 0-10k christian +100k

gender

male

caucasian race

female

black

hispanic

asian

mix

age

0-18

19-24

65+

pop.

4’256

Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meetin

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations

size (miles²)

.4


Candido S. Gude

Monmouth // New Jersey Summer Tents on the Jersey Shore The hybridization of a religious camp meeting with a seaside town has bred an intriguing instance on the New Jersey shoreline named Ocean Grove. Established in 1869 to provide members of the Methodist church a summer resort for the spiritual revival of the soul, it grew into an expansive association fostering closeknit relationships between its members that transcend generations. Nowadays, although the religious movement has lost fervor, and Ocean Grove copes with the assimilation of secular ideologies, the essence of community bonds and historical legacy prevails over the transient character of this niche on the shore.

Ocean Grove #122

Ocean Grove

Overview Located in an alcove between two lakes on the New Jersey Shore, Ocean Grove stands out for its uniqueness among fellow seaside towns. It pocesses elements characteristic to such towns, such as high density of hotels and boarding houses ready to fill with the transient inhabitants expected for the summer season; however, Ocean Grove carefully protects its secrets in an effort to avoid assimilation into the normal Jersey coastal towns.

If one’s curiosity stirs him/her enough to wander through the narrow streets lined with aged trees during the summer months, the strength of the Great Auditorium’s presence will draw any wande remnents of a 139 year old camp meeting association that maintains its roots in returning to the seaside town established as a summer resort to revive their Methodist souls. This case study would examine the beginnings of Ocean Grove as a camp meeting idea and investigate the question of how the community endures faced with the transient-permanent dilalectic. >

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Long Branch Station (North Jersey Coast Line (NJCL))

> Asbury Park Station (North Jersey Coast Line (Long Branch) (NJCLL)) > Walk From Philadelphia - Rahway ( Northeast Corridor Line) > Long Branch Station (North Jersey Coast Line (NJCL)) > Asbury Park Station (North Jersey Coast Line (Long Branch) (NJCLL)) > Walk

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Academy Bus - Shore Points > Ocean Grove From Philadelphia: Bus 317 to Asbury Park > Walk

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > Ex 11 Garden State Pkwy S > Exit 100B RT 33 E From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > Ex 7A I 195 E > RT 138 E > RT 18 N > RT 33 E

Ocean Grove

Reached by NJ RT 33 from the Garden State Parkway, access to the town is restricted to three intersections off NJ RT 71 (in the past, there were two, and gated). The first thing one notices is the high concentration of Victorian Style homes, for it claims to have the largest aggregate of Victorian in the country and thusly, rightly listed as a National Historic District. It often nicknamed as New Jersey’s Victorian Jewel.


Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meeting

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations

Camp Meeting Foundations Products of the Protestant evangelical revival movement, camp meetings began to appear throughout the United States in the late 18th century, generally in woodland areas, as temporal congregations meant to fill the religious vacuum caused by the dispersal of the Americans throughout the trackless wilderness of the frontier; they followed the concept of bringing the church to the masses. Springing up several times during the subsequent decades, the camp meeting movement of the 1860s was a response the tragedies of the Civil War and a multiplying religious passion; however, these evolved more as calm sites of spiritual and physical revival and an escape from the everyday life of urbanity.

#123 Ocean Grove

The Methodist camp meetings followed the Wesleyan tradition, based on John Wesley’s holiness ideology and its methodology for reaching people and ‘saving the lost.’ His theology of perfection and salvation through virtuous living advocated that yearly holiness could be sustained through short-term participation in spiritual and physical activity at camp meetings. The modernization of urban centers harvested the contest of ‘rural utopian purity versus big city corruption,’ eventually creating the camp meetings as a compromise between each element: urban lifestyles financially provided the opportunities to take the sacred vacation in the summer. Serene, secluded sites in mountains or coastal areas were preferred for the camp meetings to ensure freedom from ‘temptations to dissipation,’ and after attending a camp meeting in Vineland, NJ in 1867, Rev. William Osborne along with other Methodist leaders explored the New Jersey coast for a place to “provide for the holding of camp meetings of an elevated character, especially for the promotion of Christian holiness and to afford to those who would spend a few days or weeks at the seashore an opportunity to do so at moderate cost, free from temptations to dissipation usually found at fashionable watering place.”

‘Big city corruption versus rural utopian purity’


The Methodist leaders required certain criteria from the site in order to suffice as an adequate location for the camp meeting. The geographic selection will have profound profou ou o und n im implications mplica mp ation o so on n the eventual development of what is now Ocean Grove.

Isolated Woodland A seaside sight exemplified the desire to find a secluded site for the camp meeting. Moreover, the search included one with a grove of trees to heighten the connection to nature.

New York

#001 Ocean Grove #124

The Search for a Site

Proximity to Urban Centers It was of paramount importance to select a site that appealed to the urban masses of the New York and Philadelphia metropolitan areas, in addition was able to be accessed through the existing infrastucture of the time.

Philadelphia

Proximity to Coastline

Mosquito-Free After turning down a site near Cape May due to its overwhelming mosquito population, a location free from New Jersey’s salt marsh mosquitos became fundamental.

New York

Ocean Grove Philadelphia

Ocean Grove In 1869, the Methodist leaders found the ideal site located 43 miles south of New York. It was named Ocean Grove, a geographically isolated one square mile plot on the New Jersey Coast with a grove of pine, cedar, and hickory trees, boasting as the only mosquito-free spot on the coastline.

Foundations

There is something special about the ocean. To ensure a site for a Christian seaside resort, it was essential to explore areas throughout the New Jersey shoreline.


Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meeting

Ocean Grove Squan

Trenton

Stay In or Get Out

Long Branch

Farmingdale

Quest for Order

Jamesburg Monmouth

Changing Times

Sandy Hook Port Monmouth Junction

Through the Ages

Foundations

New York

Philadelphia

Traveling Itinerary to Ocean Grove 0

Philadelphia

2 hours

1 hour

44 Miles

Monmouth Junction

3 hours

32 Miles

Squan Village

New York 17 Miles

14 Miles

Sandy Hook/ Port Monmouth

The Trip to Ocean Grove

Long Branch

6 Miles

7 Miles

Ocean Grove

Ocean Grove

Although established with the site’s access from these urban centers in mind, the average trip from Philadelphia or New York to Ocean Grove was a lengthy, time-staking ordeal involving several transfers along the route. Even when the Long Branch line was extended within a decade of Ocean Grove’s establishment, eliminating the need to travel in wagon, many travelers questioned the efficiency c of having to undergo the journey for only a two week event.

25 1869

#125 Ocean Grove

Beginnings Although the Ocean Grove Camp Meeting Association (OGCMA) was founded on December 22nd, 1869, it was not until March of the following year that the association was granted a charter by the New Jersey Legislature, giving them the authority to develop and administer the site as an unincorporated borough. The very first meeting was minute in comparison to the eventual size it would attain at its peak, encompassing a mere six acres with a score of tents. Within a few years the founders would continue to purchase the adjacent lots to include all the area in the borough’s present day limits. The early years of the association witnessed an explosive growth in the number of people attending the meeting. 1869

1875

1877

1888


1900s

Tents Year

450

1880s

Ocean Grove #126

>600

Extents

The toil of the journey was already taking physical forms within the town. Structures exhibiting signs of a greater permanence ideology began to surface, as the yearly visitors tired of constantly having to transport the same materials year after year, rr, began to construct cottages attached to theirr tents to store items only needed for the yearly reunion. Furthermore, more and more homes were being built throughout the town, following the Victorian aesthetic as per the OGCMA bylaws.

Auditorium 1894

Ocean Grove began as a typical camp meeting, where at the original center of the organization was a simple open air preacher’s stand around which the ‘tenters’ congregated. As the need for a bigger meeting place, better protected from the elements, was prompted due to the increasing number of people arriving years after year, the structure morphed into several iterations until in 1893, ground was broken for the colossal auditorium that marks the panorama today.

Maps/Itinerary: Camp Meeting Extend of Tents Original Site Tents/ Year Route from Philadelphia Route from New York

Through the Ages

At its peak as a camp meeting, Ocean Grove boasted of possessing over 600 tents spread across various blocks throughout the town. It was at time at the turn of the century that the Methodist tent community was thriving, seemingly without bounds. The camp meeting began to proceed from a 2 week affair to a congregation encompassing a larger portion of the summer months. It was what Osborne envisioned it to be, a Christian summer seaside resort of spiritual and physical renewal.


#127 Ocean Grove #001

1911

1911

0‘

Maps/Itinerary: nerary::

1945

d of Tent tts Extend Tents

Camp p Meetin Meeting ng

Tents// Year

500‘

Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meeting

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations


The turn of the 20th century marked a unique time in Ocean Grove history. The tent community was thriving, with over 600 families attending the camp meetings every year. Nevertheless, seaside tourism was on the rise, and since the Methodists still governed over the town, many of the blue laws in effect were detrimental to the economic growth of the town, especially as a coastal locale. In order to be able to compete with other seashore towns and remain a float, the Camp Meeting Association decided to undertake their biggest financial undertaking since the construction of the Great Auditorium and construct a resort off the boardwalk. The North End Complex, completed in 1911, consisted of a hotel with the latest commodities, merry-go-round, bowling alleys, movie theater, new stores and a pavilion protruding into the ocean. It is interesting to consider that this was a violation of one of the characteristics of the boardwalk; maintaining it non-commercial. In order to accomplish such a radical secular endeavor in this religious community, they were forced to demolish a entire block of tents, their essence.

Ocean Grove #128

Adaptation

1945 114

Tents

2008

Year

Changing Times

As the 20th century unraveled, one of the events that might have had the most direct impact on the community was World War I, especially during its aftermath. The post-WWI era of American history is marked by a general secularization due to the horrors that were witnessed during the fighting. Many came to question the actually role of God in society, especially allowing for such carnage. Beginning in the 1920s, and probably tied together with the financial success many thought they were reaching, many of the cottages that where once used to store tent supplies where converted into private residents. One could still walk around the town and pick out those houses by their characteristic small frame and wooden porch where at one time the tent was attached.

A rising low-middle income retired population also had profound impacts on the later development of the town. Since not many people were prepared to relinquish many personal freedoms due to the impositions of the OGCMA, the people who mainly stayed year round was a now elderly population who had grow up under such a system and found it comforting. Interesting enough, it was also during this time that the homogeneity of the Methodist population was altered since the option to buy in Ocean Grove was beginning to be extended to any Christian practicing family, probably in efforts to attract people. Nevertheless, the needs of this large percentage of an aging population prompted the OGCMA to construct the Francis Asbury Manor for assisted living. After this project, the community did not go unscathed; there were several events, especially the civil right riots and Supreme Court decisions that greatly altered Ocean Grove; however, one can infer that the change in size of the tent community, the essence of the town, is a physical manifestation of the changing cultural phenomenon that the borough were forced to adapt to.

1900

1918

1945


Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meeting

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations

The Quest for Order The landscape and ideology of a region have the potential of fostering a close-knit relationship. The planning decisions that occurred in Ocean Grove are emblematic of this connection and have arose through deliberate and conscious resolution. This quest for order in landscape is a way that religious entities exert control over secular areas to preserve their sacredness. By seeking such, the OGCMA communicates its desire for an ideal landscape manifesting Wesley’s perfection theology. Inevitably, by pursuing these ideals with rigor, the Camp Meeting Association created one first planned communities in the United States.

Grid

2’ 4’ 6’ 8’ 10’

A One strategy is the application of a simple grid. It quickly systematizes an order over the landscape, providing the foundation for the implementation of further planning The Flare Zone strategies. The street grid in Ocean Grove is a very narrow one and was further developed by planting trees. The inclusion of trees along the street A is a direct reference to the importance of the grove of trees and the natural milieu to the Methodists. Furthermore, there was also a limiting factor in the spacing of the individual house lots. Each one is approximately 30’ x 60’. This was to prevent the construction of mansions and keep the houses small scale. Densely packing the community into this system permits the dual responsibility of encouraging socialization due to tightness of the architecture, while simultaneously, enhancing the social control the OGCMA desired.

#129 Ocean Grove #001

30’

30’

60’


Ocean Grove #130 #001

Park Setting The camp meeting site was logically chosen within a park-setting, in which the buildings were set far apart from each other. The buildings then act in a way to enclose the site, fostering a closer knit community as a network among its members is formed.

The planners of Ocean Grove included an minute detail in the master plan that had profound implications on entire borough. It is referred to as the Flare Zone, a seaside town planning solution starting with the two blocks closest to the beach, where each subsequent structure closer to the ocean is set back two ft further into its lot than the previous, creating a funnel effect that allows sea breezes to penetrate much further into the town. The Methodists were concerned with the spiritual power of nature and the ocean. Such a formal move with the placement of structures enables even the residents who live far from the beach to experience it.

Mall The flaring of Main Street and of Ocean Pathway (the green that joins the Great Auditorium with the beach) provide two instances of a mall type setting. Main street, with its wide sidewalks lined with stores, provides an ideal strip that functions as a mall that connects the commercial center of Ocean Grove to the ocean. On Sundays, before the reorganization of the governing system of the town, this effect was more visible, as people where able to walk in the streets without fear of getting run over. Ocean Pathway functions similarly to Main Street; however it serves the camp meeting community of Ocean Grove, as opposed to the commercial sector. They are representative of the importance of the beach and the ocean to the town, regardless of what community niche they belong to.

Maps: Sea Breeze

Quest for Order

The Flare Zone


Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meeting

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations

Inclusion and Seclusion The ability of Ocean Grove to survive virtually unchanged as this religous entity in a secularized world is through several ‘tactics of inclusion’ and ‘rules of exclusion.’ These cover a wide spectrum of strageties ranging from actual site selection to legislature. Each inclusionary tactic directly relates to an exclusionary rule that is applied to fulfill the utlimate goal.

Tactics of Inclusion:

Rules of Exclusion:

Site selection

Physical Boundaries, Gates

Homogeneity

Methodist, Tents Victorian Aesthetic

Religious Doctrine

Blue Laws

Close Community Ties

Camp Meeting Association Controls all the Land Non-Commercial Beach Front

Religious Doctrine - Blue Laws

#131 Ocean Grove

The Methodists created a very strict set of rules to abide to whether residing in Ocean grove or just visiting. The town is still a dry town, however, prior to 1980, it was also illegal to drive into town on Sundays, or basically so any non-religious activity, such as riding a bike, playing and gardening.

Hey, where are all the cars?

Its Sunday. They all have to be outside...and yes, that also includes you President Grant.


Ocean Grove #132 #001

Site - Gates Ocean Grove’s isolation was key to its development. It was surrounded on three sides by water and a gate was errected on the fourth. Moreover, after the issues with crime from Asbury Park, the bridges to it were also chained recently.

Community Ties - Control + Beach Front

Stay In or Get Out

Gates

The OGCMA owns all the land of Ocean Grove. When someone was interested in living in the town, they had to pass through an interview process and prove that they where practicing Methodists who supported the Ocean Grove bylaws. People sign a 99-year renewable lease on the plot of land. Nevertheless, this system gave the camp meeting association an unusual power over the population.Ocean Grove boasts of a non-commercial beach front as well as being the only town on the shore in which Ocean Ave is not continuous, which adds to the isolation.

Homogeneity - Victorian The victorian aesthetic was enforced in house construction.


Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meeting

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations

The Ocean Grove Camp Meeting Association (OGCMA) The Ocean Grove Camp Meeting Association (OGCMA) was founded by Rev. William Osborne and other Methodist ministers and laymen on December 22nd, 1869, and obtained a state charter the following March to establish the town as an unincorporated municipality of which the camp association was responsible to un keep politically.

Demographics of the Tents Retirees (30%) Empty Nesters (45-55 yr) (20%) Young Family (50%)

Structure There is an internal structure within the camp meeting entities, nevertheless, they work in a realtively open way with the rest of the borough.

Tent

Ocean Grove

#133 Ocean Grove

Block

Auditorium

The auditorium is the focal point of the camp meeting. Regardless of the scale, everything relates to is.


Ocean Grove #134 #001

Camp Meeting Grounds

Tabernacle Great Auditorium

Beersheba Well

Youth Temple

Auditorium Pavillion

Maps/Diagrams: OGCMA Buildings Tents

“Christian seaside resort”

Beach Pavillion

The Camp Meeting

OGCMA


Outside the Camp

Tents Ten

A Day in the Camp

The Camp Meeting

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations

Communal backyard used for general purposes

Porches

Corridors used to access personal tents.

The tents are made from an extra heavy duty mildew-proof duck with a fly overhead. The largest tents are about 224 sq. ft. with a cottage attached measuring 234 sq. ft.

#135 Ocean Grove #001

An association of blocks of tents forming the tent community.

The tents relate to the different scales of the zones of the camp. There is the tent, then the block and then the community as a whole based around the Auditorium, each progressively bigger.

Diagram: Camp Corridors Communal Backyard Tent Block Auditorium Public to Private


#001 Ocean Grove #136

The OGCMA owns all the tents and rents them out with yearly renewable leases of approximately $4,000. They are passed down throughout generations and the waiting list for one is about a decade. Many people have grown up in them. Each individual tent is a experiment of space efficiency. Each is different in the way that they are arranged. The tents have different public and private zones. Generally, the spaces of the tents that have exterior access are the most public. The most public space is the porch and it where all the interactions occur.

The Tent: Public vs Private TENT COTTAGE AREA AREA PARLOR AND SITTING ROOM

BEDROOM

KITCHEN, SHOWER, W.C

COMMUNAL BACKYARD

0‘ 0

4‘ 4

Tent to Tent Interactions

The porch is the most social portion of the tent. Here one could find people sitting on lawn chairs reading or conversing about the latest affairs. The porch is the catalyst of community and the social node.

The block of tents has its own character and community. many times they hold block parties.

Tents

The close proximity of the tents to each other foster closer a closer, more comunal relationship. The sharing of items and even the TV remote is not uncommon.


Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meeting

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations

Camp Meeting Life The camp meeting has a plethora of summertime activities (religious and secular) that are open to members of the camp association as well as the general public. Most of the religious activities are separated by the different age groups listed below. Youth Temple: Used for children’s mass, youth activities, freestyle time Thorney Chapel : Children’s Mass, play recital Tents: See previous slide Bishop janes Tabernacle: Bible Study, communiun on Sundays Town: Main Street has many shops, nonetheless, Ocean Grove has much to keep one occupied Beach Pavilion: Breakfast Club morning social, connection to beach Beach: Hours: Monday-Saturday: 9 AM - 5:30 PM Sunday: 12:30PM - 5:30 PM Great Auditorium: Sunday worship, music venues

Itinerary

Weekday

#137 Ocean Grove

9 AM

This shows possible locations of the tenters at a particular time by age group. One could note the differences in a typical day versus a typical Sunday. Everyday has religious activities; however, they overtake the day on the Sabbath. 12 PM

3 PM

6 PM

9 PM


Age Group Itinerary Probability P

Nodes of congregation in the park, especially the Beersheba Well

Ocean Grove #138 #001

Sidewalk crossing leads directly to Youth Temple, not opposite s t r e e t corner.

Diagrams:

Auditorium

3.5-7 yrs old

MA

8-11 yrs old 12-17 yrs old Adult Blow-up Circulation Vectors

Y

h

Nodes of Congregation

Sunday 9 AM

12 PM

3 PM

6 PM

9 PM

Foundations

Walkways create visual references and direct connections between the main separated buildings of congregation.


Outside the Camp

A Day in the Camp

Tents

The Camp Meeting

Stay In or Get Out

Quest for Order

Changing Times

Through the Ages

Foundations

The Rest Although there is a great deal of attention given to the tent community of Ocean Grove, it in itself has evolved into this site now know for its diversity. There are town activities all year round.

Greenscape

Green Sidewalk

Ocean Grove possess secluded green spaces along its northern border. This green sidewalk and the‘left-over’ spaces are sites that are very much utilized by the community, mainly for recreational purposes, for walking the dog, and maybe to play cards or just gossip catch-up session.

Left-Over Greenscape

#139 Ocean Grove

Town Activities

0‘

500‘


The Porch

Ocean Grove #140 #001

The Flare Zone along with porches allow for residents to receive seabreezes as they sit outsid e to watch the ocean.

The architectural feature that is responsible for this diversity is the porch. Its main design and aesthetic purpose, working in conjunction with the Flare Zone, was to potentially provide all the residents of the Ocean Grove with sea breezes and a direct view to the ocean; however, the typology has developed into something greater than that. The porch has become the social node of every house. Each one is personally decorated and all have some sort of outdoor seat. This is where home owners come out to relax, enjoy the summer weather, and provides the setting in case a friend comes around for a chat. Some resident even call ahead.

Gay Community The combination of a more heterogeneous population (the CMA began to allow nonMethodists into Ocean Grove by the 1920s), the low property value of the 1980s, and the promotion of Woody Allen’s movie filmed in the town, a growing population of New York artists, a great number of them homosexual, began to invest into the town and its architectural works.

Wow! Look at this spectacular architecture. Let’s see what we could do with it.

Outside the Camp

Hello? Yea, Mike’s here at the porch with me. Come over.


Ocean Grove: Too good to be true? Ocean Grove has matured from a stubborn homogeneous entity, into a vivacious urban system. Its 139 years of existence can be compared to the metamorphosis of a butterfly: teeming growth at its onset, with a prolonged austere period, leading to the unveiling of adulthood. It is a seemingly new being, with the influx of the gay community and the dissolution of the blue laws, nevertheless, it retains vestiges of its former self – the annual summer assembly of the camp meeting and the dazzling Victorian architecture. It is ironic that this mosquito-free site on the Jersey Shore, where playing games and gardening was prohibited on Sundays due to the Sabbath evolved into what we see today. Could Ocean Grove finally be the exemplary model of what community is? Or is it just too perfect? In a location where dialectics are occurring incessantly, the Methodists and the gay community, the permanent residents and the temporal visitors, Asbury Park and Ocean Grove, how is conflict nonexistent? Or is it just invisible to the untrained eye? Captivatingly, these dualities already occur within the camp meeting itself, so why can it not also spread beyond the grove to the urban setting? Each tent, although generally aesthetically identical to each other are so unique that no one is alike. Decorations are different and even personally painted. It is the homogenous heterogeneity that Ocean Grove strives to be, and may be close to achieving it, a unifying feeling amongst a plethora of diverse individuals.

#141 Ocean Grove

Diversity and individualism in a seeminging homogeny

Regardless of these uncertainties, one thing that is in consensus is that Ocean Grove possesses uncountable moments and instances that enable the community to go on. ‘Left-over’ greenscape is filled by plastic lawn chairs and tables to become an informal meeting zone, the water-front with Lake Wesley is converted into a triple system – a backyard, a sidewalk, and a parking lot for water vehicles.


A Brief History of Ocean Grove, New Jersey Brochure. Historical Society of Ocean Grove 2008 Bell, Wayne, T., Images of America: Ocean Grove, Arcardia Publishing, Chicago, 2000

Ocean Grove #142

Bibliography

Gordon, Ronald J, “Remembering Ocean Grove,” Church of the Brethren Network, 2008, www.cob-net.org Interview with Richard LeDuc Interview with Norman Goldman Interview with Richard Harley Interview with Walter Harper Interview with Rev. Scott Hoffman, CEO of Ocean Grove Newman, Rhoda, “Interview with Anna Nichols & Martha Nichols Rakita,” Remembering the 20th Century: An Oral History of Monmouth County, Monmouth County Library Headquarters, 2000 Newman, Rhoda, “Interview with Mary Jane Schwartz,” Remembering the 20th Century: An Oral History of Monmouth County, Monmouth County Library Headquarters, 2000

Ocean Grove Camp Meeting Association. 2008 Summer Events. Brochure. Ocean Grove, NJ: 2008. Schmelzkopf, Karen, “Landscape, ideology, and religion: a geography of Ocean Grove, New Jersey,” Journal of Historical Geography, 28, 4, 2002, pg 589-608

In order for Ocean Grove to progress successfully into the 21st century, without compromising its communal integrity, everyone involved must be able to identify the aforementioned urban anomalies and ensure that such do not cease to exist.

Conclusion

Ocean Grove: A Place Set Apart informational package 2008


56,6% Living alone

23,6% Married couple

33,7%Married

couple with kids

7,7%

25,6%

Planning

(houses) $400,000 /200,000

Medium 1246 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

Owner-occupied housing units 57,1%

Renter-occupied housing units

Average housing size

2,59

Low 1481

42,9%

Householder over 65

Average family size

#143 Ocean Grove

Family no husband present

Sort of association

54,8% 45,2%

$1 M /500,000

Density // Quantity // Average Price

28,5%

1,67

Ocuppeid Occupeid

up to 60

Not planned

Housing

60,7%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

10,8%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

73,9% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

19,1%


Sales

Muslim

8,6%

Education + Health

7,4%

Art & Entertainment

4,4% Public Administration

6,8% Houseworker

0,2%

Ocean Grove #144

Religion

1%

26,1%

Professional

Jewish

72,3%

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

45,9%

Race combination

Unemployed

2%

93,1% Caucasian

3,9%

,4%

1%

3,6% ,2%

Statistics

5%

Buddhist

Ethnicity

18,2%

1% 2,8%

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Christian

Commuting to work

11,2%

94%

5,4%

Profession

Employment

4,4%

,9%


household marital status

2.93

divorced

other hinduism jewish islamic christian christian religion

+100k

income

male race

gender

age

45-65

asian hispanic

65+

mix

pop.

