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Change and Reform in Law Enforcement Old and New Efforts from Across the Globe


Change and Reform in Law Enforcement Old and New Efforts from Across the Globe

Edited by

Scott W. Phillips • Dilip K. Das

Boca Raton London New York

CRC Press is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business


CRC Press Taylor & Francis Group 6000 Broken Sound Parkway NW, Suite 300 Boca Raton, FL 33487-2742 © 2017 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC CRC Press is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa business No claim to original U.S. Government works Printed on acid-free paper Version Date: 20160805 International Standard Book Number-13: 978-1-4987-4168-2 (Hardback) This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reasonable efforts have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the author and publisher cannot assume responsibility for the validity of all materials or the consequences of their use. The authors and publishers have attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication and apologize to copyright holders if permission to publish in this form has not been obtained. If any copyright material has not been acknowledged please write and let us know so we may rectify in any future reprint. Except as permitted under U.S. Copyright Law, no part of this book may be reprinted, reproduced, transmitted, or utilized in any form by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying, microfilming, and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the publishers. For permission to photocopy or use material electronically from this work, please access www.copyright. com (http://www.copyright.com/) or contact the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. (CCC), 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, 978-750-8400. CCC is a not-for-profit organization that provides licenses and registration for a variety of users. For organizations that have been granted a photocopy license by the CCC, a separate system of payment has been arranged. Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging‑in‑Publication Data Names: Phillips, Scott W. (Scott William), 1961- editor. | Das, Dilip K., 1941- editor. Title: Change and reform in law enforcement : old and new efforts from across the globe / Scott W. Phillips and Dilip K. Das, [editors]. Description: Boca Raton, FL : CRC Press, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016019547 | ISBN 9781498741682 (alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Police. | Police administration. | Police-community relations. | Law enforcement. Classification: LCC HV7921 .C475 2017 | DDC 363.2--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016019547 Visit the Taylor & Francis Web site at http://www.taylorandfrancis.com and the CRC Press Web site at http://www.crcpress.com


Contents

Prologue International Police Executive Symposium: Co-Publication Preface Editors Contributors Introduction

ix xiii xvii xix xxv

Section I POLICE OFFICER EDUCATION

1

Benefits and Challenges of Academic Police Education

3

KATJA M. HALLENBERG

2

Indian Police Training Institutions, Universities, and Other Stakeholder Partnerships: Toward a Matrix Model for Better Policing

27

SONY KUNJAPPAN

3

Downsizing to a College-Educated Police Force

43

GREGORY E. WALSH

Section II POLICING AND THE PUBLIC

4

Correlates of Citizen Trust in the Ghanaian Police: A Regional Study FRANCIS D. BOATENG

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Staging “White Maleness” with Cops: A Diversity Training Case Analysis

85

DEBORAH S. DEMEESTER AND DONALD R. LAMAGDELEINE

6

Reengineering the Delivery of Police Services: The Decision to Change Utilizing a ProblemSolving Model

109

RICHARD C. LUMB AND JOHN B. ROGERS

7

Factors That Predict Citizen Support for Aggressive Policing

127

TIMOTHY A. LAVERY, AMIE M. SCHUCK, MEGAN A. ALDERDEN, RACHEL M. JOHNSTON, DENNIS P. ROSENBAUM, AND CODY D. STEPHENS

8

Opposing Perspectives of Policing in Pakistan and Implications for Reform

149

MARK SHAW

Section III PAST AND CONTEMPORARY CHANGES IN POLICING

9

Assessing the Current Status of Women in Policing: The Presence of the Past

171

VENESSA GARCIA

10

Police Downsizing and Change Processes in Northern Ireland: Retired Police Officers’ Views on the Implementation of the Patten Report on Policing PAUL KENNETH GILBERT, CHRISTOPHER ALAN LEWIS, AND CONOR MC GUCKIN

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Contents

11

Reflections on Police Corruption: Faltering Developments in Regulating Police Conduct in Australia

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211

BERNADINE TUCKER AND ANN-CLAIRE LARSEN

12

Policing Terrorism: The Significance of the FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force Program

231

CHRISTOPHER W. ORTIZ

13

Police Web Presence: Engaging with the Digital Frontier

245

MICHAEL F. AIELLO AND VIKAS K. GUMBHIR

14

The Role of Facebook in Policing: Linking Law Enforcement and the Community

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MICHELLE KILBURN, LAURA KRIEGER, CRYSTAL CECIL, AND LUKE MORAVEC

15

A Dynamical Spider Web of Change: The Process of Changing Policy in Law Enforcement

287

MICHELE MUNI

16

Conclusion

309

SCOTT W. PHILLIPS

IPES Story

313

IPES Institutional Supporters

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Index

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Prologue

In 2005, Jean-Paul Brodeur suggested that police reform is assumed to proceed through similar stages and at a similar pace across policing. Brodeur’s argument, however, applies best to reforms in the paradigm of policing, such as community policing (Zhao, Lovrich, & Thurman, 1999) or intelligenceled policing (Carter & Phillips, 2013). Many reforms or improvements in policing, however, occur in environments or venues that do not apply at the paradigm level; yet, they should be recognized for their potential application across policing. These police reforms may be found throughout policing and applied in an “á la carte” fashion. That is, many police departments may find that the different reforms or improvements attempted in other police agencies might also be applied in their jurisdiction. Some police reforms, while originally local in nature, receive broad recognition and are then diffused across and integrated into many other police agencies. For example, COMPSTAT (COMPuter STATistics) was promoted by William Bratton; the program received public recognition and awards, and was diffused across policing through these mechanisms. Unfortunately, many police reforms that might be useful to a broad number of police agencies do not have the benefit of a well-recognized and supportive leader, government backing, or other social system. These reforms and programs do not follow the normal patterns of diffusion (see Gayadeen & Phillips, 2014; Phillips & Gayadeen, 2014); thus, their existence and application may be unknown to most other police agencies. In addition, some “older” policing reforms have had broad interest in the past, but their importance to police agencies has waned or the topics have been minimized in the scholarship for many years. When police agencies reexamine the possibility of implementing older reforms, the attempts are often lost among the new or “trendy” police reforms that are currently on the front stage of policing. In an effort to provide broad exposure to a variety of policing reforms at a local level that have not received adequate attention, manuscripts submitted to the journal Police Practice & Research: An International Journal, were examined for two characteristics. First, the manuscripts were examined for policing reforms that, in general, attempted to improve policing organizations or officers. While “improve policing” can be viewed in very broad terms, it is defined here as simply finding methods for making the police function better, including public safety and crime prevention, order maintenance, or ix


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community interaction. Second, manuscripts were selected from across the globe. This provides a mechanism to help diffuse these reforms; thus, police agencies anywhere in the world can learn from police agencies everywhere. Several different police reform topics were identified among the manuscripts that were selected. These broad topics are the foundation for this book. In Section I, Police Officer Education, Katja Hallenberg studies the relationship between higher education and professionalization. Sony Kunjappan provides a discussion of how police training in India can be used to maintain police accountability. Finally, Gregory Walsh examines the idea that the financial downturn in the economy has resulted in a larger-than-normal pool of college-educated people, and now is the time for police agencies to access those people. In Section II, several authors examine a common topic of research in policing, Policing and the Public. Yet, these chapters take different tacks than have been seen in the past. Francis Boateng describes the level of trust between the police and the public in the postcolonial environment of Ghana. Deborah DeMeester and Donald LaMagdeleine study the experiences and attitudes of police officers following a diversity training workshop that focused on the racial attitudes of White males. This chapter seems particularly salient in light of recent calls for improved police training to improve police–community relationships. A chapter by Richard Lumb and John Rogers discusses the nexus between policing innovations and the need to hold tightly to tradition and current functions, and the resulting challenges to change the police. The work of Timothy Lavery, Amie Schuck, Megan Alderden, Rachel Johnston, Dennis Rosenbaum, and Cody Stephens takes a slightly contrary view from what might be expected of the police: the acceptance of the public regarding the use of aggressive policing tactics. Finally, a chapter by Mark Shaw examines police reforms in Pakistan in the face of resistance from the powerful civil service and political elite. Section III, Past and Contemporary Changes in Policing, reviews a variety of topics that have either been examined in the past, but the issue has fallen off as a topic of study, or topics that are timely and in need of additional discussion. Venessa Garcia examines the experiences of women in policing and how these may (or may not) have changed over time and in light of diversity of women who are employed in policing. Paul Kenneth Gilbert, Christopher Alan Lewis, and Conor Mc Guckin provide an informative review of the active “downsizing� of a police agency in Northern Ireland and its impact on the offices whom were the subjects of that policing reform. Bernadine Tucker and Ann-Claire Larsen address the issue of corruption in policing and how the police have responded to national attention that is focused on the issue. The contemporary topic of terrorism is addressed by Christopher Ortiz, who discusses the role of police agencies as part of active federal programs formed to deal with this national security issue. The issue of how police agencies


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utilize the Internet to improve policing is examined in two separate chapters. Michael Aiello and Vikas Gumbhir demonstrate that most large police agencies maintain an Internet web page to manage the organizations’ links to the external environment. Michelle Kilburn, Laura Krieger, Crystal Cecil, and Luke Moravec explore the use of Facebook and other social media technologies as a way for police agencies to promote their goals and advance their connection to the community. Finally, Michele Muni provides an overall analysis of organizational change in police agencies. Her efforts provide a good foundation for the other chapters in this section. This book, Change and Reform in Law Enforcement: Old and New Efforts from Across the Globe, is designed for law enforcement practitioners, criminal justice scholars, as well as students. The text provides an insight into the diverse and important issues in policing, which are intended to improve the effectiveness of the profession. The chapters explore important topics such as the use of the Internet and social media as a part of modern policing, improving the education and training of police officers to improve professionalism and accountability, police–community relations in the areas of trust and aggressive policing, and other important topics related to organizational change, including women in policing, downsizing police agencies, and terrorism. In addition, because the chapters are the result of research in a variety of countries beyond the United States (i.e., Ghana, Northern Ireland, Great Britain, Pakistan, India, and Australia), the book makes a contribution to the needs of scholars and police agencies from across the globe.

References Brodeur, J. P. (2005). Trotsky in blue: Permanent policing reform. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 38(2), 254–267. Carter, J. G., & Phillips, S. W. (2013). Intelligence-led policing and forces of organizational change in the United States. Policing & Society, 25(4), 333–357. Gayadeen, S. M. & Phillips, S. W. (2014). The innovation of community policing and the COPS Office: Does diffusion of innovation theory hold in a manipulated environment? International Journal of Police Science & Management, 16(3), 228–242. Phillips, S. W., & Gayadeen, S. M. (2014). The coercive impact of federal grants: COPS grants and the diffusion of the community policing philosophy. The Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles, 87(1), 49–60. Zhao, J., Lovrich, N. P., & Thurman, Q. (1999). The status of community policing in American cities: Facilitators and impediments revisited. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 22(1), 74–92.


International Police Executive Symposium: Co-Publication Preface

The International Police Executive Symposium (IPES) was founded in 1994 to address one major challenge, that the two worlds of research and practice remain disconnected even though cooperation between the two is growing. A major reason is that the two groups speak in different languages. The research is published in hard to access journals and presented in a manner that is difficult for some to comprehend. On the other hand, police practitioners tend not to mix with researchers and remain secretive about their work. Consequently, there is little dialogue between the two and almost no attempt to learn from one another. The global dialogue among police researchers and practitioners is limited. True, the literature on the police is growing exponentially. But its impact upon day-to-day policing, however, is negligible. The aims and objectives of the IPES are to provide a forum to foster closer relationships among police researchers and practitioners on a global scale, to facilitate cross-cultural, international, and interdisciplinary exchanges for the enrichment of law enforcement, to encourage discussion, and to publish research on challenging and contemporary problems facing the policing profession. One of the most important activities of the IPES is the organization of an annual meeting under the auspices of a police agency or an educational institution. Now in its 17th year, the annual meeting, a five-day initiative on specific issues relevant to the policing profession, brings together ministers of interior and justice, police commissioners and chiefs, members of academia representing world-renown institutions, and many more criminal justice elite from over 60 countries. It facilitates interaction and the exchange of ideas and opinions on all aspects of policing. The agenda is structured to encourage dialogue in both formal and informal settings. Another important aspect of the meeting is the publication of the best papers presented by well known criminal justice scholars and police administrators who attend the meetings. The best papers are selected, thoroughly revised, fully updated, meticulously edited, and published as books based upon the theme of each meeting. This repository of knowledge under the copublication imprint of IPES and CRC Press/Taylor & Francis Group chronicles the important contributions of the International Police Executive Symposium over the last two decades. As a result in 2011, the United Nations awarded IPES xiii


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a Special Consultative Status for the Economic and Social Council (ECSOC) honoring its importance in the global security community. In addition to this book series, the IPES also has a research journal, Police Practices & Research: An International Journal (PPR). The PPR contains research articles on police issues. It is an international journal and is distributed worldwide. For more information on the PPR visit http://www. tandf.co.uk/journals/GPPR. The chapters in this book surfaced from manuscripts submitted to Police Practice & Research: An International Journal. These chapters revolve around a simple theme: improving policing. The manuscripts address policies or issues that have been addressed in the past, as well as topics that have received little attention. For example, the first section of this book includes chapters that focus on police education. While this issue received a moderate level of attention in the past, these chapters demonstrate the importance of education in policing that has resurfaced. Several chapters address the police–community relationship dynamically. However, they move beyond the well-established importance of this issue to explore specific components that contributed to, or may threaten the establishment of an improved relationship. Finally, several chapters examine contemporary issues that have only recently appeared as potential strategies for improving the police. IPES advocates, promotes, and propagates that POLICING is one of the most basic and essential avenues for improving the quality of life in all nations; rich and poor; modern and traditional; large and small; as well as peaceful and strife-ridden. IPES actively works to drive home to all its office bearers, supporters, and admirers that, in order to reach its full potential as an instrument of service to humanity, POLICING must be fully and enthusiastically open to collaboration between research and practice, global exchange of information between police and academics in every country, universal dissemination and sharing of best practices, generating thinking police leaders and followers, and reflecting and writing on the issues challenging to the profession. Through its annual meetings, hosts, institutional supporters, and publications, IPES reaffirms that POLICING is a moral profession with unflinching adherence to the rule of law and human rights as the embodiment of humane values. —Dilip K. Das Founding President, International Police Executive Symposium www.ipes.info


International Police Executive Symposium: Co-Publication Preface

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Book Series Editor for: Advances in Police Theory and Practice CRC Press/Taylor & Francis Group Interviews with Global Leaders in Policing, Courts, and Prisons CRC Press/Taylor & Francis Group PPR Special Issues as Books Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group Founding Editor-in-Chief Police Practice & Research: An International Journal, PPR, http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/GPPR


Editors

Scott W. Phillips, PhD, is an associate professor in the Criminal Justice Department at the State University of New York (SUNY) Buffalo State. He earned a doctorate degree in criminal justice at SUNY Albany. His research examines the effect of organizational and environmental factors on police officers’ attitudes and decision making. Further, he has explored how innovations are diffused in police agencies, including community policing and intelligence-led policing. His recent research explores police agency policies, including police militarization and the use of Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT). Prior to his academic career, Dr. Phillips served as a police officer in Houston, Texas, and worked for the U.S. Department of Justice in the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. He has twice served as the Futurist Scholar in Residence with the Behavioral Science Unit at the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) National Academy in Quantico, Virginia. His works have appeared in the Journal of Criminal Justice, Police Research & Practice, Criminal Justice Policy Review, Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, and the International Journal of Police Science and Management, Policing, and Society. Dilip K. Das, PhD, has years of experience in police practice, research, writing, and education. After obtaining a master’s degree in English literature, he joined the Indian Police Service, an elite national service with a distinguished tradition. After 14 years of service as a police executive, including a term as a chief of police, he moved to the United States, where he earned a master’s degree and PhD in criminal justice. Dr. Das is a professor of criminal justice, a former police chief, and a human rights consultant for the United Nations. He is the founding president of the International Police Executive Symposium (IPES), where he manages the affairs of the organization in cooperation with an appointed group of police practitioners, academia members, and individuals from around the world. Dr. Das is also the founding editor-in-chief of Police Practice & Research: An International Journal. He is the author, editor, or coeditor of more than 40 books and numerous articles. Dr. Das has received several faculty excellence awards and was a distinguished faculty lecturer.

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Contributors

Michael F. Aiello is a PhD student in the Criminal Justice Program at the Graduate Center, housed at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City of New York (CUNY) and an assistant professor in the Sociocultural and Justice Sciences Department at SUNY, Fredonia. His research interests include cultural criminology, vigilantism, bystander intervention, and policing. Megan A. Alderden is an associate professor at Saint Xavier University. She completed PhD in criminal justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Her research interests include women in the criminal justice system, policing, and sexual assault processing. Francis D. Boateng is an assistant professor in the Liberal Arts and Education Department at the University of Minnesota, Crookston. He earned PhD in criminal justice and criminology from Washington State University. His main research interests include comparative criminal justice, comparative policing, police legitimacy, international security, sexual assault, quantitative research, crime, law, and justice. His most recent publications have appeared or are forthcoming in International Criminal Justice Review, Criminal Justice Review, the Journal of the Institute of Justice and International Studies, Victims & Offenders: An International Journal of Evidence-Based Research, Policy, and Practice, and the International Review of Victimology. Crystal Cecil is a graduate assistant at Southeast Missouri State University. Cecil is currently serving as a military police officer in the Missouri National Guard, with a desire to work in law enforcement. Her areas of interest include researching criminal justice responses to terrorism and domestic violence against women and children. Deborah S. DeMeester is the director of the Graduate Programs for Public Safety and Law Enforcement Leaders at the University of St. Thomas (Minnesota). She holds an EdD in leadership, MA in college student services, and MDiv and BA in political science. Her qualitative research focuses on policing and leadership as well as living well in leadership and health. Venessa Garcia earned a PhD in sociology from the State University of New York University at Buffalo. Dr. Garcia worked as a research assistant with xix


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the Research Institute on Addictions and as a research associate with the National Center for State Courts where she also served as staff liaison for the Access and Fairness Committee of the Conference of Chief Justices. Dr. Garcia worked as a research consultant and program evaluator for the Elmira City Police Department and Elmira Correctional Facility (New York). She also served as a commissioner for the Chemung County Commission on Human Relations and as a member of the Family Violence Committee of the Task Force on Children and Families of Chemung County (New York). Dr. Garcia has also served as a grant writer and research consultant for the New Jersey State Parole Board and the New Jersey Juvenile Justice Commission. Paul Kenneth Gilbert is a lecturer in policing in the Department of Law and Criminal Justice Studies, Canterbury Christ Church University (Canterbury, Kent, England). He is Head of Year for First-Year Undergraduate Students. He holds a BSc in social science with social policy and psychology, an MA in social policy and criminology, and his PhD thesis examined police reform in Northern Ireland. His research interests are in policing in general, and police reform, in particular. From August 1983 until September 2013, he worked for the police in Northern Ireland (both Royal Ulster Constabulary and Police Service of Northern Ireland) as a frontline police officer and a police trainer. Vikas K. Gumbhir is an associate professor of sociology at Gonzaga University. His areas of research and teaching include racial profiling, militarization of the police, police technology, inequality and crime, as well as cultural criminology. Katja M. Hallenberg is originally from Finland but has lived in the United Kingdom for more than a decade. She completed her joint honors BSc in psychology and criminology at the University of Teesside and an MSc in investigative psychology at the University of Liverpool. Between 2005 and 2012, she studied and worked at the University of Manchester, completing her PhD. Dr. Hallenberg joined Canterbury Christ Church University in September 2012 and continues to research in areas of academic police education, professionalization, and organizational culture. Her other research and teaching interests include criminal and forensic psychology; diversity within the criminal justice context; sustainability and justice, including education for sustainable development; and qualitative research methods. Rachel M. Johnston is the program director of the MA Criminology program at Adler School of Professional Psychology (Chicago, Illinois). Her areas of expertise are in law enforcement organizations, police management,


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surveillance, and violence prevention. She worked with the Chicago Police Department in their Research and Development Division for over a decade, and recently worked on a multiagency collaboration involving a number of public agencies in Cook County and the City of Chicago. Michelle Kilburn is an assistant professor at Southeast Missouri State University. Kilburn’s teaching focuses on crime and human behavior, juvenile justice, statistics, and criminal justice administration. Her areas of focus include student perceptions of online learning, student perceptions of issues in criminal justice, social media influence in criminal justice, and innovative strategies teaching criminal justice. Laura Krieger is an instructor at Southeast Missouri State University (Cape Girardeau). Krieger’s teaching focuses on community-based and institutional corrections, as well as offender rehabilitation. Krieger has direct experience in the field of criminal justice as a legal assistant and private probation officer. Her areas of research include student perceptions of the critical issues in criminal justice, restorative justice, drug court programming, and social media influence in policing. Sony Kunjappan is the chairperson and assistant professor at the Center for Studies in Social Management, School of Social Sciences, Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar. He is a graduate in veterinary science from Kerala (veterinary doctor). His master’s was in social work, specializing in criminology and correctional administration from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. He completed an MPhil from the Center for Studies in Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and is currently pursuing a PhD on police accountability. His areas of interest are governance, human rights, and police studies. He teaches research methodology, human rights, social policy, and governance at the Central University of Gujarat. Donald R. LaMagdeleine is a professor at the University of St. Thomas (Minnesota), where he has served as an administrator and faculty member for 30 years. He holds a PhD in sociology, an MA in the history and phenomenology of religion, and a BS in psychology. His early research was in applied and higher education research as well as the sociology of religion. His recent work focuses on police culture and leadership. Ann-Claire Larsen is a legal sociologist with a keen research interest in international human rights law. She began her legal studies (LLB, LLM) after completing a PhD in sociology. She now teaches at the School of Law and Justice at Edith Cowan University (Perth, Australia).


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Timothy A. Lavery holds a PhD in criminology, law, and justice from the University of Illinois at Chicago. Dr. Lavery is currently employed as the chief operations research analyst with the Research and Development Division of the Chicago Police Department. His research interests include policing and community crime prevention. Christopher Alan Lewis is the director of the Graduate School, the director of the Alister Hardy Religious Experience Research Centre (London, England), and professor of psychology at Glyndŵr University, Wrexham (Wales). He has previously served as head of the Department of Psychology and dean of the Faculty of Health, Medical Sciences, and Society. He holds degrees in psychology (BSc, MPhil, and DPhil) and education (MSc, MEd) from the University of Ulster (Northern Ireland), and also religious studies (MA) from Bangor University (Wales). His research interests include the psychology of religion and psychology of peace, conflict, and violence. He is the founding coeditor of the journal Mental Health, Religion & Culture since its inception in 1998. Richard C. Lumb earned his doctorate from Florida State University (Tallahassee) and his master’s and bachelor degrees from the University of Southern Maine (Portland). His academic career spans 25 years and includes chair of the Department of Criminal Justice and the director of Western North Carolina Basic Police Training Academy; associate professor in the Department of Criminal Justice, University of North Carolina at Charlotte; and chair and Emeritus Professor of the Department of Criminal Justice at the State University of New York (SUNY) Brockport. At SUNY Brockport, he was also the director of the Institute for Leadership Development, the codirector of the Institute for Public Safety Policy Studies, and the director of the Western New York Community Policing Program, funded by the National Institute of Justice. Conor Mc Guckin is an assistant professor of educational psychology in the School of Education at Trinity College Dublin, Ireland. His research interests include bully/victim problems among children and adults, psychology applied to educational policy and practices, psychology of religion, psychometrics, and guidance counseling. Mc Guckin is also the director of Behavioural Insights, the leading and innovative provider of psychological and educational solutions. He is an Associate Fellow of the British Psychological Society and the Psychological Society of Ireland, and a Chartered Scientist with the British Science Council. Luke Moravec is a graduate assistant at Southeast Missouri State University. Moravec earned a bachelor’s of science degree from Southeast Missouri State


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University and is currently in the Criminal Justice master’s program. His areas of focus include social media influence of criminal justice and innovative strategies in corrections. Michele Muni earned a PhD in 2012 from Rutgers University (New Jersey). She is currently an assistant professor of criminal justice at the Holy Family University in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In the past, she was employed by the New Jersey Juvenile Justice Commission, Office of Parole. Her research interests focus on organizational change in law enforcement agencies. More specifically, she is interested in tactics and policies that address domestic violence, homeland security, and street gangs. In 2011, she attended law enforcement domestic violence training, offered by the Prosecutor’s Office of Mercer County, New Jersey. Christopher W. Ortiz is an assistant professor at New York Institute of Technology. He earned a PhD from John Jay College of Criminal Justice. He is currently a Lieutenant with the Glen Cove (New York) Police Department where he has served for the past 16 years. Dr. Ortiz has conducted research for the Vera Institute of Justice, the Police Foundation, Rand Corporation, and the Police Assessment Resource Center. John B. Rogers, MPA, is the director of the Maine Criminal Justice Academy. As director, he manages the staff, facilities, training, and professional development of multiple occupational criminal justice groups. He guides the development of policy, standards, conducts evaluations of learning outcomes, and works closely with many professional groups across the State of Maine. His accomplishments include former Deputy Commissioner of the Maine Department of Public Safety, Chief of Police, and member of several professional organizations that provide professional standards of certification, legal guidance, and training and certification standards for criminal justice personnel. Dennis P. Rosenbaum is a professor of criminology and psychology and director of the Center for Research in Law and Justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His areas of research include urban police organizations, community crime prevention, drug use prevention strategies, and program evaluation methods, including randomized experiments. Amie M. Schuck has a PhD in criminal justice. She is an associate professor in the Department of Criminology, Law, and Justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Her areas of research interest include community capacity and mobilization, youth attitudes toward the police, and quantitative methodology.


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Mark Shaw is one of the original founders who has been working to bring the Global Initiative to fruition since 2011, and now serves as the director. Dr. Shaw is a professor at the University of Cape Town (UCT), Department of Criminology. He is the NRF-funded research chair on Security and Justice, where his principal aims are to strengthen and improve research and innovation of research in South Africa in the field of security and justice; to build the capacities required for research that will enhance the explanatory and normative understanding of African security and justice; and to develop a network of scholars and practitioners. His specialized research is in transnational organized crime and criminal networks, and their impact on governance and the community. Prior to joining UCT, Dr. Shaw was the director at a boutique consulting firm specializing in fragile states and transnational threats. Cody D. Stephens is a coordinator of Research Programs for the Center for Prevention Research and Development in the Institute of Government and Public Affairs at the University of Illinois. She earned BA and MA degrees in psychology and criminal justice from Northwestern University and Loyola University (both in Chicago, Illinois), respectively. She is currently working on a PhD in criminology, law, and justice from the University of Illinois at Chicago. Her interests lie in program evaluation research, field research methodology, and policing. Bernadine Tucker has a career in governance, oversight, and regulatory roles in the government and the private sector. She has completed her master’s of criminal justice with research at Edith Cowan University (Perth, Western Australia), and is a tutor in criminology in the Faculty of Law at the University of Western Australia. She is currently completing a PhD in regulatory oversight strategies. Gregory E. Walsh is an assistant professor of criminal justice at Utica College (New York). He held a variety of positions with the New York State Police over a 25-year career, culminating in his promotion to Captain in the Bureau of Criminal Investigations (BCI) in 2003. As the Captain at the BCI, Walsh managed and coordinated all major criminal investigations for the state police in a seven-county area. Additionally, he supervised the BCI’s specialized units, including the Counter Terrorism Unit, Computer Crimes Unit, the Forensic Identification Unit, and the Violent Crimes Investigation Unit. He served as the chairperson of a seven-county counterterrorism law enforcement conglomerate and as a member of the U.S. Attorney’s AntiTerrorism Task Force and Anti-Terrorism Advisory Counsel.


