Mig@Net report - Intercultural conflict and dialogue

Page 52

Beyond the support it got from conservative politicians and the huge media coverage for its openly racist positions, it was largely tolerated by the wider political spectrum as many liberals and progressives either remained silent or kept equal distances from ‘the two extremes’ back then. Politis newspaper for example, a liberal newspaper which in the past has been particularly sensitive to the problem of racism often adopting a clear anti-racist stance, in November 2010 was talking about the two extremes which are dogmatic violent and more or less similar, the rights of the racists to express their ‘opinion’ publicly, the anti-racist which provoke them and so on. This was more or less the stance of the political parties as well with only AKEL being the exception in directing its criticism against the racists. But even within AKEL there were different opinions with respect to the extent that the party should have supported anti-racist mobilisations in general and that one in particular. What is more important the stabbing of the Turkish Cypriot musician was not considered important by the Greek Cypriot media although it made headlines in the north and was used by nationalists for their purposes. In the south, a new anti-immigrant hysteria was launched against the ‘so-called political refugees’ waged both by ELAM and by other far right groups appearing as ‘enraged citizens of Larnaka’ given of course big media coverage and support. A couple of anti-immigrant marches took place in Larnaka after the 5th November incident culminating in an ELAM parade in late December. These were bigger than before but not too big - revealing thus that the racist hysteria was considerably smaller than its media image. In late April 2011 KEA attempted to take it further to bring its ‘victory’ to the capital, organising another set of public events, a discussion and a march, in Nicosia just before the parliamentary elections in mid May and ending in the anti-racist ‘stronghold’ of Faneromeni. The march was entitled as ‘against the checkpoints, the occupation, the settling in the Homeland of Turks and other Muslims’.73 The central slogans were ‘No to the Islamification of the Homeland, No to the privileged treatment of the so called Turkish Cypriots and No to the illegal immigrant friendly policy of the government’ the demand was the closing of the checkpoints and the call included a reference to the need for a mass presence because ‘the Turks, the English and AKEL are measuring our will to fight’.74 As expected the anti-racist activists – leftists, alternatives and anarchists could not ignore the challenge. Although there were heated and multiple discussions where various proposals were made, eventually it was decided to organise a multicultural festival to muster many more people than usual crowd in Faneromeni square on that particular evening where the KEA march was coming to ‘claim the historical Church’ so that ‘the sacred space remains in Greek hands’.75 KEA was looking forward to this contest and felt confident explaining to its member that ‘infidels insult left them no choice but to WIN.76 KEA prided itself for putting the ‘migration problem’ on the public agenda after the Larnaka events and this time attempted to make the link with the Cyprus problem more explicit in an announcement that talked about traitors, enemies of Hellenism, about the Turks which send drugs and Muslims 52


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