4,099

Con nccl clu lu lusi ssio ion io

Ten T Te nsio sion n

Thr T Th hreat eats

The T Th he e Co Colon l ny Club lo l

Rec R Re eccrre rea eattio e iio on

B ke Trai Bi Bik ra ls ls

Cab C ab a bin n DeDe e-evolut evo olut utio ut ion on o n

Log L Lo og o gC Cabi bin b in ns

Rustic Ru Rus tcS Sccen ene ne n eryy

Wha W Wh ha att’s ’ss it i ca calle lled? d?

Commun nity i Id it I eas

size (miles²)

1.2


Medford Lakes #122 Medford Lakes #139

MEDFORD LAKES

Burlington // New Jersey

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Northeast Corr. Line to Hamilton Station

295 to exit 36A Rt. 70 to Medford Lakes From Philadelphia - PATCO Station at 16th and Locust Rd. to Haddonfield Station. Take Haddomfield Rd. to Rt.70 Medford Lakes

By bus:

From New York City: NA From Philadelphia: Bus to Cherry Hill. Rt. 70 to Medford Lakes

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > Exit 7A Bordentown to 206 South From Philadelphia: Rt. 30 to Rt. 70 to Medford Lakes Rd.

Medford Lakes

be the residential community it is today in the late 1920's and early 30's. Known most for its log cabins, Medford Lakes currently has the highest concentration of log homes in the world! The plan to develop a camping vacation developed later, with the introducing of 22 man-made lakes into the borough, surrounded by lakeside log cabin homes. The lakes and additional recreation activities created a getaway for the working class of Philadelphia who needed a break from the urban lifestyle. Over time, the growth of community activies such as camping, canoeing, biking, and golfing added to the popularity of Medford Lakes, and by the 1970's the town reached its peak population of 5,680 people. The cohesian of cthe community is most prominant in the shared interests of recreation and a summer camp lifestyle. Voluntary action is often taken for cleaning and caring for the amenities such as the lakes and beaches, and the overall visual indication of a rustic community. The town mayor states that "More than most places these days, Medford Lakes is a community due to personalized services from our government, police, fire, and other organizations."


Context

nacle

es

k Sto Tr.

Medford Lakes is located 22 miles from Philadelphia in the luscious Pine Barrens of New Jersey.

Tr.

Rt. 206 towards Atlantic Coast

Vacation Community

Relaxing Spaces

Rustic Scenery Bike Trails

Gated Community Ideals ‘In its modern form, a gated community is a form of residential community containing controlled entrances for pedestrians, bicycles, and automobiles, and sometimes characterized by a closed perimeter of walls and fences.’ Refernece Case Study Llewellyn Park Llewellyn Park is a gated community that is similar in ideals to Medford Lakes, requiring certain aesthetic characteristics and regulations within the homes and community, but differs because the necessity to allow the public to access the community at all times, which Medford Lakes tries to restrict in various ways.

Conclusion

Tension

Rt. 70 towards Philadelphia

Taber

#140 Medford Lakes

Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evoluti

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

What’s it called?

Community Ideas

MEDFORD LAKES COMMUNITY


The Colony Club is the governing borough of Medford Lakes, in charge of maintaining the status and vacation ideals that Medford Lakes strives to have. This is done primarily through the implementation of codes A. Application to the Historic Preservation Commission for a certificate of appropriateness and issuance of a certificate of appropriateness by the Planning Board in accordance with this chapter shall be required before the issuance of a building, demolition, or sign permit and before the commencement of work at any location within the Lakes Historic District.

Color. (1)Log structures. Logs must be painted in accordance with the standards set forth in Subsection or they must be stained the natural color of the log. Logs shall be natural with bark or, if peeled, shall be stained with a wood-tone color. Existing peeled logs, if painted, shall be brown. Log ends and trim shall be exceptions and must conform with the standards.

Community Idea

(1) Log structures. (a)Additions must be full log or half log with chinking. (b)Existing logs must be replaced with either full logs or half logs. (c)Resurfacing for the purpose of installing insulation must have an exterior finish of half logs. (d)Full log or half log construction must be used, with or without chinking.

(2) Historic Tree Removal (a)No person, corporation or entity shall remove or destroy any tree or shrub, to which this chapter is applicable, without first obtaining a tree removal permit from the Borough of Medford Lakes.

(3) Recreational Facilities (a) Annual Fees for Colony Club Membership : $200 (b) Membership Certificate One time Payment: $5,000 (c) Guest are required to pay a daily fee of $2.00 for using the beaches. (c) Guests need to be accompanied by residents at all times to use facilities.

Medford Lakes #141

The Medford Lakes Colony Club Codes


1400 - 1600 Settlement of the Lenni Lenape Indians and establishing trading post, marking Medford Lakes as an important point of trade. Current Nomeclature of Medford Lakes TABERNACLE TRAIL

MUSCODAY FIELD

LENAPE TRAIL

CHINOOK TRAIL IROQUOIS TRAIL

ALGONQUIN TRAIL NEETA TRAIL

SEMINOLE TRAIL HAHIAH TRAIL

STOKES TRAIL

NATCHEZ TRAIL

HIAWATHA TRAIL

APACHE TRAIL

CHIEF TRAIL

CHEROKE TRAIL

PEQUOT TRAIL

MCKENDIMEN TRAIL

LOWER AETNA LAKE SENECA TRAIL

BALLINGER LAKENAVAJO TRAIL

MISHEMOKWA TRAIL WAGUSH TRAIL

POWHATANTRAIL SAGAMORETRAIL

TRADING POST MIRROR LAKE MOHAVE TRAIL

DECOTAH TRAIL PAWNEE TRAILBIG LOOK TRAIL SYOSSETTRAIL

ALGONQUIN RESERVATION

UPPER AETNA LAKE OAK TRAIL MISHE-MOKWA LAKE SIAPE LAKE COMANACHE TRAIL NO-KO-MIS TRAIL KAWESEA LAKE WAWA TRAIL INDIAN TRAIL

TUCKERTON TRAIL

MOHAWK RESERVATION

MOHAWK TRAIL

LAKE MEE-SHA-WAY CHIPPEWA TRAIL LAKE MEE-SHA-WAY MUSH-KO-DASA TRAIL SIOUX TRAIL WINONA TRAIL SHAWNEE TRAIL CHEYENNE TRAIL LAKE WAU-WAU-SKA-SHE TOMAHAWK TRAIL SHINNECOCK TRAIL LENAPE LAKE IROQUOIS RESERVATIONSUNSET TRAIL PESHEKEE TRAIL PAUPUK-KEE-WIS TRAIL LAKE ASH-SHEE-KAN SIOUX RESERVATIONMOHAWK FIELD WINOOSKA TRAIL LAKE PEE-SHEE-KEE

HAWATHA RESERVATION LAKE MIK-O-NOK

#142 Medford Lakes

SUNRISE TRAIL

The first settlement of the Lenni Lenape Indians established the naming of multiple trails, reservations and locations prior to Dutch Settlers in the 1700’s. This translated to become the actual nomenclature of the borough when the master plan was created in the 1930’s to communicate the origins of the borough, and revive the historical milieu that once was the community.

Conclusion

Tension

Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evoluti

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

What’s it called?

Community Idea

PREVAILING HISTORY


VACATION Medford Lakes, NJ (1930)

Family Oriented

Medford Lakes #143

WORK Philadelhpia, PA (1930)

Individual Based Lifestyle

Slow Paced Lifestyle Fast Paced Lifestyle The fast paced lifestyle of a highway trip to and from work everyday can be aggrevating. The slow paced lifestyle of Medford Lakes was created by the numerous bake trails and pedestrian routes that encouraged excersize and recreation.

Rustic Scenery Urban Aesthetic The urban scenery of Philadelphia can be tiresome to the eyes, but the rejuvinating natural scenery of Medford Lakes made it a desired place to be. Getting away from the city bustle to a calm lake was a nice change for city workers.

1600-1800s As nearby Philadelphia continues to expand its economy, business, and industry, the working population desires a community for vacation away from the city.

Whats it called?

Being away from family while at work made the desire for family time in high demand. Medford Lakes recreational facilities offered activities that got families together for a day outdoors.


A system of 22 manmade lakes are designed by realtor Leon Todd to set the foundation for a vacation community in the Pine Barrens. The idea for the construction of log cabins comes from remnants of original Lenni Lenape fences and homes. This is also the basis for the nomenclature of the borough.

Scenic Lakes

#144 Medford Lakes

Medford Lakes was designed around the notion of 22 manmade lakes, designed with a leveling system that was utilized to prevent the flooding of lakes. This also is useful for certain days when the lakes are drained for cleaning. The original log cabins were built around the perimeter of the lakes offering the best views. Often the most unique cabins in Medford Lakes, the original lakeside cabins are still the most expensive to build and or purchase among other log homes in the lakes for their spacious design and exclusive design.

Conclusion

Tension

Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evoluti

Log Cabins

What’s it called?

Rustic Scenery

1920s

Community Idea

RUSTIC SCENERY


Medford Lakes #145

Codes for historic foliage There are strict regulations and permits required for the removal of any Laurel Shrub or woody perennial trees (Oak, Pine, or Spruce) for protection and preservation of these plant species and historical trees. This code applies to any plant growing upon all land in the Borough of Medford Lakes, including the property of land owners.

Didoranda Pine

White Spruce

The look of the log cabin The Rustic look of the log cabin transcended from the original Lenni Lenape Indians who left remnants of the original trading post and tee pee homes made from indigenous pine logs. The first cabins built were required to be log to follow this tradition, and eventually became the standard for the community. The majority of initial log cabins sprung up around lakes, and later spread outwards from these lakes to the other parts of the community, making small developments. Being one of the most noticeable features of Medford Lakes, the log cabins completely outstand the surrounding communities aesthetically, dominantly displaying the deep rooted tradition of a log home over the shingled or veneered homes of Medford. This unique tradition is one of the biggest and well known attractions of Medford Lakes.

Log homes blended well with the plant life and were built custom by the owner. Each cabin is designed harmoniously with the site in color and design.

Rustic Scenery

Oak


Conclusion

Tension

Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evoluti

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

What’s it called?

Community Idea

LOG HOMES 1930-50s

With the rapid purchasing of log cabin homes, Medford Lakes transforms from a vacation community to a residential community.

Family Oriented Design The log cabins of Medford Lakes became the foundation for the development of a family. Most strongly doing so by its humble appearance and modest size, it was built to accommodate each family for their needs. The log cabin’s intricate construction often made its spaces simple, but detailed and defined by the texture of the logs. Simply designed plans played a key role in the gathering of families, not separating them with various partitions and floors, but only a few bedrooms designed around a grand room; the main room commonly built with a fire place. The fireplace not only acted symbolically as a cohesive element for the family, providing warmth and comfort, but also for the house during the winter, providing warm to the surrounding rooms.

Family Values

Grand Room {Fireplace}

Log Cabin Home

#146 Medford Lakes

Contemporary Home 30 yrs

Custom Detailing

+60 yrs 152 total

avg 3.2 bed rooms

cost avg $390 cost avg $590k

Log homes are cutomized down to the smallest detail. Most residents even design their mailboxes to mimic their homes.

FIG

A


Medford Lakes #147

built by the owner/family

simple plan/focus on family room

FIG

A

Log homes utilize a construction detail of interlocking wood logs at corners, insulated with chinking mortar at the joints. This stable design is seen throughout the community not only in the cabins, but also in wood fences and canoe racks as well.

Log Cabins

passed down generations


Conclusion

Tension

Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evolution

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

What’s it called?

DE-EVOLUTION

Community Idea

LOG CABIN

Mapping the stages of log cabin development Log Cabins

Veneer Cabins

Birth of log community

Inception of veneer/growth of log

Siding

Total Homes

Siege of veneer and siding vs authentic cabin

Incubation of veneer/birth of siding

Log Cabin De-Evolution 1500 0 1400 00 0 0 1300 13 30 00 0 1200 0 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 50

1 19 927 28 19 29 19 30

Medford Lakes #148 Number of Log Cabins

The graph and maps illustrate the overall transformation of the original log cabin. From this transformation, the community loses some of its most important values that were inherent in the creating the original cabins, or at least in its their authentic appearance. The neo-veneer log cabins that have been recently constructed are less expensive, and less demanding on a home owner, making them more likely to change hands of owners.

1935

1940

1945

1950

1955

1960

Date

1965

1970

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000 2005


3 2 1

proximity 1 - 1930-45 proximity 2 - 1940-70 proximity 3 - 1970-present

cabins

Medford Lakes #149

The axonometric drawing shows the stages in which the cabins developed. Growing outward from the lakes, the first generation cabins, or the oldest were built directly on the lakes. The newer veneer cabins seemed more detached than ever, creating their own miniature communities on the outskirts of the borough.

Proximity 1 - on water damaged by flood

lakes

trails

historic zones (log) mixed veneer/log non-log/siding

Cabin De-Evoluion

Proximity 3 - not connected


n ra sti e d Pe ne Zo

Zon e

e

25 mph zone

ph

25

m

n zo

A Big Part of Recreation

ph m 25 ne zo

Medford Lakes roads (trails) are limited to 25 mph in all residential areas. This makes all Medford Lakes a safe biking atmosphere. On roads especially indicating the presense of pedestrians, with road symbols and signage, are the trails that are highly traveled by the residents. On these roads, drivers need to be most cautious for riders.

#150 Medford Lakes

The low speed zones not only create safe scenerios for biking on all roads in the lakes, but also create an impulse on drivers to bypass the lakes knowing that they cannot fly through at high speeds. This suports the cause to reduce driving.

Bike Routes Key bike trails pedestrian trails Recreation Fac. Beach Schools historic districs

Conclusion

Tension

Threats

The Colony Club Recreation

Cabin De-evoluti

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

Bike Trails

Ped est iran

What’s it called?

Community Idea

BIKING IN THE LAKES


Medford Lakes #151

Medford Lakes Schools Must utilize Bike Routes The biking trails were designed to create safe routes for children to ride their bikes to and from school. Both elementary schools are connected with these major bike routes which allow for students to cross the busier streets. Biking is promoted, while automobile use is deterred due to the small amount of only 6 parking spaces for the Nokomis Elementary School, 3 of which are for faculty. The community believes that the safety of the community is extremely high, and biking to school at a young age is promoted.

Neeta Elementary School

Nokomis Elementary School

Recreation Facilities

Bike Trails around Important Zones In 2000, the Colony Club decided to budgit a half million dollars to creating more bike trails along residential roads connecting main recreation areas and beaches. They believed that this would not only eliminate driving to these areas, making the community safer, but also work well with after school programs and camps that utilize multiple facilties throughout the day. Historical districs such as the residences that surround Lower Aetna lake and Mishe Mokwa Lake have been incorporated into the biking network by chance, falling between the major parks and beaches. These districts work well with the established route for visiting bikers to see some of the culture of Medford Lakes.

Lakes

Historic Districts

Bike Trails

A total of 67 bike rocks dominate the parking lot of Neeta elementary school


“The year round summer play-ground” Medford Lakes’ recreational facilities are scattered throughout the borough, with a diverse amount of facilities. Sports recreation ranges from basketball to soccer and baseball, tennis, and golf. The lakes are the true and original vision for recreation in the community, which range from very large to small, and are utilized by everyone in the community, especially those owning lake-front properties. Summer camps, such as Camp Jam in the pines is a well known and popular camp among the community and receives a lot of attention.

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Medford Lakes

#152 Medford Lakes

Medford

Children Residents (safe from strangers)

Non-Resident no entrance

The establishment of the Colony Club of Medford Lakes when the borough started is still in effect today. The Colony Club is a membership that is required by residents of the borough for the use of any recreational facilities and most outdoor fields and parks. The membership must be paid for yearly by residents, and allows only a certain amount of close family members of the resident to benefit from it. Cabins along the lakes are indefinitely required to have the membership due dock property along the lake. Other peripheral communities are not allowed to use any of the lakes, beaches, and recreational facilities.

Conclusion

Tension

Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evoluti

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

What’s it called?

Community Idea

RECREATIONAL FACILITIES


Medford Lakes #153

4 3 5 5

1

to P hila d

2

elh

14% 86%

inidcates colony club memership\zones

Social Exclusion Recreation

*all recreational facilities in Medford Lakes

pia

public accessable


1930 The area is established as Medford Lakes borough, and beings the creates a system of governance, the Colony Club, which is responsible for the codes, and regulations on community amenities.

You can if you pay fees to the Colony Club.

What is the Colony Club?

unit

Community ideals are devised to create a community built around the principles of a fun, scenic, camping vacation lifestyle.

C

unity

These ideals shape the selection of various amenities that the community provides, including canoeing, swimming, golfing, and bike riding. All based on a slow paced vacation lifestyle in the pines.

m om

We would like to move to Medford Lakes.

Amenities

Codes are enforced to protect against public use of these amenities, allowing only residents to use them. Residents are required to pay annual fees for using the facilities in their own community.

Club

y Club Th

sf

Public and R esi rom de nt

and Residents

at re

m

bi

blic Pu

Threats fro

dents e si

Thre ats

fro

A constant tension between the residents, Colony Club, and public surrounding Medford Lakes creates a vacation community on edge in a cyclical relationship of residents or public threats, and over compensation of codes by the colony club.

Resients/Public Views

n

Residents react negatively to the hostile nature of the community, finding various issues with the Colony Club codes. Public feel they are should be able to use the facilities.

s

#154 Medford Lakes

How residents and the public react

Conclusion

Tension

Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evoluti

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

What’s it called?

Community Idea

THE MEDFORD LAKES COLONY CLUB


veneer cabins

We want to be able to choose what trees are on private property!

I can’t believe how much the membership has gone up on top of taxes!

Log Cabins

Residents

Scenic Lakes

Historic Trees

Lifestyle d ce

Medford Lakes

Pa

Colony Member

Log Cabins

Why can’t we use the lakes as well?

Recreation Facilities

Non Residents

Canoe Carnival

Pedestrian Routes

Why can’t we use the recreation facilies for playing sports?

I cannot drive only 25 mph... I need to get to work on time!

Extended Family

Automotive Drivers

m fro

Public and R esi de nt

INST T AGA H

and Residents

PP

AGAINST

dents esi

Thre ats

m

C

dR an

b Pu

P

lic

ak

OT ublic E

Threats from

AT R E ed

So strict for a vacation community

s at re

s

Th

Tension between residents and borough

*diagram illustrates the tension above

fro

Overall, this example of a cyclical relationship between Medford Lakes and its residents does not represent every resident in the community. While some residents continually fight against the strict codes placed on the community, others feel protected from them and found them as good reasons for living in Medford Lakes in the first place. Although it seems that this may add another layer to the wheel above of resident’s ideals against other residents, the larger issue of the boroughs unity is understood.

The Colony Club

Lake-side Cabin Owners

Slow

25mph Speed Zones

ed nt

Activities

Family Or ie

We have to pay a membership to keep our dock?

stic Scener y

Ru

Medford Lakes #155

We want a Veneer Cabin because it is cheaper than the real ones.


Resident Threats– Any action that resists or oppresses the initiatives for a contained vacation community set forth by the Medford Lakes Colony Club. 1930-39 – Induction of Medford Lakes 1) Residents begin fishing the lakes 2) Areas around lakes complained about for lack of shading, especially recreation areas 3) Residents property and streets are dirty and require cleaning 4) Lake area used for hunting and other fire-arm sports 5) Resident owned cats kill large amounts numbers of bird population 6) A large number of residence fond of fishing 7) Residence desire a club for tennis playing 8) Residents desire a better officer patrol 9) Public non residents use lakes found on beaches for personal use

Various Issues in

In a defining case receiving much notoriety among residents, a lakeside property with a dock, residents fought to keep their dock and not pay annual fees. They believed it was part of their private land. The Colony Club ruled against them, removing the dock from their property without their consent.

1940 – 49 10) Residents make alterations to original log cabins, color changes not consistent 11) Abundance of pedestrians on beach 1

#156 Medford Lakes

1950-59 12) First Cabin Veneers are constructed along off lakeside lots (3) 13) No action 14) Non residents use country club and tennis courts 15) Residents found disposing of trash and weeds into lake from lawn care 16) Medford residents design custom mailboxes attached to trees on front property

All house pets required to wear bell collar to protect endangered birdlife.

1960 – 69 18) Teenagers found to be out past 12:00AM 19 ) Graffiti walls of Oak Hall 20) Residents attach mailboxes to trees on property 1970-79 21) Increasing traffic makes it dangerous for children arriving and leaving school 22) Litter is recognized within lakes and fines increased

Log cabin homes required to remain if they are historic.

Conclusion

Tension Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evoluti

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

What’s it called?

Community Idea

ACTIONS AND REACTIONS


restrictions, codes, or committees created by the Colony Club.

Littering in the lakes and parks results in raising fines drastically and creation of cleanup days by the community.

1930-39 – Colony Club Formed 1) Colony Club removes fishing from lakes 2) Shade Tree Committee formed, historic tree preservation begins 3) Voluntary Clean-up Weed instituted in the month of May 4) Hunting banned within Lakes area 5) All resident owned cats are required to wear bells on collars to protect birdlife 6) Rod and Reel Club organized only allowing fishing in few lakes 7) Tennis club membership becomes required- fee is $10 annually 8) Special officer system inaugurated for safety 9) Present bathing tag system starts – all tag holders must be residents of Medford Lakes

Medford Lakes #122 Medford Lakes #157

Club Reactions – Anything Borough History Colony defining vacation ideals with

1950-59 12) No action taken 13)Tennis courts opened, fees continue 14) Tennis club formed (Membership required) 15) Committee formed to stud weed disposal and residents fined for actions 16) Medford Lakes reprimanded for ill placed mailboxes 1960-69 18) Teenage curfew started at 11:00 19 ) Threatens to remove phone booth at Oaks hall due to graffiti on walls 20) Mail boxes placed in front of all homes required with numbering

All mailboxes must not be attatched to trees so as not to damage any historic foliage.

1970-79 21) Begins the promotion of bike riding by public administration to and from schools 22) Litter is recognized within lakes and fines increased

Threats

1940-49 10) Building code adopted – consistent color, and chinking style to match existing cabin 11) Regular tag search becomes part of ritual workday for lifguards


Vacation Ideals

Family Oriented

Type

Recreation Facilities

Recreation Facilities

Slow Paced

Bike Trails

#158 Medford Lakes

25mph zones

Rustic Aesthtec

Log Cabin Homes

Indigenous Plantlife

Tension

TENSION WITH CODES

Restoration of Ideals

Vacation Ideals

Threat

Resident’s Threat

Reaction

1960 Colony Club is asked by residents to allow a reunion ceremony held on Beach 1 for previous Medford Lakes residents and friends.

1960 Colony Club denies the approval of the ceremony, saying that regardless of their past residences in Medford Lakes, they currently do not live there.

1972 Owners of a cabin with a dock sitting on Beach 1 lakeside (owned 5 years) challange Colony Club’s payment to use recreational facilities because they never used it or built it.

1974 Colony Club reacts draconianly to request, and fine home owners 5 years times the price of the membership. Refusal to pay membership leads to the dock being removed from property without the owners consent.

1970’s = 80s -New Schools are built, producing mass amounts of morning traffic for drop-offs and unsafe streets.

1970’s = 80s Schools require bicycling to school. Drop off zones are eliminated, removal of busses for transportation and few parking spots.

2002-2003 High speed from drivers makes it dangerous to biicycle along streets

2002-2003 Speed zones are lowered to 25mph for all roads with the exception of stokes road which is 35. A 500,000 Dollar budget is made for the addition of bicycle trails, and fines are doubled for speeding in bicyclist couresy routes (school zones)

1950’s-70s Log cabin Veneers replaced origioil log cabins because of leaking and old age.

1980’s Large quantities of historic dodoranda pine (indeigenous pine) removed from local sites for unortharized reasons.

2000 - present Log cabin preservation codes passed to keep from losing number of authentic cabins in community. Codes placed against replacing authentic cabins with veneers 1985 Code to protect reservations (any land in Medford Lakes Borough) of tree removal. Permits needed for the excavation of trees, shrubs, or any other plant species larger than 4 ft in height.

Colony Club Reaction (CODE) Effect

x

Present Residents feel more anger towards the Colony Club for not allowing freedom of choice. Feel unsupportive of all Codes and Regulations

Present An abundance of bicyclers travling on roads free up traffic and improve assist the ideals of a leisure paced lifestyle.

Present Traffic caused in some areas of higher density. Dictated biking zones cause clutter in certain areas, but assist the safety of biking.

Present

x

-Decreasing population due to strict codes 900 less than 99’ -Authetic Cabin prices too high

Present Historic trees add to the originil desired ideals of a vacation community


ny lo Co

[what, when and where]

Ca bi n

ho m

es

Hi

0-09

st or

200

es Pe d ty

0-3

fe w

La w s

Au to m

ov i

e/

0-59

0-49

d

Pr op

Cu r

er

9

Co n

du

ct

an

193

tri

re at io

0-69

195

194

an

n

0-79

fa ci

La ke

s

lit i

es

0-89

197

196

Re c

D

ic

Fo l

ia

ge

W ild

lif e

Pr ot ec

s de Co s/ se on sp Re

tio

n

ub Cl

e

fR

o ate

s ns1 e 1990-99 o p 9 8 s

Medford Lakes #159

Tension

Lakes

2 1 2

4

9

6

9

3

7

3 3

8

er ng da En ts

s in rC ab

s ie tri es Pe d

Re

fe t

y

ty

Au to m

Sa d

*numbers are individual threats from the previous page

Finding Hot spots Diagramming the residents threats and reactions proved to show there are several hot spot zones or areas that have consequently seen the most tension between the Club and the Residents. This is dominantly due to the types of areas they are, being recreation zones, historic zones, and places where residents are likely to try and break the rules.

