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FORMATION of PHILIPPINE SOCIETY JOSE S. ARCILL A , S.J.

2012

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Form ation of P hiliPPine S ociet y au t hor Jose s. A rcillA, s.J. P u bliSher MediA Wise coMMunicAtions inc. / Muse Books c e o/ e x e c u t i v e c r e a t i v e D i r e c t o r r AMoncito ocAMpo cruz e x e c u t i v e vic e P r e S i De n t rey l. Fuentes vic e P r e S i De n t eMiliA loMBos cruz Gr a Phic DeSiGn er A lex B. dulAy seyMond eArl nieverA eDitor i a l a S SiSta n t r AMon lorenzo loMBos cruz

Copyright © 2012 By MediA Wise coMMunicAtions inc. And Fr. Jose s. A rcillA, s.J. 114 B M AlAkAs street, cBd, diliMAn 1100 Quezon city, philippines Telephone: (632) 922-7583 • e-mail: mediawise02@yahoo.com WeBsite: www.mediawise.ph all riGhtS reServeD

no pArt oF this puBlicAtion MAy Be reproduced in Any ForM or By Any MeAns, electronic or MechAnicAl, including photocopying, recording, or Any inForMAtion storAge or retrievAl systeM, Without Written perMission FroM the puBlisher. isBn no. 978-971-94465-1-4


dedicAtion To the Filipino youth. The golden hope of our country A tender bud that needs to bloom, and raise its gallant brow, Break the chain that shackles Its creative genius