Introduction

The business author Alan Deutschman is credited with coining the aphorisms “change or die.� Essentially, Deutschman was arguing that businesses needed to adapt to the changing environments. Moreover, it was suggested that organizations taking a reactionary posture to their environment would be unable to adjust or adapt to satisfy the environmental standards and expectations. Further, businesses that were considered reactionary agencies were often seen as functioning within a bygone era mindset. When a business operated within an antiquated mindset, when it did not adjust, or innovate to adapt to the changing environment, the business was likely to fail and close its doors. Public service agencies, such as police departments, do not suffer from the same organizational requirements that are commonly attached to businesses. Crank and Langworthy (1992) argued that because police organizations do not create a product, and that their organization is not required to compete in a market environment, they are free from the normative requirements of efficiency and effectiveness associated with a business. Still, while a police agency is free from the standards of a business environment for its organizational survival, it cannot completely ignore the agencies local environment. Most police chiefs owe their allegiance to the mayor or city manager, which requires some level of success in the agency. Alternatively, the chief must demonstrate some effort to satisfy the needs of the citizens, even if the chief provides symbolic efforts. That is, a police chief can implement new innovations in policing in a good-faith effort to meet the needs of the mayor and city residents. Even if those efforts prove to be unsuccessful, there is an argument to be made that the department is attentive to the needs of its environment and making adjustments to improve its performance. Since policing first developed in London in the early nineteenth century, most of the changes in law enforcement can be attributed to the natural progression of history. For example, reforms to policing that took place in the late nineteenth century were merely a part of a larger progressive movement across the society. The professionalization era impacted the police with new standards for police chiefs and officers, integrating the principles of management, and minimizing the political influence in police organizations. Other crescive changes resulted from the invention of the telephone and

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automobile; the citizens could more easily contact the police and they were expected to respond more quickly. It is arguable that changes in policing with the intended purpose of improving police performance started in the 1970s. That is, the conscious objective of policy makers, police chiefs, and academics was to develop and implement tactics and strategies that might help the police to prevent crime and improve their relationship with the community. The Kansas City Preventative Patrol Experiment (Kelling, Pate, Diekman, & Brown, 1974) could be considered as the seminal work exploring the effectiveness of policing. The inability of police patrols to succeed in their stated goals of reducing crime and making people feel safe led to other policing strategies that were deliberately constructed to improve policing. An extensive review and discussion of the many innovations in policing that occurred after the Kansas City study would result in its own book; more likely, a multiple-volume compendium would result. A brief review of the more prominent, even if forgotten, innovations would include various strategic and tactical methods for improving policing. For example, Team Policing was developed to rebuild the police–citizen connection with the goals of reducing crime and disorder. Unfortunately, Team Policing found no footing in policing (Sherman, Milton, & Kelly, 1973) and vanished quickly from the scene (Walker, 1993). In the mid-1970s, community policing that entered was developed. Community policing required that police agencies modify how they worked with the public to reduce crime problems. The police were expected to respond to the needs of citizens by cultivating their views regarding the problems and how the police were expected to deal with those problems (Kelling & Moore, 1988). The term community policing was often used interchangeably with problem-oriented policing or problem solving. These terms, however, are conceptually distinct. Where community policing expects collaboration between the police and the public to understand and deal with a problem, problem-oriented policing extends the collaboration to include a careful analysis of the problem (Scott, 2000). The past 20 years has seen a growth in the use of analysis in policing. Essentially, police agencies are expected to use their own crime data for more than a descriptive understanding of their performance. The raw information that is housed in the police department can be applied to more sophisticated examinations. Instead of simply counting the number of robberies or burglaries, the data could be used to identify patterns or trends. The common theme of “analysis” is found in several programs currently being actively used or explored in policing. The most well-known of these is COMPSTAT, which is described as a method for using timely intelligence that aids in the deployment of police officers who used effective tactics to deal with problems (Bratton, 1998). During this same period, Lawrence Sherman (1998) offered a discussion of “evidence-based policing,” describing it as high-quality


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“scientific evidence” (p. 2) based on the analysis of data. Analytically based evidence could then be used when “tailoring the intervention to the local context and conditions” (Welsh, 2006, pp. 305–306). The application of analytically based evidence to solve problems is also a key aspect of intelligencebased policing (ILP), developed in England in the mid-1990s (de Lint, 2006). Carter and Carter (2009) define ILP as “The collection and analysis of information related to crime and conditions that contribute to crime” (p. 317). Data analysis results in reports that assist police agencies in the development of responses to potential threats. A possible explanation for the broad or growing application of these well-known strategic changes to improve the effectiveness of the police is found in the diffusion of innovation (DOI) theory. Rogers (1995) defined diffusion as “the process by which an innovation is communicated through certain channels over time among members of a social system” (p. 5). Of the four components of DOI theory—the innovation, communication channels, time, and the social system—communication channels disseminate information about the innovation across an organization field. For example, Weisburd, Mastrofski, McHally, Greenspan, and Willis (2003) suggest that the speed with which COMPSTAT was adopted by American police agencies was unusually fast. They posited that the creators of COMPSTAT promoted the program in media and professional journals. Further, “the agency that created this program [the NYPD] was the most visible local police agency in the nation and did a great deal to publicize it and show other agencies how it operates” (p. 445). Therefore, COMPSTAT diffused to other police agencies because it was communicated across the police community. Unfortunately, many innovations in policing do not have the opportunity to diffuse to other agencies. The ideas or programs are often initiated in police agencies that do not have access to the broad communication channels in the police community. They may be started in smaller police agencies, or the police chief may not have a popular following that has been cultivated by other police executives. Some programs may be seen as “unique” or a specialty program that do not have the flair associated with “lighting-rod” issues with labels such as “crime fighting” or “police–community relations.” Finally, some programs do not receive funding and the requisite academic attention that helps disseminate the effectiveness of these programs to the broader police community. Nevertheless, small-scale innovations and changes in policing need the attention of both academics and professionals. A new idea, or even an older program that seems to have faded only to be reexamined by a new administration, needs to be discussed by the organizational field. A larger police agency may learn about the development of an innovation in a smaller agency, but with the ample resources commonly available to larger agencies, grow, and develop an innovation to its full potential. Policing programs or policies in


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different parts of the world need to be examined by other countries. Police agencies may not “die” or fade from existence, but if a police department is going to respond to the needs of their community, and maintain legitimacy in their environment, policing innovations need to be discussed and debated. Exposure to these ideas is the first step.

References Bratton, W. (1998). Turnaround: How America’s top cop reversed the crime epidemic. New York: Random House. Carter, D. L., & Carter, J. G. (2009). Intelligence-led policing: Conceptual and functional considerations for public policy. Criminal Justice Policy Review, 20(3), 310–325. Crank J. P., & Langworthy R. (1992). An institutional perspective on policing. The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 83(2), 338–363. de Lint, W. (2006). Intelligence in policing and security: Reflections on scholarship. Policing & Society, 16(1), 1–6. Kelling, G. L., & Moore, M. H. (1988). The evolving strategy of policing, Perspectives on policing (Vol. 4). Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice. Kelling, G. L., Pate, T., Diekman, D., & Brown, C. E. (1974). The Kansas City preventative patrol experiment: A summary report. Washington, DC: Police Foundation. Rogers, E. M. (1995). Diffusion of innovations (4th ed). New York, NY: Free Press. Scott, M. (2000). Problem-oriented policing: Reflections on the first twenty years. U.S. Department of Justice. Washington, DC. Sherman, L. W. (1998). Evidence-based policing. Ideas in American policing series. Washington DC: Police Foundation. Sherman, L. W., Milton, C. H., & Kelly, T. V. (1973). Team policing: Seven case studies. Washington DC: Police Foundation. Walker, S. (1993). Does anyone remember team policing? Lessons of the team policing experience for community policing. American Journal of Police, 12(1), 33–55. Weisburd, D., Mastrofski, S. D., McHally, A. M., Greenspan, R. & Willis, J. J. (2003). Reforming to preserve: Compstat and strategic problem solving in American Policing. Criminology & Public Policy, 2(3), 421–456. Welsh, B. C. (2006). Evidence-based policing for crime prevention. In D. Weisburd, & A. A. Braga (Eds.), Police innovation: Contrasting perspectives (pp. 305–321). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.


Police Officer Education

I


Benefits and Challenges of Academic Police Education

1

KATJA M. HALLENBERG Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................ 3 Literature Review.................................................................................................... 4 Moving Toward Academic Police Education ................................................. 4 Impact and Drivers of Academic Police Education ...................................... 6 Research Focus ....................................................................................................... 9 Methodology ......................................................................................................... 10 Findings ..................................................................................................................11 Benefits ...............................................................................................................11 Standardization ............................................................................................11 Externally Recognized Qualifications and Career Flexibility ............... 12 Personal Development and Improved Self-Image .................................. 12 Professionalization and Relationships with the Public, Other Professions, and Government ................................................................... 13 Broader Knowledge and Deeper Understanding ................................... 13 Challenges..........................................................................................................14 Competing Demands ..................................................................................14 Acceptance, Engagement, and Support ................................................... 15 Plurality of Options .................................................................................... 15 Control and Management ...........................................................................16 Equality and Diversity .................................................................................16 Discussion ..............................................................................................................17 Conclusions ........................................................................................................... 21 References .............................................................................................................. 22

Introduction The relationship between police and higher education is hardly new. However, in the United Kingdom, it has been slow to develop (Wood & Tong, 2009), particularly in comparison with the United States (see, e.g., Eskridge, 1989; Hawley, 1998; Walker, 1977). Nevertheless, the last decade has seen a proliferation of police–university partnerships and courses from foundation to master’s level aimed at current and aspiring police officers, signifying 3


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Change and Reform in Law Enforcement

the recent formalization of the police–academia relationship in the United Kingdom. Overall, it can be considered to have achieved a more routine status, moving from sporadic connections and interpersonal-level contact to organizational rapprochement—at least on the surface. Recently, the new police professional body—College of Policing—has introduced the first standardized pre-entry qualification. The Certificate of Knowledge in Policing (CKP) covers the knowledge component of Diploma in Policing that is the minimum compulsory qualification for police constables in England and Wales, forming part of the Initial Police Learning and Development Program (IPLDP). Currently, CKP is offered by “Approved Providers” among which are a number of higher education institutions (HEIs). In light of this, the relationship between the police and academia is likely to grow, and consideration of potential benefits and challenges of academic police education becomes a timely exercise. This chapter explores these by drawing both from existing literature and reporting on a small interview-based study with police trainers and training coordinators in England.

Literature Review Moving Toward Academic Police Education The police training landscape in England has been described as problematic, fragmented, and unnecessarily complicated (Bolton, 2005). It includes different types and levels of training, all with their own needs and concerns (Southgate, 1988), which makes identifying a clear responsibility or interest group and tracing decision and policy making relatively difficult even for the police themselves (Allard, 1997). While there had been attempts of “academization” of police training before (e.g., the short-lived Metropolitan Police College during the interwar years), it was not until the 1960s that the move began to gain momentum, however slowly. The period witnessed an increased focus on training and education of police officers as a response to the problems of legitimacy (Lee & Punch, 2004). This coincided with the publications of the influential Robbins Report in 1963, which called for expansion of higher education opportunities and the supporting government policy at the time (Lee & Punch, 2004) although unlike many other professions, the police retained separate training establishments. Nevertheless, it paved the way to programs dedicated to sending police officers to universities. The best known and perhaps the most influential of these was the Bramshill Scholarship Scheme started in 1966, which provided university education opportunities for management-level officers. The police Graduate Entry Scheme was launched in 1968 (Lee & Punch, 2004) and it continues (under different names and formats) to this day.


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The intake of graduates increased in the 1980s due to the Edmund-Davies 1978 pay awards and rising unemployment (Reiner, 2010). The poor reputation of the police service during the 1990s resulted in the new goal to produce “reflective practitioners” capable of diffusing situations without violence and fostering good relationships between police and community (Beckley, 2004). Academia seemed to provide a potential solution to the problems faced by the police. For example, the Strategic Command Course offered at Bramshill was credited by the Institute of Criminology at Cambridge in 1996, whereby an additional 4 weeks of study could lead to a Postgraduate Diploma in Advanced Criminology. Indeed, Reiner (1994) observes a period of “happy rapprochement” between police and academia at this time, which has, more or less joyously, continued ever since. In 2003, the BBC documentary The Secret Policeman sent shockwaves through the police and its stakeholders by revealing blatant racial prejudice and open intent for discriminatory practices among the recruits of Greater Manchester Police (a comprehensive analysis of the program and its impact is provided by McLaughlin, 2006, Chapter 6). Notably, the documentary also drew attention to police training as the most cringe-worthy footage had been shot in a police training school. Only a year earlier, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary inspection report Training Matters had evaluated police probationer training as “not wholly fit for purpose no, nor to support the police service of the twenty-first century” (HMIC, 2002, p. 101). Together, these heralded a change in recruit training but also led to broader and deeper implications for the police in terms of police professionalization and cultural change (Heslop, 2011), one sign of which is a closer relationship with higher education. In his 2008 Review on Policing, Sir Ronnie Flanagan recommended bringing police training closer to an education model for two key reasons. First, that the requirements of today’s policing are such that officers need knowledge and skills traditionally gained within higher education. Second, that policing should be brought into line with other professions in terms of entry qualifications and individuals’ responsibility to achieve these prior to entry as opposed to organization’s responsibility to provide such training and qualifications for new members. These arguments have recently been echoed in two major reviews; one examined police leadership and training (Neyroud, 2011) and the second reviewed police officer and staff remunerations and conditions (Winsor, 2012). The recommendations included, for example, increased entry requirements (with flexible routes to achieving them), clearer career and qualification frameworks, more systematic relationship with further and higher education, and greater individual responsibility for learning and development. The impact of the above developments is reflected in the mushrooming of various university-based policing programs. For example, since the 2001 introduction of Foundation Degrees, a number of police forces opted


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to deliver initial police training in collaboration with the local universities. This possibly echoed the trend of 2-year junior/community college degrees for law enforcement typical in the United States (Bassett & Tapper, 2009; Hawley, 1998). A number of university courses in police studies (and equivalent, the titles of the degrees vary) aimed at those students who are considering a career in law enforcement or a related field have been established. They do not require the students to be already accepted into the police service but often have arrangements with the local forces and encourage students to apply to become special constables (a volunteer role that nevertheless provides individuals with much the same training and powers as regular officers). As alluded to earlier, the recent introduction of CKP means that more aspiring police officers will turn to licensed providers of such training—among them universities—particularly as more and more forces, including The Metropolitan Police of London, are requiring it of their recruits. In addition to undergraduate education, there also exist several postgraduate degrees aimed at senior officers. These cover both policing and criminal justice topics as well as more general leadership, management, and business-oriented courses that most officers now find essential if they wish to reach and work in senior ACPO (Association of Chief Police Officers) level roles. Impact and Drivers of Academic Police Education But does academic police education make a difference? The existing literature suggests that it does, bearing a number of practical and symbolic benefits while also bringing some concerns with it. Key research findings (as summarized by Eskridge, 1989; Roberg & Bonn, 2004; Trofymowych, 2007) comparing university-educated officers and those without higher education backgrounds indicate that the former had a better understanding of social issues, including cultural and ethnic variations, higher work morale, and self-esteem. They were also more openminded, adaptable, and flexible, but less authoritarian, dogmatic, and cynical (Eskridge, 1989; Roberg & Bonn, 2004; Trofymowych, 2007). Wimshurst and Ransley (2007), who reviewed experiments in higher education programs for police officers in Australia, noted an improvement in the public’s respect for and perception of the police. Academic education has also been linked to the decreased use of verbal and physical force during police–public interactions (Paoline & Terrill, 2007; Telep, 2011) and less citizen complaints (Lersch & Kunzman, 2001). These studies, coupled with the creative and critical thinking and flexible value-systems higher education facilitates, should make such officers ideally suited to the community- and problem-oriented style of policing (Goldstein, 2003; Paterson, 2011; Roberg & Bonn, 2004). Public trust and confidence in the police are particularly related to perceptions and experiences of fair treatment and the sense community engagement they foster


Benefits and Challenges of Academic Police Education

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(Jackson & Bradford, 2010), the qualities upon which higher education may positively impact. However, not all the research reports are on positive outcomes. Paterson’s (2011) review found that research from Indian studies contradicted those from the West, showing mostly negative results, such as more rigid value systems and a disinterest in citizen rights and legal boundaries, demonstrating the significance of the sociocultural context. A study by Carlan and Lewis (2009) found that officers with higher education backgrounds were actually less supportive of public service orientation and expressed a weaker sense of calling. The authors argue that this is due to the lack of value and recognition placed on higher education within the police, which leads such officers to feel underappreciated and lessens the devotion to the job. Indeed, the success of any police–university partnership depends on the quality and commitment of the leadership and the understanding and support of the middle management (Blakemore & Simpson, 2010). Ideas and concepts learned in the classroom are often ignored by supervisors and administrators, leading to frustration and cynicism. Graduates who are unable to use their education in police work can become disillusioned and “burn out” (Trojanowicz & Nicholson, 1976) and any potential benefits of higher education are forfeited (Eskridge, 1989). Such negative experiences were particularly common to officers who attended the university in the 1960s and 1970s (Lee & Punch, 2004; see also Punch, 2007). Young (1991) described how several police officers who had embarked on academic studies were often deliberately cut off, socially and professionally, from their colleagues and the organization. Upon their return to work, they were usually assigned to a less demanding role than what they were occupying prior to their stint in the academia, ostensibly to integrate them back to the practice-oriented police work. Indeed, on completion of his anthropology degree, Young himself, who had worked as a plainclothes detective in the drug squad for several years before his time at the university, was sent to Bridewell (a central prisoner lockup) as a uniform inspector. This was clearly to reincorporate him to “working in the real world” but also the organization’s way to reassert control over its member by assigning them to what Young himself called a “punishment posting” (Young, 1991, p. 121). A number of other issues also arise from the literature, such as those dealing with timing and time. For example, introducing educational requirements for mid-career officers is often met with suspicion or outright hostility and courses are viewed as irrelevant and civilian instructors lacking in credibility (Eskridge, 1989). Programs aiming to incorporate theoretical and work-based learning quickly run into the question of resource and time allocation (Blakemore & Simpson, 2010). How often and when should the staff be studying instead of working, and which of these should take priority are concerns with a clear practical impact on day-to-day operations no matter


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how they are solved. Concerns over equality and diversity are also prominent. Raising the educational requirements is feared to have a detrimental effect on recruitment of ethnic minorities, who may not have an equal access to higher education, making such a requirement discriminatory (Roberg & Bonn, 2004). Nevertheless, the so-called transferrable skills of HE (higher education) seem to provide a considerable value. The officers interviewed by Lee and Punch (2004; see also Punch, 2007) felt that their time at the university had a positive effect on their work performance in terms of handling complex information, presenting arguments, writing reports, and influencing the policy by being able to recognize and point out the potential problems and suggest alternative approaches. Such gains may be behind the research findings (largely North American, reviewed in Roberg and Bonn, 2004), which suggest that officers with university degrees are more successful in gaining promotion and leadership roles. Such sentiments also echo Goldstein’s (2003) argument that to address policing problems in depth, at least some of the staff must gain an understanding of research methodologies and criminological theories. Indeed, one of the arguments for instructional abstraction and the length of professional education in general is the complexity of the material covered. Neyroud (2011, see also Weisburd & Neyroud, 2011) laments how police officers lack the proper education of what actually works in terms of crime reduction. The issue is particularly prominent in areas of specialist training and development of expertise, which requires a deep understanding of the relevant academic research and contribution to such research with the potential to support professional practice (Neyroud, 2011). One of the key drivers of academic police education is the process of police professionalization. The link between professionalization and academia is longstanding (see Elliott, 1972; Engel, 1983; Perkin, 1983) and so too is the idea of achieving police professionalization via improved training and education (e.g., Carlan & Lewis, 2009; Greenhill, 1981; Hawley, 1998; Potts, 1982; Roberg & Bonn, 2004). After all, expert knowledge, something that is exclusive, profound, inaccessible, or not easily understood by laypersons (Siegrist, 2002; cited in Sciulli, 2009), forming a systematic body of theory typically applied via the scientific method (Greenwood, 1957) is considered an essential characteristic of professions. This requires a level of instructional abstraction, typically gained via academia, and deemed necessary due to the complex nature of work, professions’ position of power and responsibility, and the guarantee of competence educational qualifications bring. Friedmann (2006) makes an unfavorable comparison between “other helping professions” and the police, saying that it lags behind and suffers from a poor reputation due to the lack of degree-level education. He argues that a degree puts police officers on an equal footing with the other professions


Benefits and Challenges of Academic Police Education

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they regularly come into contact with and is “the first step in ensuring that the policing is taken seriously as a profession,” while Hawley (1998, p. 25) too regards higher education as a means to professionalism. This, and the other themes reviewed here will be picked up again as we discuss the findings of the study.

Research Focus This chapter draws from a complete doctoral research study of police professionalization via academic education, examined through the prism of investigative skills training (see Hallenberg, 2012 for a detailed account). The original study sought to provide a deep description of investigative skills training in England and Wales, explore the relationship between police and academia in context police training, and contextualize it in the broader theoretical framework of professionalization. As a part of that, the research mapped the perceived benefits and challenges of academic police education and it is this that forms the focus here. Academic police education is a broad and heterogeneous field as the first part of the literature review indicates. Police itself is not a monolithic entity. Officers and the staff fulfill a variety of roles and functions, with a variety of specialisms, ranks, and responsibilities. The increasing specialization and complexity of roles, often focussed on particular crimes, is noted in the Winsor Report (2011). It provides an example of the Kent Constabulary, which has 529 different police officer roles (and 752 police staff roles), of which only 43% cover the type of 24-hour response and neighborhood work traditionally considered “core policing.” Distinguishing even a fraction of these roles of individual officers from the broader mandate of the organization and considering them all separately, is impractical, if not impossible. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge the analytical ambiguity of academic police education in any general all-encompassing sense and to recognize the variations in the way that process will manifest, depending on who is involved and the end purpose of such education. However, the changes often become first visible in the areas of specialization. Within the police, investigative work is a distinguishable specialism of high status, which, together with the notion of specialized expertise afforded to it, makes it an authentic context for examining academic police education. The potential practical and symbolic benefits of course go beyond it, and affect police and policing as a whole. This is reflected in the existing literature that looked at the effects of higher education on police work without paying much heed to the differences in specialisms. Similarly, the primary data moves fluidly between investigative specialism and the broader context of policing and the entire police organization.


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Methodology The empirical data of the study consists of interviews with 14 individuals from two police training schools in England and the National Police Improvement Agency (NPIA), which until recently held the central responsibility for police training and development. The inclusion of both local and national perspectives lends credence to the representativeness of the views presented, at least among police trainers. The sampling was a mixture of convenience and purposive/theoretical, informed by both pragmatic and topic-related considerations and making it meaningful to the account being developed (Bryman, 2008; Silverman, 2010). All participants were involved in investigative skills training, either as force trainers delivering crime training or designing and coordinating it at the national level. They can be described as “key informants” in possession of specialist knowledge of the topic and settings in question (Burgess, 1984). The majority (10/14, ~71%) were male and all but one (13/14, ~93%) were, or had been, police officers of varying ranks from Detective Constable up to Detective Chief Inspector, all with several years of operational experience behind them. Four participants were from NPIA while the rest were crime trainers placed in the two local forces. While the respondents and the two individual forces involved in the study are not named, NPIA’s unique role in the police training landscape means it is openly identified as one of the research sites. The study adhered to the ethical principles of informed consent, voluntariness, anonymity, and confidentiality, gaining approval at the University Research Ethics Committee. Ten out of the 14 participants were interviewed twice, resulting in a total of 24 interviews conducted in two stages. Using semistructured faceto-face interviews facilitated an understanding of the research topic from the participants’ perspective, providing rich in-depth data while causing the least disruption to their working day (King, 2004). The data analysis can be described as an “ongoing dialogue” between the existing theory and primary data, negotiating the two to develop an “emerging fit” that satisfied both (Ezzy, 2002). Thematic analysis was done with the assistance of qualitative data analysis software NVivo8 and with the general broad themes in mind. These a priori codes were redefined into further in vivo codes, exploring the different aspects of the same phenomenon. The benefits and challenges of academic police education, as identified by the participants, was one of the key areas emerging from the interviews. As typical of qualitative data, the categories were characterized by ambiguity and blurriness. Therefore, any categorization for the sake of discussion is artificial and both benefits and challenges of academic police education should be understood as an interconnected web.


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Generalizing from trainers and the specific context of detective work to the rest of the police service requires consideration of how well the findings apply to the organization as a whole. Yet, qualitative research rarely aims to provide systematic generalizations, being more concerned with the applicability of the theory. That is, whether a theory developed to make sense of particular phenomena in a particular context can be used to make sense of similar phenomena in a different context (Maxwell, 1992). The specificity of the empirical basis is also a key strength. Police trainers are in the unique position of straddling the world of policing and the world of education, having a specific “inside outsider” (Brown, 1996) view on organizational processes and changes. Fielding (1988) described how the nature of the job sets trainers apart from the rest of the force: Any system dedicated to training and education can pose a challenge to the existing values because in assessing performance, it must define what qualifies as “good” or “bad.” Trainers who have the knowledge of policy and the proposed changes, are often able to compare practices in different forces and can encourage different ways of doing the job and alternative adaptations to the police role. Nothing provides an incentive to reflect on one’s understanding of the organization like the need to explain it to others.

Findings A number of themes emerged from the interviews, coded under the broad umbrella themes of benefits and challenges. It should be noted that the below quotations are selected for illustrative purposes and in most cases are only a small sample of the total qualitative data available. A lengthier review of the interviews is beyond the scope of the chapter but can be found in Hallenberg (2012). Benefits Standardization One of the clearest themes emerging from the interviews was standardization. Higher education was seen as something that would bring policing to the same standard with other professions and equalize the educational standards within the organization. “And the reality is that we are, we are somewhere in the middle, because like, I don’t know, doctors, lawyers, they’re all of a particular standard, because of their academic background, because of the practitioner courses that they’ve done.” (Participant 8)

The links between standardization and professionalization also emerged early on. For example, Participant 9 commented on the changes that linking with a university will bring to the trainers and training by saying:


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Change and Reform in Law Enforcement “I think just by its very nature it will probably make us more polished. Because we’re doing to another standard as well as our own occupational standards. I think it will heighten our awareness of how things got to be a certain way in order to [fit] criteria sort of thing. Because by its very nature we’ll become more polished in what we do. Not that there’s anything wrong in what we do now but I think it will professionalise us even more.” (Participant 9)

Externally Recognized Qualifications and Career Flexibility The lack of externally recognized qualifications for the police was noted by several interviewees. “With previous police training it didn’t give anybody anything meaningful. So all the training courses that I’ve been on mean absolutely nothing to the outside world. So when I retire, most police training course will give me nothing. […] I’ve got my own degree, I’ve got my own educational certificate etc. But the police service hasn’t given me it. So police training has missed a trick.” (Participant 3)

Academia as the provider of such qualifications was the most easily identified benefit mentioned by the participants. Several interviewees expressed frustration about all the training and experience they have had counting for nothing outside the organization. “I’ve been in the police for 30 years. Nobody ever said to me I could gain qualifications for all the things I’ve learned.” (Participant 7)

With the externally recognized qualification comes increased career flexibility, allowing people to move on to other jobs more easily, whether after retirement or earlier if police career is no longer the right one for them. “One good that comes out it is not only are they learning the practical skills and they’re learning how to do the job, but they’re also gaining qualifications that they can use outside of the force.” (Participant 8)

Once more, the concept of professionalization was powerfully present, intertwined with the idea of qualifications. “It [qualification] would raise the profile of the police officer professionally in everyday life. So they could sit alongside lawyers, teachers, professionals in the health service with those academic qualifications.” (Participant 7)

Personal Development and Improved Self-Image Several themes emerged that grouped around individually oriented benefits. There was a sense of officers feeling unvalued for the work they do and the skills they have.


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“I don’t think we’re valued enough in terms of the amount of work, the amount of theory and the amount of law that we apply in the day-to-day basis. We don’t seem to be given credit to that. So I think to be given some sort of academic accreditation at the end of all this work has got to be some sort of step forward in valuing that side of policing.” (Participant 9)

Increased self-esteem and job motivation strongly emerged as the possible benefits of academicizing police training, as did the potential for personal development and the idea of seizing missed opportunities. “It might increase the confidence and you know having that, you know that sort of faith in knowing what they can do and you see, you’re talking with people who are being respected as having sort of studied in that world.” (Participant 2) “Other people like myself who have never gone down that route the doors are now opened. I’m hopefully starting a certificate in September which I would have never considered had I not been in this environment. And I’m hungry to learn more. So I think it’s opening doors for people like me who thought that university and academia is well pass me because I didn’t take the opportunity years ago.” (Participant 6)

Professionalization and Relationships with the Public, Other Professions, and Government Increased professionalism of both individual officers and the organization as a whole was seen to lead to improved performance and therefore improved public perception of the police. “It has benefits for the service as well in relation to how people outside will see the police service now. Whether we can actually now say we’re professionals because we’re attaching academic qualifications to the training that we deliver? So I think it’s benefit to the service in how the public perceive us in the future.” (Participant 6)

The role of academic education for professionalization and the way both enable the police to secure their status was explicitly recognized. “I think that’s really the secret, the key, the police being recognized as a profession if we start having a degree for what we’ve done.” (Participant 9) “It’s going to be more and more difficult to fight the corner for police officers with regards to government and pay and conditions and stuff like that, without I think, without that professional academic qualification behind us.” (Participant 7)

Broader Knowledge and Deeper Understanding Perhaps, the most obvious benefit of academic police training is increased knowledge, a broader and deeper understanding of the issues relevant to policing.