Tension

Co n

du

ct

8

Vi ol at io ns

ov i

e/

7 6

an

cr ea tio n

fa ci lit

Vi ol at io ns

ee Ve n

2

Pr op er

9

Th re a

La ke

0-79

s

0-89

197

at

0-3

0-09

198

0-59

0-49

193

0-69

200

re

194

195

196

Th

D

es 1 ons 990-99

esp

fR

o ate

2

nt

4

Historic Areas

de

1

in

g

si

W ild

3

Re

3

lif e

Fo l

ia

3

an

9

ge

Beach 1


Rustic Aesthtec Medford Lakes Vacation Community C Co o

LoSlow gC Paced ab in

Family Oriented

s

The vacation lifestyle that is desired from Medford Lakes comes with a price. The Colony Club has established that to maintain the essential ideas for the community, codes, regulations, and fees are put on residents. Although people do want the amenities of the community the strict rules make it less desirable,.

#160 Medford Lakes

Private Zones Dismiss Outsiders The lakes, beaches, recreation areas, and parks are all spaces forcommunity activity. They have never been open to the public unles daily fees are paid. This makes them undesirable to outsiders, who feel they are not wanted inside the boudnaries of the lakes.

Tension

Conclusion

Not Wanting to Change

Threats

The Colony Club

Recreation

Bike Trails

Cabin De-evolution

Log Cabins

Rustic Scenery

What’s it called?

Community Ideas

CONCLUSION


Medford Lakes #161

Open Areas Events There are some annual events taht allow for the infiltratio nof the public into Medford Lakes, but they are minimal. Compared to the astounding number of inner-borough events, there are only 3, which mostly go unnoticed to the public due to poor advertising. A possible opening to more events could produce a greater understanding of the community.

Bike Trails Bike routes currently in Medford Lakes are rarely explored by outsiders due the way the borough is situated, bounded dangerous high speed main roads that would be great corridors of travel if they were safe enough. Inside the lakes, these routes connect mostly all of the major facilties, allowing bikers to ride to and from different areas of the borough safely.

Summer camps in Medford Lakes such as Camp Jam in the Pines allows the public to come to the camp, which is often the only means of interaction among children living inside the borough and outside. Although not as many children are from other areas than Medford Lakes, the fact that any are allowed is a major improvement communication with other communities. Unfortunately, the public camp go-ers are still not allowed acces to the lakes outside of camp hours. Bibliography "Medford Lakes Demographics." CLR Search. <http://clrsearch.com>. Medford Lakes. â&#x20AC;&#x153;A History of Medford Lakesâ&#x20AC;?. 1hr 20 min. 1972.

Conclusion

Summer Camps

Todd, Leon E. "The Borough of Medford Lakes." Year by Year a Community Grows (1975): 45-57.

"Map of Medford Lakes in the Pines." Map. Medford lakes, NJ: Leon E. Todd, 1928. "Zone Map of the Borough of Medford Lakes." Map. Jan 7, 1965. Medford lakes, NJ: Alber C. Jones, 1965. 1-1. Koenitzer, Gary. "Medford Lakes History." Personal interview. 10 Sept. 2008. Medford Lakes Borough Website <www.medfordlakes.com>


single

income

0-10k

10-30k

30-60k

60-100k

married

household marital status

2,18

+100k

divorced

religion

other hinduism jewish islamic christian gender

male

caucasian race

female

black

hispanic

asian

mix

age

0-18

18-24

25-44

45-64

65+

population

1,800

Opening up

Community

Typologies

Infrastructure

History

Isolation

size (miles )

0,785


Hudson County // New Jersey Port Liberté is known as a gated community built in European style with classy atmoshpere and magnificent views of Manhattan. Port Liberte is also known as the very first overly-ambitious project of the 80's to transform the Hudson riverfront area of Jersey City that drove many investors to bankruptcy during its struggles to survive. Port Liberte is an enclave where island urbanism explored its dreams and nightmares resulting in fragments, displacements, distortions and interferences.

Island Urbanism #163

Island Urbanism

Using this development as a base ground and referencing other examples of island-like developments in the region, some ideas will be explored that reveal the special bonds between landscape, waterfronts and the way communities evolve.

How to get there

Exit Highway 78 at Black Tom Road. Take Caven Point Road and turn at Chapel Avenue.

Take the ferry from Manhattan Pier 11 at Wall Street that goes directly to Port Liberté.

There is a bicycle route along Caven Point Road from Jersey City to Bayonne, passing Liberty State National Park. Take the route and turn on to Chapel Avenue.

Take the Hudson-Bergen Light Rail to Danforth Ave from Hoboken or Newport / Pavonia. Then walk on Garfield Ave / Chapel Ave.

Introduction

Take the PATH transit from New York (33rd St or World Trade Center) or Newark Penn Station to Grove St station. Take the bus 981 or the community shuttle bus (pretend you’re local).


Opening up

Community

Typologies

Infrastructure

History

Isolation

François Spoerry - Port Grimaud (1963-1974) A direct archetype of Port Liberté was Spoerry’s hugely successful project in Port Grimaud, France. He developed a “floating village”, combining seaside resort services and luxurious living environment with vernacular-themed picturesque typologies. Spoerry also acted as developer, buying up coastal marshlands that provided the site for the scheme he developed, taking into account natural water circulation, motorized access and different perspectives of the internal and connecting landscape.

#164 Island Urbanism

The community consists of about 3500 houses with 2350 boats. Port Grimaud is 100% privately owned, with an elected council acting as management. The success of the development resulted in similar themed settlements, designed by Spoerry and his partners around the world.

Housing typologies: Fisherman’s House Bungalow Maison Large

Circulations: Pedestrian walkways Waterways

Dig.


Build.

Harmon Cove, Secaucus

Drop.

Isolation

The Island Hilltop Neighborhood Jersey City

Island Urbanism #165

How to become an island?


1872

1965

Opening up

Community

Typologies

Infrastructure

History

Isolation

#166 Island Urbanism

Planned layout 2280 units 245 boat marina 590 canal boats

First phase 1 island 37 houses 363 apartments

1971

1984

1989


Island Urbanism #167

After six years of successful expansion the housing market crisis caused the project to stop again, though Allied Co still remains the owner of the land with ambitions to double the amount of units in the coming four years.

The construction took off as the first redevelopment project on the Hudson riverfront, drawing much attention. The underestimated budget and the 1987 Wall Street crisis drove most investors bankrupt, halting the project after the first phase. After many changes Allied Co stepped in and reworked the concept, gradually eliminating the original canal system and changing the housing typologies.

New phases (Allied Co) 2004 - 96 apartments, 24 houses 2006 - 155 apts (1 tower)

1994

1998

2004

By 2008 reaching more than 800 units Final phase: up to 1815 medium and highrise apartments

2008

History History

9

Port LibertĂŠ was to be developed at a former military railroad terminal built on a landfill by Caven Point peninsula. After a Congress decision to swap US Army propery and declare the landfill nonnavigable, canals were to be carved in five phases.


Opening up

Community

Typologies

Infrastructure

History

Isolation

The original concept of Port LibertĂŠ consisted of a lifestyle community with European themed architecture. The settlement aimed to attract New Yorkers, offering a combination of suburban style comfort, urban luxury, natural environment and waterside living. In fact, it was partly the infrastructure that proved to be unbuildable, though almost all developers attempted to continue with the idea of islands and water. However,some elements of the original infrastructure lived on in new forms and roles. Since bankruptcy forced a change in the program, building heights and density levels were increased. The artificial island built during the first phase is the only one of its kind in the Tristate area, essentially a museum of itself, a monument to the picturesque dream. see openings

golf fairways

parking

green canals

paid-for private canals

wildlife canals

boat canals

#168 Island Urbanism

The disintegrating theme of Port LibertĂŠ also passed on in architectural patterns to the more recent phases: towers were introduced at cornerpoints of townhouse blocks, family houses were cross bred with urban typologies and public infrastructure, such as parking and the streets replacing the water took on communal functions.


Phase One: European to American Open kitchens Bedrooms as parental retreats

Housing typologies: Fishermenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s houses

Phase Two: American to New Jerseyan More parking spaces Family houses instead of detached

Suburban Rowhouse

Phase Three: New Jerseyan to Market-friendly Too diverse floorplans flattened out Mixed income housing upscaled to luxury condos

Railroad apartments

Urban Rowhouse Free standing urban block

Patterns: The tower motif Mixed street uses

see communities

Infrastructure Infrastructure

Island Urbanism #169 Typology changes in the design phases were introduced partly for financial reasons, but also because the mix of the inhabitants turned out to be not as expected. In the beginning only 6% were from New York City and 9% international, the majority coming from New Jersey. In accordance, changes were introduced in the different phases:


/mostly owner occupied, middle aged or retired professionals and couples without children. Phase Two: /young families with children, international background, typically working in NYC see typologies

Phase Three /more singles and younger generation, many rented apartments owned by first phase inhabitants /unfinished, stuck

#170 Island Urbanism

see openings

Day care center children programs: tennis, piano, languages, outside classes

Family programs: holidays, parents night out, boat trips

Opening up

Community

Typologies

Infrastructure

History

Isolation

Phase One:


Known as the project of all possible trials and errors, the recently founded Neighborhood Association set another precedent by winning a case against subcontractors for construction issues.

Ferry service to Manhattan with free parking

Housing phases: Phase One houses Phase One midrise Phase Two family homes Phase Three midrise Public facilities

Circulations: Mixed use streets Commuter traffic

Community Communities

Free Community Shuttle service to Grove Street PATH

Island Urbanism #171

Although the “European” segment of Port Liberté is a torso, it remains the principal image of the place, advertising a lifestyle that is actually realized in the second phase family housing community where the economic downturns and unexpected changes facilitated the evolution of a strongly connected and self-supporting neighborhood.


Opening up

Community

Typologies

Infrastructure

History

Isolation

The Players A closer look reveals that although Port Liberté seems to be a lonely spot, there are a number of actors located in the area who all have their interests. The future of the community lies in their ability to negotiate between these powers and in implementing their ideas about the use of the limited amount of space.

#172 Island Urbanism

Caven Point Athletic Complex is a sports facility for Jersey City public schools. Although it is close to the waterfront, it has no access to it nor any possibilities for mooring boats for watersports. Developing connections with Port Liberté could open possibilities on both sides. Military properties were sold at Caven Point but there is a remaining base of the US Army Corps of Engineers with a storage complex and a Marine Terminal right at the waterfront of the first phase islands. Both are strictly closed from the public, creating a blind spot within the already dense space.

Liberty State Golf Club is one of the most exclusive clubs in the nation. Membership is based on invitation and fees are exorbitant. Although Port Liberté residents are relatively affluent, playing golf on these fields is just as impossible for them as the daily use of the yacht club.


The developer of Liberty State Golf Club is also building three luxury condo towers at the further end of the fields, while keeping some apartments in Port Liberté as temporary rental homes for invited guest players. The landscaping of the fields involved the recultivation of a large piece of natural marshland on the Hudson riverfront which is also a publicly accessible area, that is, if one can find the trails that lead there. Presently it functions almost as a private nature reserve of the Liberté community.

Surroundings of PL: Liberty State Golf Club Recultivation area Nature trail Incomplete third phase of Port Liberté

Island Urbanism #173

The prospect of further development phases resulting in more than twice the amount of the present units is definetely not welcome by residents. As the unwanted shifts in the original project allowed for a transformation of a would-be retirement community to a family-oriented neighborhood, the midrise condos of the third phase point in a new direction. The project is currently stalled due to the crisis of the housing market and though there is not much chance of escaping further building activity, some residents hope things might change again.

Openings Openings 1

Let’s hope it doesn’t get better


Opening up

Community

Typologies

Infrastructure

History

Isolation

Parking and meetups US Army + Restaurant + Public promenade + Pier

Many residents of Bayonne and Jersey City use the ferry service from Port LibertĂŠ to Manhattan on a daily basis. Parking is provided for free which makes it very attractive, and the two parking lots have created a public zone along the walkway to the pier and the ferry port. Since parking zones inside the neighborhood also function as public spaces and playgrounds for children, further mutations of this overlooked space can be imagined, especially in connection with the communal approach to public transport and traffic.

#174 Island Urbanism

The free shuttle bus service to the Grove Street PATH station was established as a initiative of the Neighborhood Association and the cooperation between the private company and the community has been very successful.

Golf course + nature trail + hidden public walkway


Parking lot + meeting space + to-be public space

Parking lots are used within the community as temporary public spaces (playgrounds in working hours) but also as organizing units of streets and squares. Inner enclosures are created by fenced and designated parking places between houses; street parking is extended by parking enclaves.

(Non)Public spaces: Liberty State Golf Club Recultivation area Nature trail Zones of interest or conflict Commuter routes Public pedestrian way to Liberty State Park

Openings 2

Ferry + Gated car entrance + hidden pedestrian entrance

Island Urbanism #175

Parking lots in Port LibertĂŠ also function as sites of memory: after the World Trade Center attacks many commuters never returned to drive home and the cars of the perished stayed in there for weeks, creating a very personal, moving and displaced space of rememberance.


port libertĂŠ

harmon cove

the island

strategy

carve out

copy+paste

fence off

blueprint

europe

vermont

the metaphor

infrastructure

root of crisis mixed use

perimeter

the space to live in the context (scale)

landscape

sea golf park

meadowlands

infrastructure

typologies

transformation inheritance museum contractors precedent

townhouse, aging tower

emergent

public space replaced with green

independence

community

families, kids international

immigration first generation moving

elderly

accessibility

ferry shuttle bus

shuttle bus

walk

openness

gated with partial access

semi-gated

not gated, but isolated and controlled

public facilities

yacht club restaurant shops pool tennis court playground fishing golf fields rental homes for golfers

only for residents

none

#176 Island Urbanism

issue

sports fields playground


The price to pay for the freedom from urban context is the need for selfreliance. Island communities can only sustain if fhey manage to find a balance between lifestyle ideals and compromises. Port LibertĂŠ is the example of how experiments and failures that seem to undermine any possibility of a strategy can still create enviroments where communities thrive.

Utopia is a landscape

Island Urbanism #177

Communities and self-reliance

Bibliography Broadbent, Geoffrey: Emerging Concepts in Urban Space Design, London; New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold (Intl), 1990, p. 230-234 Doherty Lovero, Joan: Hudson County: The Left Bank, American Historical Press, 1999

Acknowledgements Big thanks to Ning Gao-Condon, Atelier CBG and the New Jersey Room at Jersey City Library.

Conclusion

Sullivan, Robert: The Meadowlands - wilderness adventures at the edge of a city, New York: Scribner, 1998


24,2% Living alone

38,1% Married couple

35,0%Married

26,7%

Family no husband present

9,0%

69,3%

Planning

(townhouses) $600,000 /1,200,000

Medium 160 (houses)

$400,000 /600,000

(towers)

Owner-occupied housing units 30,7%

Renter-occupied housing units

Average housing size

2,7

Low 61

High 670

Householder over 65

Average familly size

#178 Island Urbanism

couple with kids

Sort of association

51,2% 48,8%

$1,2 M /up

Density // Quantity // Average Price

9,8%

1.23

Ocuppeid

over 65

planned

Housing

65,5%

Gender

19-64

Preplanned

Property

24,7%

Population by age

Demography

0-18

Occupeid percentage

99,5% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

0,5%


second phase houses and has a neighborhood has many children in young families with international backgrounds and downtown ce”. The second phase introduced a shift from mid-aged couples to

the planet every month doing work. When they bought he changed the whole interior himself. “I’m a hands-on guy” and

Average commuting time: 34 minutes

2,2%

8,6%

9,3%

1,3%

Statistics

Commuting to work

He works part-time in the bar but used to be “in corporate business”. His wife is still in

78,6%

Country of origin

ride on the community shuttle to the PATH station. It’s new but they know people by the face.

Ethnicity // Origins

the isolation a safe haven to provide children all the advantages of surrounding nature and community environment.

The Barternder Guy helps me get a

apartments are aging badly. It’s the best time now though to buy in - he insists that I come back and take a look. “With the crisis it’s as cheap as it ever gets” he says and heads on to the train.

Island Urbanism #179

Below poverty level

Work // Life

7,30%

The Facebook Group Administrator lives in the


single

married

household marital status

2.74

divorced

income

religion

other 60-100k hinduism 30-60k jewish 10-30k islamic 0-10k christian +100k

gender

male

caucasian race

female

black

hispanic

asian

mix 65+

age

pop.

2,700

The return

In House

Internal System

The Big House

Expansion

Site and Access

Jail in Industry

Repackaging

Ward Scale

City Scale

From Where

Site in System

Partners in Crime

size (miles²)

.01


Essex County // New Jersey

ECCF #181

Essex County Correctional Facility

The Essex County Correctional facility, traditionally called a jail, is a multifaceted complex in Newark, New Jersey. The facility is the main housing, processing and detention center for all individuals from Essex county during a pivotal and initial stage in the Criminal Justice System. For individuals who are not yet sentenced and not yet free and the communities at large that are connected to them, the ECCF will serve as an intermediary for all. The facility, built in 2004, is considered state of the art and represents the culmination several historical factors. The resulting structure is an unique form in the history of Newark and in the city’s long participation in county incarcerations. This new archetype can be phsyically defined by its large footprint, technological dependence and a location outside of the city’s center. Internally, the new stradegies of detainment are being implemted on all scales. The success of the ECCF, will be ultimatley judged like its predecessors, as it attempts to further balance the need to provide providing appropriate levels of cohesiveness, proximity and safety for its members and the community. There have many gains, but real world compromises have not erased issues of isolation for the community and its users.

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Newark Broad St Station (Gladstone Branch/Montclair-Boonton Line) By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Bus 40 to Kearny//Jersey City Stop at “Port Newark, Port St. at Doremus Ave. From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Bus 40 to Kearny//Jersey City Stop at ”Port Newark, Port St. at Doremus Ave.

By car:

From New York City: Holland Tunnel > New Jersey Turnpike South > Exit 15E > Right on Doremus Avenue From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.”

ECCF ECCF

Newark Penn Station ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station) From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station ( Northeast Corridor Line) + ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station)


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Partners In Crime An Introduction to the Criminal Justice System To understand the purpose, function and effect of the Essex County Correctional Facility it is paramount to understand the facility's location in the complex systems in which it operates. Any individual who interacts with facility will inevitably be responding to forces and agencies unseen. The question of what was the impetus for such a site and the clarrification to the bewilderment one may feel upon visiting such a conspicuous building in such inconspicuous surroundings . The ECCF is a component of the American Criminal Justice System. The system is both definable by procedure and part. The distinction in realm of law is found in the parties involved. While civil laws regulates grievances between citizens, the criminal justice system addresses grievances between individuals and the state. Criminal acts then are deemed dangerous to society and communities and are punishable in distinct ways via jails, prisons and corrections. The application of a systematic approach to criminal justice is implicit and as often the case in the American legal system, directly related to specific legislation. With the implementation of the 1967 President Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice report and subsequent Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Street Act of 1968, government attempted a comprehensive approach to crime. In a telling quote about the connection between crime and community the act was specifically justified as â&#x20AC;&#x153;necessary to protect individuals and the community.â&#x20AC;? In New Jersey, as with many other state models, the criminal justice system can be aptly described as a loose confederation of agencies, located in different branches of the government, participating in the criminal justice system. Although not iron clad, there is an model for processing an adult offender. Loosely, the iternerary is: arrest by the police

#182 ECCF

prosecution provision of defense counsel sentencing in open court placement on probation or confinement in a correctional facility parole release and supervision


Nonpolice referrals

Juvenile offenders

Police juvenile unit

Waived to criminal

Intake court hearing

Adjudication

Arraignment

Released

Disposition

Sentencing

Revocation Residential placement

Probation or other nonresidential disposition

Probation

Revocation

Intermediate sanctions

Aftercare

Revocation

Parole

ECCF #183

Out of system

Out of system

Out of system

Out of system (registration, notification)

Habeas Pardon and Capital corpus clemency punishment

Revocation

Jail

Prison

Revocation

Probation

Corrections

Source: Adapted from The challenge of crime in a free society. President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, 1967. This revision, a result of the Symposium on the 30th Anniversary of the President's Commission, was prepared by the Bureau of Justice Statistics in 1997.

Out of system

Guilty plea

Convicted

Acquitted

Trial

Appeal

Sentencing and sanctions

Convicted Sentencing

Acquitted

Guilty plea

Trial

Reduction of charge Charge dismissed

Arraignment

Charge dismissed

Adjudication

Partners in Crime

Informal processing diversion

Formal juvenile or youthful offender court processing

Information

Information

Diversion by law enforcement, prosecutor, or court

Unsuccessful diversion

Misdemeanors

Refusal to indict Grand jury

Felonies

Bail or Initial Preliminary detention appearance hearing hearing

Released or Released or diverted diverted

Prosecution as a juvenile

Arrest

Charges filed

Released Released Charges Charges dropped without without dropped prosecution prosecution or dismissed or dismissed

Prosecution and pretrial services

Note: This chart gives a simplified view of caseflow through the criminal justice system. Procedures vary among jurisdictions. The weights of the lines are not intended to show actual size of caseloads.

Crime

Reported and observed crime Investigation

Unsolved or not arrested

Entry into the system

What is the sequence of events in the criminal justice system?

A Criminal Justice System Chart by U.S. Dept. of Justice, illustrating the macro criminal justice system model. It also illustrates the complexity of the system.


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The County Level The chart of the Criminal Justice System provided on the previous page does not specifically locate the ECCF nor clearly describe its particular role. A more precise identification can be taken from the bureaucratic prefixes in the facility's name. The Essex County Correctional Facility functions primarily on the county level. Any individual arrested in Essex County will eventually be processed through the system at the site. Counties, in the stratification of American government, serve as and on intermediately levels between the local municipal, often a town or city size, and the larger state boundary that operates within the nation‘s larger federal system. States, counties and municipalities perform the majority of the functional responsibilities of America’s criminal system both independently and simultaneously of each other as secondary level support. Currently, the county’s role is an important and visible one, but ultimately, is one of the many actor groups involved. Federal involvement in terms of the ECCF and in the criminal system in general is a specialized role. The presence of federal detainees at the facility is a testament to the facility's flexibility.

#184 ECCF

In New Jersey, counties are heavily involved in the “corrections” stage of the Criminal Justice System. In a 1992 state published guide to the criminal and


ECCF #185 justice system the corrections function is designated to: “Persons sentenced by the courts to a term of incarceration [and] are confined in either state or county correctional facilities. In addition persons awaiting trail, sentencing or transfer to a state correctional facility are held in county jails.” This is true of the ECCF. It also true of the facilities's function is that it is used for “inmates serving terms of less than one year.”

Site in System

The diagram below is an ECCF-centric illustration of the criminal system. As indicated by striped box, the ECCF straddles the criminal justice system through various benchmarks. As in the larger previous diagram there are several sceneries that would effect the duration of a person’s stay at the ECCF. Through the process the multi-agency government participation is visible. For example, one may be initially detained (captured, arrested, etc.) on a municipal level, held and tried on a county level and imprisoned by the state.


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From Where? Prisoner Origin In the ECCF, the majority of prisoners originate from Essex County. Over 126 square miles, Essex County encapsulate 22 municipalities which in turn contains countless communities of varying scale and heterogeneity. Generally there is a East West spectrum of key community characteristics. The eastern portion of the county, near to the New York metropolitan area and defined by a its industrial zones and waterfront access, is offset by its mostly white and suburban western adjacencies. Municipality usage is also not equally dispersed among the contributing members. This is typified by the city of Newark, the seat of the county. Located on the countyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s eastern most boundary, Newark relationship with the ECCF in comparison with the other counties is more cohesive in several categorizes. In the addition to hosting the ECCF, there are additional proximity correlations between the city and the facility that do not exist in such a high levels elsewhere. General socioeconomic characteristics of these concentrations are also included but are not provided as an absolute predetermination of jail interaction. 1.1 Prisoner Origin by Essex County Municipality

Key:

#186 ECCF

Passiac River County// City Border ECCF Site

21 Essex Counties & Cities All other Municipalities

City of Newark 0

2mi


ECCF

ECCF #187

Levels of Poverty

1.3 Concentration Characteristics ECCF Site Prison Admissions Concentrations

Prison Expenditure// Million Dollar Blocks

Percentage Black

lowest

highest

From where?