J. Rizal, A la Juventud Filipino


CONTENTS

Part i

the m aGell a n e x PeDit ion 1. The Magellan Expedition

Part ii

1

2. After Magellan

10

3. The Legazpi Expedition

17

4. The Conquest of Cebu

24

5. The Spanish Camp in Cebu

32

6. The Portuguese Interlude

35

7. The Conquest of Manila

37

P re -h iSPa nic i Sl a n DS 1. Pre-Hispanic Islands

46

2. Indigenous Idioms and Related Arts

48

3. Social Traits and Traditions

51

4. Industrial Arts

53

5. Economic Practices

57

6. Initial Colonial Policy

61

7. Patronato Real de Indias

69

VIII


Part iii i n it i al c olon i al o rGa nizat ion 1. Hispanization

76

2. The First Manila Synod

79

3. Early Sources of Revenue

81

4. The Galleon Trade

83

5. Tiangge and English “Country Trade”

90

Part iv e x Pa nSion

c onSoliDat ion

anD

1. The Muslim South

Part v

94

2. Expansion to the North

101

3. Sumuroy Uprising

106

4. Pampanga Uprisings

108

5. Palaris Uprising

110

6. The Silang Uprising

114

e xt er nal

anD

i nter nal threatS

1. The Dutch Threat

120

2. The British Occupation of Manila

124

3. Economic Disruption

127

4. Corporate Reforms

131

5. Tobacco Monopoly

133

6. After the Monopoly

137

IX


Part vi e conomic r eForm anD Growth 1. Modern Economic Progress

142

2. New Towns and Parishes

146

3. Some Solutions

148

4. Adopting the Roman Alphabet

151

5. An Unchanged Social Picture

154

6. Colonial Schools

157

Part vii the nineteenth c entury 1. The Return of the Jesuits

166

2. The Problem of Native-Born Priests

172

3. Pedro Pelaez

175

4. Jose Apolonio Burgos

178

5. The Cavite Mutiny

182

6. Possible Foreign Intervention

188

7. Trials After the Mutiny

190

X


Part viii a Ftermath oF the cavite mutiny 1. After the Cavite Mutiny

198

2. Initial Propaganda Writing

201

3. The Propaganda Movement

203

4. Jose Rizal

206

5. Noli Me Tangere and Other Propaganda Writings

212

6. Marcelo H. Del Pilar

214

7. La Solidaridad and Other Writings

218

8. El Filibusterismo

224

Part ix the b oniFacio uPriSinG 1. End of the Propaganda

232

2. Rizal at Home

234

3. The Katipunan

239

4. Rizal in Dapitan

242

5. The Discovery of the Katipunan

244

6. Freemasonry

245

7. Revolution and Biaknabato

249

8. Truce

253

selected BiBliogrAphy

XI


PR E FAC E First edited a few years ago, the present book now needs revision to include knowledge from recent historical research. Planned for undergraduate history classes at the Ateneo de Manila University, it is offered also to the general reader who wishes to know more about the growth of his country and society. Teachers and students and teachers complain that they have found hardly any book on Philippine history, which describes the soul of the Philippine nation. They find instead glorified calendars, a lifeless register of dates, places, events, and persons – the so-called “facts” of the past. But these are mere lifeless bones of the human endeavor, which any good almanac or encyclopedia can provide. True history has something special to offer which sets it apart. History must tell the entire human story, or, it will not be history. Unlike the birds who have built nests in the same way since time immemorial, or the beasts, who could not care what kind of stable shelters them, the human person, who is the center and creator of history, never ceases to try to be better and does not rest and always seeks to outdo himself. The famous line of St. Augustine, “you have made us for yourself, and our hearts are restless till they rest in you,” is true not only in the theological sense, but in all aspects of life. And the human person entered history when he began to produce, and not just hunt or pluck the fruits from the trees around him. This effort to make and remake things, while passing across space and through time, is what makes the human agent truly human, conscious of who he is and what he can do. For history, the totality of the human reaction to the stimuli of space and time,always involves the interplay between inanimate creation and the creative power of the human will. Pope Benedict XVI once said that everything comes from God, the center from which all things radiate. He is absolute truth, beauty, goodness. Those, therefore, whose task it is to share knowledge with others must make God known, explicitly or otherwise. For information that does not lead to God is vapid and empty. And knowledge is useless, unless it leads to the good life. i


This is true of all learning, especially historical learning. And we are told that the greatest advances in historical learning alter, not the forms of life, but the patterns of thought which the more learned share with us. And unlike the plastic arts, writing is a medium of human exchange that national idioms do not limit. Sculptors can reproduce the same statue in wood or stone; but if Plato’s writings, were lost, we could not reconstruct them from any plastic art. Nothing happens by itself, and everything is a result of human action. The French historian, Fernand Braudel (1902-1985), suggests three factors to consider to understand the historical process: (1) long-lasting or permanent factors (“longue duré”); (2) factors that come together at a certain point of time (“conjonctures”); and (3) individual incidents that reorient the flow of events (“événementielles”). Geography best exemplifies the first set of factors; the half-century of American government in the Philippines, the second; and the murder of Benigno Aquino in 1983, the third. Taken together, they help us understand Philippine history better. Philippine history starts with Pigafetta’s chronicle of the Magellan expedition (1519-1522), and is part of post-Renaissance modern history. Good weather had revived international trade and promoted an unusual economic progress. New trade routes opened, new trade centers appeared at river mouths or sheltered coves (“portus” – literally, “doors”), people emigrated from the farms to new residential sites (“civitates” – cities), which soon dotted the European map. New needs provoked unlimited search to satisfy new knowledge and new needs. Society and human values, following the Renaissance, evolved, and reason had become the key to the good life, not authority as in the Medieval Ages. It was not an original view, but the revival (called precisely, “renaissance” or rebirth) of classical Greco-Roman cultural heritage. This is perhaps reflected in the new art and literature by such outstanding figures as Michelangelo (d. 1446), Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494), who challenged everyone to a debate de omni re scibili (on anything there is to know); Hans Geinsflesch, better known as “Gutenberg” (1497-1468), who invented the movable type printing press and universalized learning; the Augustinian Fray Luís de León (1527ii


1591), who perfected the Castilian language and wrote impeccable prose characterized by its nitidez, mĂşsica, sencillez (clarity, elegance, simplicity); Tycho Brahe (1546-1601), who invented the telescope and reconciled the theories of Ptolemy and Copernicus; etc. Three figures stand out in colonial history: the navigatordiscoverer, the conquistador, and the colonizer, missionary, official, and trader. But while history has its share of notorious characters, it has a far greater number of glorious heroes, whose deeds opened horizons and made life worth living. We are all the better off because of them. I now take the opportunity to thank the various authors and publishers for their generous permission to quote brief passages from their works or reproduce some pictures. Addressed to non-scholars, we decided not to include footnotes.