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Change and Reform in Law Enforcement “You’ve got all these academic theories, psychology and everything that’s involved in these types of things but we’re not, I don’t really know if we’re delivering that. Because we’re very insular as a police training school and we’re not always open to other theories.” (Participant 8) “I’ve got friends who are similar, you know, no different from me in terms of ability I like to think, who’ve become Chief Superintendents. And I’ve said to them: ‘What happened?’ and they’ve said: ‘I discovered reading.’ So that differentiates them from those that are just happy to plod along.” (Participant 10)

The potential for gaining research and thinking skills was also a benefit identified by the interviewees. “It may be that they [officers with university education] apply themselves differently or look at things differently, be able to research things, analyse things, make sound decisions from that analysis. Whereas before they might just rely on experience. They can do broader thinking.” (Participant 14) “I did a distance learning degree whilst I was on the job. And I think the thing that I picked out from that was things like your researching skills, your reasoning, critique. […] Having that academic background then you’re probably going to be better at reasoning and explaining and policy and writing policy.” (Participant 13)

Challenges Competing Demands Training and potential links with academia are rarely a priority among the police, at least not outside the training departments. A major concern expressed was how, practically speaking, officers could cope with the additional demands placed by the academia. Things such as time, workload, flexibility of the organization, and the supervisors, were mentioned as potential hindrances. “And the other thing is the competing demand issue; ‘this is great, however I’ve got 20 jobs stacked up and I got to go to town. Thank you very much, that’s great. How do I incorporate all this new knowledge into this practical activity that I have?’” (Participant 4)

Moreover, some interviews with the force trainers gave the impression that there was a great need for trained officers, pressure to roll out several courses per year at a fast pace and valuing of quantity over quality. “We have a sausage factory mentality. Training really is a matter of at the moment getting numbers through.” (Participant 11)

Links to budget restraints were clear, and the cost of training (and linking with academia) versus the cost of not training (or linking with academia) was very much in the participants’ minds.


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“There’s still an opinion out there, and it’s certainly not one that I’ve ever bought into, is that training is, it’s an abstraction rather than an investment. […] if you’re going on about your cost-cutting, you should remember what you do cut down with your training; you know your quality and your skill base are going to go down and you can lose that area.” (Participant 14)

Acceptance, Engagement, and Support Balancing training/education as one demand among many should not be the task for individuals. The participants expressed concern over a broad acceptance of and engagement with the process. “With the new student officers coming through, I don’t think there’s going to be an issue at all. I think they just automatically accept that because they don’t know any different. […] somebody who’s got a lot more experience in the police and the thought of them going to university to do a course, it might not fit well with them. You can stereotype it, can’t you? Think ‘oh university it’s all academia, I won’t understand it, it’s not really my cup of tea, I’m a police officer, I don’t really know what my place is in being in an institute of academia and does it fit.’ And I think that might be an initial barrier that we need to get over.” (Participant 8)

Maintaining the equality of development opportunities and requirements within the organization is crucial for securing the acceptance of them. At the same time, there are already a number of officers who have gone through the higher education system. “Some of the criticisms are they have a degree: ‘in fact I’ve got two degrees, I’ve got a Masters degree, why do I need to do a Foundation one in policing?’” (Participant 13)

How do you deal with those officers who are not interested in gaining academic qualification but “just want to be coppers”? What is the minimum you can demand of officers, reasonably? And does that minimum need to be an academic one? Or do we, as Participant 11 asked, aspire to make all police officers criminologists? “How are we going to deal with those students who don’t want to be involved in that process? You know these are already experienced police officers and we can’t enforce that kind of training.” (Participant 5)

Plurality of Options The number of routes to academic police education was considered challenging. There is recognizable disparity in what is offered and in what format, due in part to the previous lack of central national leadership both from the


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police with its 43 forces and British academia with its over 300 universities and colleges. “It’s problematic to enter in the partnership with all the universities, probably impossible.” (Participant 2)

The interviewees also worried about the academic quality becoming the casualty of market forces. “Some universities thought the program was worth 60 and some thought it was worth 120 [credits]. Now that’s a massive disparity, isn’t it? Perhaps … I don’t know where that was coming from. Perhaps it was regards to funding, I don’t know.” (Participant 2) “A number of academic institutes, I don’t know if they see the pound signs: ‘We’re going to make some money out of this.’” (Participant 13)

Control and Management Issues of management and control over how and by whom police officers should be trained were raised in the interviews. The desire for the police training to stay under police control appeared foremost, which is hardly surprising considering the importance the police place on credibility as gained through experience. “The academic side might take over the practical side. I think that’s something that needs to be monitored and kept in check. So that they work together and one doesn’t come the bigger beast than the other. Because officers definitely need practical skills alongside the theory and the academic. That’s the biggest worry for me.” (Participant 6)

This theme also reflected the cultural expectations in the police for the organization to deliver the training and for the individual to receive it (Neyroud, 2011). This is opposed to individuals taking an active role in and responsibility of their own learning and development as the characteristic of higher education institutes and other professions. “If we’re saying we’re a profession—you’re a doctor, nurse, solicitor, accountant— you’ve got a lot of work to do in your own time to get qualified. From the police point of view, you work for your sergeant’s exams, you work for your inspector’s, but after that there’s not much that isn’t provided for you.” (Participant 13)

Equality and Diversity Concerns over equality and diversity issues were, unsurprisingly, raised by a number of participants. “I wouldn’t want to shut the door on people who wouldn’t have gone through that academic gateway because there are plenty of people out there who


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perhaps haven’t had those opportunities to go through university, who would make incredibly good police officers.” (Participant 5) “You don’t need to be educated to a degree level, I think, to do a pretty good job in the police. And you would miss all those people who are not academically gifted, but would be really, really good cops. You would have a smaller workforce to draw from. You wouldn’t have so much diversity and abilities to draw from.” (Participant 3) “I think it’s exclusionary to some of our communities. I think our police force needs to reflect the communities we police. And for us to better understand diversity, we need to have a diverse police service.” (Participant 6)

Discussion This section will consider the themes emerging from the interviews in the light of existing research, revisiting some of the issues identified in the literature review while also expanding the discussion further. The perceived benefits of academic police education find echoes in the literature. The ambition for standardization, for example, reflects the way universally applied and publicly recognized standards of knowledge and behavior are considered to be a part of what characterizes professions and gives them their authority (Dingwall, 1983; Sciulli, 2009). Police exist in a web of institutions, connected to various other professions, such as those working in other criminal justice system agencies, the National Health Service, social services, emergency services, insurance companies, etc. Ericson and Haggerty (1997) argued that this web exists in a constant state of negotiation due to the various competing knowledge claims held in it. University degrees can be seen to legitimize police’s knowledge claim, both within the institution and outside it. Academia then is how police know-how, their experience, is turned into expertise, the kind of expertise that is recognized outside the police. After all, to a large degree, professions are defined and classified by other professions. Of the more personally felt benefits, externally recognized qualifications, flexibility, transferable skills, and competence and techniques in a broad range of areas are discussed by Jaschke and Neidhardt (2007) as well as the interviewees, highlighting the need for “future-proofing” beyond the police career. This may be of particular concern if that career is unsatisfactory. Chatterton (2008) reported how criminal investigation work is perceived to be undervalued by the senior management and the overall mood of Criminal Investigation Departments being one of marginalization, alienation, and the feeling of being unable to affect change within the organization or working practices. This may be addressed to a degree by the personal benefits that higher education brings to the police officers, including improved professional and personal self-esteem, confidence, and broadening of outlooks (Lee & Punch, 2004; Punch, 2007).


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And what of that “deeper understanding” the academia potentially brings? Jaschke and Neidhardt (2007) pointed out how one of the main functions of practical instrumental knowledge favored by the police is to “keep things under control”—something that reflective academic knowledge is of course not so good at. Thacher (2001) discussed the limits of instrumental knowledge in the context of policing due to its large value plurality, that is, the ambiguous, changing, conflicting, and multiple goals the police must juggle. Reducing crime is only one of them (though a dominant “professional crime control” model) and should not be looked at in isolation of other values/goals like just desserts, equity, liberty, and safety (Thacher, 2001). Here too, academia can play a role, and Rowe (2008, p. 112) sees delivering police training in partnership with universities as tackling insularity and other potentially negative aspects of police culture by exposing officers to “a broader spectrum of experience and learning that was available in the narrow confines of police training colleges.” Of course, with the exception of the public satisfaction, complaints, and disciplinary actions, the improvements discussed in the literature are either attitudinal or personal benefits identified by the officers, which are simply assumed to translate into improved interaction with the public and other organizations (Lee & Punch, 2004; Wimshurst & Ransley, 2007). Indeed, evaluating the impact of higher education on police performance is difficult as criteria and measurements vary and one of the challenges of the field is to demonstrate if and how an improved understanding of diverse community issues leads to improved interaction with its diverse members. Moreover, it is not necessarily the education per se that improves the officer’s performance, but the general maturing and exposure to different experiences, groups of people, and points of view that takes place at the university (Eskridge, 1989). And even if the potential benefits—regardless of their cause—are realizable, both primary and secondary data tell us that academic police education is hardly problem free. Several interviewees expressed their frustration at not being able to provide the best possible training and support for students due to time and financial constraints. Whether this is something that a more systematic relationship with higher education will address remains to be seen, and the effects of CKP on police education provisions in particular will prove to be interesting. For academic police education to succeed, the move must receive support and acceptance at the formal organizational level and informal personal level. However, passive acceptance and support is not enough. The police, as an organization and as individuals, must also actively engage with the concept and facilitate the relevant structural and institutional changes. To facilitate this—and as a consequence of professionalization (Sciulli, 2009)—the relevant structural and institutional changes must take place. But the police organization can be resistant to change, and continuity and uniformity are integral aspects of the police culture (Loftus, 2010).


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Often, it is the case of work being adapted to the organization rather than the other way around (Bayley, 1996) as new practices are shaped by the existing structures and culture (see Manning, 1992, for information technologies or Innes, Fielding, & Cope, 2005 on intelligence analysis). The success of the College of Policing and its ambitions of embedding academic education and research into the police profession will depend on not just organizational, but individual “buy” into the process. As Blakemore and Simpson (2010, p. 37) put it, “If the vision has not been communicated effectively throughout the organisation, then the change is unlikely to succeed.” One thing the College of Policing has achieved is to provide the police an overreaching professional body to set or monitor standards, as it is in place for a number of other professions. It not only sets and maintains a standardized national policing curriculum, but also lists “accrediting training providers and setting learning and development outcomes” (CoP, 2013, p. 6) as one of its core areas of responsibility. Regardless of its potential longevity, CKP seems likely to provide a starting benchmark and is being incorporated into curriculums and provisions of the various existing HE policing programs. A coherent and standardized system of police higher education would also have the potential to improve cost-effectiveness, workforce mobility, and customer service, as well as changing the police culture for the better in the long term (Blakemore & Simpson, 2010). All of this was missing at the time of data collection, and the practice of individual forces linking with individual universities was seen to make comparison and setting of objective standards difficult. Indeed, Neyroud (2011, p. 87) remarked how this led to “confusion over required standards (local or national), funding regimes and copyright of curriculum and resources.” It also likely contributed to suspicions about where universities’ priorities lie. Astley (2006) calls attention to both individual and institutional motivation of academics in wanting their specialisms included in the education/ training curriculum of a particular profession. Is it done out of genuine (evidence-based) belief that doing so will enhance the course and the skills the professional acquires from it or to reproduce their own status? Is it simply pandering to the conventions and requirements set by statutory and regulatory bodies that often insist on the inclusion of academic bodies of knowledge? Furthermore, the increasing emphasis on the market value of academia can make some universities more prone to “jump on the training ‘bandwagon’ as a means of survival” (Astley, 2006, p. 79). The criticism about the possible financial motives (over the desire to improve educational standards) of higher education institutions is not unheard of in the policing context either (Paterson, 2011). While the concern over disparity is genuine, it also reflects the lack of understanding about the UK higher education landscape, which includes over 150 degree-awarding institutes, ranging from small single-discipline


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focussed institutions, to local colleges with certain degree-level programs, to large multifaculty universities (Tight, 2011). All of these come with different levels of prestige (and economic costs to match) attached to them. Manning (2010, p. 97) described academic police studies as “stratified.” A small number of universities act as “knowledge producers” with established research and study programs, while below them in the higher education hierarchy are the “wholesalers” and “retailers” of knowledge; that is, those institutes that produce some research and researchers, and those that are “professionally oriented.” The College of Policing seems willing to engage with a variety of institutions, though for different reasons and at different levels, thus unlikely seriously challenging the existing stratification of HE. Participants’ concerns of the control and management of academic police education echo Bourdieu’s (1987) “conflicts over competence” and the right to determine, define, and produce professional knowledge. They also link closely to the concept of professional autonomy (Burrage et al., 1990) and the idea that only the members of the profession are qualified to evaluate its actions (Dale, 1994). The College of Policing that regulates the CKP can perhaps be considered a manifestation of this, while also aligning the police with other professions by placing the responsibility of preemployment training on the individual (Flanagan, 2008). However, a survey commissioned by Neyroud (2011) found that while 57% of the officers were in favor of the minimum universal entry standards, the rest raised concerns over equality and diversity should they be imposed. Indeed, one of the main arguments against academization is the police’s deeply rooted ethos of being “citizens in uniform” and the view of professions as elitist institutions isolated from the “common society” the police are supposed to represent (Neyroud, 2011). These are echoes of the nineteenthcentury concerns over the emergence of a new “professional” police force, which revisionist reading of police history suggests came from the need to distance the police from their working class loyalties and thus bring them more on the side of the powerful (Reiner, 2010). They are not without a basis in the current context either, as the UK government’s higher education policy has been criticized for posing increasing challenges in terms of the equality of access (Thompson & Bekhradnia, 2011). Thus, raising the educational requirements for the police is feared to have a detrimental effect on the recruitment of ethnic minorities, who may not have equal access to higher education, making such requirement discriminatory (Roberg & Bonn, 2004). One suggested strategy for dealing with the issue for the police is targeted recruitment over a broad geographical area (Roberg & Bonn, 2004), but as the research on the topic is largely U.S. based, there is a need to investigate how higher education requirements can be introduced to the police in the UK context in a way that facilitates diversity. This is particularly so as, for all its potential for resistance and change, higher education itself still remains


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highly gendered and classed, valuing masculinity above “others” (Reay, 2004). If the police aim to “recruit the educated” rather than “educate the recruited,” as was argued in the United States some 35 years ago (Sherman, 1978), then, it is necessary to ensure that the “educated citizens” with aspirations to become “citizens in uniform” represent all sections of the society. Finally, it is worth noting that “hiring college graduates may not guarantee professionalism” as Carlan and Lewis (2009, p. 382) pointed out. “Undergraduate education may assist occupational groups (e.g., teaching; nursing; social work; and the police force) to upgrade their status but it is debatable whether it is uniquely critical to creating a more skilled workforce given that so many of those skills can be acquired through job training rather than in higher education per se” (Bassett & Tapper, 2009, p. 139). Indeed, Cordner and Shain (2011) caution against “naive university-envy” as higher education institutes, and the courses provided to the police are not without their problems (Bayley, 2011; Heslop, 2011). Moreover, adopting a progressive, student-centered problembased learning approach is often more easily done within training schools than in universities (Werth, 2011). White and Heslop (2011) question the planned uniformity of education for public sector professions (nursing, teaching, and policing), reminding us that the different training models are a result of specific historical, cultural, and political influences. Universal adoption of one can have unforeseen consequences to both the profession and academia. The authors conclude that for the police, the creation of higher education policing degrees has changed “nothing at all.” They predict that the now adapted preemployment training model will only lead to increased theory/practice divide as “top-down imposition of the model does nothing to tackle the powerful inertia of the police service itself” (White & Heslop, 2011, p. 9).

Conclusions Roberg and Bonn’s (2004) review of various studies suggests that approximately one-quarter of police officers in the United States have a university degree. While the official statistics on police officer strength in England and Wales do not collect data on the education levels (though some forces have only recently started to “register” academically educated officers), it seems likely that they are broadly similar. Certainly almost half of the chief officers possess a bachelor’s degree, a third being qualified at master’s level (Winsor, 2012). Increased educational standards overall, proliferation of policing programs, and HEI adoption of CKP, either as a stand-alone course or within a degree curriculum, strongly suggests that the trend is still on the increase. The tensions around education, training, and professionalism (Lee & Punch, 2004) remain of course and, as the primary and secondary data discussed here highlights, the relationship is far from straightforward.


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It is, however, one that is unlikely to break down completely due to its importance to professionalization. Possession and control of abstract knowledge and the techniques and technologies stemming from it both defines and legitimates a profession (Abbott, 1988) and strengthens its institutional jurisdiction and cognitive hegemony (Ericson & Haggerty, 1997). Professionalizing the police via academic education then is a process that serves, and is perhaps deliberately aimed, to redefine and relegitimize the police. The name of the game is survival: survival in the “competitive system of professions” (Abbott, 1988, p. 9), in the increasingly discerning market and in the changing society that places more demands on the police while at the same time openly questioning its ability and means to meet them. The argument regularly rendered in opposition to academic police education is to point out that academic qualification does not make someone a good police officer. This of course is indisputable. Indeed, academic education alone does not necessarily make someone a good anybody, not even a good academic. However, that is rather beside the point. The symbolic, legitimizing value of academic education is immense and it is here that the true benefit of academizing the police lies, and the true cost of not doing so. For the police to be the “forward thinking, great profession” that some envision (a phrase used by Participant 10), it cannot afford to differ too much from other professions in the way it trains—or indeed, educates—its members.

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Wimshurst, K., & Ransley, J. (2007). Police education and the university sector: Contrasting models from the Australian experience. Journal of Criminal Justice Education, 18(1), 106–122. Winsor, T. (2011). The independent review of police officer and staff remunerations and conditions. Part 1. Cmmd Paper 8024. London: HMSO. Winsor, T. (2012). The independent review of police officer and staff remunerations and conditions. Final Report. Cmmd Paper 8325. London: HMSO. Wood, D. A., & Tong, S. (2009). The future of initial police training: A university perspective. International Journal of Police Science & Management, 11(3), 294–305. Young, M. (1991). An inside job: Policing and police culture in Britain. Oxford: Clarendon Press.


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SONY KUNJAPPAN Contents Introduction .......................................................................................................... 27 Police Training, Development, and Welfare State ............................................ 28 Capability Approach and Concept of Police Training ......................................31 Toward a Matrix Model ....................................................................................... 38 References .............................................................................................................. 41

Introduction If we analyze the work of Indian police in contemporary circumstances, we can see that it devotes much of its time and energy for “finding offenders and getting them punished for specific deeds done in the past.”* This backward-looking logic famously distinguishes criminal law from the forwardlooking exercise of the police power of the State (e.g., taking preventive public health measures or differentiating urban space through zonal laws). However, the focus needs to shift from the backward-looking exercise to a forward-looking mode, thus enlarging its field of activity. In other words, police should work as a sort of “temporal–hinge” allowing the governance of the past to be articulated with the governance of the future.† Prevention and punishment are two different entities and should be treated separately. Gradually, the police should assume the former role and due priority should be given to that aspect.

*

Dubber, D. M., & Valverde, M. (Eds.). (2007). The new police science: Police power in domestic and international governance. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Ibid.

27


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Police Training, Development, and Welfare State The ability of the police to perform its duties to the civil society in a “Welfare State” requires a well-planned training. Mark Neocleous develops his expanded conception of the role of police on its relation to how civil society is ordered. The concept of police is crucial to the ideological power of law, order, and security.* As Colquhoun (1806)† sees it, the role of police changes according to the ideology the State holds. According to this notion, the police have a wider role to play, especially in terms of its relationship with the State and its citizens relating itself to social security. Similarly, a police State becomes more of a “policy State” concerned with the general welfare, happiness, and well-being of the citizens when it assumes an administrative role.‡ Thus, police may involve itself as an integral part in the development of a State/society. The concept of police as an institution encompasses not just the primary notion that crime is erroneous. Their role is much broader and much of it is concerned with administration. Since the police are one of the primary institutions in the Criminal Justice System, it is imperative for that institution to be professionally and scientifically trained. Thus, training should emphasize on three basic elements; scientific investigation, a citizen-oriented approach, and constitutional awareness which will result in better service to the society. In order to achieve these objectives, police institutions have to start focusing right from the beginning of the process of recruitment. In India, recruitment is carried out at four levels like constables, subinspector, deputy superintendent, and assistant superintendent, but the education qualification for these recruits like constables who work with civilians are either below or just matriculation. Considering the rapid advancement in education, as well as the advancement in lifestyle especially the use of highly sophisticated technology, it is high time that the minimum educational qualification of these recruits needs to be raised. There is also no good structure test to examine the aptitude of candidates for police work. So, it is desirable to have a well-structured and psychological test incorporated in these selection processes for constables and higher ranks. There is also no criterion for the selection of officers for in-service training, except at the level of constables. It is mandatory that a well-developed system is in place for the selection of officers for in-service training. It is also necessary to introduce police cadet corps in schools and colleges so as to bring about awareness among youth about the work and role of police in society. Efforts should be made to ensure that all the communities of that particular locality are adequately represented in the *

† ‡

Joseph, J. Review on Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power, Mark Neocleous. A key figure in police studies. Ibid.


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police of that area. The training institutions should have a lateral linkage with other universities/institutions of excellence. A separate cadre of highly qualified police officers and experts has to be developed through various exchange programs with foreign countries police departments. In this context, the views expressed by Mark Neocleous (as cited in Dubber & Valverde, 2007) on an ideal “police science” are worth noting. According to him, such a study should encompass all of the administrative apparatus of a welfare State and not simply a police department as such.* In short, the present police training institutions should form a network of establishments—administrative and academic—so as to broaden its curriculum to encompass various dimensions of knowledge, technological, and otherwise. This is expected to enable the police to keep abreast of the latest developments in the technological and social fields. If the police are to play its preventive role to its fullest, then it is mandatory for the training institutions to broaden their curriculum. Without “strong institutions” and motivated staff, reform imperatives will not deliver the desired development outcome. In the Criminal Justice System, this acquires more relevance as the justice is delivered to its citizens through these institutions by the State which is guaranteed under the Constitution. The concept of police as an institution encompasses not just the primary notion that crime is erroneous. Their role is much broader and much of it is concerned with administration. Since the police are one of the primary institutions in the Criminal Justice System, it is imperative for that institution to be professionally and scientifically trained. Thus, training should emphasize three basic elements: scientific investigation, a citizen-oriented approach, and constitutional awareness which will result in better service to the society. In a changing society, training should focus on augmenting policing to better performance of its functions. In the 1980s, the World Bank emphasized the need for capacity building within State structures. In a governmentalized State, power and control becomes more diffused and spread over institutions both of the State and of civil society. So, the subjects of power become active, making choices and aligning themselves with the objectives of governments. Power comes not through discipline and conformity, but through the development of technologies of the self, adopted by active individuals (Garland, 1997, p. 173). Thus, the focus is on the State-managed development model of growth. The role of government and its relationship to the governed has changed over time. The government’s role is now confined mainly to the strategic area of governance. It “may steer rather than row.”† *

Joseph, J. Review on Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power, Mark Neocleous, p. 39. Osborne, D., & Gaebler, T. (1993). Reinventing government, how the enterpreneurial spirit is transforming the public sector. New York: Ringwood.


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It needs to depend on communities, networks or partnerships comprising business, local governments, and other organizations to identify needs and deliver services. In this context of more actors getting into the realm of governance, the State’s obligation to maintain law and order, and protection of the rights of the citizens acquires significance. There are two central elements in a State-managed development process; one, in which the State builds a strategy to extend the State institutions (such as the police) so that they reach down to the citizen, and the other, the use of State bureaucracy as an engine of growth and development, and as a central planning and allocation mechanism. It is the former aspect which should be given importance as the police reaching down to grassroot levels would naturally enable them to ensure active participation of the citizens in nation building. It also ensures effective justice delivery as the police would generally be perceived as a part of the civil society and not as an arm of the government. In order to affect this shift of policing toward community, Bradford and Pynes (1999) and Buerger et al. (1999) advocate improvement of knowledge bases and acquisition of additional skills. According to them, enhanced training in new knowledge bases would not diminish the positive aspects of traditional knowledge. Neocleous, in Fabrication of Social Order,* states that the development of capitalism and the rise of liberalism brought about a shift in the role of the police. It also says that liberalism gave birth to the idea that any system of police should be founded on the liberty of the independent, economically active and self-interested individual. This new liberalism looks forward for the separation of State and civil society and selfinterested market-based activity.† This has increased the role of police in social relations thereby making it interdependent with the development process. In many situations, the police become the primary ally of liberty, as liberalism recoded the politics of order, the nature of property, and role of the State.‡ The police also assume more importance in the safety of its citizens, as security is now the cornerstone of a liberal-bourgeois society and security meant the freedom to pursue one’s independent interests.§ This necessitates an analysis on how the State fashions civil society and how the police fabricate social order. This is because the State administers civil society politically.¶ An appraisal of the existing situation of India’s law enforcement agency brings out the sad condition of the police system and its state of affairs. This is revealed in many regrettable incidents like the recent Nayagarh Maoist * † ‡ § ¶

Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power, by Mark Neocleous. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.


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raid,* wherein several police establishments at Bhubaneshwar were looted. This incident exposed the state of helplessness of the law enforcement machinery and served as a reminder for the urgent need of the police to build partnerships with other agencies and strengthen the democratic governance of the police institution. The government’s failure in Orissa and other such naxal affected States to efficiently deliver essential public goods have been responsible for increasing backwardness among local populations.† Thus along with other issues, the government needs to quickly address the problem of policing (through communities, network/partnership). An “empowered police” could not only deliver its services effectively, but also take part in the better governance of the State.

Capability Approach and Concept of Police Training The “capability approach” is a broad normative framework basically meant for the evaluation of individual and social well-being. The framework is primarily meant to evaluate the design of policies and social change as per contemporary demands. This approach basically provides a tool for the evaluation of the society on the basis of the variety of opportunities it can provide for the development of its individuals’ capabilities. Capability approach focuses on two basic aspects of a social system: substantive freedom or “capabilities” and outcomes or “achieved functioning.” A society can be judged on the basis of capabilities available for its members and their achieved functioning. Contrary to what philosophical approaches adopt to evaluate a development paradigm by focusing on people’s happiness or desire fulfillment, income, expenditure or consumption, the capability approach focuses mainly on what people are effectively able to do and what the society provides for them to achieve those capabilities.‡ It should be noted that “capabilities” are related to the concept of freedom whereas functioning is related outcomes. If we look at “freedom” as a crucial aspect of “development,” we can see that both the concepts have mutually supportive functionality. If freedom promotes development, then vice versa is also true. Nobel laureate Amartya Sen has always considered freedom of democratic institutions as a major factor of development. According to Sen,§ development is a broader concept which encompasses “expanded freedom.” He says, “Expanding substantive freedoms directs attention to the ends that makes development important, * † ‡

§

Economic Times, February 19, 2008. Ibid. Robeyns, I. (2005). Capability approach: A theoretical survey. Journal of Human Development, 6(1), 93–114. Sen, A. (1993b). Development as freedom. New Delhi: OUP.


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rather than merely to some of the means that, inter alia, play in the process. In other cases the unfreedom links closely to the lack of public facilities and social care … or of effective institutions for the maintenance of local peace and order.”* Sen argues that “freedom is central to the process of development.” He quotes two distinct reasons, such as (a) the evaluative reason: assessment of progress has to be done primarily in terms of whether the freedoms that people have are enhanced; (b) the effectiveness reason: achievement of development is thoroughly dependent on the free agency of people.† The capability approach is all the more applicable in the case of police training. What police training institutions should be aiming at is not just to transfer psychomotor skills, but providing the means for its personnel to achieve what is called substantive freedom or “capabilities.” To an extent, this could be achieved by engaging with other agencies, communities, and by relating to their resources, thus enhancing “achieved functioning.” This study would be looking at the “freedom that people have enhanced,” both in terms of the police as an institution (like the individual freedom of police officers, like the constables, sub-inspectors, etc.) who are at the cutting edge of police service as well as the citizens for whom the service is being provided. Once effective interconnections exist between the police and its citizens, it naturally paves the way for development. It should be noted that substantive freedom or “capabilities” have a proportionate relationship with outcomes or “achieved functioning.” So primarily, police institutions should earn freedom to develop its own policies and should have substantive autonomy, which in turn, and in gradual course, could be transferred as its “achieved functioning.” The autonomy should imply that it has all freedom to associate itself with other institutions/universities with similar line of functioning, thereby promoting mutual outcomes. Let’s now look at police training. The different elements or stakeholders that constitute police training and its impact are (a) police officers and their well-being, (b) the trainers/instructors, (c) the content of the syllabus taught, (d) infrastructure of the academy/college, (e) infrastructure of the work place, that is, the police station, (f) the organizational structure of the police, (g) the new recruit that has been selected and their selection process, (h) the motivational factors in the organization and its working culture, (i) the accountability of the organization and its relationship with various other institutions and organizations, (j) and most important, the perception and the need of the citizen (i.e., what type and expectation of police they look for), and (k) the individual’s “well-being” in a society. The concept of Sen’s‡ * † ‡

Ibid. Ibid. Sen, A. (1993a). Capability and well being. In M. Nussbum & M. Sen (Eds.), The quality of life. Oxford: Clarendon Press.