Household Income


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City Origin The city of Newark is New Jersey largest. This urban center consists of five wards: South, Central, West, North, East. Beyond each wardâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s geographic distinction, there are other important delineations. The ECCF physical site is located in the East Ward as indicated on the map below. However, of the five wards, the communities of the central and southern wards community have the most interaction with the facility and the Criminal Justice System. In fact, 55.3% of the jailâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population, from Newark, originates from these two areas. 2.1 Essex County Prison Population Origin by City Ward

North

West Central South

East

Key:

#188 ECCF

Passiac River County// City Border ECCF Site

Central & South Ward West, North & East Ward 0

1mi


Probationers

ECCF #189

ECCF Site

Prison Admissions per 1,000 Residents

highest

lowest

City Scale

Prison Expenditure


South Ward Resident Population: 55,202 Area: 5.4 sq.mi. -Adjacent to vital city and regional Infrastructure, including: Newark International Airport and highways including I-78, I-95, the New Jersey Turnpike, local routes1-9 and 1-22 -Scattered vacant lots, mostly on the eastern sector -City land ownership, 2/3rds by cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Public Housing Authority -Some industrial development -Contains areas of historically black neighborhoods that were vacated after Newark Riots of 1967. -In earlier years residents were predominately of Jewish decent. -Neighborhoods now consist of many black and Hispanic communities 3.1 South Ward Building Figure Ground with Infrastructure

Key: Ward Area Rail Line

#190 ECCF

Rt. 1 Rt. 78 Rt. 27

ewr

0

1/2mi

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Ward Descriptions


ECCF #191

Central Ward Resident Population: 54,337 Area: 3.2 sq.mi. -Major city and regional vechicular infrastructure located in Northern -Historically was the central business district. -Recent development has been in the form of educational complexes -Location of earlier high rise public housing, much of which is being removed -Contains areas of historically black neighborhoods that were vacated after Newark Riots of 1967. -Neighborhoods now consist of predominately African-American residents

Key: Ward Area Rt. 280

0

Ward Scale

3.2 Central Ward Figure Ground with Infrastructure

1/2mi


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Consolidation and Isolation Consolidation The goals and processes of the justice and penal system have very physical manifestations. On many scales and effecting many communities, these manifestations simultaneously remove, redistribute, concentrate and isolate individuals. This can be seen through a jailâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s site to its individual cells and their involuntary residents. While this assists in the goals of those who detain, they are can become obstacles for the detainees. This is one of the challenges of modern corrections. 4.1 Geographic Relocation and Concentration ECCF Site

#192 ECCF

Essex County

City of Newark


ECCF #193 Jail Site Isolation The ECCF’s address is 354 Doremus Avenue. What is distinct and in a way isolating about that location is its presence in the industrial sector of the East Ward. The reasoning behind the location is complex. There is no doubt that after the decline in the region’s industrial economic power, which the region and the East Ward was historically known for, there was a high percentage of large industrial lots available for development. The decline of manufacturing and warehousing in Newark in just forty years is evident by the a workforce reduction of nearly 80,000 people between 1950 and 1996. These lots presented an advantage in initial cost because of their surplus situation and few interested buyers. The jail’s placement within this sector, as viewed by the county administrators at the time, was a benefit. In a memo about possible jail sites, by that office, it was noted that the current site was at the top of the list because it was, “located within an industrial zone and is separated from residential neighborhood by two major highways, a railroad and is more than a half mile in distance.” Industrial sites surrounding jail could then provide a safety buffer between those in Criminal Justice System and the city’s free communities. Additionally, sites away from the public view may represent a bias towards reducing the visibility of what may be considered unattractive infrastructure. Perhaps as important as these factors is the ability for industrial parcels to suit the expanding local and national correctional footprint.

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4.2 Doremus Avenue Looking North


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Jail in Industry A site in the East Ward Geographically, the East Ward is largest in of the five wards in Newark and contains: periphal airport infrastrusture, the Central Business District, a port, a state prison, the ECCF and several neighborhoods in the north (the Ironbound) and southwest (Dayton//Weequahic Park) boundaries. Within the Ward the major dividing force between community centers and main the concentration of industry are the major highways that transverse through the ward connecting metropolitan the communities to New York City. The transit infrastructure has had a profound effect on isolating the residential areas of the ward from each other and industrial areas. In that analysis, the communities of even the same ward cannot be consider cohesive. Industrial areas east of the highways and west of the Passaic River are a better homogenous model for the jails location. The historical development of this waterfront as an industrial and commercial area resonances with community development across the world and throughout time. 5.1 South Ward Building Figure Ground with Infrastructure

Key: industry sector major highway Doremus Avenue secondary road mixed use area

#194 ECCF

community center international airport ECCF site

0

1mi


ECCF #195 ECCF Site

Jail in IIndustry d

5.2 Newark Port area today looking East

5.3 Newarkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s East Ward - 1931 Sanborn Map

5.4 Newark Smelting & Refining Works along the Passiac River 1870


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Expansion Selected Newark Jails The Newark jails presented on the right represent over a span of 170 years of city and county jail history. While not an exhaustive list of the city’s structures, especially some of many temporary colonial structures erected without extensive documentation, the three do exemplify the major archetypes used. Two major themes of these archetypes are graphed here. Using the map of Newark , the singularity of the ECCF in the East Ward’s industrial landscape becomes apparent. In contrast, jails one and two, in the Central Ward, maintained a much higher proximity to traditional residential areas and other justice facilities. Jail 2 is the highest form of justice proximity as one of three structures including a courthouse located on a single city block.

#196 ECCF

The second trend displayed is relationship between jail size and time. The footprints of the jails and their sites have not remained parallel to their block sized to origins. Rather, there has been an exponential increase in both size determinates. Today, The ECCF occupies more fourteen times the land than the 1837 model.

ECCF

2004number of stories:1-4 lot coverage: 32% lot area: 1,000,000 sq.ft.

1 2

Essex County Jail

1970-2004 number of stories:11 lot coverage: 22% lot area: 200,000 sq.ft.

Essex County Jail

1837-1970 number of stories: 1-4 lot coverage: 33% lot area: 68,000 sq.ft. *supplemented by non-city site in 1900’s


3

1

Expansion

100ft

ECCF #197

3

2


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Site and Access The Site Doremus Avenue is a major artery for the sectorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial transit and is directly accessible from both secondary roads and the New Jersey Turnpike exit 15E . Although there is freight rail lines located in the area, the ridership of the main commuter provider, Amatrak, does not provide service outside of the Central Business District. Bus service to the jailâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s location is available through the extensively used city and regional bus system. 6.1 ECCF site

#198 ECCF

Doremus Ave.


ECCF #199 The Access To visit the Essex County Correctional Facility on the itinerary of New Jersey Communities, you as a member of the general public will receive limited access to this community center. However, the general sight seeing public is an unlikely actor group to visit the and that level of access is only one of the four circumstances in which individuals will experience the ECCF. Membership in each group is not static. The detainee itinerary of the actor groups defines both the facility and its programs more than any other. Although progressive philosophies of detention are begin to incorporate more groups and itineraries However, the detainee is still the primary focus.

Site and Access

6.2 ECCF actor itinerary graph

Detainee Visitor Detainees Prison General Public -Lobby & Visitation -Designated Employees -Lobby Access Only Rm. prison interior -All areas -

short

low

length of stay

long

level of facility access -

high


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The Facility A plan Penal architecture is often diagrammatic of its purpose and the ECCF is no exception. The facility's is designed on basis of process and user. Interior spaces has distinct boundaries and access points which act as security perimeters as much as the traditional jail wall and gate. These actor boundaries are illustrated on the following page At the ECCF, inmates are not meant to leave the inside of facility during their detainment. The concept of ECCF is a completely secure campus. The facility is organized around centralized housing units that are classified as discrete blocks or “pods”. Units are then connected by circulation systems that are in turn connected to service and program areas. The ECCF is somewhat of a hybrid form as some services are also provide in housing units themselves or immediately adjacent to it. Never the less, the facility does retain an extensive horizontal circulation system. Corridors in a low rise system are often stacked as in the ECCF. While detainees may be present on one level staff may use another exclusively for secure passage. The jail, in additional to primary need to detain inmates in a secured area the facilty, contains numerous secondary programing sectors. These areas include a full medical facitly, telecommunication areas, food processing, a seperate dining area for staff, independent power generation, administrative spaces, public visitation areas, and specializied detainee processing areas. The inclusive nature of these services in one site lead elected figures to say “it’s a city within itself.”

#200 ECCF

architect: DMJM builders//contractor: Gilbane Building Company date completed: 2004 statistics: 20 acres of enclosed space 650 staff members average daily prisoner inmate population: 2000 people separate mens and women’s housing number one instate inmate population annual detainees processed: 25,000 annual detainees released: 22,000 largest public works project at time of construction in county history


ECCF #201

7.1 ECCF site

power generation housing pods processing center

Doremus Ave.

visitor parking prisoner entry staff parking 100ft

Passaic River

The Big House

administration //visitors area fence line


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Processed A individual who enters the ECCF, in the criminal justice system, will be phased into its interior in a highly organized processing procedure. In the correctional setting this is know as the IRC Bureau or Intake, Reception and Classification. This is not a brief introduction. The arrival at a designated pod or dorm living setting may be a full 72 hours after passing through the facilityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s doors. Leaving the facility, the process is reversed. The ECCF handles, on average, 69 new prisoners and releases 62 on a daily basis. Multiple government agencies and private contractors are involved at this stage but all are assisting in the facility adhering to mandatory or compulsorily legal and correctional standards.

#202 ECCF

The process begins with the of the transferring of individual to the facilityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s staff from the delivering party. The ECCF is not an active participant in the transportation of prisoners, that falls on parties outside of its walls. Usually this will be by a police department or outside jurisdiction. Local precincts may hold individuals until it is coinvent for them to deliver the detained via van or bus. Once inside the ECCF, the individual is entered into several criminal justice system databases using electronic fingerprinting. The goal is simple, the facility needs to verify the identity of the person admitted. Outstanding warrants are investigated. Although this seem to be an easy task, the reality is that not every criminal carries current and valid identification and is forthcoming of this information. This particular instance of automation and technological cataloguing is a contemporary phenomenon. Government agency connectivity and the distribution of relevant information, however, has not always been the case and information, if available, was slow to develop and distribute. Further along process, the individual is photographed and visually indoctrinated in the ECCF with the issuing of standardized uniform and wrist band. Next, prisoners are screened by licensed medical staff, including psychiatric interviews. This stage, in time and expenditure, is equal if not more substantial to any part of the IRC process. This is also an area of vast improvement in corrections. For many disadvantaged who cannot afford health care, this may be the only time that they will see qualified medical attention. A telling statistic of this problem is that 60% of those who are medically screened at the ECCF need medication and as a testament to the facility's commitment to health care that most scripts are filled that same day.


ECCF #203 The first traditional â&#x20AC;&#x153;cellâ&#x20AC;? that a prisnoer is asigned to in the ECCF is part of the medical screening. An inframary ward holds all indiviuals untill they are medicaly cleared by offsite labs who specialize in bloodwork. During this time information is gathered about the criminal history as the identify is pinpointed. Housing is then assigned by Object Classification which is required by law. This is also a new correctional system and may be one of the most definng forces in contemporary corrections. On a very basic level, its a spreadsheet of past behavior, interviews, and weighted scores to determine a prisoners threat risk to himself, other inmates and staff. The effect on inmate housing is direct. Higher risks prisoners require higher levels of security, more barriers, low personal interaction and molbility. This classification usually manifests into a lockdown status in single cell confinement. In contrast, a prisoner with no priors, no history of violent crime and detaineed because of a non-violent offense would a low risk and appropate in low security area with high person to person interaction. The need to define the prison population in so many differnt ways has created different forms of housing and has moved the interior space aways from the carte blanche cell row layout.

medical screening medical treatment psychiatric evaluation quarantine offender screening current offense prior convictions prior institutional behavior low security pod medium security pod high security pod

ECCF entry

ECCF departure

Internal System

identification


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Processed There are thirty five housing units in the ECCF divided into two main groups called pods and dorms. Prisoners are assigned to these areas based upon their objective classification score. Outside the extremes, inmates live within a community of other prisoners and correctional staff 24 hours a day. Each unit has their own bathroom facilities, day room and exercise area. The system that dictates their daily life is called direct supervision. It is an established correctional system that emerged in the late 1960s and one of two choices available for correctional administrations. Indirect supervision is usually implemented in maximum security situations. In this system a detainee is contained in a cell for long periods of time and supervised at a distance usually by video or technological assistance. In the opposing method used at the ECCF, there are little or no barriers between staff and inmates. Higher security areas still work on this basis but inmates are assigned to cell for a greater amount of time. Proponents of the system argue that the higher staff interactions advance rehabilitation. It is also believed that direct supervision can also reduce the staff costs by intercepting potential problem before the escalate into full scale incidents. Traditional system

ECCF system

Indirect Supervision

ECCF housing key

#204 ECCF

2

1


staff// medical offices 2 medium security pod Officers: 2 Detainees: +/-45 Square ft: +/-7,000

officer station

bathroom// showers

exersice area// open ventaliation typical 1 person cell

ECCF #205

common area

InS:House Space Catalog

typical bunk bedding

1 Low security dorm Officers: 1 Detainees: +/-45 Square ft: +/-4,700


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The Return Cycle The average detainment at the ECCF is less than a year. Whether an individual ends their period of incarceration at the ECCF or is sentenced to further incarceration, they are in almost all cases be released back into free society. The linkage between involuntary and voluntary communities is in this process. The ability of individuals to transition between these vastly different scenarios is the subject of re-entry and recidivism. Besides a full admonishment of wrong doing, re-entry happens under multiple scenarios with some form of supervision. In New Jersey 64% of the released had a condition of supervision. An individual can be placed on probation, parole or partially released to another alternate to incarceration program (though this is only a fraction of the majority). Probation is a conditional release where there is a high level of government supervision usually for 1-5 years. There are restrictions on activities and imposed obligations. Parole is a statutory process that involves the persons release prior to the end of their maximum term followed by a period of supervision. The parole population has grown with the rise of prison populations on all levels. There are many reasons for a high parole population. Historically, two specific reasons might include its used as a compensation device for longer mandatory sentencing and to alleviate prison overcrowding. The connection between community of origin and corrections (including prisons) is fortified by the specific geographic nature of re-entry. Nationally, two thirds of prisoners are released to metropolitan areas. We have seen in previous diagrams that Newark is no exception to origin or return and is in fact a statewide leader in re-entry.

#206 ECCF

Re-entry, even for the remorseful and those wanting to avoid recidivism, is difficult. Although not a pardoning of future infractions, it is important to understand the challenges that the community members face. Obstacles include finding and maintain gainful employment, family reconnectation, health or substance abuse problems, and limited availability or inability to securing housing. If individuals succumb to past behaviors and re-enter the criminal justice system the final fiscal and emotional cost is eventually past back to community.


ECCF #207

Departure and the Return from Community

area of supervision

the paroled// probationers the released

initial processing

ECCF

alternate facilities// programs

state prison

Key: community population transfer barrier// access j ustice system center criminal justice system

The return

the convicted


Local State USA World Weak vs

Strong

Open vs Close

Repercussion Cohesion Accessibility

#208 ECCF

Half way there at the half way house For many reading this book while traveling through the garden city of Radburn and the leisurely paths of Medford Lakes, the ECCF is an oddity. Besides the physical discrepancies, the quintessential difference between these centers of communities are the member’s classification as voluntary or involuntary. How can a community be involuntary you ask. There are two explanations for this. First, the individuals who make up the population in the ECCF represents a community in transition. As described under the origin tabs many detainees have a definable background community. In the case of the ECCF, this is a point of heterogeneity for residents of the South and Central Ward. In addition, many from these communities, on average experience relatively short stays at the ECCF (44 days on average) and that fosters a fluid cohesion between their voluntary and involuntary communities. This “half way” community center and its users are connected by shared statistics and their experience on the move between two shared locations. High recidivism rates of prisoners help to reinforce experience and location. We have heard of the “revolving door ” and some might find it appropriate here. I warn against such a blanket statement in assessing community members. While it true that 38% of first time convicts will return to jail, that statistic alone does differentiate for contributing factors such as drug addiction and mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines. An involuntary community may not be a desirable model of an of the American community, it should be still considered it in the spectrum. While membership may not be an initial choice, there are elements of the community present including commonality, shared experiences, cohesiveness, and close proximity. In considering the title for my case study, the term half way house came to my mind as an appropriate description of both the contemporary use of a county jail and an apt term for the progression of the penal system in context of community and the open city. Can there be more for all? Can families be provided private space to meet and interact and often can they come? Can transportation be more accessible to the site? Can inmates be more and more phased out of detention and towards their original communities? Can the specialization and decentralization of jails into the community provide better cohesion and interaction with communities? In all of these questions there are instances of where the thought at least has been offered. The next generation of jails or community housing may further answer these questions.


Aloisi, Michael, Joseph Barraco, Chris Boyle, Cynthia Corbo, Richard Mattek, Dr. Lola Odubekun, Osborne, and Stanley Repko. The Criminal Justice System. New Jersey Criminal Disposition Commission. Education Committee. Ed. Lela M. Keels. Newark, NJ: Si Newhouse Center for Law and Justice, 1992.

ECCF #209

Bibliography

Barnes, Harry E. “A History of the Penal, Reformatory and Correctional Institutions of the State of New Jersey.” Thesis. Trenton, NJ: MacCrellish & Quigley Company, 1918. The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society. President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. U.S. Printing Office, 1967 “City of Newark - South Ward.” South Ward. 2008. The City of Newark. 26 Oct. 2008 <http://www.ci.newark.nj.us/residents/neighborhood_services/south_ward.php > “Essex County Executive Divincenzo proposes to rename former jail as the ”Essex County Leroy F. Smith, Jr. Public Safety Building” After Veteran EMS Director LEroryF. Smith. Jr.” County of Essex New Jersey Web Site. 17 June 2008. County of Essex New Jersey. 12 Oct. 2008 <http://www.essex-countynj.org Garbarine, Rachelle. “In the Region/New Jersey; For Newark's South Ward, Homes on Vacant Lots.” In the Region/New Jersey. 24 Sept. 2000. The New York Times. 17 Oct. 2008 <http:/query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage>. “In New Jersey; 40 Afforables For Newark’s Central Ward.” The New York Times Real Estate Section. 1 June 1986. The New York Times. 17 Oct. 2008 <http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html>

Troisi, Sergeant J., Officer S. Alese, and Officer V. Cornelius. 2007 Year in Review. Essex County Department of Corrections. Policy and Planning Unit. Repko, Stanley. Personal Interview. September 25, 2008 Walsh, Diane C. “Essex will build 2,400 bed prison.” The Sunday Star Ledger 22 Nov. 1998

Conclusion

Travis, Jeremy. Keegan, Sinead, Cadora, Eric, Solomon, Amy. Swartz. “A Portrait of Prisoner Reentry in New Jersey.” New Jersey Institute for Social Justice. 2008. NJSISJ.10/11/2008. < http://www.Njisj.org.html>.


0%

83%

#210 ECCF

Property

17%

The detainees of the ECCF are neither renters nor owners. In terms of community permanence, the average stay is for a detainee is 44 days. Financial responsibility lies with a third party, the tax payer.

Planning

Other 500

(low security and unreported houses)

Medium 1400

(medium security housing)

High 400

(low security units)

Density // Quantity // Security

up to 60

Not planned

Occupied

95%

Housing

20-59

Preplanned

Gender

5%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupied

83% For seasonal, temporary, recreational use


Ethnicity // Religion

Transit Accessibility

15% Caucasian

16%

Statistics Statistics

Muslim

Ethnicity

Jewish

Religion

ECCF #211

Christian

Buddhist

69%


household marital status

N/A

divorced

other hinduism jewish islamic christian religion

+100k

income

male race

gender

age

45-65

asian hispanic

65+

mix

size (miles²)

23.8

The Campus

Friends and Foes

The Brotherhood

Wearing your Letters

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fathers

pop.

~280,135


Culture, Community, & Crime:

of Newark

Essex County // New Jersey

Gangs are merely an eccentric typology, the urban relative, of the typical collegiate fraternity. Gang members implicitly function as actors within a communal network, explicitly function as actors within a cultural network (gang culture), and collectively speaking, the cultural network functions as an actor within the larger urban network that defines Newark as a city.

Street Frats #213

Street Frats// Gangs

Gangs are organizational communities that function primarily as a ‘support’ group to their members. Membership inescapably ties one member to every other member in an obligatory relationship reminiscient of fraternal or brotherhood organizations. Although this type of community at the macro scale can disperse throughout the nation, when analyzed at the local or chapter scale, in this case Newark, it becomes evident that the gangs’ operation is one of a particularly territorial nature. Gang culture is sure to leave its insignia on its territory. Ownership and brotherhood are tightly woven and reinforced with codes, symbols, and gestures. The structuring of these organizations can reach fairly intricate levels and functions as a multi-centered force inter-mingling and infiltrating various levels of the infrastructure of the inhabited environment.

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Newark Broad St Station (Gladstone Branch/Montclair-Boonton Line) Newark Penn Station From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station ( Northeast Corridor Line) +

By bus:

( Light Rail to Broad Street Station)

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST” From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST”

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.” From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.”

Street Frats

Ever since the 1990’s the East Coast has seen a rapid increase in the presence of gangs. The city of Newark, New Jersey, the largest city in the state, has gained a reputation as a hub for gang activity. Has Newark become a breeding ground for gang communities to proliferate and thrive? If so, what has made it a fertile environment for such activity? These imperative questions may only be tackled by examining gangs as communal entities; an active component tapping into the urban vitality that sustains the city of Newark while largely contributing to the city’s ‘image.’


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath Founding Fathers

why do gangs exist? Economic Instability

Social Disorganization Theory

Brotherhood Opportunistic Spaces Social Instability Ease of Entry

#214 Street Frats

Elusiveness of Reentry

why do they Continue to Exist?


in the poorest zones of a city, certain forms of behavior become cultural norms... subcultural theory posits that these areas are more conducive to crime and violence

Street Frats #215

places of economic distress or poverty stricken zones are more susceptible to gang activity

“...we fall on each other out here, when we don’t got anybody to fall on...we depend on each other.”

“...a lot of people join gangs to ‘be down’ or because they’re scared...they’re lookin’ for protection.”

“...its virtually impossible to fit back into mainstream society with a criminal record.”

Founding Fathers

“...a lot of them are doing what they doin’ cuz the conditions that they livin’ in breathes hate”


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath Founding Fathers

History/Context

Gangs are not new or modern entities by any stretch of the imagination. In fact, they can be considered to be as old as mankind itself. Over time they have merely restructured themselves and developed new typological models. This is partly due to the fact that what consitutes a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;gangâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; community is reduced to utterly elemental components - declaration of identity, criminal activity, and collaborative/brotherly efforts. Figure #-01 illustrates some of the most recognizable categorizations of gangs mapped relative to the geographic location of theirorigins and the time period they emerged. The gangs represented are largely macro entities, meaning they contain subsets or secondary gang units within.

150

120

90

60

30

0

30

60

90

120

150

180

60

60

30

30

0

0

30

30

60

60

150

120

90

60

30

0

30

60

90

120

150

180

a

tg

an igr

s ng

#216 Street Frats

s gs ng m s ia an a s s f " d g g e z m a a i t m ie hug m n or gs tri as l ti iet ad an an ica co n v c r g l ca t soc ia "t inese i t a i e i x a s l h l b s am we ind kg ita bib cre ch me iris el se

b.c.

1200a.d. c.1800 c.1800 c.1800

c.1800

1950

1951

c.1951

1980's


the

ft

1980

Mostly African American Mexican

Street Frats #217

MS 13

1974

Founding Fathers

ty

50k black gangster disciples

30k

nti

ng

bloods

1972

ide

Common Co mmon "In "Interest nter st"

tk illi

35k

ac

kin g

fic

raf

15k

ntr

st

1969

co

arm

n

tio

crips

1959

tor

ex

g

Common Ethnicity

Latino

ry

be

fic kin

18th street

latin 1940

rob

raf

dru gt

r

rde

mu

D.O.B.

70k

100k


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting Recruiting

Founding Fath

Who’s vulnerable? “...a New Jersey state police gang bureau survey conducted in 2004 claimed that NJ had at least 17,000 gang members.”

#218 Street Frats

The Recruitor

The Recruited

Youth membership on the rise

“...just two years later, officials claimed that the number of gang members in NJ had risen dramatically, to 25,000.”


%

0

10

20

30

40

50

60 African American/Black

Larger Cities

Hispanic/Latino Caucasian/White Other

Suburban Counties Smaller Cities

Street Frats #219

[NJ] Race/Ethnicity of Gang Members by Area Type

Rural Cities

[NJ] Race/Ethnicity of Gang Members %

0

10

20

30

40

50 1996-1999 Average

African American

2001-2004 Average

Hispanic/Latino Caucasian/ White Other

[NJ] Age of Gang Members %

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70 1996-1999 Average 2001-2004 Average

Juvenile (under 18) Adult (18 and over)

[NJ] Age of Gang Members by Area Type %

0

20

40

60

80

100 Adult (18 and over)

Suburban Counties Smaller Cities Rural Cities

[NJ] Gender of Gang Members %

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100 1996-1999 Average 2001-2004 Average

Female` Male

Recruiting

Juvenile (under 18)

Larger Cities


Pledging/Hazing

#220 Street Frats

“...what are you willing to sacrifice?” Communal bodies often find themselves entangled in rituals and traditions...one such scenario is found in the practice of initiation where potential members are put to the test. Their loyalty and dedication are brought into question...upon completion they would be warmly embraced as a member of the ‘brotherhood.’