JosĂŠ S. Arcilla, S.J. 12 June 2012

iii


iv


INT RODUCT ION The history of the Philippines covers less than 500 years, not long, compared to that of many other nations, like Persia, Egypt, India, China, the Americas, etc., where culture and art had long flourished. Long before the Christian era, Indonesia, for example, had its Borobudur, Campuchea Ankor Wat. In contrast, the Philippines boasts of beautiful earthquake baroque churches that date only to the 18th and 19th centuries. The Philippines did not yet exist when Magellan arrived in 1521. There were indeed individual islands inhabited by mutually hostile tribes, with whom traders from China, Japan, India, and other Southeast Asian kingdoms had already been exchanging goods and basic services. But the pre-Hispanic islanders of the future Philippines had no sense of unity essential to a nation. And, as late as 1889, the American Commissions sent to investigate conditions in their new colony, reported that the Philippines was just a “collection of tribes,” not a nation. The Philippines entered the orbit of European culture when the Castilian Crown decided to colonize the islands, because of Legazpi’s glowing reports on the economic potential of Cebu and the adjacent islands. The written history of the Philippines, then, began with Castilian efforts to shunt from Portuguese ports part of the extremely lucrative Far Eastern spice trade. But the Castilians immediately realized that the Philippines had neither spices nor gold, and the royal advisers urged the King to abandon what was clearly going to be an economic fiasco. But he cut short all this speculation when he announced he was ready to sell part of his crown jewelry, and if that did not suffice, use some of the wealth from the Americas, and even dip into the royal treasury, provided that at least one chapel could be built in the islands even if only one Indio was baptized there. In other words, besides economic motives, the Castilian Crown had another objective in colonizing the Philippines, namely, to Christianize the indigenous islanders. Long before Magellan, there had always been contact between the East and the West. Han China (fl. B. C. 202-A. D. 226) was contemporaneous with the Roman Empire during its greatest expansion (B. C. 27-A. D. 476). Contact was through the silk route, open since B. C. 1006. Chinese silk was sold in Rome, while the graceful Arabian steeds were sheltered in Chinese stables. At this time, too, the Sassanids, famous for their gold (A. D. 200650), and Tang China (A. D. 619-697), the source of gold brocades, appeared in history. The most famous European traveler to the Far East was Marco Polo (1254-1324). He covered the entire land route to Cambaluc (modern Beijing) in more than 250 traveling days, more than enough time to grow a beard. The story goes that his safety had been due to a beautiful woman companion, although one may doubt this. If a land traveler died, the local chief claimed prior right to the deceased man’s cargo, and the people fought for their share. v


The Chinese Grand Khan entrusted Polo with several diplomatic missions to Southeast Asia and even named him governor of a province. This gave him sufficient information, which he later related to a certain Rustichello of Pisa, who published it as The Marvels of the World, and Marco Polo earned the nickname “Messer Millione.” A copy of this book was offered to Columbus after his third voyage to the New World, on whose pages he scribbled marginal annotations. An indication of the difference between the two societies on opposite halves of the globe would be the seven voyages of one of the greatest Chinese admirals, Zeng He, in 1406-1433. He had with him 25,000 men – perhaps an exaggeration, for that would mean an average of 3,000 to 4,000 men for every voyage. His last voyage was along the eastern African coast and around the Cape of Good Hope. He disappeared from history, for when he finally returned home, a new emperor had ascended the throne. In time, the biggest Chinese junk measured 190 meters long, while the largest European boat measured only about 21 meters. Both China and Rome overextended themselves, a factor that led to their decline. The first fell before the Mongolian advance, and the second proved defenseless before the Teutonic migrations. Islam appeared all over, and by A. D. 711, had overrun southern Europe as far as the Iberian Peninsula – because a disgruntled heir to the Castilian throne opened the gates to let the enemy in, not because of Moorish military superiority. But Mohammed’s followers were stopped at the famous Battle of Poitiers (A.D. 732), north of the Pyrenees by Charles, a feat, which won him the nickname “Martel” (“Hammer”). Nonetheless, Islam continued to control the sea lanes and to a great extent the Far Eastern spice trade. Meantime, the Muslims were in control of Jerusalem, and the Christians organized the military campaigns or Crusades to recover the birthplace of their religion’s Founder. Critique has not spared the movement, but European culture has been affected by the military tide that subsequently washed over the Middle East. The returning crusaders and people escaping from the Muslims brought with them manuscripts of practically the entire classical learning of antiquity. And in Toledo, Archbishop Raymond opened a school of translators who produced Latin versions of the ancient texts. This revived scientific and cultural studies, which became the basis of the great medical centers of learning, the universities, and new horizons of thought opened. Latin became the common language and unified western European Christianity. By the 10 th century, Europe was astir with the new knowledge. Geography gave the edge to the Venetians and Genoese, who braved the seas and established factorías (coastal trading posts) and became the undisputed arbiters of international commerce. From the Far East, they obtained spices, perfumes, precious stones and gems, or silk in exchange for leather, grain, and wine.