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Functionings, Capability and Values substantiates these concepts well. As in the case of the police, the foremost things to be considered are: his/her (the police trainee’s) elementary requirements like “adequate nourishment for good health” and his/her family, children, and housing needs. These are to be met adequately so that he could exercise his function effectively by leading a “well-being” life. The capability of a person reflects the alternative combinations of functionings the person can achieve, and from which he or she can choose one collection (Sen, 1993a). So in this context, once his/her (the police officer’s) elementary requirements are met adequately, he/she earns the capability to function effectively with the “alternative combination of functionings” that are available with him/her to do their job more efficiently and effectively. So, the question here is that “how does he/she choose among the alternative combination of functioning, so that it becomes a valuable function for the citizen?” This is the importance of training of police and in-service training becomes the prerequisite, since due to promotion of his career, his responsibility increases, thereby he needs to equip him/herself, to choose from among the “alternative combination of functionings” to achieve “valuable functionings.” Thus, it should be mandatory to have in-service training programs before any promotion to higher post. This means that the police would be in a position to choose the alternatives that is effectively required for his client (citizens), so that both (the police and the citizens) would be able “to achieve valuable functionings.” This approach “is based on a view of living as a combination of various ‘doing and being,’ with quality of life to be assessed in terms of the capability to achieve valuable functionings.”* In the context of in-service training, two different questions that Sen put across are important: (a) What are the objects of value?† (b) How valuable are the respective objects? So, the evaluative study of in-service training of police is related to capability approach in the sense it “is concerned primarily with the identification of value objects,‡ and sees the evaluative space in terms of functionings and capability to function.”§ In this context, this chapter is trying to look at whether the existing in-service training and its objectives are leading to positive weights in terms of job performance/ functioning. The study also looks at what need to be included as potential * †

‡ §

Sen (1993a). Sen (1993a). The objects of value are those that have positive weights. The identification of objects of value (in this case, the objective of in-service training, will lead to or specify what may be called as evaluative space). Value objects are those that give positive weights. Sen. (1993a). The evaluative space consist of individual utilities, indeed a complete evaluative approach entails a class of “informational constraints” in the form of ruling out directly evaluative use of various type of information, to wit, those that do not belong to the evaluative space. In this study, by evaluating the in-service training of police, one could rule out what are the essential/potential valuables that are required for having the police to function more effectively and efficiently.


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valuables in the “stakeholder/element”* that constitute effective in-service training. As Sen argues, “the selection of evaluative space has a good deal of cutting power on its own, both because of what it includes as potentially valuable and because of what it excludes.”† The argument here is that, in order to enhance the capability of police institutions and the training of the police with its “stakeholders/elements,” it is necessary to identify its objectives, before looking at the “evaluative space” for identifying the “potential valuables” that needs to be included. This would enable the police to deliver its functions effectively and make that institution to “reach a valuable state of being” (Sen, 1980). The Indian police organization is still governed by the Police Act of 1861. The demands and roles of the police have undergone vast changes over a period of time. Colonial police guidelines were suppressive in nature and were meant to ease British administrative functions. The underlying philosophy of the Police Act of 1861 was “to extend the imperial rule in India, throughout the country in a more organized and systematized manner.”‡ However, if the police has to cater to contemporary needs, its basic philosophy should transform into a different approach—the community and problem-solvingoriented policing (COPS).§ “The Community Oriented Problem Solving Policing (COPS) emphasizes the need for building relationships between police and community/neighborhood residents, in order to work together to prevent crime and solve problems.”¶ This approach calls for new training practices that would augment police–community linkages. “As society changes, policing adjusts; as policing changes, training shifts” (Chappell et al., 2005). According to this approach, police need to be “given proper training, so that officers would understand the underlying philosophy of COPS and translate it into effective practice” (King & Lab, 2000). However, police training is also not an easy task, considering prevailing conditions. The major challenges faced in this context are: • Curriculum and delivery challenges • Occupational socialization and recruitment challenges • Legal implications *

† ‡ § ¶

The stakeholders/elements are: (a) police officers and their well-being, (b) the trainers/ instructors, (c) the content of the syllabus taught, (d) infrastructure of the academy/college, (e) infrastructure of work place, that is, the police station, (f) the organizational structure of police, (g) the new recruit that has been selected and their selection process, (h) the motivational factors in the organization and its working culture, (i) the accountability of the organization and its relationship with various other institutions and organization, (j) and most important, the perception and the need of the citizen (i.e., what type and expectation of police they look for) for the individual’s “well-being” in a society. Sen (1993a). See Gupta (1979), Verma (2005). See Kelling and Moore (1988). See Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux (1990).


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On introduction of this new approach/concept of training, one needs to identify the above-mentioned challenges and plan accordingly. For successful training, Glenn et al. (2003) had identified four fundamental elements for incorporation into the training. They are as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Contextual learning* Integration of topics throughout the curriculum Scenario building† Debriefing

Through this new approach of COPS, there would be‡ 1. Community involvement 2. Problem solving 3. Organizational decentralization Training can be seen as a vehicle of change. It should not only change the particular individual who is being trained but also those who come in contact with him. The attitudes of those who have gone through a training process should undergo a change so that when they go back to the field, their behavior should have an impact on the behavior of others. Training thus acts as a catalytic agent, the total impact of which, in course of time, will affect the entire organization. Learning is a complex function influenced by many factors such as the individual’s motivation and capacity to learn, the norms of the training group, the training methods, the skill and ability of the trainers, the general climate of the institution, the relationship between the men and the officers in the organization, and the environment in which the trainee will have to function. Therefore, the effectiveness of training is determined by a combination of (a) the trainee, (b) the training system, in which the trainers play the most important role, and (c) the organization to which the trainers will return. However effective the training in an institution or the trainee’s attitude is, by itself it will not guarantee a full and proper utilization of the knowledge, skill, and attitudes which the trainee must have acquired, if on returning from the training, he finds that his enthusiasm is resisted and even resented. Thus the whole exercise *

Contextual learning is an adult learning principle that seeks to tie new information to existing knowledge bases and real-life situations. It integrates new information with existing knowledge. Based on the assumption that training mimics reality, it better prepares recruits for the real-life situations they will eventually encounter (see Chappell et al., 2005). Scenarios helps align a curriculum with the main tenets of adult learning: learning by doing, reflecting real life, and making the learning interactive and self-directed (Glenn et al., 2003). See Oliver (1998).


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ends in disappointment and frustration. Putting into practice the knowledge, skills, and attitudes acquired during the training period demands encouragement, support, and receptivity. Each officer at every level in the organization therefore needs to be exposed to intensive training programs which would enable him/her to offer help or counsel to those below him and facilitate their growth. This realization at the senior levels would result in creating the necessary climate to permit the junior officers to change their “behavior” and make the organization as a whole more effective for the fulfillment of its new role. The Gore Committee states that “Training is a conscious effort to impart, improve or increase knowledge and to develop attitudes and values of an individual in a desired direction. It is thus, a process of developing a person’s effectiveness through carefully selected methods by competent trainers in a suitable learning climate. It should be directed not only toward preparing him for the efficient and effective performance of his duties in the assigned job, but also toward his capacity for greater responsibilities and where appropriate, fitting him for other duties.”* It is also a process of developing knowledge and skills through which organizational goals can be achieved successfully (Bhargava, 1982). For training to be purposeful and effective, it must be closely related to the goals of the organization as well. It should be undertaken in depth and at all levels. If the improvement is to be sustained, it must reach the lowest levels, which constitute “the cutting edge of administration” as far as the citizens and the communities are concerned. This envisages a phased intensive in-service training program in the form of refresher, orientation, specialized, middle level, and senior level courses, besides the induction training of new recruits at different levels.† The effectiveness of training is determined by a combination of (a) the trainee, (b) the training system, in which the trainers play the most important role, and (c) the organization to which the trainers will return. Training can be seen as a vehicle of change. It should not only change the particular individual who is being trained but also those who come in contact with him. The attitudes of those who have gone through a training process should undergo a change so that when they go back to the field, their behavior should have an impact on the behavior of others. Training thus acts as a catalytic agent, the total impact of which, in course of time, will affect the entire organization. Currently, there is not much focus on the objectives for the training courses organized at the various police training institutions for the constabulary, sub-inspector, deputy superintendents, and assistant superintendents. The content of the courses are basically the same with slight variation. * †

The Gore Committee Report on Police Training. Gore Committee Report (1971).


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For example, the constables are taught few sections of criminal law while the inspectors and higher officials are taught law in greater detail. What one needs to understand is that these four level officers are required to perform similar duties and their functions vary in greater degree at different levels. So, the training institutions should focus on the skills appropriate to their particular levels. Basically, three types of skills* are looked for in a police officer, (a) technical skills, (b) human relations skills, and (c) conceptual skills. The emphasis of these varies at different levels of policing, so the training content also should be tailored appropriately. The human relations skills are very much required at all levels, but unfortunately this is an area which is completely overlooked in all the police training programs. The method followed is mainly lecture and discussion method in majority of the police institution. There is no practical orientation or field-based training while at the institution during the period of promotional courses. So in this process, the professionalism is lost. What is required is not merely knowledge and understanding of the professional subject, but to give an insight and practice of how this knowledge could be applied to the field. Evaluations of trainees are being done on examination basis only. There should be field-based evaluations, in order to assess the professional competency of the inputs learned through theories at the classrooms. It was also observed that there is no research cell in majority of the police academies in India. This led to a lack of empirical data, which in turn leads to practically “no feedback.” This could be one of the major contributing factors that leads to defective training, without assessing the training need. Selection of training staff needs to be given more attention. Often what is observed is that, those officers who have not been able to be successful in the field are being selected as instructors at the academy. It is also observed that some of the police officers (instructors) are at the academy for almost 20–30 years; thereby they are very much deprived of the field realities of policing. Some system should be adopted by which each and every officer at the department undergoes a refresher course at least once in every 5 years. At present, there is no option for any citizen to have a say in the syllabus/content of training of police. The training need analysis should be reviewed every year through the suggestions and proposals of communities and citizens along with the experts. At present, there are no constitutional arrangements that link police with the local community, in order to practice community policing efficiently. In order to overcome these issues, a separate cadre of trainers has to be established. These trainers should be given international exposure with different international organizations on law enforcement training. They also have to be given additional incentives to attract the best talent. This separate *

Ali, A. (1994). The role and range of police training. In S. Sen & A. K. Saxena (Eds.), Police training: Problems and perspectives. New Delhi: Rawat Publications.


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cadre of trainers has to be in a rotational basis of 3–5 years in training academy and compulsory 2 years at the field. This would enable them to keep pace with the field realities of policing with the current scenario. It is very much evident that the attention given for training of police and the lack of interest in utilizing the trained officers in successful completion of their courses (especially the specialized courses). There is a total lack of attention to the evaluation of training programs and courses. One must devise ways to know how the police officers trained by the academy are faring in the field and coping with field situations. Whenever there is shortcomings in the field are noticed, it should be looked into how far the institutional training was responsible for these and steps should be taken to revise and modify the training program. The Quebec, “skills-based approach” is one such step in this direction. Training of police at the police institutions seems to be an isolated exercise. This needs to be looked into, as that training must be linked not only to recruitment and selection but also to personnel development and career planning. Another shortcoming in police training is the lack of contact between the higher officials at the field and police training institutions. In order to promote higher education among police, it is desirable to have a policy in which those police officers having higher qualification above their minimum eligibility for that particular rank or post should be given incentives. For example in Kenya, a university graduate police officer would normally receive a higher salary than a nongraduate of the same rank and also the university graduates are given priority in promotions.*

Toward a Matrix Model The present police institution, by the nature of its bureaucratic and closed system of functioning, had alienated itself from the citizens, though it is for them that the police are actually meant. Though this study is not trying to dilute the demands for “unity of command” and hierarchy for institutions like police to function effectively, it makes an attempt to locate certain aspects of bureaucratic procedures, that may lead to the dysfunction of organization, without having appropriate “training mechanism to tackle field situations” along with appropriate accountability and grievance bodies in place that are customer (citizens) tailored. This argument could be well substantiated by Robert K. Merton’s theory on “the dysfunctions of bureaucracy.” Merton argues that certain aspects of bureaucratic procedures could prove to be dysfunctional to the organization. He further argues that bureaucrats are trained to comply strictly with the rules, but when situation arises which are *

Warsame, J. D. (2002). Training in the Kenya Police. Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of International Police Executive Symposium. Antalya, Turkey.


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not covered by the rules, this training may lead to inflexibility and timidity.* Considering this theory in view, the current study would look at some of those factors and approaches that should be considered for proper in-service training, so that police could efficiently function and look beyond things in a perspective of field situation. It also helps the police to make decisions with the involvement of community. Ludwig von Mises, in his book Bureaucracy, has tried to differentiate between profit or business management and bureaucratic management. The main characteristic of profit or business management is that it is driven by the profit motive. On the other hand, bureaucratic management is related to obedience as well as to detailed rules and regulations, irrespective of whether they are rational or tend to operate in a way reverse of what had originally been intended. It kills ambition, destroys initiatives, and any incentives to do more than the minimal requirement (Ludvig von Mises, 2005). The argument here is that, it is necessary to adopt such an approach that would build in mechanisms which promotes and initiates ambition. Such an approach can be related to the business management model, that is, one that is different from present bureaucratic management. The bureaucratic management will only do the minimal requirement with detailed rules and regulation, which destroys the very purpose of its establishment. Having said these, the study is not undermining the fact that bureaucratic management is necessary to an extent. The point here is that performance should be considered in terms of work, which is well argued by Mises. He says that the position of subordinate is dependent on the judgment of the supervisor, concerning him/her as a person, not about his work (as cited in Haralambos & Heald, 1980). An overview of the police training institutions revealed that there is a complete lack or insufficient presence of relevant topics in the curriculum and plans at the police institutions, which are of greater importance to the police. These are knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values which refer to human rights, police ethics of management, police management, family violence, intercommunity/caste relations, the police relations to media, peaceful solutions to conflicts in the family and community. In order to overcome these issues, schemes have to be launched in police training institutions to reemploy retired trainers, who are exceptionally outstanding, along with the academicians for the development of textbooks. There should be a joint committee of police trainers and faculties from the universities to take up action research projects in the area of training materials and periodic evaluation of training at the police institutions. Workshops and seminars need to be conducted in police training institutions related to police work. The faculty at the police training institute should compile best practices around the world *

Haralambos, M., & Heald, R. (1980). Sociology themes and perspectives. New Delhi: OUP.


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in policing from national and international journals, magazines, and newspapers and bring them out in the form of books and reading materials/compendium. There needs to be a separate cell which could be termed as a “social work cell” that caters into case study methods, group work methods, community organization, communication, and interaction. It also should look into by various social legislations and ways and means to impart them to trainees. This cell should consist of police officers from the field as well as faculties from the department of social work from universities. The social work cell could compile materials of their areas and also coordinate the trainees for their attachment with the field supervisor, to get direct field experiences while they are undergoing training at the police training institutions. Roleplaying exercises on communication and other human relations skills has to be devised. Low-cost instructional materials have to be devised to expose to capsule courses and later, the trainers have to be motivated to produce charts, posters, flash cards, photographic prints, and so on, of relevant topics on day-to-day policing. Digests of books, articles, reports, and papers of relevance have to be prepared by the instructors and circulated to the trainees free of cost. To update with the recent development, proceeding summaries, and panel discussion of contemporary topics of policing and related issues needs to be recorded and made available to the instructors at the academy. The Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPRD) should take the initiative for this exercise, so that it could help the instructors to add on as a part of teaching materials for future courses. Bureau of Police Research and Development should also coordinate with other international law enforcement agencies for bringing in expertise and exchange of instructors and reading materials. There should be steps taken by BPRD to train the instructors and bring in quality instructional materials as well as also to make use of “how to use case studies” and “set question papers.” There should be collaboration with institutions of excellence like media research centers, science and technology institutions, Indian Institute of Managements, India Institute of Technologies, prominent social science universities like Jawaharlal Nehru University, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, National Law Schools, and so on to help the police institutions to develop video cassettes, films, computermanaged learning systems, and interactive video systems. These collaborations would help the knowledge resource to exponentially grow and also help the police to keep at pace with the latest technologies and contemporary development in various facets of the society. The Bureau of Police Research and Development, which is under the Ministry of Home Affairs has to collaborate with Ministry of Education, University Grand Commission, Union Public Service Commission, and National Council of Education Research and Training to bring in police cadet corps in all schools and college as well as police and its administration a compulsory part in the civics course of all schools and start programs of bachelors, master’s and PhD in police science,


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criminology in all the universities. The Union Public Service Commission should also ensure that these subjects like police science, criminology, and social work should be part of optional papers for the civil service examinations. All the respective State public service commissions also should ensure that the above-mentioned subjects are there as optional papers in their respective State service examinations. These initiatives would surely bring about a positive awareness as well as knowledge and value addition among citizens, mainly youth of our country. Thus by restructuring the instructional materials and enhancing the police training institutions with sound research base will play a pivotal role in developing training resources for effective policing. It is in this context that Matrix Organizations, with less hierarchical implications and greater interactional flexibility, play an exemplary role. A matrix organization is based on team management. It adopts a grid structure that integrates resources from different sectors rather than imposing a top-down hierarchical structure (Kolodny, 1979). Matrix organizations have dual-reporting relationships: an employee may have to answer to a quality manager and a financial manager (a Community-Oriented Problem-Solving [COPS] officer has to answer to a supervisor and the community). They emphasize flexibility and adaptability to ever-changing conditions. Their success rests on problem solving, conflict management, and communication skills. Employees have to value a diversity of opinions, as well as how to move from reactive to proactive behavior (Chappell et al., 2005). There needs to be greater international educational exchange programs of instructors from our police training institutions, which would enable our officers to protect citizens through a well plan of action to counteract and respond to threats from outside their borders as well as internal threats by terrorist and organized crimes. This also would help them to train the trainees at the police institutions with highly sophisticated investigation, intelligence, crisis management, and communication techniques. Higher education is the key to effective policing in the twenty-first century. The police officers of the future should have the creative thinking ability to deal with and solve problems. They should be visionaries with the ability to network with available specialist/experts and recourses on a global base. But all these are possible only when we have an effective management of police training institutions. In a nutshell, it is better to look forward toward a matrix organization which is based on a web of relationships rather than complex hierarchical structures.

References Ali, A. (1994). The role and range of police training. In S. Sen & A. K. Saxena (Eds.), Police training: Problems and perspectives. New Delhi: Rawat Publications. Bradford, D., & Pynes, J. (1999). Police academy training: Why hasn’t it kept up with practice? Police Quarterly, 2 (3), 283–301.


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Buerger, M. E., Petronsino, A. J., & Petronsino, C. (1999). Extending the police role: Implications of police mediation as a problem solving tool. Police Quarterly, 2, 125–149. Chappell, A. T., Lanza-Kaduce, L., & Johnston, D. (2005). Police training: Changes and challenges (pp. 71–88), In Roger Dunham & Geoffrey P. Alpert (Eds.), Critical issues in policing, 5th edition, Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland. Colquhoun, P. (1806). A treatise on the police of the metropolis. C. Dilly: London. Dubber, D. M., & Valverde, M. (Eds.). (2007). The new police science: Police power in domestic and international governance. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Haralambos, M., & Heald, R. (1980). Sociology themes and perspectives. New Delhi: OUP. Garland, D. (1997). Governmentality and the problem of crime: Foucault, criminology, sociology. Theoretical Criminology 1 (2): 173–214. Glenn, R. et al. (2003). Training the 21st century police officers: Redefining police professionalism for the Los Angeles police department. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Public Safety and Justice. Gupta, A. (1979). The police in British India: 1861–1947. New Delhi: Concept Publications. Gore, M. S. et al. (1971). The Gore committee report on police training. New Delhi: Ministry of Home Affairs. Kelling, G., & Moore, M. (1988). From political to reform to community: The evolving strategy of police. In J. Greene & S. Mastrofski (Eds.), Community policing: Rhetoric or reality. New York: Cambridge. King, W. R., & Lab, S. P. (2000). Crime prevention, community policing and training: Old wine in new bottles. Police Practice and Research, 2, 241–252. Kolodny, H. F. (1979). Evolution to a matrix organisation. The Academy of Management Review, 14/4, 543–553. Neocleous, M. (2000). Fabrication of social order: A critical theory of police power. Sterling, VA: Pluto Press. Oliver, W. M. (1998). Community-oriented policing: A systemic approach to policing. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Osborne, D., & Gaebler, T. (1993). Reinventing government, how the enterpreneurial spirit is transforming the public sector. New York: Ringwood. Sen, A. K. (1980). Equality of what, In M. M. Sterling (Ed.), The tanner lectures on human values (pp. 195–210). Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Sen, A. (1993a). Capability and well-being. In M. Nussbum & M. Sen (Eds.), The quality of life. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Sen, A. (1993b). Development as freedom. New Delhi: OUP. Trojanowicz, R., & Bucqueroux, B. (1990). Community policing: A contemporary perspective. Cincinnati, OH: Anderson Publishing. Verma, A. (2005). The Indian police: A critical evaluation. New Delhi: Regency Publication: 223.


3

Downsizing to a College-Educated Police Force GREGORY E. WALSH Contents

Past Efforts to Educate Policing .......................................................................... 44 Benefits of a College-Educated Police Force ..................................................... 46 Resistance .............................................................................................................. 49 Why Now? ............................................................................................................. 51 Conclusion and Recommendations ................................................................... 52 References .............................................................................................................. 56 The virtual nationwide hiring freeze in law enforcement in the United States since the 2008 financial downturn has created a rare opportunity for police leaders across the country to seize upon the glut of college graduates interested in a law enforcement career, and increase educational requirements for newly hired officers. This chapter will follow a well-beaten path: a century’s worth of calls for policing to not only recognize the benefits of a college-educated police force, but to finally act on that realization now that the abundance of the available college-educated candidates has removed one of the most commonly called upon reasons for police leaders to not pursue the initiative. There was a time when the American police [officer] would be inclined to define his job and role in a very narrow fashion. But law enforcement duties, in the past quarter century, have evolved from simple tasks, requiring simple qualifications, to complex professional operations requiring great capacity for specialized knowledge and technique.

This observation was not made yesterday; it was written in 1967, as A.C. Germann was making an argument for increased educational requirements in policing. The sad part is that it could have been written yesterday considering how far mandatory police education has advanced in the half-century since Germann’s claim (Germann, 1967, p. 603). Certainly, there has been progress. Between 1990 and 2003, for example, the percentage of police officers working in agencies that required some amount of college credits increased threefold to 33% (Hickman & Reaves, 2006). Louis Mayo, the executive director of the Police Association for College 43


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Education (PACE), reported that approximately 30% of police officers in 2012 earned a 4-year degree—a number that is growing at approximately 2%–3% a year (Conciatore, 2000). A 1988 Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) study of nearly 500 police agencies found that over 44% of police officers had completed 2 or more years of college and 65% experienced at least 1 year of college (Breci, 1994; Roberg & Bonn, 2004). While those numbers may initially appear to be encouraging, they are also deceptive. Less than 1% of the well over 17,000 state and local police agencies in the United States requires a bachelor’s degree (Hickman & Reaves, 2006). That statistic bears repeating; it is not slightly less than 1% of police agencies in the United States DO NOT require a bachelor’s degree, it is less than 1% do. According to PERF, only four of the country’s 100 largest police agencies (where it can be assumed that a denser population is located at any one time) require 4-year degrees for new hires (Bruns, 2010). The statistics do not get much better for police agencies with less stringent college requirements: only 9% of police agencies in the United States require new entries to possess a 2-year college degree, and another 18% require some level of college credits (Hickman & Reaves, 2006). Thus, the fact that nearly a third of police officers across the country possess a 4-year degree and nearly half a 2-year degree does not recognize that those numbers are largely generated by self-motivated officers; the hiring requirements of the police agency that hired them had nothing to do with it.

Past Efforts to Educate Policing The argument for requiring an educated police force in the United States is not at all new. Over a century ago, August Vollmer rang the bell calling for an increase in police professionalism—and its reputation—through education (Bennett, 2010). Through the second half of the twentieth century, police leaders doggedly tried to drag policing from its own dark history, filled with corruption and the use of force issues. A number of commissions, including the National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement (1931), the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice (1967), and the National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals (1973), called for 4-year degrees as a hiring requirement in policing (Breci, 1994; Manis, Archbold, & Hassell 2008; Mayo, 2006). Well-respected police associations also announced their support for a college-educated police force. Organizations such as the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP), the Police Association for College Education (PACE), and the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) (2013), which requires a 4-year degree just to be a member of the organization, shared a common call for increased police professionalism through higher


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education. The many collective years of police experience accumulated by the police leaders in these associations, however, was not the only justification for making the move. Paterson (2011) discovered in his review of the international literature on the role of higher education in law enforcement that there has been a large body of research collected over the past 40 years in the United States. As will be discussed throughout this chapter, the evidence for raising educational levels for police hires from high school or general educational development (GED) to a college diploma is no longer disputable. Some studies did not find any differences between performance measures of college-educated versus high school educated police officers in terms of a wide number of performance factors. However, an abundance of research covering all regions of the country and all sizes of police agencies found very measurable reasons for police leaders to not delay in their respective decision to increase the standards, including critical issues such as the use of force and liability. While caricatures of large men swinging a baton, similar to the Watchman style of policing recognized by James Wilson (1978), which saw law enforcement’s primary role as keeping the peace and moving along, may have been common a half-century ago, it is not representative of U.S. policing in the twenty-first century. Police–citizen interactions were more infrequent in the mid-twentieth century (Liederbach & Travis, 2008), equating to less communication. Unfortunately, many officers still on the force today were exposed to veteran officers who experienced policing through the volatile 1970s and 1960s and even 1950s, and generational differences still collide today. Perhaps during the years prior to Wilson’s study—the early and midtwentieth century—when the Watchman style was more common, a college education was not necessary. However, the more authoritative style of policing has been replaced by a problem-solving approach, requiring analysis and assessment (Bayley, 1994). Policing today is much more what Wilson called the Service style, which calls for police officers to be problem solvers as they work with the community as a team to enhance quality-of-life issues—what would later come to be known as Community Policing (Wilson, 1978). In other words, diagnose, not just prescribe. Today, the idea of community policing has become less of an action than the assumed methodology. As stated on the Lincoln, NE Police Department’s website, “… community policing is a value system which permeates a police department, in which the primary organizational goal is working cooperatively with individual citizens, groups of citizens, and both public and private organizations to identify and resolve issues which potentially affect the livability of specific neighborhoods, areas, or the city as a whole” (Lincoln Police Department, 2013). The U.S. Department of Justice’s CommunityOriented Policing Services (COPS) website calls community policing simply a philosophy (COPS 2013).


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Zhao, He, and Lovrich (2006) revisited Wilson’s theory 30 years later, in part to examine relationships to a policing style and political influence. Using the Omaha Police Department as an example, the authors found that policing had moved away from the old Watchman style to a communityoriented one for many reasons, including more formalized procedures, specialized units, and federal oversight through federal actions, such as the 1994 Crime Control Act. Especially notable to this chapter, the authors described a tremendous leap in education levels of police officers working in the cities Wilson originally studied. From a point when even a high school diploma was not a necessary requirement, as was the case in the original study, at the time of the revisit three decades later, over half of the officers of the Omaha Police Department possessed a college education (Zhao et al., 2006).