“...you down??...Prove it!”

The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

The Jump:


Street Frats #221

Committing a Crime

No Data

Fluctuating Trend

Zero

Increasingly â&#x20AC;&#x153;Getting Worseâ&#x20AC;? Trend

1 or More

Annual Max # of Gang-Related Homocides

Gang Problem Assessment Trend

80

80

70 60

60

50 40

40 Percent

Percent

30 20 10 Larger Cities Suburban Counties

Smaller Cities

Rural Counties

20

Initiation

100

90

Larger Cities Suburban Smaller Rural Counties Cities Counties


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your Wearing Letters your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

Identity Matrix Crests Symbols

Branding Tattoos

Bloods Brotherly Love Overrides Oppression & Destruction

Five-Pointed Star love, truth, peace, freedom, justice

Member of Blood Money Over Bitches

Crips Community Revolution In Progress

C

Crips Cri ps

bK

Blood Blo B lo ood d Killa Kil

Latin Kings People Nation

18th Street

#222 Street Frats

MS 13 Mara Salvatrucha “Street Tough Salvadorans”

Black Gangster Disciples Folk Nation

18 st M MS 13 B G D “Love, Life, Loyaty, Widom, Knowledge,

“2=B 7=G 3=D”

...as a collective entity, strength is amplified, voices are heard, and the potency of identity is nurtured

“Triple O’s” BLOOD burn


“Blood 4 Life”

Language Stacking

“blood”

“Crip City”

Uniform Uniform

Street Frats #223

Signature Graffiti

“five-pointed star”

“Crip”

“Crown”

“The Kings Crown”

“Devils Horns”

“M”

Your Letters

n

Establishing Identiy - an endeavor tied not only to fraternal organizations, but to any communal body. Without identity there can be no acknowledgment. Gangs, as they are proud and territorial social units, go to great lengths to establish and propagate the identity they strive to fortify.


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your Wearing Letters your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

Identity Face-off

#224 Street Frats

The ‘street frat’ known as the Bloods (Brotherly Love Overrides Opression and Destruction) has established itself on a national level. With numerous of local factions (over a dozen of which operate in Newark), the measures of identification range from the readily acknowledgeable to the indecipherable. Those illustrated in the following diagram portray some of the more familiar characteristics of the generic Bloods member. The gang takes an obvious que from its name and adopts its official gang color as red - an indicator which carries throughout articles of clothing, graffiti, and tattoos.

The bloods futher establish ‘exclusiveness’ by way of creating their own form of communication. ‘Communication’ may take the form of written word, graffiti, spoken word, or hand symbols (one of which can be seen in the diagram below reading “blood”). Other indicators of Bloods membership is the distaste for the letter “C” (which stems from a bitter rivalry with the Crips) as well as use of the term “CK” which stands for “crip killa.”

Bloods


Street Frats #225

Your Letters

In its firm opposition to its proclaimed rival the Bloods, the Crips operate in a manner similar to their rival on a structural level though opposite on a detailed level. A street gang also accredited with national status, the Crips take pride in the fervent use of their official gang color - blue. Just as with the Bloods, the use of this color may make its way into the clothing, graffiti, or tattoos of the gang. However, it is important to note that with most gangs use of gang color is not mandated.

It is a means of representation and of declaring pride, this need not happen on a 24/7 basis and as such a member will not always be wearing blue. None-the-less, it is a valid signifier of gang allegiance. Also in similar style to its rival, the Crips maintain their own form of communication with hand gestures reading “CRIP” and “CK” which stands for “crip killa.” Crips will also exhibit a hesitance to use the letter “B” as a means of disrespect to the Bloods.

CrIPs


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your Wearing Letters your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

Identity Face-off

#226 Street Frats

While the Bloods and the Crips are, identifiably, predominantly African American street gangs, this next comparison illustrates the identification techniques utilized by two predominantly â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;latinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; or hispanic street gangs - the Latin Kings and MS-13. The Latin Kings are a member of the People Nation division of gangs. People Nation is a national division of gangs that stands in opposition to gangs of the Folk Nation. The Latin Kings is amongst the older street gangs having its identification grounded through not only the nuances of technique but the endurance of time.

Yellow is the gangs official color and they too possess exclusive measures of communication ranging from the 5 pointed star hand gesture (indicating loyalty to the People Nation) to the 5-pointed golden crown. The Latin Kings, though less prevalent than the Bloods and Crips in the city of Newark, retain a similar standing on the national level.

Latin Kings


Your Letters

When using a color representative of the MS-13 gang the color would be a light blue. A more exclusive method of representating their gang is the excessive use of tattoos, sometimes visible on even the forehead, neck, and hands. MS-13 also employs the use of hand gestures such as the “M” for “Mara” or the devil horns. One should also note the differences that arise in identification strategies due to the predominantly spanishspeaking membership.

MS 13

Street Frats #227

Mara Salvatrucha or MS-13 is a notoriously violent street gang with its roots grounded in the culture of El Salvador. The majority of MS-13 gang members are of the El-Salvadoran ethnicity and display an unwavering loyalty to both heritage and the gang. Being a gang with international origins, the MS-13 gang falls under no national classification such as People Nation or Folk Nation. However, this does not exclude the possibility of alliances and/or rivalries with either. Even though this is a gang with an international founding, it retains a nearly identical method of establishing identity as those with domestically-founded gangs.


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends Friends and Foes and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

Symbiotic Foes: Parallel Quests for Identity

#228 Street Frats

The following diagram draws a comparison between the techniques utilized to establish identity by street gangs and police departments. This provokative juxtaposition of fraternal organizations exposes this duo to be conjoined despite their inherently oppositional orientation. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Harmoniousâ&#x20AC;? one might describe the synchronous, parallel quests for identity these two organizations strive for.

GANG MEMBER


Friends + Foes

Street Frats #229

It can be argued that what separates them is the threshold of legitimacy or legality. At a glance one can begin to draw the parallels - the designation of colors, uniform/apparel indicators, security measures, symbols, hand gestures etc.


The Campus

The Brotherhood The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

...As Family

#230 Street Frats

“The crew wuz there for me when nobody else wuz...” When discussing street gangs the question of motives or incentives inevitably surfaces as a central means of understanding how gangs gain power and influence in a broad range of contexts. What spaces are percieved as vulnerable to gang activity and which actually are? What drives the youth of a community to fall into the gangsta’s way of life? The answers to these questions are most readily visible when one takes the vantage point of a prospective gang member. Often stemming from the hardships of economic distress the search for sustenance prods at an individual with increasing force. Couple this with a decay of family life and lost sense of security and the morality threshold begins to erode. The motives of necessity begin to overshadow the tradition of ethical stature...of right and wrong. A juvenile, unaided by the luxory of experience or the strength of maturity may take solace in the embrace of a fraternal unit which presents the assets of loyalty, security, and family which is so frequently understood as a given. The gang becomes home, family, and life. Though this may be a generic and perhaps, at times, overlysimplistic scenario, it nonethe-less affords insight into the multitude of forces that coax an individual into the ‘illegitimate’ lifestyle. The street fraternity maintains the capacity to replace what may be consumed by a flawed political, economic, social, or familial system. It is precisely that potential which makes so appealing what outsiders view as fundamentally wrong. In fulfilling its potential a gang simultaneously gauges the degree of loyalty it may accrue. The more the gang does for its members, the more the members will do for the gang. An overtly simplistic philosophy. The gang, as a famial analogue, encompassed by the virtues of loyalty, trust, followed by love, and brotherhood, though in opposition to the ‘norm’ has presented a body in which the individual may dwell. The gang, the crew, the brotherhood...is family.


The Brotherhood

Street Frats #231

...As Resource e


The Campus

The Brotherhood The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

...As Organization

What is frequently mistaken to be a loosely ordered, ad hoc formation of troubled or michevious adolescents is, in actuality, a highly structured organization designed to operate and navigate “the streets” in a manner which is most efficient to its members and the brotherhood as a whole. Gangs adopt a relatively familiar organizational strategy, vaguely reminscient of the kind that might emerge from an adherence the to ever-popular (certainly LEADER amongst collegiate and professional organizations) “Roberts Rules of Order.”

SUPPLIERS

ADVISORS

POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS

PRISON COORDINATOR

CHIEF ENFORCER

COMMUNICATIONS

RANKING COUNCIL/BOARD MEMBERS

SECURITY CHIEF/STREET COORDINATOR

TREASURER

BOOKKEEPER MONEY LAUNDERER

It is also important to note that while gangs loosely follow the illustrated hierarchical structure, they possess the freedom to abide by adaptions thereof. Also, gangs more generally fall into larger subdivisions - one may address the gang as a whole/national entity or its subsets which gains an increasingly pronounced relation to locale the smaller in scale the unit becomes. The National entity (if on exists) may be further broken down into Gang Sets which are typically regional, a step further would be gang ‘chapters or factions’ (note the correlation to fraternal terminology) which may operate in a vicinity as small as a single street.

#232 Street Frats

INDEPENDENTS

AREA LEADER AREA COORDINATORS

GUN SUPPLIER

Fortunately, the misconception of disorder within gangs is not a viewpoint Police Departments share. Gang activity is categorized as ‘Organized Crime’ which rather explicitly identifies the ordered nature that gangs have come to abide by. This inherently increases the ‘efficiency’ and/or power of the gang. The whole is indeed greater than the sum of its parts.

TRUSTEES AND REPRESENTATIVES

RECRUITERS

STREET SOLDIERS

RUNNERS/CARRIERS

LOOKOUTS/SPOTTERS

“A team is not a bunch of people with job titles, but a congregation of individuals, each of whom has a role that is understood by other members.” - Meredith Belbin


Building the Business “Food comes first, then morals.”

Street Frats #233

...As Business

The gang must be recognized as more than a fraternal unit - it is an organization and a business. Gangs become self-sustaining by maintaining a consistent work force while extracting all it can Gang from its hosting environment. Parasitic in nature, gangs acquire an ‘initial investment’ )by likely illegitimate means), put it to work through various money-making engines active within the Newark streetscape, and then harvest their return on Input investment.

#1 #

time and dedication

Raw w Material # #3

initial investment mercahandise/transport rtt

merchandise

security/weapons

T h i s element a r y employment of ‘business 101’ strategy is transfigured and acclimated according to the influence constituent forces indivisible from the specificity of context. An example of such a force would be their ‘hours of operation’ revolving in relation to the patrol hours and routes of the Newark Police Department.

R.O.I.

The Brotherhood

#2 #

# #4

“The substitution of monetary values for all other values is pushing society towards a dangerous disequilibrium.”


#234 Street Frats

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

The Campus The Campus

Graffiti Tracking


Street Frats #235

Bloods CRIPS

latin Kings MS 13 18 st

The Campus

B.G.D.


The Campus The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

Economic Instability...

From a conceptual standpoint, one can begin to address some factors which enhance gang proliferation, but these are the ‘universal’ factors which suffer from the blemishes of vagueness, amibiguity, and ‘placelessness.’ What is it that dictactes the manner in which the gangs of Newark operate the city? What urban phenomenen affects the flow of this community, causing it to either expand, contract, diffract or deform? The generic answer to such questions from professionals such as sociologists and economists seeks to detach itself from the speficity of place... “Area’s of high gang activitly would likely coincide with area’s of economic distress, poverty, abandonment, flawed social systems...” Perhaps the name-dropping of some sociological theories may arise in such discourse; theories such as ‘Sub-Cultural Theory’ or ‘Social-Disorganization Theory’ (described in the following spread) may surface. The value of such discussion is not truly realized until it is put into practice and forced to negotiate the nuances of a particular context. Such answers, though vague and independent of place, have at least presented que’s as to where the narrative of community-place may be further explored. 103

90

95

55

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193

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133

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84 186

145

58 105

272

150

95

38

139

90 149

60

153 42

77

59

38

206

53

110

36 26

63 45

95 214

96 103

Vacant Housing Units

70

36

102

57 429

114 107

108

46

83

100

92

89

128

167 56 126 98 18 40 43 25 13 59 472 77 280

55 60

44

191

305 117

122

15

36

59 31 49

53 33 24

63

51 45

51 1

#236 Street Frats

53

The next series of illustrations attempt to convey one of these ambiguous generalizations as it pertains to the specificity of Newark. The illustrations address the topic of ‘economic instability.’ In this particular illustration, the quantity of vacant housing units is portrayed in relation to space. Abandonment would therefore be embedded in this quantity. One may note (through the use of the constituent maps to the left, of which this composite map is comprised) that the zones of highest vacancy can be found in the North West end and Southern tip of the city with zones of relatively decreasing severity raditating outward. Now the approximate measure of vacancy is understood--not its coincidence with gang activity. This statistical data remains untested until it is measured against some indicator of gang activity zones (a study which will be executed shortly). The ensuing study further illustrates ‘economically instable’ area‘s within the city.


Street Frats #237

g s, k r

400+

s

y,

s g e

e

y. y y

100-200

75-100

The Campus

t .â&#x20AC;&#x2122; e. e st y

200-400


The Campus The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

Economic Instability...

This study seeks to further elaborate upon what might be meant when the issue of economic instability is brought up as a factor influencing gang activity. The illustration portrays the distribution of households with an income of less than $10,000 a year along with their position in space. The composite map below is broken down into 4 maps which identify a particular numerical range of the quantity of houses with the specified income level. Upon quick examination of the map one can ascertain that the zones with the highest number of impoverished households can be found in the North West, Central, Western, and Southernmost tips of the city. Each of these areas are surrounded with a gradation of households suffering from such a low income level. As was the case with the previous study, the statistical data is hitherto untested as it has not yet been measured against a measure of gang activity throughout the city. Below the aforementioned descriptions of the sociological theories can be found. 354

543

101

140 204

132

149 111

247 201

364 123

69 144 104 182 90 213

72

181 204

75 105

319

212

152

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296

248 75

187

240

462

256 513

208

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60

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208

160

106 225

Income Below 10K

522

47

346 810 195

741

228

319 139

250

55

86

132 845

147

239

149

460 365

97

390

339

401

195

113 231

86 73

164 567

154 194 136 132

220 119 188 116

140

364 238

#238 Street Frats

16

100

Social Disorganization Theory: Posits that, in the poorest zones of a city, certain forms of behavior become the cultural norm transmitted from one generation to the next, as part of the normal socialization process. Successful criminals are role models for the young, demonstrating both the possibilities of success through crime, and its normality. Subcultural Theory: Argues that certain groups or subcultures in society have values and attitudes that are conducive to crime and violence. The primary focus is on juvenile delinquency because theorists believe that if this pattern of offending can be understood and controlled, it will break the transition from teenage offender into habitual criminal.


75-100

The Campus

100-200

Street Frats #239

400+

200-400


An Officers Thoughts at a Glance... At last we have the opportunity to match up the studies pertaining to economic instability with some measure of gang activity as understood by a Newark Police Officer of 10 years. The Officers quick notes of where he understood there to be high gang activity are herein translated into two broad and flexible categorizations depending on how they were verbally presented. The area’s were designated into area’s relative to ‘armatures’ or area’s about nodal conditions, termed ‘enclaves.’

Armatures: Side Streets around: -Western Central Ave -Southern MLK -Vailsburg (Western) South Orange Ave -Behind Broad St. ‘centralish’ near Market

#240 Street Frats

Enclaves: -N.E. of Branch Brook Park -S.E. of Branch Brook Park -Patch N. of University Heights -Patch Overlapping between Upper Clinton Hill and Weequahic Park -Historic District -Area’s in Vailsburg mainly side streets off of South Orange Ave

The Campus The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

High Gang Activity Zones


Street Frats #241

Relative to Economic Stability...

Upon superimposing the layers of hard economic data with the zones of gang activity (given the slight inaccuracies that may be embedded therein) we can observe a few consistencies as well as a few inconsistencies with the relation in question. Each of the gang activity area’s whether enclave or armature, is in relatively close proximity or intersects an area of “economic distress” (categorized by vacant housing units and low 103 90 95 household income). 55

157 167

193

40 60 107

Vacant Housing Units

305 38

106

84 186 272

145

90 149

77

59

26 70

31 49

53 33

51 45

24

1

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110

36

59

36

53

107

108

36

102

57 429

114

206

167 56 55 44 126 60 191 98 46 95 18 60 40 43 58 150 153 25 13 38 59 139 42 472 105 77 280

83

100

92

89

128

117

122

133

84

15

However, one should note that they do not directly coincide which implies the influence of other forces aside from economics affecting gang activity. The data does, to a degree, validate the seemingly presumptuous claim that gang activity is likely to 63 occur in areas of economic distress though one should 51 not be naive 53 enough to hold this as a universal truth or as the sole influencing factor. 63 45

96

103

‘Enclaves’ of Gang activity ‘Armatures’ of Gang activity 354

543

101 204

132

149 111

247 201

Income Below 10K 104 90 213

72

181 204

75 105

319

212

152

135

310

296

462

248

86 73

75

256 513

208

448

522

60

47

346 810 195

741

228

154 194 136 132

16

545

220 119 188 116

523 304

140

100

319 139

This map also seems to indicate some relation between those area’s with low income to those area’s with high gang activity as pointed out by the Newark Police officer. The strongest relation would likely be that shown in the Northern section of the city 364 with two zones of gang activity 238 branching from an area with a particularly high number of households with low income. A weaker example of this relation can be found in the Southern zone of the city.

208

106 225 160

55

86

132 845

147

239

149

460 365

97

390

339

401

195

113 231

187

240

353

123

69

144 182

364

164 567

250

The Campus

140


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

Street Frats:

Is it true then?...that gangs are merely an eccentric typology of the typical collegiate fraternity? The ability to format this argument in a manner that directly parallels the structure of the ‘fraternal’ organization serves as testament to this assertion. In the wake of my research, I find an almost eerie coincidence between what is widely accepted as ‘fraternal organizations’ and the structuring of the street gang. Looking beyond the scope of my individual case study, (or my individual typology of a fraternity) the ensuing question surfaces: What differentiates one fraternity from another?

#242 Street Frats

Ultimately, it becomes a question of accessibility. When do the different typologies of the fraternal construct become activated and to what target demographic? I will clarify the selectivity and accessibility of this urban phenomenon by way of several exemplary scenarios: the first being the stereotypical collegiate fraternity whose corresponding target population (the recruited) would be those who are educated and currently enrolled in a university. The second scenario would be the professional fraternity such as the fraternal order of police whose target population encompasses those who have surpassed the education phase and are currently engaged in a particular professional practice. The last scenario would be the street gang, a fraternity accessible to those immersed in the harsh realities of ‘street culture.’ Hardship is a fortuitous measure of morality. What is the breaking point? How difficult does ones situation have to be in order to cross the moral threshold? The unfortunate reality of the situation is that, although for some it is a conscious decision, for others it is an inescapable way of life…this is just life to some, an endless struggle where surviving and excelling by whatever means necessary is the name of the game. The exoneration of this demographic is found not only in the singular decisions of the individual but in the correction of an inherently flawed network of urban systems. When the impoverishment of an economic structure collides with the hardships of individual family life and is encompassed by the prospect of brotherhood and an easier way to live….gangs can be found. This collision is sociologically addressed in what is known as “Social Disorganization Theory” which posits that in “the poorest zones of a city, certain forms of behavior become the cultural norm transmitted from one generation to the next, as part of the normal socialization process. Successful criminals are role models for the young, demonstrating both the possibilities of success through crime, and its normality.” Fraternity or brotherhood is by no means a prospect to be lamented; on the contrary it is how humanity finds strength…in unity. What needs refocusing is the manner in which the gang subculture chooses to pursue its goals. The desire for an easier or better life is certainly understandable, and with a lack of opportunity and lack of exposure to alternative ways of life…gang membership is understandably on the rise. What should also be understood is that the fraternity is more than a means to an end it is a means of living.


Conclusion

If you can keep your head when all about you Are losing theirs and blaming it on you, If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you But make allowance for their doubting too, If you can wait and not be tired by waiting, Or being lied about, don’t deal in lies, Or being hated, don’t give way to hating, And yet don’t look too good, nor talk too wise: If you can dream--and not make dreams your master, If you can think--and not make thoughts your aim; If you can meet with Triumph and Disaster And treat those two impostors just the same; If you can bear to hear the truth you’ve spoken Twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools, Or watch the things you gave your life to, broken, And stoop and build ‘em up with worn-out tools: If you can make one heap of all your winnings And risk it all on one turn of pitch-and-toss, And lose, and start again at your beginnings And never breath a word about your loss; If you can force your heart and nerve and sinew To serve your turn long after they are gone, And so hold on when there is nothing in you Except the Will which says to them: “Hold on!” If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue, Or walk with kings--nor lose the common touch, If neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you; If all men count with you, but none too much, If you can fill the unforgiving minute With sixty seconds’ worth of distance run, Yours is the Earth and everything that’s in it, And--which is more--you’ll be a Man, my son! --Rudyard Kipling

Street Frats #243

IF...


The Campus

The Brotherho

Friends and F

Wearing your

Initiation

Recruiting

Founding Fath

References: 1. Business : The Ultimate Resource. New York: Basic Books, 2006.

2. Dubner, Stephen J. “Freakonomics: The Hidden Side of Everything.” Weblog post. Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Street Gangs (But Didn’t Know Whom to Ask). 6 Aug. 2007. 30 Oct. 2008 <http://freakonomics. blogs.nytimes.com/2007/08/06/everything-you-always-wanted-to-know-about-street-gangs-but-didnt-knowwhom-to-ask/>. 3. Greenberg, Richard. Do No Harm: A Briefing Paper on the Reentry of Gang-Affiliated Individuals in New Jersey. Rep.No. NJ Institute for Social Justice. Newark, NJ: NJISJ. 4. Koolhaas, Rem. S,M,L,XL. New York, NY: The Monacelli P, 2006. 5. Levitt, Steven D., and Stephen J. Dubner. Freakonomics : A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything. New York: HarperCollins, 2006. 6. Lewis, Jared. “Gang Menu.” Know-Gangs. 15 Oct. 2008 <http://www.knowgangs.com/gang_resources/menu. php>. 7. Mau, Bruce. Massive Change : The Future of Global Design. New York: Phaidon P. 8. “Moral Panic” Dir. Akintola Hanif. Prod. Richard Greenberg. DVD. 2008. 9. NAGIA. “Gang Profiles.” Gang Profiles. 10 Nov. 2008 <http://www.nagia.org/>. 10. NAGIA: National Allliance of Gang Investigators Association, Federal Bureau of Investigation, National Drug Intelligence Center, and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives. 2005 National Gang Threat Assessment. Rep.No. BJA: Bureau of Justice Assistance, US Department of Justice. Washington DC: NAGIA. 11. Phillips, Susan A. Wallbangin’ : Graffiti and Gangs in L. A. New York: University of Chicago P, 1999. 12. Travis, Jeremy, Sinead Keegan, and Eric Cadora. A Portrait of Prisoner Reentry in New Jersey. Rep.No. Urban Institute: Justice Policy Center, NJ Institute for Social Justice. Newark, NJ: NJISJ. 13. Venkatesh, Sudhir Alladi, and William Julius Wilson. American Project : The Rise and Fall of a Modern Ghetto. New York: Harvard UP, 2002. 14. Venkatesh, Sudhir Alladi. Off the Books : The Underground Economy of the Urban Poor. New York: Harvard UP, 2008. 15. Venkatesh, Sudhir Alladi. Off the Books : The Underground Economy of the Urban Poor. New York: Harvard UP, 2008. 16. Venkatesh, Sudhir. Gang Leader for a Day. New York, NY: Penguin, 2008.

#244 Street Frats

17. Woodson, Carter G. The Mis-Education of the Negro. New York: Africa World P, 1995.


Conclusion

Street Frats #245


5%

40% Living alone

8% Married couple

15%

Married couple with kids

35%

The Campus

The Brotherho

Planning

Friends and F

Initiation

Wearing your

(houses)

Medium 60% (houses)

High 30%

Owner-occupied housing units 87%

Renter-occupied housing units

Householder over 65

2.65

Recruiting

Founding Fath 13%

Average housing size

2%

Average familly size

#246 Street Frats

Family no husband present

Sort of association

95%

Low 10%

Density // Quantity // Average Price

2%

Occuppied

up to 60

Not planned

Housing

29%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

69%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage


Sales

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

0% Education + Health

4% Proffessional

7%

Art & Entretainment

0% Public administration

13% Houseworker

Religion

Street Frats #247

Race combination

Unemployed

Muslim

less 1%

69%

less1%

less 1%

30% less 1%

less 1%

Statistics

25%

Jewsih

Ethnicity

15%

Buddhist

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Christian

Commutting to work

36%

0,2% %

Professions

Employment

36,7%

1,4%


single

married

household marital status

2.46

divorced

income

religion

other 60-100k hinduism 30-60k jewish 10-30k islamic 0-10k christian +100k

gender

male

caucasian race

female

black age

0-18

19-24

25-44

45-65

asian hispanic

65+

mix

size (miles²)

17.4

Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergence

pop.