vi


Spices were sought to flavor insipid food stored through the winter months. In due time, silver paid for the goods, instead of the traditional practice of exchanging one kind for another. This marked the end of barter and, as historians claim, the end of the Medieval Ages. The new currency was the Carolingian coin, a thin, easily bent disk of gold, silver, or vellón (alloy of silver and copper). Twenty years before Columbus’ discoveries, Venice introduced the tron lira, six or seven times thicker than the Carolingian coin, and on which the prince’s bust had been inscribed. Two years later, in 1474, Milan minted a much thicker and heavier pure silver coin, which also carried the prince’s bust. These two city-states were leading trade centers, and their currency was called “testón,” of practically the same value as the tron lira. The silver deposits discovered in the Tyrol led to new coinage, the silver Rheinischer Gulden, of about the same value as the older gold coin. In 1477, the Guldiner circulated, a silver macro-coin heavier than all the previous currencies. It weighed 15.96 grams, but only 14.95 after purification. Sankt Joachimstal (St. Joachim’s Valley) in Bohemia also had silver deposits, and their owner minted even heavier macro-coins weighing 27 grams (only 24, when mixed with an alloy of 900 milligrams). Then in 1528, Archduke Ferdinand of Austria (1504-1564) issued a silver currency of 26.39 grams, called “Joachimstaler” or simply “thaler,” the ancestor of the modern word, “dollar.” The basic Spanish money denomination was the “maravedí.” At the beginning of the modern period, Spain’s standard currency was the gold “excelente de Granada” which Ferdinand and Isabella had issued, but it was usually known as the “ducado” (ducat), after the Venetian ducat on which it was modeled. It weighed 23¾ carats fine and was tariffed at 375 maravedís. In 1537, Charles V (1516-1556) introduced a new coin, the escudo, 22 carats fine and tariffed at 350 maravedís. The ducat, however, continued to serve as the unit of account. In 1566, Philip II (1556-1598) increased the tariff of the escudo, with the weight and fines remaining constant, from 350 to 400 maravedís, a rate which lasted for more than 40 years. But the standard coin during Philip II’s reign was the real, worth 34 maravedís, while the “real de a ocho” was worth 272 maravedís. Treasure from the American colonies was expressed in terms of pesos (literally, weight of silver or gold). The peso de mina meant 450 gold or silver maravedís, equivalent to 42.29 pure silver grams. For purposes of conversion, it was equivalent to 1.2 ducats. Other currencies came into use: the silver or pure gold solidus, about 4.5 grams; the silver denarius of about the same weight, and a copper coin of uncertain value. People began to hoard silver and gold as “precious” metals, whereas earlier they had been valued only for ornament and decoration, as when Magellan first arrived in Cebu in 1521. The names of the various currencies indicate their origins: genovina from Genoa, fiorina from Florence, ducato common in Europe. The Arabs used the gold or silver dinar, about 4.5 grams. vii


Gold Weight Standard

1505: 1 real = 44 maravedis 12 granos = 1 tomín ½ real = 22 maravedis 1 grano = ¼ quilate cuartillo = 11 maravedis 1quilate = 206 miligranos 1535: moneda de vellón = 4 maravedís later: 8 reales = 1 peso

In 1497, five years after Columbus discovered the New World, the Catholic Kings introduced economic reforms that lasted till the 19th century. The basic unit of exchange was the real, of about 3.4 silver grams. Fractions of ½, ¼, and even 1/8 were allowed. The law made no immediate impact in the New World, for the people continued to use cacao seeds, feathers, textiles, gold or silver dust, and pieces of tin or copper in the form of a “T.” But in 1555, Mexico minted fractions of the peninsular real, ¼, ½, 2, 4, and 8. The latter, a silver coin called “real de a ocho,” or 1 peso, became the common coin in the Philippines. By the 15th century, the caravela and the nao were the common sailing vessels for deep-sea navigation. Their predecessor, the north European Kogge (whence the English “cog”) was a tall sturdy cargo boat, with a lateral rudder, a rather cumbersome fixture for big boats, until someone placed the rudder at the stern, greatly facilitating ship control. But the caravel and the nao, designed and perfected by Portuguese mariners, were strong, easier to maneuver, and in their time proved to be the best boats for overseas navigation. A thick hull and a full sail characterized the caravel. The longer and slender Mediterranean galley was more agile and swifter, but it was unsuited for the open and turbulent Atlantic Ocean. The caravel proportionately measured 1 X 2 X 3, i. e., on the average, the keel measured 5.3 meters long, broadside 12 meters, and its over-all length 21.5 meters. Lading space amidships measured 2 to 2.5, square meters, and the ship had a draught of about 2 meters. It had one deck and small forecastle for the boat’s equipment. One fourth of the forward deck served as the roof of the cabin for the captain and the mate. The crew occupied whatever space was available. The nao had a rear and forward castle, which differentiated it from the caravel. viii