Benefits of a College-Educated Police Force Community policing is collaborative problem solving. Therefore, it is imperative that police executives find ways to put police officers on the street who are most capable of successfully implementing community collaboration efforts, including searching for ways to use the available resources in the community to help address issues community members are facing, whether criminal or otherwise. Studies clearly indicate that a college graduate is the best choice for a police leader truly interested in implementing an integrated community policing, service, or problem-solving model (Breci, 1994; Roberg & Bonn, 2004; Varricchio, 1998). Police officers in the United States work in a unique environment with acute accountability for their actions through a number of bodies beyond their own chain of command, including elected officials, the media, and the courts, both criminal and civil (Bayley, 1998). This extreme accountability is placed on officers who must operate free from direct supervision for large portions of their work day (Thibault, Lynch, & McBride, 2007). Combining the many levels of accountability and unsupervised patrol work with the tremendous discretionary power police officers carry with them into every citizen interaction leaves an officer perpetually at risk of facing life altering or liability-filled decisions. Therefore, it is critical for police leaders to place into those everyday individual decision-making roles a police officer most capable of making the best possible decisions given the circumstances, which studies clearly indicate are college-educated officers. A college-educated police officer was found to stand much more prepared to make better decisions in a situation through the enhanced problemsolving and communication skills they developed in their college courses (Breci, 1994; Varricchio, 1998). Roberg and Bonn (2004) found that police officers with college education are less authoritative and more flexible when considering the possible solutions to an issue. Further, minorities had a more


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favorable reception from college-educated officers. Considering that community policing initiatives are more practical in urban areas compared to rural, Roberg and Bonn’s findings should be of particular importance to urban police chiefs. Another of their key findings was that college-educated officers received less citizen complaints about the officer’s performance, which was consistent with Kappeler, Sapp, and Carter’s (1992) findings. This is critical knowledge that every police leader, regardless of rank, agency size, or any other demographic must take note of. If policing as a whole wants the community to trust and work with police officers across the country, especially in a post-9/11 environment, where If you see something, say something, is the message, it is logical that the goal can be better attained if the police were performing their duties in a manner more receptive to citizens, as opposed to one that draws complaints. Individuals who enter the criminal justice system are often found to have mental health issues (James & Glaze, 2006). In 2005, over 50% of inmates were diagnosed with mental health problems. The officers holding only high school educations were approximately 25% less likely to make psychiatric referrals (LaGrange, 2003). College-educated police officers appearing to be more aware of psychiatric treatment resources and options in lieu of an arrest could present many more positive indirect benefits than a jail cell would for the individual, the police, and the community. That college-educated officers made arrests at a rate less than that of officers not possessing college education further points to the likelihood that higher-educated officers are more willing to consider options and resources other than an arrest, which is supported by Roberg and Bonn’s (2004) research. Lawsuits against police agencies are on the rise, along with expenses associated with those litigations. A Cato Institute study found that $225,000 was the median award for a successful suit regarding police misconduct (Packman, 2010). As important to the bottom line, the study also found that the costs involved in simply the defense of a lawsuit against an agency often was more than the award, itself, which can reach into the millions of dollars. Almost half (49%) of state and local police agencies in the United States have less than 10 officers, with nearly two-thirds of all officers employed by the largest 7% of the agencies (Reaves, 2011). With a majority of police agencies, then, supported by municipalities with relatively smaller tax bases than the largest agencies, one substantiated lawsuit against a police officer from one of those many small departments could have a dramatic budget impact on a municipality’s budget for the years to come. In that collegeeducated police officers are not subject to the same degree of individual liability as those possessing only a high school education or GED (Carter & Sapp, 1989), municipal leaders should be weighing in on the cost benefits of a college-educated police force, regardless of the respective police agency head’s opinion.


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Even though the Cato Institute’s findings were that the average award was under $250,000, awards are frequently for millions of dollars. Between 2002 and 2011, 24 settlements or rewards were in excess of $1 million. New York City experienced a 46% increase in settlements and judgments involving police lawsuits between 2006 and 2011 (Goldman, 2012), and paid out $119 million in 2011 alone. A $15 million settlement was made in 2012 (Goldman, 2012). For another example, the City of Los Angeles paid out approximately $24 million in settlements or judgments in a recent 9-year period in automobile crashes alone (Rubin, 2012). Certainly, it would be sound financial reasoning to attempt to curb such payouts through proactive interventions, such as trying new hiring standards. If a police leader is not motivated by the clear evidence that an educated police force is a higher-performing one, than if nothing else, knowing that a police officer with only a high school education is more likely than a collegeeducated officer to be the subject of a liability claim should be the reason enough to make the move. Studies, including Paoline and Terrill (2007), found that college-educated officers used physical force significantly less often than those officers possessing only a high school education. Just the thought of the expense to a municipality for defending a single claim against an officer accused of excessive force should more than offset any concerns a police chief may have regarding the additional recruiting expenses that may be needed as a result of a higher educational entry requirement. Add to that thought the potential long-term consequences such a claim could do to the agency through reputation and community relations, and the argument becomes even more convincing. If nothing else, it would be a reasonable exercise in risk management, as increasing the hiring standards may help in the defense of future judgments against the department by showing agency intent to improve performance through more stringent hiring practices. Even though an educated police force may still be the subject of a lawsuit, police and municipal leaders—especially during more financially challenging times—must do whatever they can to protect themselves from such claims, and to minimize the consequences of a successful suit. Another advantage for a police chief to increase educational standards is that work performance is enhanced by an officer’s exposure to a college education (Smith & Aamodt, 1997). Truxillo, Bennett, and Collins (1998) found in their 10-year study that educational factors led to dependability— a key characteristic needed from law enforcement personnel. It would be troubling if, during a severe winter storm, police personnel scheduled to be reporting to work for the next shift started calling in to the station stating that the roads did not appear safe to travel on so that they would be taking a day off. That type of scenario cannot happen for a police agency to be effective in its public safety mission. In support of this point, Daniel (1982) found that college-educated police officers missed significantly fewer days of


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work, as was also reported by Roberg and Bonn (2004). If a college-educated police officer is a more dependable police officer, then, a police chief moving in that direction would seem the obvious choice. An increased chance for promotion was also noted in the study, leading the authors to speculate that a college education could result in a higher degree of both professionalism and maturity. College-educated police officers were found to perform better during their police academy training (Aamodt & Flink, 2001). Also, educated officers possessed enhanced research ability (Breci, 1994), a potentially valuable resource to any police leader wanting to know, for example, the latest safety advances in police body armor. Rather than having to hire a research firm to investigate what is available in the market, personnel on hand—who are themselves familiar with the peculiarities of wearing a body vest on patrol for 8–12 h—could conduct the research in-house, without having to hire an outside consultant. Breci (1994) cited increased communication skills from college-educated officers. Covey (1989), in commenting on his dissertation research where he reflected on 200 years’ worth of successful people, and deciphered what commonalities in those people made them so effective, counted communication skills as paramount to positive results. In that policing in the twenty-first century is so influenced by the recognition that the police are merely a resource of the public, and police agencies must work cohesively with the public, communication skills are critical in helping to solve community problems and resolve disputes. In another study of police professionalism when using education as a variable, Carter and Wilson (2006) reviewed 19 studies over 30 years that measured police performance. They found that many in law enforcement believed that requiring college education resulted in a more professional police force. Thus, it is not only the researchers who are saying that a college education will equal a more professional police force, but police officers are, themselves, saying that a college education will equal a more professional police force.

Resistance For as long as there has been a call for increasing educational requirements for new hires in law enforcement, there have also been the naysayers who have chosen to overlook studies and facts. Any number of reasons can be laid out for resisting. Some could be internal, including simple laziness and not wanting to initiate a new policy that is likely to face some degree of resistance. Fear of that same resistance, or the insecurity of individual police leaders themselves, perhaps, for not possessing any college education could


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be present, as well. Some arguments, however, may very well present founded concerns, and call for further discussion. Diminished availability of a diverse applicant pool is often mentioned as a reason a police leader shies away from increasing educational requirements; however, more and more literature is indicating that this is generally not the case, and that a sound recruiting policy should be developed and maintained to address agency needs (Carter & Sapp, 1992). In areas where recruiting a diverse applicant pool remains a problem, the alternate to not increasing the standards would be worse than leaving them “as is” in an attempt to increase the diversity. The U.S. Court of Appeals 5th Circuit, in Davis v. City of Dallas, where 60 college credits are generally required for new police hires (Dallas Police Department, 2013), ruled that a minimum education in law enforcement was warranted due to the wide variety of responsibilities called for from policing, noting that the benefits of higher-educated police officers were greater than any discrimination as a result (Roberg & Bonn, 2004). Beyond court rulings, however, is a vast pool of college graduates—males, females, and minorities—interested in a career in law enforcement, who have received degrees since the virtual post-2008 police academy shutdowns across the country. Interested police agencies just have to reach them. Theron Bowman, Chief of the Arlington Police Department, which increased its educational requirement to a 4-year degree nearly 30 years ago, noted that, not only has the educational requirement not hindered their efforts at diversity to reflect that of the community the Arlington Police Department serves, but their agency experienced an increased pool of female and minority candidates (Bowman, 2002). Bowman also noted that students liked working for an agency that valued a college education. Therefore, it is possible that simply creating a requirement for college education as a condition for employment may be what draws more college-educated candidates. After reviewing police agencies in the United States that required 4-year degrees, Bruns (2010) reported that many respondents stated that their applicant pool was reduced with the educational requirement. Others argued, however, that what they have is a higher-quality list of applicants (Decker & Huckabee, 2002). Following this point, it is possible that requiring a college education for employment could become a cost savings initiative in that without such a requirement, an agency would have to process (recruit, test, investigate, etc.), many candidates that would ultimately not be offered a position anyway. The Cedar Rapids (Iowa) Police Department leaders knew that they would have to draw minority males from other than traditional recruiting locations; so, they began recruiting at historically Black colleges that offered criminal justice programs. Not only do recruiters get received well by students, but the agency received the added bonus of getting to know the college professors and program chairs, all of whom could be indirect recruiters


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for the police department (Smith, 2012). Another point that Smith made was that the historically Black colleges attract students from throughout the United States; so, it is very possible that a recruiter on campus could come across a student from the same region as the police agency, instantly forming a connection.

Why Now? In the years following the 2008 financial downturn, police agencies across the United States have reduced their numbers. Many have resorted to hiring freezes in an effort to address a series of reduced budgets since 2008 like nothing ever experienced by modern law enforcement (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2011). To address the ongoing—and maybe permanent—budget reductions, law enforcement leaders will have to change from the way things have always been done (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2011). One thing that did not change with the bottom dropping out of police and municipal budgets was the continued outpouring of college graduates leaving campuses across the country in search of work. Over 4 million firsttime freshmen enter colleges and universities each year (Knapp, Kelly-Reid, & Ginder, 2011), with approximately 1,725,000 bachelor-level degrees conferred during the academic year 2011–2012 (Snyder & Dillon, 2012). Multiply that number by 4 years of college commencements that have occurred since the economic decline and a bustling recruiting pool presents itself. Add to that the approximately 895,000 graduates earning associate degrees in 2012 alone (Snyder & Dillon, 2012), and the arguments against a tough recruiting market diminish even further. Over the last 10 years, there have been increases in degrees earned across all racial and ethnic groups. Associate degrees earned by Hispanic students have increased to 118%, and Black graduates with associate degrees have increased to 89% (Aud et  al., 2012). Further, the U.S. Department of Education projects that between the academic years of 2009–2010 and 2021–2022, the number of Black students enrolling in colleges will increase to 25%, and Hispanic growth will be 42% (Husser & Bailey, 2013). Over 57% of students receiving their bachelor degrees are female, as are over 60% of students earning associate degrees (Aud et al., 2012). The police chief of today is leading—and serving—a different educational demographic. For example, if a police leader has been on the force between 15 and 25 years, then, they started their career somewhere between 1988 and 1998. It is quite possible that arguments stating that there was not a large-enough applicant pool to require a college education during that


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time period were accurate. That applicant pool looks quite different today. The total college enrollment increased to 46% from 1996 to 2010 (Husser & Bailey, 2013). The  number of students earning bachelor degrees grew to 41% in that time, with continued growth expected. Since 1996, for the age group of 18–24, enrollment is up to 52% since 1996, and up to 45% for the 25–34-year-old age group (Husser & Bailey, 2013). In that police agencies usually have a minimum hiring age of 21 (U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013); these numbers not only indicate a much larger existing applicant pool in the typical hiring age group, but perhaps more importantly ensures a future one. Thus, that a large and diverse college-educated applicant pool now exists—and that pool will continue to grow—is not the question anymore. Whether police leaders are willing to put the effort into recruiting them is what remains. Obviously, many college graduates will have no interest in a law enforcement career. While there is no consensus saying that only a criminal justice-related degree program qualifies a bachelor’s degree-holding graduate for a career in policing, the U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics (2010) reported that over 41,000 students graduated from criminal justice-related programs (including security and protective services) in 2009. Again, extrapolating back to the start of the hiring freezes, it is clear that a large, educated, law enforcement-seeking candidate pool exists, waiting to be hired by a police agency.

Conclusion and Recommendations Only recently have police academies—one by one—started opening their doors again to stabilize their new number, or a new allotted number of personnel. In Michigan, a national leader in requiring a college-educated police force (Hilal & Erickson, 2010), law enforcement hirings have long been stagnant; however, police agencies are starting to experience increased growth (Grand Valley State University, 2012). State police academies in New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania, as examples, have also started new academy classes (Fitzgerald, 2012; Zatzariny, 2012). A century’s worth of calls for a college-educated police force has not been totally in vain, but what will it take before enough state and local police leaders realize that they cannot have it both ways. A state or local police chief cannot have a candidate pool that includes virtually every U.S. citizen, in terms of educational qualifications, while at the same time be upset that their police officers do not garner the same level of professional respect that degree-requiring professions require—or even most federal law enforcement agencies? Until the swing vote is reached that recognizes that a police officer in the second decade of the twenty-first century should not have maxed out


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his educational goals in high school, how can any police leader expect equal professional billing with other fields? A recent article in the New York Times discussed the realization that a bachelor’s degree is the minimum entry requirement for any position in business, including a filing clerk (Rampell, 2013). Yet law enforcement, whose employees’ past decisions have led to consequences such as massive rioting, questionable restraint and arrest, and even death, are nowhere close to such an educational mandate. How can there be such a disparity between the values placed on education by policing compared to other fields? There is no longer an argument. The verdict is in and has been repeatedly handed down. Study after study show the obvious benefits of having a college-educated police force patrolling a community and working with that community every day to solve problems before they turn into something much worse. The question that remains is: When and how should the change be made to require all new hires in law enforcement in the United States to possess a college education? First, the when. For the many reasons already discussed in this chapter, the when is today, although yesterday would have been much better. The process will take a while, and the longer the initiative is kept sitting in the In-basket, the more other seemingly higher crisis issues will be placed on top of the basket, and addressed first. How is the more uncomfortable part, because it will take the police agency reaching down into that In-basket, through the easy quick fixes and the other non-trouble-causing concerns, and intentionally pull out the issue of changing hiring standards. It really is as simple as that— a police leader making the decision to finally face a potentially difficult—but not definitely difficult—task for the betterment of the agency and community. That community has put its collective faith into the selection of each police leader to do what is best for the agency and the community. If there is overwhelming evidence to support a change that will result in a better police force, such as increasing educational standards, then, the community would be reasonable in assuming that the police leader will pursue that change. A community member, upon learning that a police executive has chosen to not initiate a change to a college-educated police force, given the facts so strongly supporting doing so, should be asking questions, starting with, “Why not?” Those questions should also be directed at the respective civilian elected officials to whom the police leader must report. The old guard will mostly surely mumble—don’t they always. But police leaders need to take today’s opportunities and use the trust given them with their appointment to be leaders and to make their respective agency the best it can be. Doing nothing and keeping things the way they have always been is the easy way to do it—the lazy way out. U.S. communities need better than that, even if they are not yet demanding it. Being an effective leader sometimes means having to make uncomfortable decisions, some of


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which will likely upset those on the force comfortable in the way things are, which generally brings with it resistance. A weak leader stops pursuing a good idea when that uncomfortable resistance starts presenting itself. Covey (1989) made an argument that an effective leader has to be proactive by taking actions today—even if difficult—to make the organization better in the future. Police leaders merely have to make the decision to change to an educated department. Even if they, themselves, were hired with a GED, they must recognize where the country has progressed since their hiring. The world is far more interconnected today than it was a career ago, and technological advances are developing too fast to even mention some examples here; to do so would immediately date this document. There is strength—and comfort—in numbers. It is very understandable for a police leader to not want to go at such a change in culture alone, but he or she does not have to. First, the dam has already been cracked. Many federal agencies already require 4-year degrees (U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012), as have a growing number of state and local agencies across the country. Even more agencies already require a 2-year degree. Better yet, policing is becoming college educated regardless of what the resisting police leaders think or say about it, with approximately a third of current police officers already holding a 4-year degree, and twice that number an associate’s degree. This force of educated officers within the whole of the nation’s police force doesn’t need to be told that a college education has put the individual officer in the position to do their job better; they already know that. In other words, within policing, there already exists a large network of support on which continued progress—the official agency-mandated kind—can be built. It is certainly advantageous to be able to begin a culturechanging initiative knowing that such a large percentage of those affected are already marching in the direction of the change. Those officers saw where law enforcement was headed long before their leadership did, and now it is time for those police leaders to support their forward-thinking officers in making law enforcement even more effective. If the leaders of county or regional police coalitions would commit to increasing police education as an agenda item, then, the change could be promoted as a multiagency joint initiative, as opposed to one agency here and one agency there. All agencies in a region making the switch at once would also minimize any concern of interdepartmental transfers or not being able to transfer (Crowe, 2011), to avoid the effects—positive or negative—of the change. All agencies would be on equal footing in terms of educational requirements for new hires. The process will not be without bumps, and police leaders implementing such a change will benefit from being able to consult and share notes with leaders from other agencies who are likely experiencing the same issues.


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State and local law enforcement, however, even though more than 100 years of police leaders calling for bachelor’s degree requirements in policing, are not nearly prepared to take the leap from a GED to a bachelor’s degree requirement. With only 1% of the state and local police agencies currently requiring a 4-year degree, jumping straight to a 4-year degree requirement from a high school diploma or GED could prove too much of a change, and the initiative could lose support. Rather, it is suggested that law enforcement in the United States implements a mandatory 2-year degree or 60 college credit hiring standards, with a designated plan to assess how the change is progressing at set intervals, such as the 1-, 3-, and 5-year marks. If those assessments indicate that further change is needed, then, it would be appropriate to study the issue in more depth. Any effort or initiative should be toward a nationwide mandate (not a federal mandate, a national one), to require all new police hires to possess 60 college credits at the time of hiring. Future studies should focus on whether clear benefits exist for police leaders to differentiate between different degree holders, such as criminal justice versus business, as opposed to equivalent college credits. Ideally, an agency requirement would call for a degree, but in an effort to make incremental steps toward an ultimate goal, 60 college credits are recommended. At this point, not enough evidence exists to turn a 60-credit requirement into an associate’s degree requirement, as studies to this point highlight the experience and exposure a college education provides a student more than what any specific degree does. As important, time is needed to prepare for such a move, both administratively and culturally. Setting an effective date sufficiently into the future allows not only for the agency to plan and implement, but it also allows potential candidates lacking college education the adequate time to fulfill requirements. At the same time, an otherwise interested and qualified candidate who has only a GED or some level of college credits below 60, might look to alternate career opportunities if the college requirement instantly moved to 2 years. By setting the requirement date in the future, not only could it encourage that applicant to continue his or her education, but it also could create a rush of sorts to apply before the hiring requirement changes. While this would not be the intention of the mandate, it would, at the same time, perhaps, alleviate the concerns of an immediate decrease in the candidate pool. A 2-year front notice would be fair and reasonable for all involved. Could it be that part of the resistance to education by police leaders is the result of some level of insecurity of those who, themselves, never earned a college degree? My guess is, “Yes.” Will many disagree or be angry with such an opinion? Again, my guess is, “yes,” but since nothing else has worked to mobilize the education forces, maybe a bit of passion—or anger—is what this argument needs. Respected leaders have been calling for higher educational requirements for a long time—and at increasing numbers, but currently over


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80% of state and local police agencies in the United States still only require a high school education or GED. The year 2008 will be looked back at with historical importance in law enforcement. With very few exceptions, personnel working in state and local policing in the United States in 5 years since the economic downturn have never experienced the shutdown or serious slowdown in hiring that has been the rule of late. Law enforcement, however, is one of those “job security” types of jobs. As long as there are bad guys—and we all know there always will be—communities will need police officers. Now that it appears that new numbers have been established, and we are starting to see cracks in the hiring freeze dam, law enforcement should be poised to seize the opportunity of the current job market, which is flooded with candidates with 4-year degrees. Where in the past, a common argument was that requiring a 4-year degree made the candidate pool too small to get the uniquely qualified people law enforcement demands, police agencies will have 4-year degree candidates standing in line with the GED holders for a job. Luzer (2010) and Strock (2007) made comments that sum up the key point of this chapter. While agreeing that it might not be necessary to have a college education to be a good police officer, the authors argued that a college education helps that good officer to do his or her job better. What competent police leader—regardless of his or her own level of education—does not want to have a police force consisting of the most effective personnel possible? Now IS finally the time.

References Aamodt, M., & Flink, W. (2001). Relationship between educational level and cadet performance in a police academy. Applied HRM Research, 6(1), 75–76. Aud, S., Hussar, W., Johnson, F., Kena, G., Roth, E., Manning, E., … Zhang, J. (2012). The condition of education. U.S. Department of Justice, Institute of Educational Science, National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from www.nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2012045 Bayley, D. H. (1998). Policing in America. Society. 36(1). Retrieved from http:// web.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.utica.edu/ehost/detail?vid=5&sid=6735b54aa839-4c55-970d-423d83ece21a%40sessionmgr104&hid=127&bdata=JkF1dG hUeXBlPWlwLGNvb2tpZSx1cmwsdWlkJnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=​a9h&AN=1195576 Bayley, D. H. (1994). Police for the future. NY: Oxford University Press. Bennett, C. (2010). Legendary lawman August Vollmer. Officer.com. Retrieved from http://www.officer.com/article/10232661/legendary-lawman-august-vollmer? print=true Breci, M. (1994). Higher education for law enforcement. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, 63(1). Retrieved from http://web.ebscohost.com.exproxy.utica.edu/ ehost/delivery?sid=bb7c3…


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Bruns, D. (2010). Reflections from the one-percent of local police departments with mandatory four-year degree requirements for new hires: Are they diamonds in the rough? Southwest Journal of Criminal Justice, 7(1), 87–108. Retrieved from http://swacj.org/swjcj/archives/7.1/Bruns%20Article.pdf Bowman, T. (2002). Educate to elevate: Academics have pushed our department to a new level of professionalism and innovation. Texas Police Journal, November, 15–17. Carter, D., & Sapp, A. (1992). College education and policing: Coming of age. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, 61(1), 8. Carter, L., & Sapp, A. (1989). Effect of higher education on police liability: Implications for police personnel policy. American Journal of Police, 8(1), 153–166. Carter, L., & Wilson, M. (2006). Measuring professionalism of police officers. The Police Chief, 73(8). Retrieved from www.policechiefmagazine.org/magazine/ index.cfm?fuseaction=print_display&article... Conciatore, J. (2000). D.C. council votes to require learning for law enforcement. Community College Week, 12(20). Retrieved from http://connection.ebscohost .com/c/articles/3126095/d-c-council-votes-require-learning-law-enforcement Covey, S. (1989). The 7 habits of highly effective people. New York: Free Press. Crowe, K. (2011). Troy drops college requirement for new police officers. Times Union. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/897274850?accou ntid=28902 Dallas Police Department. (2013). Retrieved from http://www.dallaspolice.net/ recruiting/recruiting.html Daniel, E. (1982). The effect of a college degree on police absenteeism. The Police Chief, 49(9), 70–71. Decker, L., & Huckabee, R. (2002). Raising the age and education requirements for police officers: Will too many women and minority candidates be excluded? Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 25(4), 789–802. Fitzgerald, B. (2012). State’s long gray line growing again. Times Union. Retrieved from www.timesunion.com/local/article/State-s-long-gray-line-growingagain-3522195.php Germann, A. (1967). Education and professional law enforcement. Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science, 58(4), 603. Goldman, H. (2012). Legal claims add to New York City’s budget woes. Bloomberg Businessweek. Retrieved from www.businessweek.com/articles/2012-09-13/ legal-claims-add-to-new-york-citys-budget-woes Grand Valley State University. (2012). Police academy grads find jobs. News release. Retrieved from http://www.gvsu.edu/gvnow/index.htm?articleId=​ F8A6568F-C419-3677-2AE3BB47D67C828Ed Hickman, M., & Reaves, B. (2006). Local police departments, 2003. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved from http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/lpd03.pdf Hilal, S., & Erickson, T. (2010). The Minnesota police education requirement. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, 79(6), 17–21. Husser, W., & Bailey, T. (2013). Projections of education statistics, 2021. U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Science, National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from www.nces.ed.gov/pubs2013/2013008.pdf


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James, D., & Glaze, L. (2006). Mental health problems of prison and jail inmates. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved from http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/mhppji.pdf Kappeler, V., Sapp, A., & Carter, D. (1992). Police officer higher education, citizen complaints, and departmental rule violations. American Journal of Police, 11(2), 37–54. Knapp, L., Kelly-Reid, J., & Ginder, S. (2011). Enrollment in postsecondary institutions, Fall 2009; graduation rates, 2003 & 2006 cohorts; and financial statistics, fiscal year 2009. U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved from www.nces. ed.gov/pubs2011/2011230.pdf LaGrange, T. (2003). The role of police education in handling cases of mental disorder. Criminal Justice Review, 28(1), 88–112. Liederbach, J., & Travis, L. (2008). Wilson redux: Another look at varieties of police behavior. Police Quarterly, 11(4). Retrieved from http://www.uc.edu/content/ dam/uc/ics/docs/LiederbachTravisWilsonRedux.pdf Lincoln Police Department. (2013). What is community Based Policing? Retrieved from Lincoln, Nebraska Police Department website at www.lincoln.ne.gov/ city/police/cbp.htm Luzer, D. (2010). When cops go to college. Washington Monthly. Retrieved from www. washingtonmonthly.com/college_guide/blog/when_cops_go_to_college.php Manis, J., Archbold, C., & Hassell, K. (2008). Exploring the impact of police officer education level on allegations of police misconduct. International Journal of Police Science and Management, 10(4), 509–523. Mayo, L. (2006). College education and policing. The Police Chief, 73(8), 20–38. Packman, D. (2010). The truth about police misconduct litigation. CATO Institute. Retrieved from w w w.policemisconduct.net/the-truth-about- policemisconduct-litigation/ Paoline, E., & Terrill, W. (2007). Police education, experience, and the use of force. Criminal Justice and Behavior. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/240281534_Police_Education_Experience_and_the_Use_of_ Force Paterson, C. (2011). Adding value? A review of the international literature on the role of higher education in police training and education. Police Practice & Research: An International Journal, 12(4), 286–297. Police Executive Research Forum (PERF). (2013). PERF website. Retrieved from http://www.policeforum.org/membership Rampell, C. (2013). It takes a B.A. to find a job as a file clerk. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/20/business/college-degreerequired-by-increasing-number-of-companies.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0 Reaves, B. (2011). Census for state and local law enforcement agencies, 2008. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Roberg, R., & Bonn, S. (2004). Higher education and policing: Where are we now?  Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 27(4). Retrieved from https://www.ncjrs.gov/App/publications/abstract.aspx? ID=208281 Rubin, J. (2012). LAPD tries new policies to cut costly, dangerous traffic crashes. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved from http://articles.latimes.com/2012/jan/22/local/ la-me-lapd-traffic-20120123


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Smith, R. (2012). Cedar Rapids Police Department boosts efforts to find minority applicants. Times Business News. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/ docview/966177231?accountid=28902 Smith, S., & Aamodt, M. (1997). Relationship between education, experience, and police performance. Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology, 12(2), 7–14. Snyder, T., & Dillon, S. (2012). Digest of education statistics, 2011. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from www. nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d11/ Strock, B. (2007). College educated police? Shaping the future. Paper submitted to Command College, California Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training. Retrieved from http://lib.post.ca.gov/lib-documents/cc/41-Strock.pdf Thibault, E., Lynch, L., & McBride, R. (2007). Proactive police management (7th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice-Hall. Truxillo, D., Bennett, S., & Collins, M. (1998). College education and police job performance: A ten-year study. Public Personnel Management, 27(2), 269–280. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2010). Digest of education statistics. 2010. 1999–2000 through 2008–09 integrated postsecondary education data system, “Fall Enrollment Survey” (IPEDS-EF:99) and Spring 2001 through Spring 2010. Retrieved from www.nces.ed.gov/ pubs2011/2011015_3b.pdf U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. (2011). The impact of the economic downturn on American police agencies. Retrieved from http://www.ncdsv.org/images/COPS_ImpactOfTheEconomic DownturnOnAmericanPoliceAgencies_10-2011.pdf U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS). (2013). Community policing defined. Retrieved from www.cops.usdoj. gov/default.asp?item=36 U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2013). Occupational outlook handbook. Retrieved from www.bls.gov/ooh/protective-service/police-anddetectives.htm Varricchio, D. (1998). Continuing education: Expanding opportunities for officers. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, 67(4), 10–14. Wilson, J. (1978). Varieties of police behavior: The management of law and order in eight communities. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Zhao, J., He, N., & Lovrich, N. (2006). The effect of local political culture on policing behaviors in the 1990s: A retest of Wilson’s theory in more contemporary times. Journal of Criminal Justice, 34(6), 569–578. Zatzariny, T. (2012). N.J. State police seek diversity in new academy class. Teaneck Patch. Retrieved from www.teaneckpatch.com/articles/n-j-state-police-hiringrecruits-fff340a6