39,684


In the conservative tradition, the notion of GAMBLERS is viewed to present a negative impression. They are people who threw away their lives and indulge into the game of chance. For the opposing view, gamblers are adventurer s in the journey to make the big bucks. As for the intermediate point of view, gamblers are people who are aiming to relax and relieve themselves of the stresses in their daily life. In reality, all three perspective and their in-betweens are part of who the gamblers are. This can clearly be observed in the casinos of Atlantic City. The casino presents a place for them to gather and within that, their motives and interactions bonded them into a community. A community is a type of human conformation that binds them together into a stereotyped group, meaning a group of people with common interest and characteristics that leads others to brand them together. In definition, community (gamblers) is individuals within a majority-acknowledged shared system (casino gambling) that have a common experience in an area (casino – poker table.etc.), bounded by the frequency of attachment (interaction). The common denominator for communities are defined by direct or indirect physical interactions, a focal ‘place’ where such interactions occur, the frequency of such occurrences and the functionality of all these factor as a whole. The casino has made Atlantic City an emblem of LEISURES and ENTERTAINMENT of the Jersey coast, perhaps even of New Jersey in its entirety. This emblem is best represented by the community of Gamblers. They spread throughout the 11 casinos in Atlantic City and consists of three groups, defined by their livening experience and defining characteristics: the DEVOTED GAMBLER, the LEISURED GAMBLER and the SUPPORTIVE CASINO WORKER. Each has their own view and logic that attracted them to the casinos, in a place of possible riches or a break from daily routine or even an escape from reality. It is a place to dream. Most importantly, their interests that brought them together in forming their community have made the CASINOS AS THEIR SECOND HOME, a place of living away from home and also a place of family, related or not . The community of Atlantic City Gamblers, consisting of the devoted gamblers, leisured gamblers, and casino workers, establishes itself in an intimate setting that is born from the interest of casino gaming. How to get there: By train: From New York:

New York Penn Station >Trenton Transit Center [Transfer] > Philadelphia 30th street station [Transfer] > Atlantic City [approx. 4hrs 30min] New York Penn Station express service > Atlantic City (proposed, TBA) From Philadelphia: Philadelphia 30th street station take Atlantic City line > Atlantic City Terminal [approx. 1hr 40min]

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal [41st & 8th Ent] > Lakewood Terminal [Transfer] > Atlantic City Terminal [approx. 3hrs 50min] From Philadelphia: Greyhound Terminal (On 551 Atlantic City) Atlantic City Terminal [approx. 2hrs 30min.]

By car:

From New York City: Holland Tunnel > NJ Turnpike Exit 11 > Garden State Parkway exit 40 > Atlantic City [approx. 2hrs 15min] From Philadelphia: Rt. 676 > Rt. 42nd (Expressway) to the end > Atlantic City [approx. 1hr]

Gamblers

Atlantic County // New Jersey

Atlantic City Gamblers #249

Gamblers// Atlantic City


#250 Atlantic City Gamblers

The development of Atlantic City came about the vision of creating an ideal island health resort with its proximity to the beach and vastly undeveloped land of only 7 permanent dwelling. The credit for this vision was given to Dr. Jonathan Pitney, a local physician who gave plans to the street name and placement, and Richard Osborne, a civil engineer from Philadelphia who gave the city its name and also the first major proposal that began Atlantic City’s development.

1864 - Camden Atlantic Railline

Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergence

“The Emergence of the Gamblers”

1785 - 1st permanent structure

1864 - Map of Atlantic City

1864 - CamdenAtlantic Railline

Atlantic City has always been a city that grew out of its attraction of leisure. For the city, its population reflects its wealth. In times when the economy declined, a major attraction or development will emerge to bring more people into the city and the economy back up. Each new emergence became a crucial part of how the casino and its communities came to be.

The Camden- Atlantic City Railroad was the first major development that took place. In 1854, the first train arrived from Camden which marked the tourism era. This development is crucial as the introduction of Atlantic City to the nation and also as the primary method of transportation.

POPULATION GROWTH 70,000 60,000 50,000 40,000

Key Growth

Railroad

Land area

Roadway

30,000 20,000 10,000 0

1864


1906- Million Dollar Pier

1944 - Great Atlantic Hurricane 1925

1889 - Steel Pier

By 1880, a majority of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s street has already been planned, though many blocks still remain vacant. The most developed area scattered along the beach shoreline, housing restaurants and luxurious hotels. With the increase of visitors, sand became an issue as it scatters inside and out. This led about the development of the Boardwalk, as a sand filter. The Boardwalk increased the standard of living for the hotel, which plays a significant part in the gambling as it housed the early forms of both the CASINO WORKERS and LEISURED GAMBLER.

The early forms of the casino workers are the hotel employees and as for the leisured gambler, the vacationers. By 1900, amusement piers, such as steel and iron, became major attractions that drawn people from all over. In 1925, new means of transportation were introduced with 2 major local roads, the Black and White Horse Pike, allowing workers to commute from neighboring towns and also local visitors to make their visits more casually.

1900

1925

1900 - Map of AC

1880 - Atlantic City Boardwalk

1925 - Local Roads & Piers

The Emergence

1880 - Beach resort

Atlantic City Gamblers #251

1870 - 1st Boardwalk 1886 - 1st Iron Pier


Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergence 1940 - Convention Center (present Boardwalk Hall)

1947 - Jitney 1950

1940 - Miss America Pageant

Atlantic City Gamblers #252 ### Atlantic City Gamblers

(Ga rde nS tate Par k

wa y)

1950 - AC Convention Center & Garden State Parkway

1970 - Expressway

1970 - Expressway

Eventually, people began to lose interest in Atlantic City, especially with air travel that made locations across the nation more attractive. The aim was to keep its guest for a longer season and bring the flow of people back up, which led to the establishment of the Miss America Pageant in 1940. At the same time, the Garden State Parkway allowed visitors from all over New Jersey. This became a major draw for people across the nation and once again, Atlantic Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy was sustained.

Key Growth

Railroad

Land area

Roadway

By 1970, population once again fell to the decline with lost of interest, national air travel and desire to shift westward. As a counter measure, the Expressway that connects to Camden was constructed to draw crowds from its neighbors as motor vehicle became more depended on than train. For the decade, many of the hotels that were first erected during Atlantic Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s founding were demolished. A crisis was at hand.

70,000 60 000 60,000 50,000 40,000 30,000 20,000 10,000 0

1950

1970


2003 - The Walk Outlets

2004 - The Quarters @ Tropicana

1980 2006 - The Pier @ Caesars

The most crucial development that shaped Atlantic City came about in 1976, with the passage of the Casino Gambling Referendum. The population once again increased, which gathers the local and travelers from both the neighboring or even global locations. The casino’s development followed the tradition that Atlantic City grew from, converting many of the existing hotels into casino resorts. Hence, the emergence of all 3 groups within the gambling community took place.

2008 - Atlantic City Casinos

1980 - Casino Boom

- HARRAH’S

- RESORTS - BALLY’S - CAESARS - TRUMP PLAZA - TROPICANA - HILTON

The development of the city focuses on its development around existing amenities, namely the casinos. The current growth trend introduced malls and outlets adjacent or even within the casinos. This is crucial in presenting opportunities for the gambling community to expand and in turn, the city and its economy. An idea that is possible for future growth.

2008 - Continueing Trends - BORGATA - TRUMP MARINA

- SHOWBOAT TAJ MAHAL 70,000

- THE WALK

60,000

- THE PIER

50,000

- THE QUARTER

40 000 40,000 30,000 20,000 10,000 0

1980

2008

The Emergence

1970’s-80’s - Hotel Demolition

Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers### #253

1976 - Casino Gambling Referndum


### Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers #254

Typical Casino Organization T Presidential Suite Housing Resort Exclusive Club Spa & Shops Casino Floor & Lobby Buffet Diners Employee Area

Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergenc

The Leisured Gambler


At 6pm dusk on a cold winter day, usually you’ll find the street packed as people get off work and return to the warm comfort of their home, however, in Atlantic City, the streets appears quite empty with only a few cars and jitney driving by occasionally. The moment you walk into the casino, the flow of people increase. As you approach closer to the casino floor, you began hearing a high pitched siren of the slot machines increasing in volume and once you enter the casino floor, the atmosphere completely change. In the floor, you’ll find swarms of people hovering over the table games or a few people sitting at the slot machines, chitchatting as they press the “play” button in a very routine and mechanical manner. Some of them are there in hopes of winning it all, while others may be trying “win back their losing” and then, there are also those who simply love the games and the company that comes with it. They are the people that make up the gambling community: the devoted gambler, the leisured gambler and the casino worker. Regardless of which, the casino presents a place of chances for them; to fill their ambition, to quench their thirst for adventure, or possibly leaving them with nothing.

The Casino Worker

The Devoted Gambler

Chance

“Chance”

Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers### #255

The GAMBLING COMMUNITY of Atlantic City


“”20”. Stay.

“18”. Stay.

Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergenc

Table games presents a strong case of community because these games, such as blackjack, are set up where every gambler (leisured or devoted) would play their hand against the House* (casino), represented by the dealer. It is a joint activity not only by contact but also through the strategic aspect of the game.

...3 ... +6 ....+6 = 15. I must hit*, need a number between 2 and 6. ...+10 = 25! Bust! All the players win.*

“18”. Stay.

“17”. Stay. oH “22”! BU BUST!

““19”. Stay.

Atlantic City Gamblers #256 ### Atlantic City Gamblers

H Hmm... the house has a low value card, meaning he’ll need to draw more card to m meet 17*. In other words, he will bust* m more easily and since I have a high value m card, he’ll less likely to get it , so I’ll stay* and let someone else try to beat him.

YES!!! BLACKJACK*!!! YEAH!!!

Notes: House* = nickname for the host, aka. the casino bust* = total card value over 21, loses game stay* = no longer wish for more cards hit* = take another card 17* = If the dealer has less than 17, the dealer must hit


“Addiction” As you walk through the casino, you can usually tell how often a person comes to the casino by their actions, especially if they suddenly stop and begin having a casual conversation with a casino worker. They are known as the “regulars” and at times, even among the thousands of people that inhabit the casino, they are on first name basis with the casino workers. They are bind by their addiction, making 2-3 trips to the casino weekly, if not daily. There are also those that would not mind making daily interstate travels. With the frequent visit, they form bonds or acknowledgement of others that they encounter with.

Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers### #257

The Devoted Gambler

Their bonds are built upon their common interest. It could be a similar routine or schedule, or a certain game, or even a particular slot machine. They can be identified through common characteristics they share. The ‘devoted gamblers’ are all account holders at the casino, often multiple casinos, which puts them in the mailing list and enable them to receive offers and promotions, as well as complimentary points, on a regular basis. Complimentary points, also known as ‘comps’ are credits build from gambling with the respective casino card, which acts as cash within the casinos. However, in order to be eligible to receive these benefits, it requires the account holder to gamble a certain monetary value within a certain time, usually continuously. This reinforced their behavior and time period spent together.

A common notion is that ‘they’ (gamblers) are the primary supporters of the casino’s economy, thus ‘they’ deserves everything that the casino offer. In a “giveaway” event, especially clearance on past items, a common phrase of “I got that!” would be repeated in a continuous manner. These people are the primary example for this case. Another common characteristics, perhaps even a skill, is their understanding of all the events and ‘giveaways’ at multiple casino and able to make a schedule that can accommodate all of them despite conflicting time. On days when multiple casinos held events, you can see the gamblers lugging multiple gifts around with them as they run to the next event.

Addiction

“Between Gamblers”


Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergenc

The gamblers are distributed among different levels. Each casino has a record system that establishes the gambler’s level based on their play. There are usually 3-4 levels of card, each with increased benefits. The majority of the devoted gamblers hold the first 2 levels of card, usually due to their inconsistency to gamble in only one casino, as the cards are separate for most casinos. This is important because gamblers bond together also through their card levels, as it usually based on how often they play and how much they play, thus dictating the area they dwell in.

Mini-Buffet Dining Area Bar

Stage

Lounge

Reception

### Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers #258

Typical Exclusive Club

Among the highest levels are the “high rollers”. They are essential to the casino economy, especially during periods of deflation. The amounts that a single high roller would lose can reach or even exceed $400k over just a weekend. They are provided with prioritized service which minimized their wait in line and their gifts and offers increases in value. The majority of the devoted gamblers are located on the casino floor, and as for the high rollers, they have also have access to an exclusive club, for example, the Chairman’s Club in Hilton or the Diamond Club in Caesar’s. The club, usually consisting of a mini-buffet, lounge and stage, provides a space for the high rollers to socialize in with music and shows. Within these communality, the ‘devoted gamblers’ formed the permanent foundation of their community. Primary Spaces: Presidential Suite Housing Resort

Exclusive Club

Spa & Shops

Buffet Diners

Casino Floor & Lobby

Employee Area


Atlantic City Gamblers ### Atlantic City Gamblers #259

She lives in New York, near Chinatown and would take the casino bus down to Atlantic City’s Hilton. The trip cost $18, however, a voucher with a value of $30 is givenwhen coming off the bus. Her daily routine begins at 4 am,getting breakfast in Chinatown and waits for the bus tosell ticket and depart. The ride takes about 2-3 hours in the morning depending on the weather and she would visit the casino at least 3 times a week. The Casino has become part of her life. She doesn’t have any family who would care for her. The casino is the closest thing she has to a family, as she made friends with workers in the casino as we well as fellow companions that compan travels with her from New York. Y

Name: Julia Age: 53

Typical Casino Floor $1 slots

$5 - $10 slots

Table games

Cashier

Penny slots

Lobby Guest Service

Buffet bar/theatre

$50 - $100 slots (High rollers)

Resort Hotel

Priviledged line for high level card gamblers (high rollers) Voucher machine where gamblers can use their players card to withdraw their comp* with their pin number* by themselves comp* = points earned when playing with card based on correlation of time, amounts and intervals between play pin number* = password to their account in the casino; allows access to player’s card

Addiction

Boardwalk

nickel slots


So... what do you think I should do next? Should d I hit or stay?

I’d suggest you stay. It doesn’t make sense to go for it with what you have.

Hmmm... I’ll take your advice. I’ll stay. Thanks.

### Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers #260

No problem.

Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergenc

“The playing game is a cooperative effort. Its everyone against the House. When we go to the casino, my cousin and I would ask the people next to us for advices WHILE we play, ‘so should I stay or go for the hit?’ Its all part of the experience and social interaction that take place there.” - Greg Bassiely, Freehold NJ


“Relaxation” The rush of adrenaline, waiting at the roulette table as the spin slows down and the ball closing in on the betted number or the moment when the 3 wheels come into synch with one another at the slot machine and everything feels like it is in slow motion. These are the suspense and excitement that people seek and imagine when coming to the casino. The sense of adventure accompanied the Atlantic City Casino name, which attracted countless visitors to the casino. In addition, along with the casinos, Atlantic City is well known for its beach, outlets and night life, especially from the past decade’s development.

Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers### #261

The Leisured Gambler

“Between Gamblers” A key difference between the “devoted” and the “leisured” gambler is highlighted by their attitude towards gambling. The leisured gamblers have the common notion that gambling is too risky, hence many of them set a monetary limit to their play. However, the limit is usually exceeded, as they attempt to ‘recover’ the amount they’ve lost or simply lost track of time and value as the excitement of the game consume them.

Relaxation

The people that holds interest beyond just gambling and tries to experience a bit of the rest that Atlantic City has to offer, they are the leisured gamblers. Enter the casino between 6am and 3pm, you’ll find a crowd of people swarming the lobby space and soon realized that it’s a deformed line of people bundled together as they wait at the front desk. As you progress through the casino, you’ll soon find signs pointing the direction to the theatre, spa, the boardwalk, the shops or outlets, and people leaving the casino floor coming and going in the pointed directions. These are moments when the leisured gambler can be identified as their community begins to emerge.


Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergenc Borgata

Harrah’s

Caesar’s & the Pier

Tropicana & the Quarters

Shops/Restaurants/Clubs/Spa & Lounges

### Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers #262

Casino floor plans illustrating the amenities in relation to the casino floor

The two are also differ in the frequency of visits, as the leisured gamblers are people on vacation, taking a break from their normal lives or embracing a special occasion. They may visit the casino once a month or a few times or just once a year. Due to their infrequent visit or possibly first visit to the casino, their casino account doesn’t provide them with much benefit, if any. This secludes them from many events shared among the ‘devoted’ gamblers. However, their community is quickly formed because their goal is to enjoy, relax and have a good time, which in most case, leads to socializing and grouping with fellow vacationers or even the devoted gamblers. They are the population that composes a majority of the gamblers during the tourist season from May through August, and they represent the temporary community that exists within the gambling community.

Primary Spaces: Presidential Suite Housing Resort

Exclusive Club

Spa & Shops

Buffet Diners

Casino Floor & Lobby

Employee Area


Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers### #263

She is a local around Atlantic City. Every Thursday, she’ll gather with her friends and hit the clubs and casinos. Recently, she has found a liking to meet at the Borgata Resort and Casino, with the recently opened ‘Water Club’. She treats the gathering very seriously, because its her escape from the stressful work at her new accounting job. She finds it as a great opportunity to get loose and express herself as well as meeting new friends. Part of her weekly routine is to go shopping Wednesday after work and by Thursday, she’ll have what she needs to have a good time. Name: Janice Age: 24

Cashier waiting line

Generally test their luck with the more popular games

waiting and deciding next destination

Lobby and Front desk for those wanting to stay overnight

Guest Service, usually the first stop before gambling

The leisured gamblers takes up a majority of the bodies in the casino floor. The interaction from the casino gaming or even simply waiting in line allows all the gamblers to mix and mingle. It is within these clustered area that the community of the gamblers are formed.

1st time gambler (on vacation)

gamblers that comes occassionally

Devoted Gambler

Relaxation

Boardwalk

Typical Casino Floor


Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergenc

“The dealer isn’t playing against you. The dealer wants you to win. The dealer represents the casino and follows the rules set by the casino, but in his heart, he wants the gamblers to win. The casino won’t pay the dealer more if he wins, however, if the gamblers win, they are more willing to give tips and that’s a majority of the money that the dealer makes.” - Justin Booker, Atlantic City NJ

If you win, then I win. I like win-win situations. It makes you happy, it makes me happy.

If the gambler wins, he’ll be happy. The happier he is, the better his mood. The better his mood, the more likely he’ll pay a higher tip.

### Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers #264

If they lose, I’ll end up getting nothing.


“Support” After entering the casino, you'll find crowds forming distinctively in different locations, particularly the hotel front desk and guest service area. Once you enter the casino floor, the same crowding situation can be found around the table games and along the slot machines. Among the crowds of people, the central focus is the casino worker, providing the service needed. They can be identified by their uniform and more specifically, their name tags or ID badges. The workers all have very specific dress code, which usually constitutes to white dress shirt, black dress pants, black dress shoes and a vest, unique in design for each casino. As for supervisors, who dresses in their own business wear, can only be identified through their name tags, if they are not at their stations.

Atlantic City Gamblers ### Atlantic City Gamblers #265

The Casino Worker

The casino workers are the connections between all the gamblers and make the casino functional. Their community is formed under the basis of the casino employment and their daily work schedules that allows them the position to bond with the surrounding people. The casino workers are under subdivision of departments, which ranges in n their duty and location, thus dictating the amount and type of interactions that occur. The departments can be classified into two types: the direct and indirect. The "direct" group is the department workers who have face to face and a more interactive engagement with the gamblers and even fellow workers. This group includes the front desk, the guest service, the cashier, the securities, the host, the slot associates and the dealers. The "Indirect" group is the workers that 'work behind the scenes' and handles more of a management role. This group includes the employment office, the advertising and marketing, and the executive level of all departments. Despite their difference in department, they all have common characteristics that tie them together into a community.

Support

“Between Gamblers”


Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergenc

All the casino workers have to go through the process of orientation that introduces them to the casino they work in, including motto and policies. This phase mixes workers from different department. As the workers begin working in their individual department, they form a strong bond with their coworker from the same department as they would occupy the same space side by side or in the same area. It is also for this reason that they begin to bond with the gamblers, especially where gamblers would give preference to specific workers due to past enjoyable experience. This is the most common way that gambler-worker bonds are formed. Aside from the spaces provide at the station for each department, an important space where all the workers gathered is the cafeteria. Every casino provides the benefit of an employee cafeteria where the workers can enjoy an all-you-can-eat buffet, and it is in this space where workers from every department mingle.

### Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers #266

Adjacent to the cafeteria is usually a lounge area provided for the dealers to relax, as their job requires them to interact with the gamblers while being on their foot all day. The position of dealer is known for its difficulty in constantly dealing with gamblers, who have a certain demand about the pace of dealing, or smokers who constantly blows smoke into their face, or ones who take their anger of losing out on them. However, the common notion that keeps them in the position is the amount of tips that they can make in a single day. An important community aspect of the workers lies in the distribution of tips, it is not required, but workers would usually distribute their tips evenly, which guarantees a more consistent rate of tips throughout the week. This community aspect is most commonly seen with the slot associates, who take care of any jackpot that may have been won.

Employee Area (2nd floor)

cafeteria

dealerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lounge

offices

Primary Spaces: Presidential Suite Housing Resort

Exclusive Club

Spa & Shops

Buffet Diners

Casino Floor & Lobby C

Employee Area

uniform shop


Atlantic City Gamblers ### Atlantic City Gamblers #267

Justin is a part-time dealer and a full time student in Rutgers University - Newark. He is an active student with activities, such as the schoolâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s track team and many volunteering act for the city. He lives in Atlantic City with his parents. On the weekend, heâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ll return to Atlantic City from school and work at the casino. He was originally a security guard at the casino but he later learned that being a dealer can earn him more money through tips. He says that on average, tips are around $90 per day. An issue that he faces during work is the constant smoke that gamblers exhale during the table games and theereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s no way to avoid when on the job. Name: Justin Age: 21

By the end of their shift, the workers would usually gather again in the cafeteria to meet with co-workers, and then proceed to the employee entrance, usually by the side alleyway, to exit. A group of casino workers can always be found standing outside the entrance smoking during their break. Many of the casino workers are locals to Atlantic City or lives in the neighboring towns, with commute from 15 minutes to an hour and a half. The casino workers are provided with an employee parking along the expressway, which provides a bus service to all the casinos if they don't want to pay the discounted employee parking fee. This is one of the primary spaces that casino workers gather outside the casinos. The casino worker makes up the remaining population in the casino and is the connection that ties the gambler together. Typical Casino Floor security

worker entering from employee entrance

cashier

slot associates in diff. slot areas

Boardwalk

Cashiers

dealers

guest service workers

front desk guest service

front desk

Support

employee entrance area

casino workers taking a smoking break


Family

Support

Relaxation

Addiction

Chance

The Emergenc

Gamblers: Journey in a Day 6AM

9AM

3PM

6PM

9PM

Casino Floor - Poker

Hi-roller

addict

12PM

Bus terminal

Buffet Lunch

Dining Buffet

Casino Floor - Slots

slot associate Casino Floor -

Breakfast Buffet Spa

### Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers #268

dealer

Leisure (wife)

Leisure (husband)

Shopping Mall


Housing Resort

Exclusive Club

Spa & Shops

12AM

3AM

6AM

Buffet Diners

Casino Floor & Lobby

Employee Area

Casino Floor - Poker

Atlantic City Gamblers Atlantic City Gamblers### #269

Presidential Suite

Exclusive Club

Dining Buffet

Theatre

Despite specific locations that are more prone to inhabit different gamblers as shown above, the diagram on the left illustrated that the paths of the gamblers crosses each other in a frequent extent. Each box represents an interaction between the respective gamblers within the specific location. It is in these spaces that the gamblersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; bond fortifies. As the examples mentioned previously, gamblers form friendships and some bond will be so strong that they view each other as actual family members. The casino act as a home away from home for the gamblers and in a sense, the community members becomes like family.

Family

- Slots


Atlantic City Gamblers: A Community A Home Away from Home The end of a journey for one gambler is at the same time, the beginning for another gambler. Looking at the casino as a whole, the phrase "at the end of the day" does not exist in terms of function. The casino stays active 24/7 as the community grounds for the gamblers. Compared to other case studies on a residential basis, the gambler’s community stands equivalently as it presents the same quality as a residential neighborhood, perhaps even more interactive. The casino essentially is a residential space for the gamblers, even if only temporary. It acts as a second home for them and as the casino motto emphasized to the casino workers during orientation, “Welcome to the Family”. The constant change of gambling members replenishes the cycle and maintains the community quality. The community quality of the gamblers are displayed through their attitude towards other gamblers, their characteristics defined by their actions and their interest in the casino gaming.

#270 Atlantic City Gamblers

With the Gamblers’ community, Atlantic City continues its status as an emblem of LEISURES and ENTERTAINMENT in New Jersey. Despite being spread out in the 11 casinos, the community maintained consistency among them and relates indirectly to the city’s growth as a major economy driver. This driving force has been a product of the development of Atlantic City, as envisioned since its founding to be an ideal resort location. The community of Atlantic City Gamblers, consisting of the devoted gamblers, leisured gamblers, and casino workers, establishes itself in an intimate setting that is born from the interest of casino gaming.