In no way could these boats move by rowing, but by a skillful combination of sails. There were two kinds: the rotunda (round), actually a square sail but which became a round balloon when filled with the wind; and the latina (lateen, or triangular), useful for tacking, or zigzagging against a head wind. All vessels were equipped with both sails, the round from the main and fore masts, the lateen from the mizzenmast. The bowsprit completed the ensemble. Successful navigation called for the ability to manipulate both sails properly. Most of the ship’s cargo consisted of a year’s supply of food for the crew and goods for barter. On leaving port, the boats took in fresh water, fresh vegetables and fresh fruits, wood for cooking, etc. Fresh fish the crew obtained from fishing when weather permitted. The boats carried also a reserve supply of cloth for sails, planks of lumber, tallows, caulking material, cables, nails, carpentry tools, flags, etc. When the food was half-consumed, the boat turned back. That is why, after rounding for the first time the Cape of Good Hope (“Cabo Tormentoso”) at the southern tip of Africa, Bartholomeu Dias acceded to his crew’s demand to sail home. Though not fitted for fighting, the boats carried defensive weapons and ammunition. Generally, these were 10-caliber guns, projectiles, culverins, while the crew armed themselves with shotguns, pikes, steel weapons, round shields and bucklers, grappling warms, etc. Lanterns were indispensable, mainly for the captain’s signals or orders at night – hardly any boat ventured alone into the deep. For lack of precise instruments and the traditional superstitions about the sea, pilots hugged the shore. But by 1500, experience and some technology helped improve sailing techniques. Sailing charts (portolans) were especially helpful, and with them a good pilot could sail beyond sight of land, although few actually dared to. Drawn in bright colors on parchment, a portolan showed coastal lines, rivers, coves, capes, shallows, reefs, etc., but gave no information about the interior beyond the shore. Until Gerhard Kremer, or in Latin, “Mercator” (1512-1594) perfected the technique of projection, the portolans did not help much for deep sea navigation. Most pilots knew the ancient astronomical theories. With some accuracy from day and night observation, they measured the latitude measurements with some accuracy. Coordinating a specific spot on the horizon with the altitude of certain heavenly bodies, like the sun, the polar start, etc., they could measure the angles thus formed. Two sailing instruments were necessary: the astrolabe and the quadrant, either of bronze or wood. An indicator attached to the astrolabe spotted heavenly bodies and showed their altitude on a graduated border of the instrument. The quadrant gave the same reading with the help of an auxiliary sinker or plumb line. Navigators calculated latitudes through tables and almanacs found in sailing manuals. That is why later, Magellan took Ruy Faleiro as his partner, because the latter had composed a table of longitudes. ix