Policing and the Public

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Correlates of Citizen Trust in the Ghanaian Police A Regional Study

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FRANCIS D. BOATENG Contents Introduction .......................................................................................................... 63 Theoretical Perspectives ...................................................................................... 65 Factors Influencing Trust in the Police .............................................................. 67 Policing in Ghana and Public Trust ................................................................... 69 Hypotheses ............................................................................................................ 71 Method................................................................................................................... 72 Study Participants and Sampling Technique................................................ 72 Measures ................................................................................................................ 72 Dependent Variables ....................................................................................... 72 Independent Variables .................................................................................... 73 Control Variables ..............................................................................................74 Results .................................................................................................................... 76 Discussion ............................................................................................................. 76 Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 80 Policy Implications ............................................................................................... 80 Acknowledgments .................................................................................................81 References .............................................................................................................. 82

Introduction Effective operation of the criminal justice system is dependent upon the level of trust people have in the system. The police, one of the foundations of the criminal justice system, must maintain high public trust if the system is to perform its mission to the fullest. Public trust can exist only when the police execute their duties with fairness, equity, professionalism, and firmness. Trust enhances police effectiveness and legitimizes police actions (Lea & Young, 1984; Lyons, 2002; National Research Council, 2004; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003). Hence, for the police to change public trust, as Goldsmith (2003) has noted, the police must provide the basic citizen security. Trust, through its presumption of benevolence, dedication, and a shared ethical framework 63


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(Six, 2003) enables police legitimacy, which is the judgment that ordinary citizens make about the rightfulness of police conducts and the organizations that employ and supervise them (National Research Council, 2004, p. 291). A deficit of trust in the police is common in deeply divided, post-conflict, and post-authoritarian societies (del Frate, 1998; Mishler & Rose, 1998; Weitzer, 1995). It may be argued that, in these societies, changing citizen’s levels of trust would be very difficult. Generally, empirical studies conducted in the arena of trust or trustworthiness of institutions such as the police seem to be characterized by two features. First, trust has been conceptually different from one study to another. Second, these empirical studies find explanations for any variation in trust in the quality of police work (Kaariainen, 2008, p. 142). The idea is that effective police work that serves citizens well is reflected in a positive attitude toward the police. Mishler and Rose (1995), for instance, have conceptualized trust as an abstract concept but one whose origins are firmly rooted in experience; individuals’ interactions with other people and their past experiences with institutions create expectations about how they will be treated in the future. Tyler (2005) categorized trust in the police into two distinct types—institutional trust and motive-based trust. In a similar categorization, Goldsmith (2005, pp. 447–448) considers trust in the police to be either instrumental or virtuous in nature. According to Goldsmith (2005), instrumental trust looks at short-term as well as longer-term objectives and is more skeptical of the ends of others whereas, virtuous trust makes assumptions about good character that makes it less watchful in nature. To compound the conceptual issues of trust is the relationship between “trust” in the police and “confidence” in the police, which have been found by studies as being related to each other (Holdaway, 2010; Jackson & Bradford, 2010). The conceptual complexity of the previous studies implies the difficulties underlying the definition of trust. For the purpose of this chapter, a persuasive definition offered by Devos et al. (2002) was adopted: “If someone trusts an institution, it implies that he or she believes that this collective entity, on the whole, is competent, fulfills its obligations, and acts in responsible ways. Trusting an institution entails having confidence that the institution is reliable, observes rules and regulations, works well, and serves the general interest. Thus, the notion of trust goes beyond whether individuals have a positive or negative attitude toward an institution or whether they approve or disapprove of it. Trust refers to a set of beliefs or expectations rather than to a purely affective reaction” (Devos et al., 2002, p. 484). Empirical studies conducted to examine public trust in the police and public perceptions of police are important and essential because how the public conceptualize and evaluate the police can directly or indirectly shape the way they respond to the police, the political support and cooperation they


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render to the police, and their willingness to participate in police and community anticrime programs and efforts. However, most of these studies have concentrated on the Western countries, especially the United States, and this has created an empirical gap within the academic literature of policing. This implies that systematic studies assessing how citizens from nonWestern countries view their police are limited, and Ghana is not an exception to this academic neglect. A possible explanation to the neglect of systematic evaluation of citizens’ trust in the police in Ghana is mainly because most previous studies about policing in Ghana have focused on either a historical overview of the police service or have conducted a literature review of aspects of the Ghana Police Service (e.g., see Aning, 2002, 2006; Atuguba, 2003). This attitude, no doubt, has created an empirical gap in the academic literature, resulting in our lack of adequate knowledge about policing in Ghana. Further, a simple question about the factors that influence Ghanaians’ trust in the police has also not been adequately addressed. It is important, however, for scholars and practitioners to understand the nature of the trusting relationship existing between Ghanaians and their police considering the popular notion among Ghanaians that the police service today, like its predecessor in the then Gold Coast (present-day Ghana), is brutal, violent, and corrupt, as well as engaging in several other activities that defy professionalism. This notion can be altered if the police change their behavior. This chapter supplements previous works by attempting to situate policing in Ghana in the academic literature by empirically examining factors that influence Ghanaians’ trust in their police. The chapter utilized data primarily collected by administering a carefully designed survey instrument to the Ghanaian sample drawn randomly from five communities in the city of Accra. It is worthwhile to note that this chapter does not test any specific theory, instead using a set of theories to explain how a trusting relationship between individuals and the institution, such as the police, is established and maintained.

Theoretical Perspectives It is postulated that poor public satisfaction with the police is related to a general public distrust of the other criminal justice institutions, such as the courts and the correctional system, and the increasing fear of crime (see Reynolds et al., 2008). This assumption is supported by the motive-based trust theory and offers the basis for understanding the impact of institutional trust on public–police satisfaction. Institutional trust, according to Tyler (2001), is the belief about the degree to which the police are honest and care for the members of the communities they police. This type of trust exists when members


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of the public view the police as being honest and competent authorities who exercise their institutional responsibilities on behalf of all citizens. Studies have documented that when citizens perceive an institution as trustworthy, the more likely they would comply with the institution’s demands and regulations (Levi & Stoker, 2000). This conclusion is also evident in Tyler’s (1990) argument that institutional trust motivates compliance with the law. Relating Tyler’s argument to the police implies that the more citizens perceive the police to be honest and care about their interest, the more they would comply with the police directives and decisions. This leads to citizens’ increased trust in the police as an institution with the mandate and capability of protecting them. Motive-based trust on the other hand involves inferences about motives and intentions of the police and reflects the concept of fiduciary trust. Tyler and Huo (2002) suggest that for powerful institutions such as the police, public trust is related to how the police use their authority to serve the best interest of those they are charged to serve and protect. Rational choice theory has been utilized to explain how trust in general is created (Coleman, 1990; Hardin, 1991, 1993). From the rational choice theory perspective, a person will trust an institution only when that person has adequate reason to believe it will be in the institution’s interest to be trustworthy. Regarding this argument, citizens will trust the police when they have fair knowledge about the police and their operations, and know the exact things they expect from the police. There are risks and benefits of entering a trusting relationship (Hardin, 1993). When the public consider trusting the police beneficial in terms of what they expect from the police, they end up giving their trust to the police and vice versa. From the conflict theory perspective, scholars argue that the interests of the dominant class are represented and protected by the police, and those from the lower class are more likely to be the targets of law enforcement (Chambliss & Seidman, 1971; Das, 1983). Hence, persons of a lower socioeconomic status who are frequently observed by the police will tend to have little or no trust in the police due to a biased treatment against them. Conflict theory has been used to examine public attitudes and behaviors toward the police. For instance, Weitzer and Tuch (2004, 2005) extended Blumer’s (1958) group position theory of racial prejudice to explain race-differentiated attitudes toward the police. The theory asserts that an individual’s perception stems from that person’s sense of group position in the society. Weitzer and Tuch (2004, 2005) argue that Whites are more likely to hold favorable views of the police because they perceive racial threats from Blacks and thus rely on the aggressive law enforcement from the police to control Blacks and their neighbors. Similarly, conflict theory has also been used to explain public perception on the police use of force (Thompson & Lee, 2004), and to predict citizen complaints against the police (Holmes, 2000).


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Factors Influencing Trust in the Police Empirically, several studies have been conducted to examine variables that predict trust in the police. Most of these studies have looked at the effects of procedural justice and perceptions of the police on trust (Mazerolle et al., 2013; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tankebe, 2008a,b, 2013; Tyler, 2005). In a recent study conducted by Mazerolle et al. (2013), the authors concluded that the police have a lot to gain from acting fairly with the citizens because a perception of procedural fairness among the citizens shapes their orientations toward the police. This conclusion has been confirmed by several other prior studies (see Mazerolle et  al., 2012). Tankebe (2008a) argued that the perception of police effectiveness exercises a direct impact on perceived police trustworthiness. To him, the influence of police effectiveness is powerfully mediated by the perception that the police are procedurally fair. A similar observation was made by Tyler (2005) who argued that process-based judgments are more influential in determining the levels of citizens’ trust in the police than are either assessments about the effectiveness of police crimecontrol activities or judgments about the fairness of the distribution of police services as has been noted by other research. By definition, the process-based judgment favored by Tyler is a judgment about the manner in which the police interact with citizens and was developed from the social justice literature (Tyler et al., 1997; Tyler & Blader, 2000; Tyler & Smith, 1997), which implies that citizens’ reactions to authorities are influenced by how fairly authorities make decisions and how respectfully they are treated. Fear of crime and public satisfactions with police work have been observed in many studies to influence people’s attitudes toward the police. For instance, Rosenbaum et al. (2005) observed that individuals who experienced more negative encounters with the police expressed more negative attitudes toward the police. In essence, people who are dissatisfied with the police due to the negative experience they had with the police tend to distrust the police. Similarly, Reynolds et al. (2008) found that criminal justice system trust is significantly related to public satisfaction with the police. Using a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and structural equation modeling (SEM), the authors argued that as variance in the fear of crime increases, variance of the trust in the criminal justice system decreases and vice versa. Kautt (2011) noted that people who were worried about walking alone after dark were less confident in the police. Similarly, Hawdon, Ryan, and Griffin et al. (2003) have argued that citizens who expressed more fear of crime were significantly less likely to rate the police as effective at controlling crime. This argument supports the assumption that higher fear of crime relates to low confidence in the people due to the belief that the police are incapable of ensuring safety in the community. Conversely, some authors believe that fear


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of crime does not influence citizen’s evaluation of the police (Marenin, 1983; Zevitz & Rettammel, 1990). Other studies have also focused on public–police encounters to explain variations in citizens’ trust in the police (Bradford et al., 2009; Skogan, 2006). Skogan (2006) conducting a meta-analysis to assess the relationship between trust and citizens’ personal encounter with the police argues, that trust emerges easily in citizen-initiated contacts in which citizens seek advice from the police. He further contends that victims of crime are more critical of police work than others, and that trust in the police among victims emerges above all from policing that considers victims’ experiences and needs. Subsequently, citizens’ personal negative experiences will easily erode the trust. His line of argument is consistent with the position of Bradford et al. (2009) who believed that crime victims were less concerned about the effectiveness of the police but more concerned about the treatment in encounters. Research on public trust also provides evidence of the effect of age and perceived political power on trust (Kwak et al., 2012; Wu & Sun, 2009). This research indicates that younger people tend to have lower levels of trust in the police than older people, and people who have political power and exert greater influence have higher levels of trust in the police (Wu & Sun, 2009). Kwak et al. (2012) found a negative influence of age on public trust and confidence in the police. It is worth noting that these findings about the effect of age on trust are rather inconsistent with other research (Tankebe, 2008a). The literature reviewed so far has focused on organization factors that predict trust in the police, but other studies have tended to examine factors that are external to the police organization and yet influence the level of trust people have in the police. For instance, in 2007, Kaariainen examined the effects of general corruption among public officials and the structure and system of government on trust in the police. He found that the level of corruption in the system of government in general decreases trust in the police. Generally, the reviews collectively demonstrate that trust in the police is influenced by several factors that can be classified as organization-specific and non-organization-specific. Organization-specific factors include factors that the police have control over and can easily determine the level of public trust in the police. These include police–public encounter, police effectiveness, and procedural justice. On the other hand, non-organization-specific factors are those that the police have little control over but can greatly determine the extent of public trust in the police. These include the level of corruption of the government, the structure of the government, and generalized trust in the government and the criminal justice system. This chapter builds on most previous studies and hopes to find support for findings that suggest that public trust in the police is influenced by the factors mentioned above. The chapter tests three key assumptions on public trust in the police in Ghana.


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Policing in Ghana and Public Trust Policing in Ghana has been marked by suspicion, hatred, discontent, and mistrust. These negative feelings are largely due to the brutal character of the Ghana police force, a force that emerged from British colonialism (see Atuguba, 2003; Tankebe, 2008b). To better understand the present nature of public–police relationship in Ghana, a brief discussion of the historical development of policing in is necessary to provide the readers with an insight into the locally known practices. Professional policing in Ghana was first introduced by the British Colonial Authorities to the then Gold Coast in 1831. Prior to that, policing was originally organized by traditional authorities led by local kings or chiefs. Policing during the British colonial rule essentially aimed at achieving two goals. First, the enforcement and maintenance of security for trade in European goods and as a vanguard for colonial expansion into the hinterland for increased exploitation of agricultural and mineral resources (Ward, 1948, p. 184). The second aim was to protect the ruling and propertied class. Thus, in 1896, Governor George Maclean instructed that “no police should be stationed where there were no European” (Gillespie, 1955, p. 36). During the colonial era, concerns were raised about the police’s moral standing among the public and their efficiency. Gillespie (1955) contend that successive governors and police commissioners described the police as “worse than inefficient.” This observation underscores the apparent ineffectiveness of the colonial police in the maintenance of the colonial government machinery. Police ineffectiveness was not the only issue confronting the police then, but equally important was the extreme public distrust in the police as a result of massive police brutality. It must be emphasized that the brutal nature of the Gold Coast Constabulary was not by mistake. It was a deliberate attempt by the British, who believed that the only means of developing an atmosphere conducive to successful trade was to have a police force that would be brutal to the indigenous citizens. This aim was achieved through the recruitment of aliens, known as “Hausas.” Recruited from Northern Nigeria and Sierra Leon, the Hausas were created to form a unified force with the mandate to enforce the laws of colonialists through brutalization. Historians have long contended that this brutal and alien character of the force made the police force unpopular among the citizenry (Gillespie, 1955; Killingray, 1991; Ward, 1948). Following the departure of the British, postcolonial policing in Ghana took the shape and character similar to that of colonial policing (Tankebe, 2008b). With the exception of functional and compositional changes, every other aspect of colonial policing “crossed over” to postcolonial policing. The Ghana Police Service has remained a centralized organization structured into 12 administrative regions, 51 divisions, 179 districts, and 651 stations


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across the country. The strength of the police service increased progressively from the few years leading up to independence and continued until the peak year in 1971. At that time, the police force numbered 19,410 personnel that served the total population of Ghana of about 8.5 million (Aning, 2002). Currently, the police force is approximately 23,702 serving a population of about 25 million. In terms of functions, Ghana police force performs both crime-related and service-related duties. The crime-related functions of the force are stipulated in Section 1 of the Police Force Act, 1970 (Act 350). The act states emphatically that “it shall be the duties of the Police Force to prevent and detect crime, to apprehend offenders and to maintain public order and safety of persons and properties.� The service-related functions, which are not stipulated by the act, include performing motor traffic duties, vetting and issuance of police criminal check certificates, and assisting and helping the female gender to deal with traumatic and psychological problems as a result of sexual abuse (Ghana Police Official Website). Like its predecessor, the Ghana police service is characterized by excessive corruption and brutality (Atuguba, 2003; Tankebe, 2008b). This characterization of the service has marred the relationship it has with the public. Researchers have argued that police misconduct appears to even be worse than during the colonial period (Tankebe, 2008b). There are countless reports on police brutalities in Ghana. For instance, an extract from the 2010 report of the Human Rights Practices in Ghana released by the U.S. Department of State says as follows: In August 2010, a police officer in Juaso, Ashanti Region, shot and injured a man who made a derogatory comment. On October 27, police and security personnel in Nakpanduri, Northern Region, allegedly ransacked and burned homes, injured civilians, and repeatedly fired their guns during an operation to arrest an escaped convict. Police brutality, corruption, negligence, and impunity were the problems. Delays in prosecuting suspects, rumors of police collaboration with criminals, and a widespread perception of police ineptitude contributed to vigilante violence during the year. There were also credible reports that police extorted money by acting as private debt collectors, setting up illegal checkpoints, and arresting citizens in exchange for bribes from disgruntled business associates of those detained. The most impactful police brutality, which threw the whole country into a state of mourning, and which has left an indelible mark in the minds of citizens occurred, on May 9, 2001. On this day, 126 soccer fans were crushed to death and several hundreds of spectators were injured when the police used tear gas in response to stadium vandalism during a local match. The incident, which received worldwide attention, has yet been considered as the worst stadium disaster in Africa, and has further undermined the level of trust Ghanaians have in the police. The incident also deteriorated the already strained relationship between the police and the public. Today, according to Aning (2006), though


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the public welcomes the services provided by the police, there is an underlying sense of mistrust and discomfort. According to the 2012 Afro-barometer Survey (Afro-barometer is a regional public attitude survey organization which conducts surveys in more than 30 African countries to measure social, political, and economic issues in the continent), only 18% of Ghanaians trust the police a lot whereas about 57% either do not trust the police at all or have just a little trust. This level of trust among Ghanaians does not compare to that of Malawi and Mali, where citizen’s levels of trust were 50% and 33%, respectively. Excessive police corruption is another phenomenon that has significantly eroded public trust in the Ghanaian police. Currently, about 97% of Ghanaians believe that police officers are corrupt (Afro-barometer Survey, 2012). The above discussion was utilized to provide context through which readers may understand the development of policing in Ghana and instances of police brutality and corruption that have resulted in adverse perceptions of the police service. These instances have drastically undermined citizen’s trust in the police and, considering the benefit of public trust to the police organization, this chapter documents a study that was conducted to determine factors that police stakeholders in Ghana can be made aware of to build citizens trust.

Hypotheses The primary objective of this chapter was to examine three variables that may be influential in predicting the level of trust Ghanaians have in their police. To achieve this objective, three hypotheses were tested. It was first hypothesized that fear of crime among citizens will result in a decrease in public trust in the police. The more people are afraid of being victims of crime, the less they will trust the police. Fear of crime in this case denotes the fear of being a victim of crime as opposed to the actual probability of being a victim of crime (Farrall, Jackson, & Gray, 2007; Hale, 1996). Second, it was hypothesized that citizens who are satisfied with the police have more trust in the police than those who are not satisfied. Public satisfaction with the police has been found to increase citizens’ trust in the police and on the contrary, poor public satisfaction ultimately leads to low levels of trust in the police. The more Ghanaians are satisfied with the police, the greater their trust will be in the police, and the less satisfied they are, the lower their level of trust. It is further hypothesized that economically marginalized citizens (lowincome earners and the unemployed) are more likely than their counterparts to demonstrate low levels of trust in the police. Prior studies, however, have not been able to find statistical evidence indicating that the economic status of individuals can influence the level of their trust in the police. As noted, among the potential conflict variables (gender, age, education, income,


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unemployment, and perceived political power) that Wu and Sun (2009) tested, only age and perceived political power were found to influence public trust. This hypothesis is based on the propositions of conflict theory which argues that, persons of a lower socioeconomic status will tend to have little or no trust in the police due to an unfair treatment of the police against them.

Method Study Participants and Sampling Technique The present research utilized data collected between June and August 2011, in the Greater Accra region of Ghana. The region was selected because of the size and diversified nature of its population. Accra is the largest city in Ghana with an estimated population of about 2.2 million as of 2012. The population is youthful, with 56% under the age of 24 years, and in terms of gender, 51% are females while 49% are males. This reflects the national trend where the gender ratio of males to females is 1:1.03. Data were collected on 500 respondents (18 years and above) selected randomly from different households in five communities using a questionnaire designed to solicit respondents’ views on the police. While the communities were conveniently selected, the households were randomly selected from the Census Enumeration Areas in Accra. In each household, one participant was selected based on whose birthday was the nearest to the date of survey administration and was 18 years or older. Four research assistants were employed to assist in the administration and collection of questionnaires. Though research assistants possessed bachelor’s level education and were knowledgeable about survey research, they were thoroughly trained on the modalities of conducting survey research and proper administration of questionnaires. Questionnaires distributed were completed based on location. The collection method ensured that the right participant completed the questionnaire, and accordingly, resulted in a response rate of 98.6%.

Measures Dependent Variables Trust in the police was the only dependent variable of this study and was measured using two 5-item Likert-type scale asking respondents about their levels of trust and confidence in the police. First, respondents were asked: to what extent do you trust the police to operate in the best interest of the public? (1 = not at all, 2 = very little, 3 = undecided, 4 = most of the time, and 5 = to a great extent). Second: To what extent do you have confidence in the Ghana police to ensure adequate public safety? (1 = very low confidence,


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2 = low confidence, 3 = moderate confidence, 4 = high confidence, and 5 = very high confidence). These items loaded on the same factor with loadings of 0.87 and 0.89, respectively. The trust in the police scale was therefore created by summing the responses of these two items to form an additive scale ranging from 2 to 10 where 2 indicates “not at-all” and 10 indicates “to a great extent.” A reliability test of the measure demonstrated strong internal consistency with a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.83. Independent Variables The study has three independent variables anticipated to influence public trust in the police: fear of crime, satisfaction with the police, and economic status. Fear of crime is defined as a fear of becoming a victim of crime (Reynolds et  al., 2008). Fear of crime was measured using three 5-item Likert-type scales asking respondents to indicate the extent to which they were afraid of crime in their neighborhood. The respective items were (1) “I am fearful of crime in my neighborhood” (1 = strongly disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = either agree or disagree, 4 = agree, and 5 = strongly agree), (2) “does fear that you will be a victim worry you a lot these days” (1 = worries all the time, 2 = worries me some of the time, 3 = either worries me or not, 4 = does not worry me some of the time, and 5 = does not worry me at all), and (3) “as compared to last year (2010), do you fear more, less or same?” (1 = fear a lot more, 2 = fear the same, 3 = fear somewhat less, 4 = fear less, and 5 = no fear at-all). Using a varimax principal component analysis, all the items loaded highly on the same factor with loadings of 0.74, 0.82, and 0.80, respectively. Hence, the responses of the three items were summed to form an addictive scale for fear of crime, ranging from 3 to 15. A test of reliability indicates that the three items possess acceptable internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.70). Public satisfaction measured the extent to which the public is satisfied with the police. A single 5-item Likert-type scale was used to examine the extent to which respondents were satisfied with the work of the police in fighting crime in their neighborhood. The response categories were 1 = very dissatisfied, 2 = dissatisfied, 3 = either satisfied or dissatisfied, 4 = satisfied, and 5 = very satisfied. This item was adopted from Reynolds et al. (2008) but was modified to fit the context of the present study. Economic status was measured through the use of two items—employment and income. For income respondents were asked “how much, on average does your household earn in a year?” The responses were (1) less or equal to GHC 5,000, (2) 5,000–10,000, (3) 10,001–15,000, and (4) more than 15,000.* Employment was measured by asking respondents to indicate their current *

In terms of the U.S. dollar, GHC 10,000 was equal to approximately $6,700 at the official exchange rate. GHC 10,000 or below is considered to be a low annual income.


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employment status. Response categories were (1) permanently employed, (2) temporary employed, (3) self-employed, (4) National Service Personnel, and (5) unemployed.* Control Variables A number of variables that have previously been found to influence people’s trust in the police such as ethnicity,† gender, marital status, and education‡ were controlled. Other control variables included political affiliation§ and corruption within the government, which was measured by asking respondents to indicate whether they think government officials are corrupt. Table 4.1 presents the descriptive statistics of the study respondents. From Table 4.1, 47% of the respondents were female between the ages of 18 and 29 years. In respect of the marital status of respondents, more than half (60%) had never married. Further, more than half of the respondents did not complete postsecondary education. Specifically, 33% possessed a high school diploma and 25% had not completed high school. With regard to the employment status of respondents, 77% responded that they were employed. In terms of income, a majority of 46% reported an income of GHC 5,000 (equivalent to approximately 3,000 U.S. dollars).

*

‡ §

A permanently employed person is one who is fully employed and receives monthly or biweekly wages as stipulated in the Ghana Labour Act (ACT 651, 2003). Temporary employed: A temporary worker means a worker who is employed for a continuous period of not less than 1 month and is not a permanent worker or employed for a work that is seasonal in character (Ghana Labour Act, 2003). A self-employed worker is any person working for him/herself and not for any institution, organization, or anybody. This person can engage in a trade or any business of which he/she obtains profit. National Service Personnel are college graduates who immediately after graduations spend 1 year working for the nation without receiving salaries or wages. They only receive a small remuneration. Unemployed refers to people who are not employed or are not engaged in any economic activity. In Ghana, there are many ethnic groups but the most dominant are the Akans followed by the Gas and the Ewes. These ethnic groups have different perceptions about the Ghana Police and consistently view the police differently. The Akans and Ewes have been known to vote for particular political parties. Currently, the Ewes have their political affiliation in power and therefore, it is assumed that they will have more trust in the governmental institution such as the police than the Akans. Higher National Diploma is equivalent to Associate degree in the United States. Political affiliation is an important variable to control in this study because most Ghanaians who are supportive of a particular political party tend to support every governmental institution, including the police, once that party is in power. Therefore, they do not consider whether the institution is performing well or not. The same can be said about individuals whose party is in opposition. They tend to be dissatisfied with every government institution no matter how well that institution will be performing. As at the time of the study, the National Democratic Congress party was in power. All respondents who answered either 1, 2, or 3, were considered to have affiliation with political parties and therefore were coded 1 = yes and respondents who chose either 4 or 5 were considered not to have any political affiliation and were coded 0 = no.


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Table 4.1 Descriptive Statistics for the Study Variables (n = 493) Variable Trust in the police scale (2–10) Female Age 18–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60 and above Married Education level Less than high school High school More than high school Employment status Employed Unemployed Income (annual) Less than or equal to GHC 5,000 5,001–10,000 10,001–15,000 More than 15,000 Ethnicity Akan Ewe Ga Other ethnic groups Political affiliation Party of affiliation National Democratic Congress New Patriotic Party Convention People’s Party Corruption among government officials None Very few Some Most All Fear of crime scale (3–15) Satisfaction with police work

Mean (SD)/% 5.46 (2.27) 47.1 36.2 24.6 20.7 11.0 7.5 40.1 25.1 33.3 41.6 76.5 23.5 45.6 19.3 14.0 21.1 36.8 21.7 33.3 8.2 74.5 35.4 53.7 11.0 3.3 7.4 22.8 27.7 38.8 10.00 (2.89) 38.1


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Results To estimate the effect the predicted variables have on the dependent variable, the study conducted a multivariate test using ordinary least-squares regression analysis. Two regression models used are presented in Table 4.2. The first model estimates the effects of the independent variables (satisfaction, fear of crime, income, and employment) on trust in the police without control variables. In the second model, control variables were included to determine whether the observed effect in the first model holds. In all, Model 1 explains 29% of the variance in trust in the police. When examining the parameter estimates, the relationship between satisfaction with police work and trust in the police is positive and statistically significant (t = 8.93, p < .01). The observed effect supports the satisfaction hypothesis. Also significant was the relationship between fear of crime and trust in the police (t = â&#x2C6;&#x2019;3.55, p < .01). The relationship was negative, suggesting that when fear of crime increases, trust in the police decreases. This lends support to the fear of crime hypothesis. Model 2 explains 33% of the variation in police trust. After control variables were included, the hypothesized parameter effects remained. Satisfaction with police work (t = 8.82, p < .01) and fear of crime (t = â&#x2C6;&#x2019;3.56, p < .01) were the significant predictors of public trust in the police. For all the control variables examined, only corruption among government officials was significantly correlated with trust in the police (t = â&#x2C6;&#x2019;2.03, p < .05). The negative relationship indicates that the more people perceive other government officials as corrupt, the less they trust the police. Overall, the findings from the regression models give support for two of the three stated hypotheses.