Casinos

Shopping

The 11 casinos in Atlantic City

Boardwalk


"American FactFinder." US Census Bureau. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://factfinder.census.gov/home/saff/main.html?_lang=en. "AppleInsider | Apple store destine for Atlantic City." Apple Insider. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.appleinsider.com/articles/05/11/01/apple_store_destine_for_atlantic_city.html. "Atlantic City Casinos | Atlantic City Casino Entertainment | Trump Taj Mahal, Atlantic City, NJ." Trump Taj Mahal. Sep-Dec. 2008 <http://www.trumptaj.com/casino/index.cfm. "Atlantic City Casinos at Their Finest." Tropicana Casino and Resort in Atlantic City. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.tropicana.net/atlantic-city-casinos/index.htm. "Atlantic City Hilton." Atlantic City Hilton Casino Resort. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.hiltonac.com/casino/index.shtml>.http://www.tropicana.net/Atlantic-City-casinos/index. htm "Atlantic City Hotel Reservations at Bally's Atlantic City Hotel & Casino." Bally's Atlantic City. Sep-Dec. 2008. http://www.ballysac.com/casinos/ballys-atlantic-city/hotelcasino/property-home.shtml.

Atlantic City Gamblers #271

Bibliography

"Atlantic City Hotel Reservations at Caesars Atlantic City Hotel & Casino." Caesars Atlantic City. Sep-Dec. 2008 . http://www.caesarsac.com/casinos/caesars-atlantic-city/hotelcasino/property-home.shtml. "Atlantic City Hotel Reservations at Showboat Atlantic City Hotel & Casino." Showboat the Mardi Gras Casino Atlantic City. Sep-Dec. 2008. http://www.showboatcasino.com/casinos/showboat-atlanticcity/hotel-casino/property-home.shtml. "Atlantic City Hotels & Casinos | Borgata Hotel Casino & Spa | Atlantic City Entertainment." Borgata Hotel Casino Spa. Sep-Dec. 2008. http://www.theborgata.com/index.cfm. "Atlantic City Hotels & Casinos." Harrah's Resort Destination. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.harrahs.com/destinations/atlantic-city/hotel-casinos/market-home.shtml. "Atlantic City, New Jersey, Demographic Statistics." Infoplease. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.infoplease.com/us/census/data/new-jersey/atlantic-city/demographic.html.

"Atlantic City NJ Casinos." Atlantic City Casino Entertainment | Trump Plaza. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.trumpplaza.com/casino/index.cfm. "Atlantic County QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau." US Census Bureau. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/34/34001.html. "City of Atlantic City - History." The City of Atlantic City. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.cityofatlanticcity.org/con_abo_history.asp. "Feature - A Blimpâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s-Eye-View - acweekly.com." Atlantic City Weekly. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.acweekly.com/view.php?id=6979. "Harrah's Resort & Casino." Atlantic City Hotel Reservations at Harrah's Resort Atlantic City Casino & Hotel. Sep-Dec. 2008. http://www.harrahsresort.com/casinos/harrahs-atlanticcity/hotel-casino/property-home.shtml. "New Jersey Historical Maps." Cartography: Historical Maps of New Jersey. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://mapmaker.rutgers.edu/maps.html. "Resorts Atlantic City - gaming, entertainment, dining, and hotel accommodations." Resorts Atlantic City. Sep-Dec. 2008. http://www.resortsac.com/index.html. "The Water Club." The Water Club. Sep-Dec. 2008. http://www.thewaterclubhotel.com/casino/.

Conclusion

"Atlantic City NJ Casinos." Atlantic City Casino Entertainment | Trump Marina. Sep-Dec. 2008 http://www.trumpmarina.com/casino/index.cfm.


51%

30% Living alone

30% Married couple

#272 Atlantic City Gamblers Average family size

20%

2%

Married couple with kids

Family no husband present

18%

Householder over 65

2.6

49%

Sort of association

11%

Employment Many of the gamblers are in retirement and uses the casino as part of their leisure. The casino is an ideal place for vacations, which led millions of people swarming the casino daily. However, with the recent national economic crisis, the casino has been struggling and the unemployment rate sky-rocketed as 5-30% of the employees are being let go.

Planning

Low 0

(houses)

Medium 0 (houses)

High 11450 (units)

Quantity

up to 60

Not planned

Occupeid

88%

Housing

20-59

Preplanned

Gender

1%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

2% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

98%


The casinos are annually visited by millions of people. From asking the visitorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s center in Atlantic City, the information desk lady explained that tourists from other countries are commonly seen making the trip to Atlantic City, one of the major tourism sites in the United States. The variety of ethnicity that inhibits the casino represents people at a global scale.

4%

63%

Atlantic City Gamblers #273

Unemployed

Employment

10%

The International Guests

Sales

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

Education + Health

34% Professional

15%

Art & Entertainment

Public Administration

Houseworker

2%

??%

??%

??%

??%

??%

Statistics

9%

??% Caucasian

Ethnicity

18%

30%

Ethnicity // Origins

Non-skilled Labor Force

Commuting to work

24%

Profession

1%


single

household marital status

2.9

married

divorced

income

religion

other 60-100k hinduism 30-60k jewish 10-30k islamic 0-10k christian +100k

gender

male

caucasian race

19-24

female

black age

0-18

25-44

65+ 45-65

hispanic

asian

mix

pop.

17,073

Interviews/Facts

History

Broad Street

Economic Impact

Opportunity Knocks

size (miles )

1.21


Bergen County // New Jersey Preserving Tradition While Breaking Ground... For the last three decades the sleepy suburb of Palisades Park has been under going a rapid and dramatic transformation. The Italian delis and German bars that once dotted the streetscape have all but disappeared, replaced by a veritable wave of Korean specialty stores. Like most burgeoning immigrant communities in the United States, the Korean population of Palisades Park has struggled to adapt to the American way of life while still preserving cultural tradition. Despite some early growing pains, the population has made the most of their new home, taking advantage of New York City’s universities and America’s economic opportunity. Through hard work and a keen business sense this community has achieved success and managed to carve out a section of New Jersey and subsequently, America that is distinctly their own.

Palisades Park #275

Palisades Park

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Newark Broad St Station (Gladstone Branch/Montclair-Boonton Line) By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST” From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST”

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.” From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.”

Palisades Park

Newark Penn Station ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station) From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station ( Northeast Corridor Line) + ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station)


#276 Palisades Park

Interviews/Facts

History

Broad Street

Economic Impact

Opportunity Knocks


Train Station College/University

Opportunity Knocks

Palisades Park #277 Transit and Education:


#278 Palisades Park

Interviews/Facts

History

Broad Street

Economic Impact

Opportunity Knocks


Economic Impact

Palisades Park #279


#280 Palisades Park

Interviews/Facts

History

Broad Street

Economic Impact

Opportunity Knocks


Restaurant Shop Church

BroadStreet

Palisades Park #281 Korean Places of Interest:


#282 Palisades Park

Interviews/Facts

History

Broad Street

Economic Impact

Opportunity Knocks


History

Palisades Park #283


#284 Palisades Park

Interviews/Facts

History

Broad Street

Economic Impact

Opportunity Knocks


Interviews/Facts

Palisades Park #285


Palisades Park

#286 Palisades Park

The Palisades Park community will continue to successfully develop. The economically vital Broad Street is ever expanding, providing the financial framework for this Korean enclaveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s future. This growing minority has found a home in New Jersey and are planning to stay.


Palisades Park #287

Bibliography http://www.dataplace.com http://www.citydata.com http://www.mapquest.com http://www.epodunk.com http://factfinder.census.gov http://wikipedia.org/wiki/Palisades Park,_New_Jersey

Ethnicity

Conclusion

David W. Chen "Karaoke Crackdown Stirs Ethnic Anger in Palisades Park" New York Times 08 Sept. 2000.


Planning

19%

This Korean community is defined by the commercial district along Broad Street. Many of the businesses are restaurants, encouraging a generous portion of the working population to take jobs in the dining and entertainment sections. In recent years the Not outcry against the number of Korean restaurants popping planned up has grown steadily.

20-59 62%

up to 60

$1 M /500,000

Housing

18%

23% Living alone

20%

42%

Family no husband present

14%

$400,000 /200,000

Medium 78 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

Owner-occupied housing units 63%

Renter-occupied housing units

Householder over 65

3.1

(houses)

37%

Average housing size

#288 Palisades Park

8%

Married couple with kids

Property

Married couple

Low 469

2.9

Occupied

Demography

0-19

Occupied percentage

100% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage


Christian

5%

10%

Bicycle

Jewish

77%

Muslim

Religion

Buddhist

Palisades Park #289

85%

3%

Race combination

Unemployed

Employment

3%

3%

Sales

0.5%

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

0.5%

10% Education + Health

25%

0.2%

Profesional

30%

Art & Entertainment

5% Public Administration

10% Houseworker

0.2%

Caucasian

1%

39% Asian

19%

Statistics

8%

41%

Ethnicity

16%

16%

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Commuting to work

15%

Profession

1%


single

income

0-10k

10-30k

30-60k

60-100 0k

married

household marital status

3.5

+100k

divorced

religion

other hinduism jewish islamic christian gender

male

caucasian race

female

black

hispanic

asian

mix

0-18 age

19-24

25-44

65+ 45-65

pop.

67,000

Orthodox Culture 2

Orthodox Culture 1

Physical Manifestation

History

Room For One More?

size (miles )

25.4


Ocean County // New Jersey Dedication to God First...Everything Else Second You always know when you’ve breached the boundaries of Lakewood. Driving through the town borders on the surreal. A sea of black hats and black coats washes over every part of the thoroughly Orthodox city. The town’s population has almost doubled since 1990 and much of that growth has been in the strictly Orthodox Jewish community, which has swelled to over 40,000 people, this up from about 18,000 in 1995. The Jewish community has been vigorously participating in local politics, inciting some resentment from the town’s black and Hispanic communities. Last year, Meir Lichtenstein became Lakewood’s first Orthodox mayor and the majority of the city’s school board members are Orthodox Jews. Only time will tell how these feuding communities will resolve their issues.

Lakewood #291

Lakewood

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Newark Broad St Station (Gladstone Branch/Montclair-Boonton Line) Newark Penn Station ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station) From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station ( Northeast Corridor Line) + ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station)

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST” From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST” From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.” From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.”

Lakewood ie

By car:


#292 Lakewood

Orthodox Culture 2

Orthodox Culture 1

Physical Manifestation

History

Room For One More?


#

Hispanic Business

Room for one more?

Lakewood #293 Housing typologies:


#294 Lakewood

Orthodox Culture 2

Orthodox Culture 1

Physical Manifestation

History

Room For One More?


History

Lakewood #295


#296 Lakewood

Orthodox Culture 2

Orthodox Culture 1

Physical Manifestation

History

Room For One More?


Jewish Business, School, Temple, etc

Physicalmanifestation

Lakewood #297 Housing typologies:


#298 Lakewood

Orthodox Culture 2

Orthodox Culture 1

Physical Manifestation

History

Room For One More?


Very Important Somewhat Important Least Important

Orthodox culture I

Lakewood #299 Rate of Importance:


#300 Lakewood

Orthodox Culture 2

Orthodox Culture 1

Physical Manifestation

History

Room For One More?


Very Important Somewhat Important Least Important

Orthodox culture II

Lakewood #301 Rate of Importance:


Lakewood

#302 Lakewood

The Orthodox population of Lakewood has grown from a community without a home to a dominant presence with significant political clout. Although minor conflicts have dogged the expansion of the Orthodox community of Lakewood, for the most part the other groups that interact with this insular people get along well with them.


http://www.dataplace.com http://www.citydata.com http://www.mapquest.com

Lakewood #303

Bibliography

http://www.epodunk.com http://factfinder.census.gov http://wikipedia.org/wiki/Lakewood,_New_Jersey

Conclusion

Kareem Fahim "As Orthodox Population Grows, So Do Tensions " New York Times 10 Dec. 2007.


Planning

34%

20-59 43%

up to 60

$1 M /500,000

Housing

23%

29% Living alone

16% Married couple Married couple with kids

9%

Family no husband present

Medium 78 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

Owner-occupied housing units 43%

Renter-occupied housing units

Householder over 65

3.8

$400,000 /200,000

57%

Average housing size

#304 Lakewood

17%

(houses)

High

Property

29%

Low 469

2.9

Occupied

Demography

Lakewoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Orthodox population is unusual in comparison to most other New Jersey communities in that men and women are kept separate from each other. Nearly every aspect of daily life is neatly Not Women are organized by gender. planned mothers and men providers. Very little exception is present.

0-19

Occupeid percentage

100% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage


Christian

0.1%

Lakewood #305

30%

5.4%

Race combination

Unemployed

Buddhist

70%

Jewish

84%

Muslim

Religion

Employment

3%

2%

Sales

0.1%

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

0.1%

20% Education + Health

18%

0.1%

Proffessional

5%

Art & Entretainment

8% Public administration

4% Houseworker

0.1%

Caucasian

13%

2%

14%

n

Statistics

9%

70%

Ethnicity

26%

3%

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Commuting to work

10%

Profession

1%


single

household marital status

2.7

married

divorced

income

religion

other 60-100k hinduism 30-60k jewish 10-30k islamic 0-10k christian +100k

gender

male

caucasian race

19-24

female

black age

0-18

25-44

65+ 45-65

hispanic

asian

mix

pop.

47,000

Racial Conflict

Density/Facts

History

Hispanic Growth

The Great Divide

size (miles )

6.4


Union County // New Jersey A Community Divided... Plainfield, a city of over 40,000 people at the western edge of Union County, has faced racial problems before. In 1967, several days of race riots broke out after a white police officer refused to intervene in an assault among black youths. After three days of chaos the National Guard restored order. But with the death of one police officer nothing could ever be the same. Soon after white residents began moving out, and before long, Plainfield was an African-American enclave with a downtown of mostly empty storefronts. Today Plainfield is undergoing another demographic shift. The Hispanic population has grown tremendously over the last few years, often leading to open conflict.

Plainfield #307

Plainfield

How to get there: By train: From New York Penn Station - Newark Broad St Station (Gladstone Branch/Montclair-Boonton Line) Newark Penn Station ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station) From Philadelphia - Newark Penn Station ( Northeast Corridor Line) + ( Light Rail to Broad Street Station)

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST” From Philadelphia: Take a bus to New York > New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 108 to Newark > Stop “East 7th Ave. & Cutler ST” From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.” From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike > I 280 W > Exit 14 A“Clifton Ave.”

Plainfield

By car:


#308 Plainfield

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Sleepy Ho H lllowâ&#x20AC;? is one of the olde ol dest s sections of Pl P ainfield. Itss magnificent ho It h mes, ttre ree e line li ned blockss an and d cull de de-s -sac ac plan pl a ni ning ng speaks to a time before re th the e social strife we curr cu rren entl tlyy se see e to toda day. y.

Racial Conflict

Density/Facts

History

Hispanic Growth

The Great Divide

North Plainf N nfie ield ld is the e me meta taph phor orical wrong side de of th the e tr t ac acks k . Ga ang violence is prev eval alen ent.


The Great Divide

Plainfield #309


As expected, the sections of Plainfield that have the lowest annual salary corresponds with those zones with the greatest number of Hispanic residents.

#310 Plainfield

The largest growth in the Hispanic population of Plainfield exists in the north western section, growing less significant as we move to the south.

Racial Conflict

Density/Facts

History

Hispanic Growth

The Great Divide

The areas of Plainfield that have the greatest percentage of Hispanic growth are also the most poverty stricken districts.


Hispanic Growth

Plainfield #311


#312 Plainfield

Racial Conflict

Density/Facts

History

Hispanic Growth

The Great Divide


History

Plainfield #313


Racial Conflict

Density/Facts

History

Hispanic Growth

The Great Divide

The pove erty rate in Plainfield is extrem mely high. At 16% of the popullation, this more than doubles th he New Jersey average of 8%.

#314 Plainfield

After the 1967 riots, Plainfield underwent a demographic shift, from mainly white to m mainly black. It has remained a black en nclave for the past 30 years.

O Over the last few years, the number of Hispanic residents in Plainfield has increased dramatically. We are currently seeing a second demographic shift occurring in Plainfield. This has lead to some violence amongst these ethnic groups.


Density/Facts

Plainfield #315 At the southern end of the city the homes are huge. Lot sizes are oversized and people generally have more breathing room. As we move to the middle of Plainfield, the lots shrink to a more reasonable size. The homes here are moderately sized. Moving into the northern most section of Plainfield, we begin to find the housing projects characteristic of lower income areas. The shift from north to south is very obvious.

Housing Density: Low Density Medium Density High Density


#316 Plainfield

Racial Conflict

Density/Facts

History

Hispanic Growth

The Great Divide


Racial Conflict

Plainfield #317


Plainfield

#318 Plainfield

As of right now there seems to be no end in sight for the racial conflict present in Plainfield. This city is in turmoil and is in desperate need of outside intervention. With such a wide range of racial and economic disparity among the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s residents, it will be very difficult to create a sense of community here.


http://www.dataplace.com http://www.citydata.com http://www.mapquest.com

Plainfield #319

Bibliography

http://www.epodunk.com http://factfinder.census.gov http://wikipedia.org/wiki/Plainfield,_New_Jersey

Conclusion

Damien Cave. "In a Divided Town, a Question of Hate, or Cash?." New York Times 24 Oct. 2004.


51.1

18% Living alone

24% Married couple

29%

Married couple with kids

15%

Family no husband present

Planning

$1 M /500,000

(houses) $400,000 /200,000

Medium 78 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

High

Owner-occupied housing units 49%

Renter-occupied housing units

Householder over 65

3.8

Low 469

51%

Average housing size

Average familly size

#320 Plainfield

6%

48.9%

Sort of association

18%

3.1

Occupied

up to 60

Housing

60%

Gender

20-59

The unemployment level in Plainfield is significantly above the New Jersey average, as is the poverty level. A large percentage of the lab or force is non skilled, working Not jobs that do not require higher education. planned

Property

22%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

100% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage


Christian

1%

Plainfield #321

80%

4%

Race combination

Unemployed

Buddhist

5%

Jewish

82%

15% Muslim

Religion

Employment

5%

5%

Sales

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

3%

12% Education + Health

6%

3%

Professional

4%

Art & Entretainment

5% Public administration

9% Houseworker

3%

62%

Asian

25%

Statistics

22%

12% Caucasian

Ethnicity

17%

5%

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Commuting to work

25%

Profession

0.2%


household marital status

2.78

divorced

other hinduism jewish islamic christian religion

+100k

income

male race

gender

age

45-65

asian hispanic

65+

mix

pop.

17,666

Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

size (miles²)

3.1


Little India #323

Little India // Iselin Middlesex County // New Jersey

Although a small suburban town in New Jersey, Iselin has become a center for the Indian community in the state. One of the main streets of town, which also extends to the neighboring town of Edison, has developed into a popular commercial strip among Indian-Americans, as well as a point of conflict between Caucasian and Asian residents. Oak Tree Road, which once housed the post office and events like the Baseball Team March, has transformed to accommodate restaurants like Shalimar and events such as the Annual Indian Parade. Parking lots and street parking rights are evidence of the conflicts due to the overwhelming multiplication of automobile and pedestrian traffic in the commercial strip. Yet, an interesting paradox can be identified if the evolution of the strip. While in the older section of Oak Tree Road the Indian stores changed the appearance and functionality of the strip; the recently developed sections portray a return to the typical suburban strip mall with a combination of the Indian storefront. The commercial strip therefore becomes an expression of both appropriation of space while adapting to the existing environment.

How to get there: From Philadelphia - Metropark Station (SEPTA - Line R7 to Trenton Transit Center) +

( NJ Transit: Northeast Corridor Line (NEC))

Little India

By train: From New York Penn Station - Metropark Station (NJ Transit: Northeast Corridor Line (NEC) ) By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal (41st & 8th ENT](On 115 Rahway - Avenel) > Transfer at Rahway Ave & Elmora Ave(On 62 Perth Amboy) > Stop at NJ Transit Metropark Station From Philadelphia: Greyhound Terminal (On 551 AtlanticCity) > Transfer at Atlantic City Terminal (On 319 NewYork) > Transfer at Port Authority Bus Terminal (41ST & 8TH ENT) (On 115 Rahway - Avenel) > Transfer at Rahway Ave & Elmora Ave(On 62 Perth Amboy) > Stop at NJ Transit Metropark Station

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > RT 495 W > I 95 S > Exit 11 to Garden State Pkwy S > Exit 131 for State Hwy 27 toward Iselin/Metuchen/Rahway > Left onto Route 27 > Left onto Oak Tree Road, Iselin From Philadelphia: New Jersey Turnpike N > Exit 11 to Garden State Parkway > Exit 131 to State Hwy 27 > Turn left at RT-27 > Turn left at Oak Tree Road.


Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

NEW YORK

Sussex 1,441

Passaic 8,404

NEW JERSEY Bergen 23,308 Warren 1,422

Manhattan nh 1 14,630

Morris 21,905 Essex 2,724 24 12,724

29,318 18 8 EWR

Union 6 688 6,688 Staten Island 6,495

Hunterdon 1,418

LittleIndia India #324 003 Little

Somerset 19,774

Middlesex 87,481

Mercer ce 10,4 10,475

Monmouth 11,985 Monmouth 11,985


Little India Iselin#325

Concentration of Indians and Indian Americans in the New York metropolitan region Newark Avenue, Jersey City, NJ Hudson Median Household Income: $40,293 30th Street at Lexington, Manhattan Manhattan Median Household Income: $47,030 73rd and 74th street between Roosevelt and 37th Ave. Jackson Heights, Queens Queens Median Household Income: $42,439

Brooklyn 25,404

INDIAN CONCENTRATION (%) 0-5

5 - 10

10 - 20

20 - 35

35 - 45

Oak Tree Road, Iselin and Edison, NJ Middlesex Median Household Income: $61,446

LGA

Queens 109,114 JFK

0

15

0 20

17

0 5,0

0

,00

5 22

20

0 0,0

0

,00

0-

0-

0-

0 0,0

0

,00

,00

5 17

0 25

0-

0 5,0

22

00

0,0

0 -3

0

25

0 0,0

>

Indian Migration

NEW YORK CITY

0

,00

0 30

MEDIAN HOUSE VALUE Bronxx Br 15,258


#326 Little India

287

Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential Segregation

Indian Migration


Little India #327

Indian Concentration and the Transportation System

Gar de Par n Sta t kw ay e

Met etropark etr k Sta tat tation

Metuchen Station

287

Edison

Oak Tree Road

Iselin

Edison Ed S Station

95

The proximity to public transportation was one of the main factors that contributed to the concentration of Asian Indians in specific areas of the county since it was difficult for them to get access to an automobile. For those who could afford and were legally able to drive and own a car, the proximity to highways became extremely important since most Indians residents in the area moved from and still worked in NY City.

Indian Population (%) 0.0 - 5.0 5.1 - 11.0 11.1 - 17.0 17.1 - 25.0 25.1 - 40.0 40.1 - 59.0

Major roads NJTransit Rail System Oak Tree Road Train Station

ResidentialSegregation

Metuchen


2008 Binnys

Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential Segreg

Indian Migration

1933- 1956 Postal Office

1412 Oak Tree Road 1923 Postal Office

ate

en st

2008 Phone Cards KBZavari

Correja Ave and Oak Tree Road

1936

Looking west from Marconi Ave

way

park

oak tree road

gard

1980 - 1985

1972

#328 Little India

Concentration of Indians was first seen in larger numbers in Californiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Central Valley

Middlesex Population (since 1980)

1965

1920s

2008

Liberation of the immigration law: many Indian immigrants came to NY as students or for job offerings

63% of Indian immigrants had completed 4 years of college and obtained jobs as engineers, doctors,university professors, etc. They tended to settle around facilities where these positions were opened.

4,773 1980


Little India #329 way

park

ate

en st

gard

way

park

A large number of Asian Indian families open small businesses. Usually in rural or less developed areas and small towns

87,481

54,880

37,640

1990

2000

2006

Strip History

1995 - 2008

1990 - 1995

1985 - 1990

oak tree road

oak tree road

ate

en st

gard


Being the oldest shops on the strip, these stores have recreated an Indian shopping street on Oak Tree Road.

STRIP MALL The adapatation of Indian commerce to America has produced the Indian Strip Malls on the border of Iselin and Edison.

#330 Little India

SHOPPING ISLAND Further up on the strip an even later adaptation to the American way of shopping is found with the shopping island.

Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

INDIATOWN


Little India #331

27 e ut ro

ex a

venu

den

gar

e

state

y

kwa

par

wood avenue

dayton drive

sugar road

Indian Population (%) Indiatown Strip Mall Shopping Island Parking Lot ue avenue farmhaven aven

d road er ro ll yye ellm

Americanization

dles

oak tree road

mid


#332 Little India

CARS WILL BE TOWED AWAY AT OWNERS EXPENSE

Territorial conflicts among Indian shoppers and old white residents has led to the imposition of regulations concerning street parking around the oldest section of the commercial strip. This has not, however, solved the traffic problems in the area. Other measures, like widening Oak Tree Road and assigning the church parking lot as a public parking space has attempted to solve the problem.

Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

RESIDENT PARKING UNAUTHORIZED


lese

x Av

e

ute Ro

Little India #333

Midd

27

i Ave

Ave

Indian Shopping Strip Clothes/Fashion Jewelry

st Hillcre

Ave

Grocery/Bazaar Beauty Salon Restaurant/Sweets Electronics/Tech Boutique/Gifts

g

en ard

sta

ar te p

k

way

Travel/Transfers Auto Services Other Parking

Indiatown

Oak Tre

Correja

e Road

Marcon


#334 Little India

den

Brad ford

Plymouth Dr

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

ay

Oak Tree Road

gar

Adams St

Bender Ave

rkw

S Pa tate

Pl


Little India #335 Holly Rd

Magnolia Rd

ve Wood A

Indian Shopping Strip Clothes/Fashion Jewelry Grocery/Bazaar Beauty Salon Restaurant/Sweets Electronics/Tech Boutique/Gifts Travel/Transfers Auto Services Other Parking Non-Indian Stores

Strip Mall

Elm Ave


#336 Little India

oak tree road

yer road dayton drive

sugar road

farmhaven aven

ue

Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

wood avenue


Clothes/Fashion Jewelry Grocery/Bazaar Beauty Salon Restaurant/Sweets Electronics/Tech Boutique/Gifts Travel/Transfers Auto Services Other Parking Non-Indian Stores

Shopping Island

Little India #337 Indian Shopping Strip


Rivals

Open City

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

#338 Little India

NEW COMERS “...we came searching for the American Dream, for better opportunities, rights and a better economy where our children could be raised peacefully. As long as we respect everyone’s rights and religion, I think this can be achieved.”

OLDER RESIDENTS “...sharing our neighborhood with people from other cultures wouldn’t be a problem as long as they respect our town. They have turned Iselin in a different place; now, not even our school baseball league can march through Oak Tree Road because of complaints from shop owners saying that the kids block the stores, however a 10,000 indian people festival takes place every year on that same road...”


SHOPPER

“... stronger measures need to be taken by my mayor McCormack in order to solve the conflicts we have with white residents in Iselin. Oak Tree Road has been widened and a municipal parking lot has been assigned for shoppers, but there is still a lot to be done since an atmosphere of harmony is still far from the town...”

“...Oak Tree Road makes me feel as if I was on one of the shopping streets in India. I don’t mind driving the 45 minutes from home because I know that I will find the sweets, spices, and sarees I love and miss from my homeland. I only have to be careful with choosing parking since there are very strict regulations in the area about that issue.”

Rivals

Little India #339 BUSINESSMAN


Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

e ut ro

27

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

e

venu

The parking lot on the corner of Oak Tree Road and Route 27, once serving only the Presbyterian Church and School adjacent to the lot, was reassigned as Municipal Parkng in order to aleviate the overay rkw e pa crowding of cars on stat n e d gar Oak Tree Road and surrounding residential streets. Since then, the parking lot had to adapt to the multiple activities carried out by the church throughout the year as well as the necessities of Indian shoppers. ex a

dles

road oak tree

mid

wood avenue

One of these changes was the extension of the smaller parking lot next to the school. This allowed for the main lot to be closed when needed by the church in order to accomodate the attendees in important celebrations or events.

#340 Little India

This space may therefore be interpreted as an “Open City” moment. It is host of both “temporary” (shoppers) and “permament” (residents) users. Forced by necessity rather than desire, this space is utilized and shared by the two groups; an exception to the rest of the strip, since residents and shoppers try to be apart from each other as much as possible.

Parking Typology Restricted residentiall parking Municipal lot 2hr. Street parking Store lot Private business lot Private lot


lese

Little India #341

Midd

x Av

e

7

2 te

u Ro

i Ave

Ave

st Ave

Hillcre

Open City

e Oak Tre

Correja

Road

Marcon

ay

kw

ta

ns

de gar

ar te p


y wa gh Hi

Road

ln co Lin

Oak Tree

7e2 ut Ro

#342 Little India

7:05 - 7:30 am Sunday Shops Closed Cleaning of Parking Lot (Weekly)

Middle sex Av enue Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration


Sunday Shops Opened Service being given at church

Little India #343

11:05 - 11:30am

7e2 ut Ro ln co Lin

Open City

Oak Tree

Road

y wa gh Hi

Middle sex Av enue


y wa gh Hi

Road

ln co Lin

Oak Tree

7e2 ut Ro

#344 Little India

1:35 - 2:00pm Sunday Shops Opened

Middle sex Av enue Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration


Sunday Shops Opened

Little India #345

5:35 - 6:00pm

7e2 ut Ro ln co Lin

Open City

Oak Tree

Road

y wa gh Hi

Middle sex Av enue


Open City

Rivals

Shopping Island

Strip Mall

Indiatown

Americanization

Strip History

Residential

Indian Migration

The First Presbyterian Church of Iselin Being a multicultural congregation, the church adds complexity to the usage of the parking lot. The attendants of different activities hosted by the church are of mixed races and cultures.

Christian Education Center Part of the church, the education center users also share the parking lot. Activities hosted by the school, like the vacation bible study, adds another layer of usage.

#346 Little India

Indian Shops Shoppers on Oak Tree Road are responsible for the multiuse character of the parking lot: mixing temporal and permant users.


Oak Tree

Road

27 Church activities Choir festival Fall festival Vacation Bible School

Open City

Little India #347

e ut Ro

Middle sex Av enue


#348 Little India

The liberation of the Immigration Law in 1965 opened doors for those looking for a new, prosperous way of living. A group of them were Asian Indians, who decided to leave their native land for new opportunities of growth in America. Arriving at first to New York, most of them settled in Queens and Manhattan; areas that still today, have high Indian populations. The increase of housing values in New York forced them to move west looking for cheaper homes while staying close enough to their workplaces still in the city. Iselin became an Indian “ethnoburb,” in part because of its affordable housing and public transit options. Mrs. Olive Patel, an Iselin resident who moved in 15 years ago said, “...if one Indian moves, then the other will follow...” and that is exactly what happened. As families started migrating to the suburbs Iselin began to be transformed into a new bipolar town. Old time German and Italian residents felt the intrusion of new Indian residents and businessmen. At the center of this conflict was Oak Tree Road, one of the main streets in town which also extended into the neighboring town of Edison. In the early eighties, Indian shops opened at first in the section of the street between Route 27 and the Garden State Parkway. Eventually they extended along the strip to Wood Avenue and later stores were built and opened up to Farmhaven Avenue. Oak Tree Road can be now seen as an example of both adaptation and conflict among the two residential groups in Iselin and Edison. One of the most important issues that can best illustrate the constant friction in the town is parking lots and street parking. In the beginning of the 1990s, old time residents made several complaints about Indian shoppers coming from surrounding towns and blocking the streets of the residential area since no public parking was available. The problem was solved when the old church parking lot was partially assigned as a municipal parking lot. This however, did not solve the traffic problems in the area, forcing non-Indian residents to drive around Oak Tree Road widening even more the cultural gap among the two communities. Events that used to take place on this popular street also changed: from the school baseball team marching to the yearly Indian parade. While the Indian community has superposed its culture and traditions to an existing environment, it has also adapted to the American way of living and shopping. The section of Oak Tree Road, which is called “Indiatown” in this case study, has been adapted to become a typical “Indian” commercial strip with narrow stores and large bright signs. The following section called the “Strip Mall” starts to show a shift from the storefront style to the lined shops with parking in the front, still however maintaining the visual characteristics of an Indian shop. Lastly, the final section of the strip, the “Shopping Island” has become a mixture of both American and Indian businesses visually homogeneous and surrounded by parking. Parking lots have therefore become areas where the open city moment occurs. The old church and the new “Shopping Islands” parking lots can be considered the two most obvious examples since, by being necessary to both communities, have been able to combine both of them in a single space sharing common interests. The closer study to these areas, specifically the First Presbyterian Church parking lot will allow for an intervention to be developed which will address the conflicts in Iselin.


Perry, Tex and David T. Miller, Sr. A History of Iselin, New Jersey. Colonia, NJ: St. George Press, 1975. Allen, James Paul and Eugene James Turner. We the People: An Atlas of America’s Ethnic Diversity. New York: Macmillan, 1988. Pgs. 196-201.

Little India #349

Sources

Peterson, Iver. “Newest Immigrants Head Straight to New Jersey’s Suburbs” New York Times, 10 March 2001. “Almost 8 Million People and Counting” New York Times. 17 March 1996. “Immigrants” Star-Ledger, 29 November 2007. Pg 14 Lawlor, Julia “If You're Thinking of Living In/Iselin, N.J.; Curry and Saris Spice a 'Typical' Suburb “ New York Times, 21 April 2002

Apte, Poornima. “Passage to Oak Tree Road” Little India. http://littleindia.com/news/126/ARTICLE/1581/2004-01-05.ht ml U.S. Census Bureau. 2000 US Census. http://factfinder.census.gov/home/saff/main.html?_lang=en Wikiepdia: The Free Encyclopedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iselin,_New_Jersey CLRSearch.com http://www.clrsearch.com/RSS/Demographics/NJ/Iselin/

Conclusion

Jacobs, Andrew. ”THE CENSUS -- A Region of Enclaves: Edison, N.J.; Amid Strip Malls, Indian Expansion “ New York Times, 18 June 2001.


20.8% Living alone

27.8% Married couple

33.7% Married

couple with kids

9.8%

Family no husband present

Planning $400,000 /200,000

Medium 462 (houses)

$1 M /500,000

75.6%

Owner-occupied housing units 24.4%

Renter-occupied housing units

Average housing size

3.24

(houses)

High

Householder over 65

Average family size

#350 Little India

8.6%

Low 3,664

Density // Quantity // Average Price

50.5% 49.5%

$200,000 /100,000

2.78

Occupeid

18%

Housing

over 60

Not planned

Gender

57.2%

Preplanned

Property

20-59

Population by age

24.8%

Sort of association

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

99.8% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

0.2%


Sales

10%

Education + Health

2.0%

Art & Entertainment

3.0% Public Administration

2.5% Houseworker

12.2%

Little India #351

Religion

Muslim

23.0%

Professional

Jewish

0.9%

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

16.8%

Race combination

Unemployed

74.9%

54.1% Caucasian

6.62%

17%

8.2%

5.5%

Statistics

25.7%

6%

Ethnicity

14.0%

Buddhist

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Christian

Commuting to work

13.0%

57.8%

1.37%

Profession

Employment

36.1%

2.3%


single

household marital status

2.91

married

divorced

income

0-10k

+100k

religion

race

asian

mix

gender

male

0-1

10-20

age

1-10

20-40

40+

pop.

120,564

â&#x20AC;&#x153;La Morrisâ&#x20AC;?

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

Car improvements

Residential alterationss

Ethnic groups

n History & immigration

Stats. & landscape

The city

size (miles²)

13.14


Union // New Jersey Community is found everywhere; it happens when people in a place have social interaction or a moment of personal connection. It is in those moments where human contact happens and personal experiences and ideas are shared. These moments might be predetermined by a place and activity, but they are not limited to that, they also happen inadvertently anywhere.

Elizabeth #353

Colombians & Portuguese // Elizabeth

Elizabeth is well known for having a high population of Latinos, this includes all descendants of Spanish-speaking countries of Central America as well as South America. It is easy to identify these communities since its presence is about 49% of the total population (Census 2000) and they have altered the landscape of the city in some areas. In a city such as Elizabeth where we find a mix of cultures; it is especially hard to identify individual specific groups since many cultural aspects of the Latinos are similar. Looking at the town in detail, we find individual communities and ethnic groups that affect the landscape the most. In this case we look specifically at the Portuguese and Colombian Ethnic groups; these two having the greatest impact, creating spaces of their own within the fabric of the city. To find these ethnic groups, a critical analysis of space looking at different scales of changes had to be done. In the city we find drastic unavoidable changes as well as settled ones which are harder to see.

By train: From New York Penn Station > Elizabeth Railroad Station

From Philadelphia 30TH St. Phl. (On Septa Trenton) > Trenton Transit Center Trenton Transit Center > Newark Penn Station > Elizabeh Railroad Station

By bus:

From New York City: Port Authority Bus Terminal. Bus 111 > Elizabeth, Kapkowski Rd. and Center Dr. From Philadelphia: Greyhound Terminal (On 551 AtlanticCity) > Atlantic City Terminal Atlantic City Terminal (On 319 NewYork) > Penn Station NYC Penn Station NYC Stop (On 62 Perth Amboy) > Elizabeth, Broad St. and Jersey St.

By car:

From New York City: Lincon Tunnel > Rt. 1 & 9 to Elizabeth

Elizabeth

How to get there:


â&#x20AC;&#x153;La Morrisâ&#x20AC;?

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

n Car improvements

r Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

g History & immigra

Stats. & landscape ap

The city

Do w nt

ow n

Airport

Industrial Area & Marine Port Residencial & Retail

Elizabeth, being one of the oldest cities in the United States, and close to the New York City area, has been a place for immigrants to settle. It has developed a marine port as well as an industrial area and has grown into the 20th century having part of the International Newark Airport. It has also reserved a space for residential development and living where we find different Ethnic Groups. The analysis presented examines the way these groups change the landscape and ambience.

Retail

#354 Elizabeth

Residential/Retail Zone: Re

Residential


Elizabeth #355

Airport

Industrial Area & Marine Port

Residential & Retail

Transportation

City landscape

l

Elizabeth Zones


Latino Population Distribution 0% 14%-28% 32%42% 49%-54% 57%-64% 66%-76%

Airport

Population Comparison Elizabeth Population

United States Population 13%

49%

51%

87%

#356 Elizabeth

White and Whit d Others Oth h

White: Black: Asian: Other Race: - Latino (Any Race): Total Population:

67250 24090 2830 25736 59627 120568

â&#x20AC;&#x153;La Morrisâ&#x20AC;?

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

Car improvements

Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

History & immigra

Stats. & landscape

The city

Finding Communities Statistically

Latino L ti


In a city such as Elizabeth, we find a mix of people sharing the same space, in this case the same city. Some communities or groups decide to share their space, others decide to segregate and create their own environments. To find these specific groups of people or communities, we need to look for changes throughout the city. Some of these are very subtle, others are very visible. The changes are not limited to visual alterations; they may include sounds, language, and even different smells. In this case, we are going to concentrate in visual changes that give us clues about the community that lives there. Three main elements are visited, where changes are most visible.

Elizabeth #357

Finding Communities Through Landscape

Commercial Landscape: - Colors used. - Language. - Products offered: - Restaurant Food - Clothing - Groceries - Music - Additions and Attachments.

Residential Alterations : - Front gardens and facades: - Veneers. - Additions and Attachments

Autombile Improvement: - Additions and Attachments

Finding community

Changes in Landscape


Communities arriving to Elizabeth

“La Morris”

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

Car improvements n

r Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

History & immigration n

p Stats. & landscape

History & Immigration The city

1st Submarine made for the U.S. Gov.

Import/Export Marine Port

Gov. Institutions & 1st Capital of Nw Yersey

#358 Elizabeth

City of Elizabeth

Founded in 1664 by English settlers. Called “Elizabethtown”

First capital of New Jersey, during the American Revolutionary War

The ‘White Flig effect driving wh Americans out industrial are

1664

1775–1783

196


The Cuban Revolution took place around the 1950’s. In 1959 Fidel Castro took power. Many Cubans left the country and went to Miami, Florida; Union City, NJ and Elizabeth, NJ. By 1969, after the “White Flight”, Cubans took over stores on Elizabeth Ave. giving birth to a local Latino community.

kso

nA

ve.

Residential/ Commercial or

ris

Ethnic Communities taking over specific locations

Jac

M

Elizabeth #359

Finding Communities Through Landscape

Av

El

e.

iza

be

th

Av

First Cuban Commercial Settlement. Elizabeth Ave.

First Colombian Commercial Settlement. Morris Ave.

e Flight’ Cuban Revolution g white & immigration s out of of Cubans to Elizabeth. l areas. Elizabeth Ave. stores acquired by Cubans. 1960’s

1965

Cubans opened space for other latino communities to come to Elizabeth. 1965-2008

First Portuguese Commercial Settlement. Jackson Ave.

Portuguese settle in Elizabeth after a coup in Portugal, 1974 1974-2008

Arrival & location

e.


â&#x20AC;&#x153;La Morrisâ&#x20AC;?

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

n Car improvements

era Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

gr History & immigra

Stats. & landscape ap

The city

Ethnic Commercial Nodes

P1 C2 C1

Residential & Retail Higher Density Towards the Downtown Area Downtow Other Retail

#360 Elizabeth

White: Colombians: Portuguese:

Local Impact in Elmora Ave.

106139 7793 6636

Local Impact in Elmora Ave.


Elizabeth #361

Colombian Annual Festivals

Br oa dS t. N.

Westminster Ave.

Portuguese

ris

or

M

Colombian Area 2 ld Ave.

Colombian Area 1

Local Impact in Morris Ave.

Broad St.

Westfie

Distribution of Ethnic Commercial Businesses. Random occupancy of space by individual store owners who wanted to separate from other ethnic sectors.

Local Impact in Jackson Ave.

Ethnicity E thnicity Distributed

e.

Av

Portuguese Area 1


In Elizabeth, the Latino population exceeds the national average percentage: U.S.A.: Elizabeth:

- 13% Latino - 49% Latino

- 87% American and others - 51% American and others

Within the Latino population, Colombians exceed all other nationalities in the city of Elizabeth: Argentinean Bolivian Chilean Colombian Ecuadorian Peruvian Uruguayan Venezuelan Portuguese

312 121 209 7793 2135 2830 772 296 6636

Catholic Schools

When there is such a vast population of one or two ethnic groups, we see a change in the landscape and how the houses and buildings are treated differently. The changes may be: - Large amounts of Antennas - Change in roofs - Flags

#362 Elizabeth

Typical Country House (Colombia)

- Change in cladding of buildings - Additions to the front garden (Religious icons)

â&#x20AC;&#x153;La Morrisâ&#x20AC;?

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

n Car improvements

Residencial alterations

Ethnic groups

g History & immigra

Stats. & landscape ap

The city

Both ethnic groups bring their identity through the use of different elements. In the residential area we see how roof tiles, colors, and attachments in general resemble the ones used in original homes in the countries of origin.


Portuguese

Antennas

Cladding & Garden

Flag, Cladding & Roof Tile

Flag & Religious Icon

Religious Icon

Religious Icon

Residentiallandscape

Colombian

Elizabeth #363

Colombians as well as Portuguese are very religious, they both are influenced by the Roman Catholic church. The use of religious icons is found in both groups. What makes the two different are the landscape of their garden, the flag, and their sense of identity within the city. Portuguese are more likely to stay together and live close to Catholic schools. Colombians on the other hand do not have to live close to each other and sending kids to Catholic Schools is not a priority.


Colombian Flags

Portuguese Flags

(Colombian)

Car Owner

#364 Elizabeth

Mapping the location of cars with flags, it was found that Colombian cars were most likely to be anywhere in the city, while Portuguese were concentrated in certain locations.

.

Colombians do not add flags to the rear of their cars to avoid profiling by police or regular people. People in general associate drugs trafficking with the country.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;La Morrisâ&#x20AC;?

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

Automobile Improvem m Car improvements

r Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

g History & immigra

Stats. & landscape ap

The city

Main Roads & Train Stations


Elizabeth #365

Portuguese Vehicles

Colombians are more likely to add a flag and other items in front of the vehicle.

Colombian Vehicles

Automobile identity

Portuguese are more likely to add their flag at the read of their vehicle.


“La Morris”

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

n Car improvements

r Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

g History & immigra

Stats. & landscape ap

The city

Businesses Residential

No

rth

Av

e.

#366 Elizabeth

Jac

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Portguese Residential Gardens

The businesses by the Portuguese area are disperse and they appear to not be of high density, as we saw in the Colombian Zone 1. The area where the businesses are located is more residential and the opportunity for a main street populated with stores is unlikely. Due to the low density of stores, residential housing is present in the same area. Many of these houses are owned by Portuguese and they have also changed the landscape of a street, “Jackson Ave”


Wood Fence

Sitting Outside

Language

Flag, Sitting

Flag, Floor Texture

Elizabeth #367

Portuguese zone 1

Typical Portuguese country house

This typical Portuguese house with an outside area shows how they like to enjoy the outdoors. This concept has been taken into account by businesses in Elizabeth which have implemented their own version. Businesses have even changed the texture of the floor to create a more â&#x20AC;&#x153;home-likeâ&#x20AC;? feeling.


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Portugal China Ecuador Peru Israel

USA

Vietnam

India

#368 Elizabeth

Colombia

Others

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The presence of Latinos in this area is about 35%, where 24% is Colombian occupied, a much lower number compared to the Morris Ave. area. The change in landscape is not as visible here as it is in Morris Ave. Still this is a commercial zone highly populated by Latinos and Colombians.

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Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

n Car improvements

r Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

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Stats. & landscape ap

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The amount of Colombian stores is much less in this area but as we can see, the stores stay close together. There is only one parking lot and parking on the street is allowed. The changes in facades are less strong.

Colombian zone 1

Parking

Elizabeth #369

Colombian Businesses Restaurants Travel Agencies Carriers Finance (Money Exch.) Beauty Salons Ethnic Stores Cosmetics and Fashion Others not Latino


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#370 Elizabeth

Pa

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“La Morris”

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

Car improvements n

r Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

History & immigra g

p Stats. & landscape

The city

Colombian Businesses Restaurants Travel Agencies Carriers Finance (Money Exch.) Beauty Salons Ethnic Stores Cosmetics and Fashion Others not Latino

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Walking from the parking lots to the restaurants, people get to live the landscape of the street. Morris Ave. gives a sense of home to the Colombian visitor, making them comfortable and ready for a more intimate ‘Colombian’ moment at the restaurants. At the same time, other people might feel alien to the place.

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Elizabeth #371

Peak Times

Peak hours in restaurants when people get together. Business Ownership Chart Latinos Vs. Others 13% Others 87% Latino Owned

Within Latinos

13% Central America

13% South America

74% Colombian

10% No TVs 90% Rest. Have TVs

Colombian Restaurants

27% Rest. 18% Fashion

13% 13% Travel Financial 16% 13% Salons Stores

Colombian Business

Colombian Co o b a zone o e2

Peak Times


“La Morris”

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

n Car improvements

r Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

g History & immigra

Stats. & landscape ap

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Morris Ave. Mo has become rri sA ve. one of the most famous streets in Elizabeth for its high population of Colombian stores. The street division line is painted every year for the celebrarion of the Colombian independence (July 20th). It remains painted for the rest of the year.

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#372 Elizabeth

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Canopy with flag colors

Products with flag colors

Neon arranged in flag colors

Canopy with Spanish clay tile

Flag used as identify

Elizabeth #373

Colombian zone 2

Typical Colombian country house

This house is the typical country house found by the coffee lands on the mountains of Colombia. The house image is used today as a symbol of patriotism and holds a history that goes back to the Spanish colonies around the 1660â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. The walls are made of bamboo and covered with stucco. The color used on walls is white. The roof is made of clay tiles.


The Products

#374 Elizabeth

The Environment

The Channels

The Content

Creating the environment â&#x20AC;&#x153;La Morrisâ&#x20AC;?

Elmora Ave.

Jackson Ave.

n Car improvements

r Residencial alterat

Ethnic groups

g History & immigra

Stats. & landscape ap

The city


Elizabeth #375

Environment for a moment in Community

The restaurants and bakeries are points where the community informally gathers. They become the place where the morning coffee is the “hinge” for a moment to share thoughts and ideas, a moment where news, politics, and events are discussed. The same moment happens in the afternoons, between 5pm and 7pm when people gathered to have coffee and some pastries and watch Colombian TV.

aqg

Restaurante Tipico

nz

n z The restaurants work as a “tunnel” in time and space to bring a country closer to their new reality. Everything is in place: Language, people, food, drinks, environment, and then the direct news and shows on TV. Bibliography - Aviv, Yamal. Recuperando la historia de los colombianos en Elizabeth. Paper. 2000 - http://www.elizabethnj.org/index.html - http://www.wikipedia.com - http://www.census.gov

Bringing g g Co Colombia o ba

Bringing Colombia to the local restaurant


33% Living alone

17% Married couple

37%

Average family size

#376 Elizabeth

8%

Family no husband present

Planning

(houses) $400,000 /200,000

Medium 4550 (houses)

$200,000 /100,000

(units)

Owner-occupied housing units 20%

Renter-occupied housing units

Householder over 65

3,45

Low 24

High 8920

80%

Average housing size

5%

Married couple with kids

47,5%

$1 M /500,000

Density // Quantity // Average Price

52,5

Sort of association

23.5%

2.91

Occupeid

up to 60

Not planned

Housing

73.7%

Gender

20-59

Preplanned

Property

2.8%

Population by age

Demography

0-19

Occupeid percentage

99% For seasonal, vacacional, ocasional use percentage

1%


Christian

2% 5%

Elizabeth #377

62%

3%

Race combination

Unemployed

Buddhist

25%

Jewish

44%

11% Muslim

Religion

Employment

36,7%

50%

Sales

2.5%

Transportation, Information & other Servicies

11%

0%

Education + Health

43%

33%

Professional

4%

Art & Entertainment

6% Public Administration

5% Houseworker

0%

20%

3.5%

3.6%

49% 12%

Statistics

11%

51% Caucasian

Ethnicity

13%

13%

Ethnicity // Religion

Non-skilled Labor Force

Commuting to work

8%

Profession

3%


#001 Ocean Grove #378

Notes:


Notes

#379


#001 Ocean Grove #380

Notes:


Notes

#381


4th International architecture biennale rotterdam

11 � 4iaBr

new jersey comunnities��Case studies��NIJT

FIELD GUIDE

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1. New Jersey Communities_Fieldguide//Case Studies  

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