To obtain the longitude, they checked the local time at noon against the time in Salamanca or Nuremberg. But greater precision was possible by calculating an ellipse with the help of a famous almanac composed by Abraham Ibn Samuel Zacute (1450-1522), a Jewish astronomer and historian in Spain until the Catholic Kings expelled the Jews from their kingdom in 1492. The mariner’s compass consisted of a magnetic needle floating freely around a circular plate, with indications of the winds (N, NE, E, SE, S, SW, W, NW), the half, and quarter winds. The fleur-de-lis on the top pointed to the north, while the main axle of the needle was clearly marked on the immobile structure holding the compass to show the ship’s direction. Experienced mariners reckoned speed with the naked eye, and calculated distance in Roman miles by the hour. They observed the froth and the bubbles in the ship’s wake, the seaweed floating past, or by just watching the changing coastline. The dropped a knotted line into the sea, and counted how many knots slipped past as the boat moved forward. That is why the speed of ships is counted in knots. Each “league” was equivalent to 3.8 land miles. Knowing the direction and the distance covered, pilots could mark their destination on the portolan. A sounding line to warn against shallow waters, and the sand glass were the two other necessary sailing instruments. A pilot whose margin of error in long distance sailing was more than 5% was considered bad, unless he ran into a storm or some other snag, like faulty magnetic declensions. Much of the art of sailing with inadequate instruments depended greatly on intuition and experience. A naval expedition with its full compliment of navigators formed a special world in itself. There was, first, the captain, the highest officer, who enjoyed full authority, including (before radio and the air plane) power over life and death. He did not have to be an expert navigator, but in the Age of Discoveries, he almost always was. He might have kept to his cabin all the time, but his personality, his energy and presence were a pervading influence in the boat. He sailed aboard the flagship (capitana), with its stern lamp as the point of reference for the fleet at night and during stormy days. Depending on their number, the lamps warned against an approaching enemy, an oncoming storm, the end of a voyage, the route to follow, increase or decrease the sails, etc. From the flagship came also the orders for the other captains of the boats of the expedition, unless bad weather dispersed them, and then, each one looked to his own safety. The ship’s master (boatswain, “contramaestre”) was second in command, who had to be an expert seaman. He controlled every aspect of navigation, especially maneuvers on leaving or entering a port, dropping or raising anchors, etc. He was responsible for the cargo and all administrative tasks aboard. The third in command was the pilot, always an expert mariner, responsible for the success of the voyage. He took charge of the sailing instruments, the log book, the plotting of the course, cleanliness on board ships, the water pumps, precautions against fire, etc. He directly supervised the crew. x


The rest of the crew included the quartermaster, constable, cook, carpenter, caulker, barrel maker, barber/surgeon. In the expedition also were the royal agents in charge of the funds, one or more inspectors (veedores), scribe, notary public, and an interpreter (lengua). Priests joined long distance voyages to minister to the navigators. Financial gain was a strong motive for the expeditions. After deducting the expenses and special bonuses for meritorious service during the voyage, the net profit was shared proportionately among the ship owner, the traders, and the crew. The latter also received their share if they had shipped cargo for barter. If the expedition was a royal enterprise, the navigators received a salary.

Map of Acapulco

Along familiar routes and with good weather, life on board was monotonous and extremely circumscribed. Besides the daily chores incident to sailing, there was nothing much to do, and time lay heavy on their hands. A grumete or ordinary seaman in charge of the hour glass had to be alert and awake to keep watch and turn the glass when the sand had completely slid down to the lower half. He then set it upside down again. This happened every 30 minutes, and the hour had to be exactly noted, or ship’s watches would be disrupted. Eight turns of the glass, or four “ampollas pasadas,” meant four hours, the length of each watch. The change of watches was at 3:00, 7:00, and 11:00 o’clock at night and during the day. xi


Modern technology has ended one of the more beautiful traditions of seamanship. Just before the second night watch (7:00 P.M.) changed, all men came together for evening prayers. The grumete, or cabin boy, trimmed the night lamp, while chanting the tradition hymn: God grant a good night, good sailing, the ship make good passage, Lord Captain and Master, and good company. Then all joined to recite the Doctrina cristiana, the traditional prayers Our Father, Hail, Mary, the Creed, which closed with the hymn to our Lady, Salve, Regina, inherited from medieval Benedictine psalmody. The fall of Constantinople in 1453 to Muslim forces led to the high cost of spices in the European market. 100 weight of spices cost 3 ducats in Calcutta, but 42 in Venice, a price that went up to 80 in 1499. In 1505, the same amount of spices cost 192 ducats, but more in Venice. One pound of short pepper coast 30 groten in Brabant in 1499, but 50 in 1500, just a year later. Before Egypt fell to the Turks, it monopolized the spice trade, which Venice tried in vain to break. Two cities farther west, Genoa and Barcelona, were fast growing centers of international trade, too. None of these three cities won the race to control the spice trade. Portugal beat them, for Portugal gave to the world FernĂŁo MagalhĂŁes (Ferdinand Magellan).

xii

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Formation of Philippine Society  

Published in 2012, Fr. Jose Arcilla, S.J, initially intended for this book to be used for undergraduate history classes, as well as a genera...

Formation of Philippine Society  

Published in 2012, Fr. Jose Arcilla, S.J, initially intended for this book to be used for undergraduate history classes, as well as a genera...

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