Discussion This chapter describes one of the few empirical attempts to examine specific factors determining the level of public trust in police in a developing country. The primary purpose was to examine variables that influence the level of trust Ghanaians have in the police. These variables have been supported by previous studies as predictors of police trust. Before the findings of this chapter are discussed, research limitations must be acknowledged. First, resource constraints and feasibility restricted the survey administration to only one of the 10 regions of Ghana. Therefore, the research is geographically limited and as such, any generalizations of findings must be made with caution. Future research should be conducted to examine the factors that are more likely to shape public trust in the police in other regions of Ghana, so as to have a national perspective of what affects public trust in the police. Further, despite the numerous factors that have been observed to influence public trust in the police, the need to keep the survey instrument


Intercept Satisfaction Fear of crime Income Employment Gender Married Corruption within the government Political affiliation Age 18–29 (ref) 30–39 40–49 50–59 60 and above

Variables – 0.43 − 0.17 0.04 0.07 ———— ———— ———— ———— ———— ———— ———— ———— ————

————

———— ———— ———— ———— ————

β

4.70 (0.53) 1.02 (0.11) − 0.13 (0.04) 0.08 (0.09) 0.38 (0.24) ———— ———— ————

b (SE)

Model 1

Table 4.2 Ordinary Least-Squares Regression Models

———— ———— ———— ———— ————

————

8.84** 8.93** − 3.55** 0.93 1.57 ———— ———— ————

t

β

———— 0.03 0.01 0.13 0.02

− 0.04

− 0.22 (0.24) ———— 0.13 (0.28) 0.04 (0.31) 0.96 (0.38) 0.18 (0.42)

– 0.43 − 0.17 0.05 0.06 − 0.01 − 0.02 − 0.09

5.52 (0.69) 1.01 (0.12) − 0.14 (0.04) 0.09 (0.09) 0.35 (0.25) − 0.04 (0.20) − 0.11 (0.23) − 0.19 (0.10)

b (SE)

Model 2

(Continued )

1.79 0.48 0.14 2.53* 0.44

− 0.94

8.01** 8.82** − 3.56** 0.95 1.37 − 0.17 − 0.45 − 2.03*

t

Correlates of Citizen Trust in the Ghanaian Police 77


————

———— ———— ———— ———— ———— ————

————

———— ———— ————

————

———— ———— 38.68* 0.29

β

b (SE)

Model 1

———— ————

————

———— ———— ————

————

t

Ordinary Least-Squares Regression Models

0.06 (0.26) 0.25 (0.26)

————

− 0.14 (0.28) − 0.31 (0.24) 0.60 (0.40)

————

b (SE)

β

10.54** 0.33

0.01 0.05

————

− 0.03 − 0.07 0.07

————

Model 2

Note: The entries are unstandardized coefficients (b), standardized coefficients (β), and standard errors in parentheses. *p < 0.5, **p < 0.01, and ***p < 0.001, which is two tailed.

Ethnicity Akan ethnic group (ref) Ewe ethnic group Ga ethnic group Other ethnic groups Education Less than high school (ref) High school More than high school F-test R2

Variables

Table 4.2 (Continued)

0.24 0.97

0.16

− 0.51 − 1.29 1.48

1.79

t

78 Change and Reform in Law Enforcement


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as simple as possible required that only a few measures be utilized to assess the determinants of trust in the Ghana police. Hence, it is suggested that future research be conducted to examine the effects of factors such as procedural fairness, collective efficacy, effectiveness of police performance, publicâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;police encounter, and distribution of police services on trust in the police in Ghana to have a holistic view of the issue. Despite these limitations, this chapter provides important information for the police. First, the results showed that fear of crime matters in discussing factors that shape citizensâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; trust in the police. Individuals often choose where to live, shop, and socialized based on their perceptions of the relative safety of different cities, towns, and neighborhoods. Those who are afraid to be attacked or victimized in their neighborhoods, on the street, shopping centers, or anywhere in the city will end up having low levels of trust in the police. The possible reason may be due to the fact that such individuals view the police as not capable of ensuring their safety and security. These results demonstrated support for this claim, and the significance of the effect persisted even after the inclusion of statistical controls. This finding conflicts with the work of Wu and Sun (2009), who did not find significance relationship between fear of crime and trust in the police. Second, the findings revealed that satisfaction with police work is a major determinant of public trust in the police in developing countries as it is in Western countries. When citizens are satisfied with the work of the police in their cities or neighborhoods, they have more trust in the police than when they are not satisfied. This finding is congruent with prior research demonstrating a relationship between trust and public satisfaction with the police (Reynolds et al., 2008; Wu & Sun, 2009). Contrary to expectations, the results demonstrated that the relationship between income and trust in the police was weak and nonsignificant. Similarly, the relationship between employment and trust in the police also failed to reach significance. These findings indicate that income and employment are not predictors of public trust in the police in Ghana. Whether an individual is employed or unemployed and earns high income or low income does not seem to matter in determining the level of trust that person would have in the police. The lack of support for the income and employment assumptions is an indication that, all things being equal, the argument of the conflict theory regarding trust in the police in the context of a developing country is questionable and must be accepted with great caution. Specific to this finding, great caution must also be taken against this interpretation given that both variables were utilized as individual predictors and not combined to form a scaled item. One other important finding worth noting is the significant relationship that was observed between corruption among government officials and trust in the police. This relationship is negative, indicating that the more citizens


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perceive government officials apart from police personnel to be corrupt, the less they trust the police as a government institution. This finding is not only consistent with other studies (Kaariainen, 2007), it also affects the level of trust and beliefs people have in other government institutions. The possible explanation to this public attitude is that citizens consider all government institutions as one and, subsequently, the behavior of one institution affects the level of public trust in another institution.

Conclusion This chapter sought to examine factors that affect public trust in the police in a developing country such as Ghana by testing three hypotheses. Two of the hypotheses were supported and one was not supported by the data collected. The findings demonstrate that the factors influencing public trust in the police in Ghana do not differ from those affecting trust in the police in other countries. Fear of crime and satisfaction with police work were found to be prominent in shaping trust in the Ghanaian police. Similarly, these factors have also been supported by studies conducted in other developed countries (Kautt, 2011; Reynolds et al., 2008; Rosenbaum et al., 2005). Corruption among government officials is also an important factor that could determine the levels of trust people will have in their police. Ghanaians have the attitude of considering all government officials as one and for that reason, whatever they perceive about one government institution inadvertently affects their views about other governmental institutions. Therefore, it is never surprising that if citizens, for instance, perceive the courts or correctional facilities in Ghana to be corrupt, the level of trust they would have in the police will drastically reduce. On the basis of these results and those of previous studies, it can be argued that public trust in the police can be categorized into two factors: organization-specific factors and non-organizationspecific factors. Organization-specific factors (e.g., fear of crime, satisfaction with police work, police fairness, and police encounter with citizens) are those that the police organization has control over, and can influence the department either positively or negatively. On the other hand, non-organizationspecific factors (e.g., corruption in other government institutions) are those over which the police have no control but greatly affect the level of trust people will have in the police.

Policy Implications The findings reported in this chapter have several policy implications for Ghana police administrators. Police administrators must note that police


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effectiveness is influenced by the levels of trust the public has in the police; hence, absence of trust can undermine the success of police organizations. When citizen’s levels of trust are low, the police are doomed because the organization cannot operate efficiently. Therefore, to bring about a positive change in citizen’s evaluation of the police, Ghana police administrators must strive to reduce levels of fear of crime in the communities where people spend most of their time, as well as by improving the services they render to the public. The latter will lead to an increase in citizen’s satisfaction with the police. Currently, the majority of Ghanaians are either afraid of crime or are worried that they would be victims of crime in their neighborhoods. This fear of crime, coupled with other factors, explains why Ghanaians have lowered trust in the police. Police administrators must consider reducing the fear of being victimized among the people as their ultimate responsibility and an explicit police priority. The police must incorporate fear-reduction strategies aimed at reducing the fear of victimization, insecurity, and to restore a sense of security and safety in their routine operations. Increasing police presence in the neighborhoods, constant police car and foot patrol, reducing disorderly behavior, rapid response to calls, and assisting in target hardening (Cordner, 2010) are some of the various ways that can be adopted to promote the sense of security and safety among citizens. Furthermore, increasing citizen’s satisfaction with the numerous services that the police provide is an excellent opportunity ensuring a change in citizen’s evaluation of the police. General satisfaction with police work is not only driven by police performance but equally by the fairness of procedures used by the police in encounters with the citizens. While the police aim at ensuring better performance to satisfy the public, they must also endeavor to treat citizens fairly and transparently. In his extensive review of police reform and the problem of trust, Goldsmith (2005) examined several factors that could undermine confidence in the police. These factors include neglect, indifference, incompetence, venality, extortion, discrimination, intimidation, inconsistency, excessive use of force, and brutality (Goldsmith, 2005, pp. 454–456). If the police want to affect a change in public attitudes, the police must work hard to eliminate these factors in their day-to-day activities.

Acknowledgments I thank Dr. Otwin Marenin and Dr. Zachary Hamilton at Washington State University for their critical comments on the earlier versions of this chapter. The viewpoints and opinions expressed herein are those of the author who accepts all responsibilities.


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Holmes, M. (2000). Minority threat and police brutality: Determinants of civil rights criminal complaints in U.S. municipalities. Criminology, 38, 343–367. Jackson, J., & Bradford, B. (2010). What is trust and confidence in the police? Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, 4, 241–248. Kaariainen, J. (2007). Trust in the police in 16 European countries: A multilevel analysis. European Journal of Criminology, 4(4), 409–435. Kaariainen, J. (2008). Why do the Finns trust the police? Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention, 9(2), 141–159. Karikari, K. (2002). ‘Introduction’, in the face and phases of the Ghana police. Accra: Media Foundation for West Africa, pp. 1–5. Kautt P. (2011). Public confidence in the British police: Negotiating the signals from Anglo-American research. International Criminal Justice Review, 21(4), 353–382. Killingray, D. (1991). Guarding the extended frontier: Policing the gold coast, 1865–1913. In D. M. Anderson & D. Killingray (Eds.), Policing the empire: Government, authority and control, 1830–1940 (pp. 106–125). Manchester: Manchester University Press. Kwak, D. H., Miguel, C. E. S., & Carreon, D. L. (2012). Political legitimacy and public confidence in police: An analysis of attitudes toward Mexican police. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 35, 124–146. Lea, J., & Young, J. (1984). What is to be done about law and order? London: Penguin. Levi, M., & Stoker, M. (2000). Political trust and trustworthiness. Annual Review of Political Science, 3, 475–507. Lyons, W. (2002). Partnerships, information and public safety: Community policing in a time of terror, policing. An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, 25, 530–42. Marenin, O. (1983). Supporting the local police: The difference group basis of varieties of support. Police Studies, 6, 50–56. Mazerolle, L., Antrobus, E., Bennett, S., & Tyler, T. (2013). Shaping citizen perceptions of police legitimacy: A randomized field trail of procedural justice. Criminology, 51(1), 33–63. Mazerolle, L., Bennett, S., Antrobus, E., & Eggins, E. (2012). Procedural justice, routine encounters and citizen perceptions of police: Main findings from the Queensland community engagement trial (QCET). Journal of Experimental Criminology, 8, 343–367. Mishler, W., & Rose, R. (1995). Trust, distrust and skepticism about institutions of civil society. Glasgow: Centre for the Study of Public Policy, University of Strathclyde. Mishler, W., & Rose, R. (1998). Trust in untrustworthy institutions: Culture and institutional performance in post-communist societies. Glasgow: Centre for the Study of Public Policy. National Research Council. (2004). Fairness and effectiveness in policing: The evidence. Washington: National Academies Press. Reynolds, K. M., Semukhina, O. B., & Demidov, N. N. (2008). A longitudinal analysis of public satisfaction with the police in the Volgograd region of Russia 1998–2005. International Criminal Justice Review, 18, 158–189. Rosenbaum, D. P., Schuck, A. M., Costello, S. K., Hawkins, D. F., & Ring, M. K. (2005). Attitudes toward the police: The effects of direct and vicarious experience. Police Quarterly, 8, 343–65.


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Six, F. (2003). The dynamics of trust and trouble, In B. Nooteboom & F. Six (Eds.), The trust process in organizations (pp. 196–221). Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Skogan, W. G. (2006). Asymmetry in the impact of encounters with police. Policing & Society, 16(2), 99–126. Sunshine, J., & Tyler, R. T. (2003). The role of procedural justice and legitimacy in shaping public support for policing. Law & Society Review, 37, 513–48. Tankebe, J. (2008a). Police effectiveness and police trustworthiness in Ghana: An empirical appraisal. Criminology & Criminal Justice, 8, 185–202. Tankebe, J. (2008b). Colonialism, legitimation and policing in Ghana. International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice, 36(1), 67–84. Tankebe, J. (2013). Viewing things differently: The dimensions of public perceptions of police legitimacy. Criminology, 51(1), 103–135. Thompson, B., & Lee, J. (2004). Who cares if police become violent? Explaining approval of police use of force using a national sample. Sociological Inquiry, 74, 381–410. Tyler, R. T. (2001). Public trust and confidence in legal authorities: What do majority and minority group members want from the law and legal institutions? Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 19, 215–235. Tyler, R. T. (2005). Policing in Black and White: Ethnic group differences in trust and confidence in the police. Police Quarterly, 8(3), 322–342. Tyler, R. T., & Huo, H. J. (2002). Trust in the law: Encouraging public cooperation with the police and courts. New York: Russell-Sage. Tyler, R. T., & Blader, S. (2000). Cooperation in groups. Philadelphia: Psychology Press. Tyler, R. T., Boeckmann, R., Smith, H.J., & Huo, Y.J. (1997). Social justice in a diverse society. Denver, CO: Westview. Tyler, R. T., & Smith, H. J. (1997). Social justice and social movements, In D. Gilbert, S. Fiske, & G. Lindzey (Eds.), Handbook of social psychology (4th Ed., Vol. 2, pp. 595-629). New York: Addison-Wesley. Tyler, T. (1990). Why people obey the law. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. U.S. Department of State. (2010). Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Ghana. Retrieved from http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/af/154349. htm Ward, W. B. F. (1948). A history of Ghana, London: G. Allen & Unwin. Weitzer, R. (1995). Policing under fire: Ethnic conflict and police community relations in Northern Ireland, Albany, NY: SUNY Press. Weitzer, R., & Tuch, S. (2004). Reforming the police: Racial differences in public support for change, Criminology, 42, 391–416. Weitzer, R., & Tuch S. A. (2005). Determinants of public satisfaction with the police, Police Quarterly, 8(3), 279–297. Wu, Y., & Sun, I. Y. (2009). Citizen trust in police: The case of China. Police Quarterly, 12, 170–191. Zevitz, R., & Rettammel, R. (1990). Elderly attitudes about police service. American Journal of Police, 9, 25–39.


Staging “White Maleness” with Cops A Diversity Training Case Analysis

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DEBORAH S. DEMEESTER AND DONALD R. LAMAGDELEINE Contents The History of Diversity Training ...................................................................... 87 Impact of Community Policing Orientation................................................ 88 Barriers to Effectiveness of Police Diversity Training ................................. 89 Potential Promise of Strengthening an Understanding of White Male Culture ..................................................................................................... 90 Analytic Theory .....................................................................................................91 Methods ................................................................................................................. 92 Findings and Discussion ..................................................................................... 94 Mandated Diversity Training as “Bullshit” ................................................... 94 White Men Against Discrimination Training.............................................. 98 Post-Training Developments ....................................................................... 100 Conclusions and Implications .......................................................................... 102 References ............................................................................................................ 105 It has been argued that the growth of the cultural diversity training movement is rooted in tension between the police and minority communities (Barlow & Barlow, 1993, p. 69). The Kerner Commission Report of 1968, arising from a study of urban riots in the United States, suggested that the police needed to receive training to better understand ghettos in order to respond to the demands for protection and service with minimum increases in hostility and tension between the police and those who live there (Kerner, 1968, p. 14). After the 1981 Brixton riots in Britain, Lord Scarman noted a loss of confidence in the police and mistrust in their methods and advocated the recruiting of more minority officers as well as changes in training that emphasized police recruits better understanding the attitudes and cultural backgrounds of those from different ethnic backgrounds (Scarman, 1981). Throughout the early 1990s, police organizations called upon police departments to increase or initiate training focused on “cultural bias” or “cultural 85


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diversity awareness” training. Public scrutiny—especially as voiced in the U.S. community and media criticism of alleged racial profiling—was frequent in the late twentieth century and has maintained high visibility as minority communities continue to articulate the perceptions of police misconduct that are shaped by race, media, and personal experiences (Weitzer & Tuch, 2002, pp. 307–309). The Christopher Commission, appointed to address the relationship of police with minority communities in Los Angeles after the Rodney King beating and the 1992 riots, also emphasized the importance of “cultural sensitivity training” for the police in Los Angeles (Christopher Commission, 1991, p. 1). California law (State of California, 2004) now requires diversity training that stresses “understanding and respect for racial and cultural differences, and development of effective, non-combative methods of carrying out law enforcement duties in a racially and culturally diverse environment.” In today’s culture, the visibility of police work through social media, the ever-present cell phone cameras, and body cameras increases the importance of training the police to be prepared to handle difficult situations on a public stage. Weitzer and Tuch (2004) cited the key role the media plays in influencing public opinion of the police by noting that “People who frequently read or hear about incidents of misconduct, as presented in the media, are inclined to believe that misconduct is a common occurrence in both their city and their neighborhood, and such media exposure affects blacks, Hispanics, and whites alike (though minorities more strongly).” Brunson concurred with Weitzer and Tuch’s assessment of the importance of media, but added that quite apart from media sources, “residents of disadvantaged communities have a considerable risk of experiencing direct and indirect contact with police because of the aggressive crime-control strategies to which they are exposed” (Brunson, 2007, p. 75). He found that 83% of young African American men reported having experienced harassment primarily through frequent pedestrian and vehicle stops. It was the way the police interacted with them, not just being stopped, that exemplified harassment to them. Approximately two thirds of the young men said the police are almost never easy to talk to, half said the police are almost never polite, and slightly under half reported that the police often harass or mistreat people in the neighborhood. (Brunson, 2007, p. 81)

While acknowledging that the police were working to address often serious issues such as gang- and drug-related activities, the young men in the study felt that street officers presumed that they were guilty until exonerated by the facts. Moreover, the police were prone to quickly using force. Brunson concluded that to the extent their neighborhoods shared this perception


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overall, it could ultimately lead to citizens settling disputes on their own, rather than calling the police to mediate, with increases in community violence (Brunson, 2007, pp. 92–93). As communities become more diverse, the history and experiences of immigrants become critical. With language and cultural barriers, the continuous threat of deportation, a lack of familiarity with the justice system, the acculturation process, and the negative experiences immigrants have had with law enforcement in their home countries, interactions between the police and immigrant groups face substantial barriers. (Correia, 2010, p. 100)

On the basis of such data, Correia’s study of Latin immigrants concluded that police need a nuanced understanding of immigrants’ previous experiences and cultures. Similarly, White and Escobar (2008) have suggested that perhaps the most important outcome from police diversity training is a better understanding of marginalized residents’ cultures. How effective are diversity training programs? Do they ultimately improve relations between the police and the community or do they become another barrier? Using the analytic theories of Goffman and Bourdieu to bring insight into the power and impact of the police habitus, this chapter explores the history of diversity training with police officers at the River City Police Department (pseudonym) and the experience and mixed outcomes of a unique diversity training/intervention designed for White men.

The History of Diversity Training Diversity training is not unique to police departments. Research shows that 74% of Fortune 500 companies and 67% of U.S. organizations use diversity training in some form (Esen, 2005, p. 11). In a survey of diversity management interventions, Curtis and Dreachslin (2008) identified three goals of diversity training in organizations. First, build awareness of discrimination and bias. Second, help employees understand their own biases and develop skills to help manage conflicts and improve relationships. Finally, capitalize on the gifts of diversity in order to use them for the good of the organization. Others focus on the importance of creating an inclusive work environment for all employees as well as avoiding costly lawsuits (Grensing-Pophal, 2006; Hastings, 2008; Hite & McDonald, 2006; Pendry, Driscoll, & Field, 2007). Despite its widespread use and expense, there is little evidence of the effectiveness of such training. For example, diversity training may have only modest effects when focused on individual attitudes but can be more effective when associated with organizational systems and performance goals (Bendick, Egan, & Lofhjelm, 2001). Some studies even show neutral, or even


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negative, effects of diversity training (Kulik & Roberson, 2008). Hemphill and Haines (1998) summarily noted that “diversity training is a failed solution for eliminating discrimination and harassment.” One of their key recommendations to employers is not to use the phrase “diversity training” at all. They cite the following factors as contributing to the failure of diversity training: • Training programs are often divisive, troubling for participants, and become counterproductive for the organization. • White males often end up feeling stereotyped and blamed. • Women and minority trainers sometimes use the sessions as a forum for their own “hostile, personal, and political agendas.” • Participants are regularly forced to “expose their feelings, biases, personal values, religious beliefs, political differences, and/or sexual orientations in a public forum with no process in place to deal with the wounds they open.” • Training focuses primarily on gender and race issues. • Training is typically centered on political correctness. • Participants often distrust other participants (1998, pp. S5–S6). In addition, the resistance of participants to diversity training can be exacerbated when it is being combined with mandated compliance sessions on topics such as affirmative action (Kidder, Lankau, Chrobot-Mason, Mollica, & Friedman, 2004). Similarly, Holladay, Knight, Paige, and Quinones (2003) found that there was less resistance when the training was not perceived as remedial. Finally, Curtis and Dreachslin (2008) found that trainees with previous diversity training preferred racially homogeneous groups. They concluded that skill development is more likely facilitated by homogeneous group composition (Curtis & Dreachslin, 2008, p. 122). Impact of Community Policing Orientation The impetus for diversity training comes not only from a perceived need to increase sensitivity in the face of overly violent arrests of non-Whites or disproportionate arrests of minorities but also from the long-standing emphasis on community policing across U.S. departments. The Community Policing Consortium, composed of the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP), the National Sheriffs’ Association (NSA), the National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives (NOBLE), the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), and the Police Foundation, defines community policing as “a collaborative effort between the police and the community that identifies problems of crime and disorder and involves all elements of the community in the search for solutions to these problems” (Fridell & Wycoff,


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2004, p. 3). This approach was strongly fostered by the establishment of the Community-Oriented Policing Services (COPS) Office of the Department of Justice in 1994 (COPS, 2011). It is the stated modus operandi of the police department discussed in this chapter. Recognizing that the police cannot control and contain crime without the support of the community being served, community policing fosters partnerships between police, community members, and community organizations. Goals for community policing include creating confident and healthy neighborhoods by building trust and partnerships between police and community members that help to reduce crime, disorder, and fear of crime as well as improve the quality of life in communities. Sometimes, this means leaving officers in a given location for years in order to foster knowledge and responsiveness to the needs of the community they serve so that they can engage in problem solving together. Diversity training from the perspective of community policing is a means to help officers be more responsive to and an understanding of the diverse groups and people in the community/neighborhood they police. Barriers to Effectiveness of Police Diversity Training There are a number of barriers to effective police diversity training. Among them are the backlash from police perceptions of presumptive blame for racial incidents, their sense that the training is irrelevant to their everyday activities, and the often close linkage between the issues of class and race. Unfortunately, rather than improving the relations between groups, diversity training has often led to further retrenchment and distance. Research shows that women and people of color appear to be more receptive to diversity training than White men (Burke & Black, 1997). Their study articulated how White men often end up feeling like the “bad guys” in such trainings. Karp and Sammour (2000) found that some (typically White men) leave such trainings feeling guilty, hypersensitive, or resentful that they were required to engage in such initiatives. Faludi (1991) found that because White men experience discrimination less often than others, they may not see the organizational benefits of diversity training. Finally, Holladay et al. reported that “male participants perceived greater organizational backlash, evaluated the organizational message less favorably, and perceived the likelihood of transfer to be lower [if the training was not taken seriously] than did female participants” (Holladay et al., 2003, p. 258). As a result, rather than improving the relations between groups, diversity training can lead to further retrenchment, particularly among men. Second, and following Lord Scarman’s report on the Brixton riots and the English Home Office’s implementation of a new curriculum on race relations, the researcher hired to evaluate the curriculum concluded that many


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officers simply saw it as irrelevant to their daily work (Holdaway, 1996). Along similar lines, Rowe and Garland (2007) found that within the British context, community and race relations training seems to have had little impact on the everyday practices of officers. This was primarily because it has featured an affective emphasis that was not reflective of most police departments’ everyday life. A third set of reasons for the spotty record of police diversity training concerns the common confusion of race with what are technically class issues in assessing police activities. For example, Bittner (1970) discussed three characteristics of police work that reflect the issues of class inherent in the profession. The first is that police can legitimately use violence to preserve the rights of some at the expense of others (whose political capital was not sufficient to influence lawmaking). The second possible influence of class is that because the situations they encounter are laced with complex issues, ethics, and conflicts, police often function in a crisis mode. They are trained to handle bona fide crises with simple decisions and quick actions that resolve the situation as swiftly as possible; a mind-set not prone to sorting out the often tangled relationship between race and class. Finally, it is often the case that crimes of the lower classes receive a majority of police attention. This makes it easy to conflate the apparent racial bias with arrest and other police actions in poor neighborhoods. Building on Bittner, Barlow and Barlow concluded that the prospects for diversity training to seriously alter what transpires between police and those they encounter in poor neighborhoods are meager (Barlow & Barlow, 1993, p. 75). Potential Promise of Strengthening an Understanding of White Male Culture Seeking a way to address these barriers, some researchers have argued for a training model that focuses on White men acknowledging their own assumptions. In particular, Welp (2002) argued that such training enables the men to identify and confront themselves as White males (i.e., as a distinct racial and gendered culture). This approach contrasts sharply with the usual format, which has been constructed primarily around the perceived interests of oppressed groups or a remedial response to an event that negatively impacted a minority community (Holladay et al., 2003). A specific focus on the culture of White men in diversity training makes visible what is generally invisible because White culture is often construed as “normal” (Perry, 2001). The emphasis in studying White male culture is that rather than treating Whiteness as a fixed, asocial category, it should be considered a social construction with the assumption that reconstruction of racial roles is entirely possible. Efforts to identify and process the culture and identity of being a White male are thus posited by this body of researchers as


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offering hope for greater engagement of White men in the goals of the antiracism and cultural diversity movements.

Analytic Theory In this chapter, we use two primary streams of analytic literature to analyze our data. The first is Goffman’s theory of dramaturgy, in which he observed that social interactions are stages upon which people act out their roles (Goffman, 1959). Every day, people consciously present themselves to others using the techniques of impression management. What they reveal to the public “tends to conceal or underplay those activities, facts, and motives which are incompatible with an idealized version” of themselves (Goffman, 1959, p. 48). In looking at “performance teams,” such as a police force, Goffman uncovered scripts and roles of everyday life. People embody roles as collective identities. Ultimately, there is also a director who is responsible for assigning roles, helping each person understand their part or character, and confronting a team member if the performance does not meet its mark. In exploring the regions of behavior, Goffman separated the front region from the back. In the front, actors seek to embody certain standards for the performance. These standards are often taken for granted but uncovering them is essential to understanding the norms of the team. The backstage is where actors can let down their guard, relax, and work on rough edges. They do not expect the public to venture there. Keeping the front stage and the backstage separate is key to impression management. The second major source of theory used in this chapter is Bourdieu’s relational sociology, in which actors negotiate through social fields, particularly concerning education and organizational life. The first of his concepts used is habitus. The etymology of this term is related both to the contemporary “habit” and “constitution,” but Bourdieu’s adaptation of it is as a semipermanent cluster of assumptions, skills, attitudes, and habits that together form the basis of culture (Bourdieu, 1984; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990, pp. 71–106). Primarily in early family socialization, people develop a personal habitus—the foundational elements of cultural capital—that provide an individual perspective and set preferences and tastes. Meanwhile, virtually all of social life is comprised of numerous fields, or specific sets of operating assumptions—Bourdieu often terms them position takings—concerning how social acts should be managed and by whom (Bourdieu, 1984, 2005). For example, within the United States, the field of policing is dominated by a paramilitary command structure, set of practices, and technologies (Hodgson, 2001; Van Maanen, 1975). In another society with a different history of law enforcement, the field of policing could be more (or less) linked to the military. Moreover, apart from the interorganizational field of policing, each specific police organization inhabits its own


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intra-organizational field. This consists of its unique mix of history and actors (Bourdieu, 2005; Emirbayer & Johnson, 2008). Thus, any specific police department’s organizational field harbors both distinctive traits and common elements with other departments (Bourdieu, 1984; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990).* This analysis is also informed by Bourdieu’s thinking on the relationship between education and a distinctive cultural group’s habitus. He likens all educational action as a form of what he terms “symbolic violence,” by which he means that all curriculum and pedagogical activity is about retraining an already-existing habitus in order to inculcate another one. Symbolic violence, according to Bourdieu, “is the imposition of representations of the world and social meanings upon groups in such a way that these representations are experienced as legitimate” (Lin, 1999, p. 395). Bourdieu uses the terms “pedagogical action” to describe the specific and short-term activities and “pedagogical work” to refer to those activities and work designed to reinforce and inculcate the new set of dispositions portrayed in the curriculum. At the level of an individual actor, the intent is to “educate” dispositions. He notes the need for systematic reinforcement of curricular premises if the intended habitus, a new “normal,” is to take a firm root (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990). In this sense, diversity training is different than many forms of symbolic violence because it is supposed to have a reflexive component that induces “learning” at the organizational level. We might note that both Goffman’s theory, especially as concerns dramaturgy, has been employed in recent literature on police departments and police work (Conti & Nolan, 2005; Conti, 2006; Satzewich & Shaffir, 2009). The same is true of Bourdieu, but to a lesser extent (Herbert, 1998). However, the two sets of theory are not typically combined in the analysis.

Methods We used conventional interactionist methodology as developed among the Chicago School researchers, which typically relies on a mostly qualitative blend of participant observation, interviews, and other means of garnering social actors’ viewpoints and motivations. The general premises of such research are to use a “grounded theory” approach to the generation of initial research themes and interview questions. With the aid of triangulation of the patterns developed across various types of data, both the themes analyzed and specificity of observational and interview data collected become *

This treatment of the relationship between the habitus and the field reflects Bourdieu’s evolving usage of the concepts. It broadly follows Emirbayer and Johnson’s (2008) suggested model for using them in organizational analysis.


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more focused (Glaser & Strauss, 1968) as does the analysis (c.f. Becker, 1998). The aim of the researcher is to be aware of both one’s own experiences and those of the actors participating in the processes being studied. While grounded theory research can be employed as a quasi-deductive approach to clarifying and testing concepts, it can also be used in a highly exploratory way (Charmaz, 2006). In keeping with the general practice of Chicago School and other qualitative sociological researchers, we use River City Police Department (RCPD) as the pseudonym for the study location. We also employed conceptual metaphors as defined by Dexter and LaMagdeleine (2002) to aid in the analysis. RCPD serves a mid-sized Midwestern North American city of less than one million people. It has a mixed racial and ethnic population, including large African American and Asian immigrant neighborhoods. As a department, RCPD has for some time used a community-policing orientation, and it has a solid regional reputation. However, its body of officers does not reflect the diversity of the city served. The department has struggled in improving the relationships with various minority groups, both within its ranks and in the city served. RCPD received a grant to participate in a unique corporate training event that focused on White males’ diversity training. This research reflects our nondeductive approach to data analysis. That is, we had only very basic—and provisional—theoretical premises when we started this research. Specifically, we figured that for White male police officers, diversity training would entail the potential reinterpretation of their everyday police work. Second, we surmised that any potential reinterpretations of themselves and their work might be influenced by the extent to which it aligned with subsequent everyday experience. We used these broad hunches in much the same way Blumer discussed “sensitizing concepts”; as helpful opening premises with which to start data collection (Blumer, 1954, 1969). Later, we used the emergent data themes to explore further avenues of data collection; specifically as it concerned the utility of using the framework of drama and the implications of thinking through diversity training as a kind of punishment. Also, although neither of us has served as police officers, we worked hard in exploring the data to inform ourselves as to the officers’ interpretations. The data collected for this chapter emerged in conducting follow-up observations and interviews with six White male police officers who attended a 4-day off-site White Men Against Discrimination (referred to here as WMAD) diversity training workshop. These data were collected, in part, to provide early evidence that the program had lasting effects in producing a more nuanced appreciation for diverse cultural assumptions and behavioral changes; an outcome that has hardly been routine according to the literature on the subject. We conducted multiple interviews with each officer, as well as coordinated and observed a follow-up focus group led by the WMAD facilitator about


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18 months after the workshop. Shortly afterward, an additional seven people associated with either the River City PD or this research project, four of whom were police officers, participated in a 4-day off-site training for White men and their “allies” (non-White and women participants). We interviewed six of the seven “allies.” We also conducted seven focus groups with various non-Whitemale groupings of RCPD officers in order to gain a broader understanding of departmental perceptions of diversity training and cultural patterns. Finally, we monitored the local media concerning the department’s presence in the local press and other media before and after the training. Finally, and as suits grounded research’s emphasis on gaining insight into actors’ experiences and their interpretations of them, we tried very hard to fairly represent the data. Thus, while officers’ general aversion to diversity training has been cited regularly, we did not merely assume that would be the case in this research. Nor did we consider it our task to influence officers’ interpretations of events, whether or not they mirrored our own. As best as we could manage it, this research reflects the experiences and interpretations of those officers studied and the department in which they operated.

Findings and Discussion Mandated Diversity Training as “Bullshit” Beginning with the academy’s mandated “Diversity Week,” most experiences of diversity training at the RCPD are mandated. Sometimes, training is required because of an incident and part of a settlement between the city and a citizen that includes training for all officers. Other times, It seems like it’s the right thing to do. Sometimes, whatever; sometimes they’re the initiatives of the Chief, trying to make things better. And every one of them has been a miserable failure. … It’s been just awful. I mean it’s been terrible, because it’s always been, “Dig in your heels. They’re coming to tell us what we do wrong.”

The organizational experience of the RCPD with diversity training is that one must simply get through it. “Diversity training has the biggest kind of negative connotation to any kind of training. If we have to go through diversity training this month for in-service, you hear nothing but grumbling, ‘I have to do more f’ing this and f’ing that’.” This attitude about diversity training begins for some officers with their training as rookies, so that the training is viewed as merely fulfilling a requirement. This seems the case for the female officer quoted below. There is a whole week in the Academy where you are just listening and I don’t know if it is city policy or that the police are just being trained in all this crap. But you get a speaker from every single culture out there. You are just sitting


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there listening to them tell you about their culture. It is the WORST week in training. It feels like the department has to do this. It is not like the department is going out and seeking the best people, the best trainers or the most worthwhile. They have to do this to meet these requirements so we will pick the easiest people and we’ll check this off.

Antiracism training as developed around the interests of non-White groups is the perceived “norm” at the RCPD. Since nearly two-thirds of the RCPD officers are White men, it is not surprising that they approach diversity training with negative expectations. As one officer put it, No matter what you do [in terms of diversity training], people are going to completely refuse to do it [meaningfully]. They’re going to go into it with a bad attitude. … “I’m going to give you absolutely no respect. I’m going to sit and read the newspaper. I’m here just because I have to be here. I don’t have any interest here in what you have to say.” And I think the approach at least needs to be sensitive to that. Police think they’re more important than everybody else. They know what the right answer is and you can’t tell them what to do and how to do their job.

The departmental anti-diversity training animus is so strong and widespread that a particularly galling (from the departmental perspective) diversity training instance serves as a kind of negative icon. It was told and retold in nearly every interview and focus group. One White male officer described it like this: When we have our in-service programs here, our training, the reason people hate them because it literally is a black woman standing at the front of the classroom in front of 60 cops telling us that everything we do is bad, immoral, it’s racist. And people just sit there and they’re just numb. After a while, they just say, “this is bullshit.” Yes, it’s bullshit but it’s not worth my time to say anything or to contest what [is being said] because it’s going to fall on deaf ears. You’ve got your opinion. … So people just sit back there and look at the clock and check out.

His negative reaction was equaled by the next two comments on the same training; both of which were made by Black officers. We had one instance where the person we had who came to talk to us really had to have their [sic] own preconceived notions of police departments because they basically came in and said, “You are all racists no matter what you say. And you do this wrong and you do that wrong and this, that, and the other.” And you never saw so many people sitting in a room with their mouths hanging open. And we’re all kind of going, “Where is Alan Funt and the [Candid] Camera ‘cause this can’t be real.”

There were many concerns regarding this particular training. Among them was what the RCPD officers perceived as unwillingness to engage in


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any dialog regarding the concerns. The trainer, an academic, seemed only there to make accusations without any attempt to understand the police stop, arrest, and conviction statistics she was interpreting. She never tried to understand the thinking “backstage” in the daily practices of the officers she was addressing. Instead, she simply interpreted the statistics through her own lenses and presented those interpretations as “truth.” A White female officer reflected on this same training by suggesting another “director’s interpretation” framework that could have been used if the presenter had been willing to consider more than the statistics. We had this person and they came in [to do diversity training] and it really turned people off on diversity training because they just assume, “What is the next person going to say about us?” Because this person published this whole thing saying how racially biased we were and all this stuff. It is like, “These officers only arrest Asians. And these officers only arrest black people.” And [I think to myself] “Yeah, okay. These people work in a district where 99% of the population is Asian or Black so if they deal with anybody it is probably going to be an Asian or Black person.”

To the officers, the experience of being accused of racism implied that the accusers think the police do not care about the people they serve. One said, “It is really hard for someone like myself to want to go to a diversity training because these people all are assuming that because we wear a uniform that we all are racists and we don’t care about our public.” Another said, “My problem with diversity training as it has traditionally been given to us … is that it is crammed down our throats that we are always the bad people.” Staying with the dramaturgical theme employed by Goffman, the RCPD diversity training had become locally infamous for its insulting “script.” For RCPD officers in general, such training was akin to an obligatory flagellation to be endured. As such, for them, it clearly fits Bourdieu’s notion of symbolic violence. This sense was heightened by what some officers saw as the palliative uses to which such training had also been put; mostly as a means by which the RCPD chief dealt with irate local citizens’ groups. Where I work I see all the minority groups that come in to meet with the chief and the chief getting out into the community. … There’s so much demand that comes into the chief’s office—you gotta put on this class, you gotta do that, and so on. If we do all the things that citizens made us do, we’d be in training all day. There is no way we could get out there on the street and do what we are supposed to do out there.

One of the most annoying aspects of the administrative use of diversity training as one of the primary responses to citizen complaints from the officers’ perspective was their sense that it closely followed the misbehavior of one or two officers. The perception that the many are forced to pay for


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the sins of the few added to a lack of openness to diversity training, but it also increased the general consensus that participating in such training is “bullshit.” I think one of the things that need to change is that the police department needs to go back to punishing the offender rather than the entire department. Too often one officer screws up and all officers are painted with that same brush. Let’s say an officer says, “Hey, you chick!” and all of a sudden we all have to go through diversity training. Punish the officers who use the bad behavior, use the bad language. Don’t punish the rest of us. It makes us look like we are all racist, homophobic pigs and we’re not.

In dramaturgical terms, these officers’ complaints concern problems within what Goffman termed the RCPD’s “performance team.” They considered it ill-managed. According to Goffman, members of a team have an important responsibility to each other because any one person can “give away the show” with inappropriate acting. However, it is the director (in this case, the chief) who has the responsibility to confront team members with faulty performances; preferably backstage unless the intent is to publicly shame. Our data suggest that part of the antipathy against the previous diversity training was that it was being inappropriately used as a (frontstage) shaming performance rather than a personal rebuke to one or two officers. Despite its perceived general inappropriateness and close affinity with collective punishment, we found a periodic yearning for a different approach to building cultural awareness. As suggested by the following comment from an Asian officer, what such training needs is a clear connection to everyday life. You go through a bunch of classes but unless you actually want to do something with the training—if you want to know what a Whopper tastes like, you have to eat one, you can’t just look at it and say, “I think I know what it tastes like”—you want to get to know the Somali community, you have to go into the community. You want to get to know the [Asian] community, … you go there. There is nothing that can replace a face to face interaction with someone from that particular culture. You can read books and look at all the videos but it is nothing like having a personal interaction with the people.

Finally, it needs noting that some River City police just did not care about the community’s diversity or how to best handle it. Diversity training that has focused on the life experiences and stories of immigrants, in particular, has its strong critics. Don’t force me to learn about you. I didn’t become a police officer to learn about your life over there … I think it is more important to teach the incoming residents/immigrants about life in this country than to teach the police officers about what life was like in their former country. Teach them what to expect when they have to deal with the police, not the other way around.


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In this section, we have illustrated how a particularly strident training session had become the RCPD leitmotif for diversity training, and that officers envisioned what they considered a more legitimate approach; one that took into account the police officer’s role and perspective. Also, that the administrative default response of ordering further training to quell community criticism had further undermined departmental respect for such training. It was within this organizational field that the White male diversity training we studied occurred. White Men Against Discrimination Training As noted above, this section presents and discusses data collected on one program that specializes in training White males. During May and June 2007, representatives of the RCPD attended two national workshops led by a national consulting and training firm that has been highly successful with diversity training for large corporations. Five line officers, two supervisors from the RCPD, and a professor from a local university (a former RCPD officer), attended what we will call the White Men Against Discrimination Training (WMAD), which came to be known as White Men’s Camp. This intensive residential learning lab was also attended by 16 White male managers and executives from the corporate sector. Among the key assumptions of the WMAD program was the belief that organizations will not become more inclusive without White men as full diversity partners working alongside of women and people of color. In fact, the program contends that diversity is more critical to the development of White men as leaders than any other group, in large part because White men are often the last to identify and grapple with the subtle nuances, qualities, and resulting impacts of White male culture. In Goffman’s terms, the program operates on the premise that White men are not aware of the script they “act out” on a daily basis unless given a chance to encounter it in the presence of other White males. The line officers who were invited to attend the training were called by officers they respected and asked to attend a training event. Given the RCPD distaste for diversity training, the line officers were not given the details about the subject of the training before agreeing to participate. One officer, who asked for program materials to look at beforehand had the following response going into the training: I was reading [the materials] and I said, “Whoa, what did I get myself into here?” Cause, you read through it and I’m like, “Why me?” First thing I thought was, “Is there a reason they’re sending me? Did I do something that would make somebody think that I needed to be a partner in diversity?” I mean that’s the first thing—the conspiracy theory. Well, we’re cops and that’s natural.


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The focus for the week was on helping White men to become aware of how the script that they embodied as White men impacted their everyday life and other actors in their lives. The directors of the program used the metaphor of a fish in a fishbowl to illustrate how fish are most likely unaware of the fact that they exist in water. They taught that the same is true for most White men who live unknowingly in a culture defined by White men. Among the elements of the culture discussed were the importance of individualism, rational thinking, and the need/desire to fix things and how these scripts can get in the way of listening and understanding at a deeper level. Through a variety of exercises led by the two facilitators, the participants began exploring aspects of their lives they did not usually discuss. The topics ranged from the environment in which they grew up to sexual experiences; a comprehensive overview of their individual biographies. In essence, the curtain was opened up and the White men moved into areas usually concealed from their public presentations of the self. As the days unfolded, the men also saw videotapes in which other cultural groups discussed their perceptions and experiences of the White male culture as well as their own needs and desires. The staging of WMAD was radically different than the RCPD’s usual diversity training workshops. To begin with, it transpired at a conference center instead of the RCPD training room. It was a new setting in which participants were told their normal routines and roles were irrelevant. The workshop’s length of 4 days was also considerably longer than the usual partial or complete day, as was the fact that all participants stayed at the site the entire time. Moreover, the officers present were not assembled as an audience. Rather, they were the actors with their own “scripts” concerning issues largely kept at the backstage back in the department. The participating RCPD officers reported that by the end of 4 days, all of them were positively engaged in the experience. One laughed, saying “it took him three and 7/8ths days to get it” but he did, and he found himself calling all the people he had called during the week to complain to say that he had judged the experience prematurely. Another officer ultimately appreciated the training lab but noted his initial anger, followed by his appreciation for the opportunity to be authentic: Well the first day and a half—I shouldn’t speak for everybody—but I was looking at it saying, “What the heck have we gotten into here? What are they trying to do to us?” It felt like they were just sitting there pointing the finger at the white man, saying, like, “This is why the world is so bad is because we treat people like crap. I don’t care if they’re women or their black or their gay, whatever, you treat ‘em like shit. Therefore the world has gone to hell because of the white man because he has all these privileges and you don’t understand how it is perceived by minorities the privileges that you have.” And, you know it first like the first day and a half was like beating us down and that. If it wasn’t so far out in the woods, I was gunna walk home. Yeah, I questioned it.


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This officer’s initial response reflected years of negative attitudes formed by the RCPD collective experience of diversity training. He went in assuming that the WMAD training would be more of the same; a vehicle for blaming him as a White male for virtually everything. However, this presumption changed significantly during the second day. And I don’t know what changed the second day, to make me go, “Well, ah, maybe they’re on to something here.” But after that it was therapeutic for me, um, the whole experience, because we did things that I’d never done before. You know, it was like a counseling session with 30 guys. … I was revealing things in these sessions that I’d never revealed to anybody and now I’m revealing it to co-workers who I didn’t know until the last three days… I was hesitant at first and you know as the week went on and I saw the other guys who were with me, who were sharing their experiences, sharing their thoughts and getting emotional and doing, I was like, “Hmm, this is therapeutic and it was good for all of us.” So I think I got a lot out of it, um, in that way, um, just talking about different experiences and some of the exercises they ran us through.

The officers especially appreciated that the group included people who were not cops. It was affirming to realize that as White men, they struggled with similar issues no matter what their work. In Goffman’s terms, this diversity “staging” of White maleness was a dramaturgical presentation in which there were no front and backstage. Instead, the actors were able to scrutinize the script from which they usually take their cues. For the officers present, who work in a professional field in which they need to know that the other cops present have their backs, this was critical. I think the greatest part about it was that we were in a room with folks from different walks of life; and they weren’t just cops, they were CEOs of companies, they were, you know, one guy was unemployed, 56-years-old, and had a gay son. Just hearing some of the things that he had to say and my perspective on it, “Well, I guess I never thought of it that way.” But just to understand that the guys, they were all males obviously, and they were all white guys, but just to hear some of the understanding, or their walks of life, or their perception of things compared to the police.

Several officers noted the importance of being in an all-male group because it allowed them to think about and say things that they would be hesitant to say at the headquarters. Post-Training Developments Upon returning from the event, the officers became engaged in their work and found that they only thought about the training periodically. Nevertheless, one noted that he found himself taking more time to listen to those he stopped or responded to, observing that “it doesn’t hurt to listen for


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30 seconds.” Another acknowledged that he thought differently about what his young daughter is exposed to but that nothing changed in terms of his policing. Some noticed more inappropriate comments during the work day but did not respond to them. In Bourdieu’s terms, their return to assignments throughout the department resulted in no change to the RCPD organizational field. Switching to dramaturgical theory, there was no “director” encouraging the diversity workshop participants to embody the new script and roles in departmental scenes that characterized the last day or two of the workshop. No follow-up events occurred during the first year after the event. When one of the trainers/directors came to town for another event, a reunion focus group experience was scheduled, but only three of the officers who participated in WMAD attended. They had retained almost no memory of the key points the trainer expected them to reflect on. Only one shared stories about the impact of the training on his work. Our sense was that the cynicism of the RCPD habitus concerning diversity training proved stronger than the individual participants’ memories about the WMAD training. Indeed, some of what had been appreciated at the time of the training was described after the reunion event as “brainwashing”; a word that starkly conveys a sense of the symbolic violence Bourdieu emphasized as a core element of the educational experience. Initially, the participants in WMAD continued to think about the training even though it did not impact their practices as police officers. As the months passed after the WMAD training, several became defensive as they felt “blamed” for having opportunities they have (as White men) that others may not. For example, 15 months after the training, one man described his conflicted response to it. Yeah, I have these privileges. But why is it my fault that I have these privileges? Why should I act any differently because others don’t perceive themselves as having privileges? I mean I’m a white guy. Sure, I have these privileges and others look at me negatively because I have them. But what the hell am I supposed to do about it? And why does that make me a bad person? And should I have to do anything about it? … I think that diversity training is great … being able to look at things through other people’s point of view is great, but I shouldn’t feel guilty because I’m a white guy, and because I go out and should I feel guilty because I have to go and arrest a black gang member? No, I shouldn’t feel guilty about that. Should I feel guilty because, um, I was promoted to sergeant and, maybe, a black male wasn’t? I shouldn’t feel guilty for that.

The above comments suggest an internal debate within the workshop participant. Consciously encountering the White male “script” during the WMAD training had since obliged him to “process” what it meant. The concept of privilege and associated feelings of guilt were not easily resolved. Yet,


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in the end, he saw little benefit to the department sending other officers in the future. I think that the buy-in for the white male officer in this department—with this program the way it is—I think it’s going to be like every other diversity program: A tough sell. And when you tell me that to send me to (WMAD) was around $3,000 … When you tell cops who are driving a squad car with 100,000 miles on it that the department’s going to spend a (lot of money) to send them to this training, it’s gunna [sic] further alienate a good portion of the people.

In retrospect, this officer had repositioned himself with those who consider diversity training a misallocation of resources in a time of strained finances and aging hardware. Addressing the resources that police use daily became more important than the department reframing its daily dramaturgy of sensitivity to diversity. Still, when the interviewer shared this thought with another officer to get his input, he responded: Where do we funnel the $2,000,000 [being contemplated for a major grant to subsidize widespread WMAD training]? Is it to bullets or is it to this? I would argue that, and people will think I’m nuts when I say this and it always causes people in law enforcement to cringe, “Our guns don’t keep us safe. Our tools don’t keep us safe. It is our training and our mental orientation to the situations we’re in.” Look at the small number of encounters we resolve with firearms. Single digits, less than 1%, that … if we go on two million calls a year and shoot five people, or even—since we don’t always hit them—shoot at five people, what percentage of what percentage is it that we resolved with our guns? … Every day you speak to people across cultures. Every day. And if you ever put a uniform on, you have seen the look of disdain and hate for the uniform you wear. You’re gonna [sic] use this [training]—every day, every single day, so is it worth $2,000,000 bucks? Yeah, it is!

In summary, since translating the script from the WMAD retreat center to the daily routines of the RCPD was left up to each officer to accomplish on his own, it generally did not occur. Instead, the training and insights atrophied for most participants as they negotiated the space between their new personal dispositions and the RCPD staging of everyday life as it had been for some time. While not exclusively so, for most, it was an experience that had increased their awareness but left them in a very uncomfortable place with little support.

Conclusions and Implications As an organizational field, the RCPD associated it with one particular presenter who had treated it as a staged collective shaming of the department.


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In effect, diversity trainings there were interpreted as one-way soliloquies in which the officers present were a passive audience undergoing a rebuke. Within this departmental milieu, the experience of the WMAD training amounted, in Goffman’s terms, to a staged intervention production. However, here, the White men were systematically guided to reexamine a script that they had unconsciously embodied but about which they were previously unaware. Through choreographed exercises and reflection opportunities, the workshop facilitator–directors rewrote the script in ways that allowed the actors to enter into the drama with a new insight into their roles. The safety of a homogeneous, “White men’s only” group in a “theater” far removed from the RCPD environs allowed for deeper self-awareness and processing of experiences and feelings than the departmental field permitted. In particular, the emphasis on the officers’ personal identities as White males was a radical change from the diversity training events. It was also quite different from the daily activities of a department imbued with the typical police emphasis on personal toughness and reliable competence. Not at first for most, but eventually the WMAD counter-staging seemed to strongly affect the RCPD participants in the short run. Unfortunately, the lack of subsequent follow-up—what Bourdieu terms “pedagogical work”—in the year following the training bore serious consequences. Individual actors were unable to enact the scripts and roles learned on the WMAD stage back at the departmental “theater.” They only got the chance to reconvene with fellow departmental WMAD attendees once, and by then, most had reinterpreted the experience as insufficiently important to fit it into their schedules. This, despite the fact that the visit by the WMAD trainer was intentionally set to avoid conflict with their duty schedules. Ultimately, the pre-WMAD script at the RCPD prevailed, leaving some of the participants angry and unable to process the consequences of their new awareness. On the basis of Bourdieu’s theory of effective education, the absence of follow-up was certainly not unusual. On the contrary, he noted that systematic pedagogical work is often an afterthought at best. Moreover, and to be fair to the RCPD, we should note that the department’s intention was to expand the “WMAD Effect” by greatly increasing the number of officers trained. It sought, but did not receive, a considerable sum of money to be devoted to training as much as half the department in order to achieve a critical mass sufficient to structurally change the RCPD. The funds required to enact the plan never materialized and no further efforts to enlarge the numbers trained or enhance the effect on those already trained occurred. The former outcome is largely understandable; during the period in question, straitened federal, state, and city finances were the norm, as was the ability of nongovernment endowments to fund worthy proposals. Yet other, cheaper and smaller-scale approaches for supplying the kinds of pedagogical action required to reinforce the WMAD experience and its effects


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also went unexplored. In view of this research, perhaps, the most clearly indicated low-budget option might have been a dramaturgical one. If the RCPD had established a small number of “champions” who could assist the WMAD training participants to remember the lessons they had learned during the workshop—and how to reenact them in their everyday duties—it might have gone a long way toward providing sufficient reinforcement. In effect, such champions would be reprising the role of the WMAD facilitator–directors. They would have previously mastered the script being evoked and best been able to identify the countermanding “noise” interfering with it in the RCPD. Admittedly the small number of RCPD officers trained would have made the establishment of such champions difficult. Given the small numbers involved (altogether 10 participants, not all of whom served in the RCPD), it probably would have meant covering only one or two department units in order to maximize the reinforcement effects. Moreover, it would have required shuffling the responsibilities of some of the officers who attend the WMAD training. In any case, the provision of no reinforcement seems to have been the worst available option. In conclusion, we believe that the WMAD training had much greater potential to positively impact the RCPD handling of diversity-related “position-taking” than the traditional 1-day events that have occurred. But changing a police department that is predominately of White males will not happen simply by sending people to a 4-day training program. Strategically timed and orchestrated reinforcement activities that apply the new assumptions must follow. Finally, and as concerns the blend of theoretical concepts generated by Bourdieu and Goffman, this research suggests that more work should be done along these lines. Goffman’s dramaturgical premises are quite helpful in analyzing models of diversity training and their effects. Here, the RCPD’s perception of the iconic example of such training as collective flagellation by soliloquy suggests that another model seems indicated for police audiences. Certainly more research along using these lines is indicated. Using Bourdieu’s theory also greatly informed this case analysis. The field of police work is a paramilitary one. It is not naturally inclined toward the kinds of pedagogical work it would have taken to successfully assist the White male officers discussed here as they attempted to integrate their new learning into their everyday police duties. Thus, while the RCPD’s top leadership was genuinely interested in facilitating WMAD—even spent considerable resources seeking external funding to continue it—it proved not up to the task of making the kinds of structural changes to itself that were required. It was too easy for the “White Men’s Camp” experience to recede into the everyday practices of policing. This set of conclusions also merits further research as concerns diversity training in police work.


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Rowe, M., & Garland, J. (2003). Have you been diversified yet? Developments in police community and race relations training in England and wales. Policing and Society, 13(4), 399–411. Satzewich, V., & Shaffir, W. (2009). Racism versus professionalism: Claims and counter-claims about racial profiling. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 51(2), 199–226. Scarman, L. (1981). The Brixton Disorders. Government Commission Report, London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. State of California. (2004). Article 2: Field Services and Standards for Recruitment and Training. California Penal Code. http://www.oclaw.org/research/code/ca/ PEN/13519.4./content.html#.VP9bbuHQOTc (Accessed March 10, 2015). Van Maanen, J. (1975). Police socialization: A longitudinal examination of job attitudes in an urban police department. Administrative Science Quarterly, 20(3), 207–228. Weitzer, R., & Tuch, S. A. (2002). Perceptions of racial profiling: Race, class and personal experience. Criminology, 40, 435–457. Weitzer, R., & Tuch, S. A. (2004). Race and perceptions of police misconduct. Social Problems, 51(3), 305–325. Welp, M. (2002). Vanilla voices: Researching white men’s diversity learning journeys. American Behavioral Scientist, 45(8), 1288–1296. White, M. D., & Escobar, G. (2008). Making good cops in the twenty-first century: Emerging issues for the effective recruitement, selection and training of police in the United States and abroad. International Review of Law Computers & Technology, 22(1–2), 119–134.


Reengineering the Delivery of Police Services The Decision to Change Utilizing a ProblemSolving Model

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RICHARD C. LUMB AND JOHN B. ROGERS Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 109 Policing Eras.........................................................................................................111 Reengineering the Organization .......................................................................113 Reengineering Tools............................................................................................114 A Working Model ................................................................................................116 Path to Change .....................................................................................................117 A Seven-Step Model to Change ....................................................................117 Willingness to Change ..............................................................................117 Establish a Vision of Community First ...................................................118 Determining the Departmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats.......................................................................118 Restructuring of Personnel and Function ............................................. 121 Developing a Reengineered Service Model ........................................... 122 Summary: Effective Change and the Decision to Reengineer ...................... 124 References ............................................................................................................ 125

Introduction Todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s police organizations encounter internal environment changes that tax even the most forward-thinking strategist. The advent of technological changes is daunting, particularly with smaller agencies unable to afford the cost of upgrading. There is fragmentation of purpose and philosophy, all exacerbated by diversity and lack of clear community expectation. Through numerous worldwide and homeland issues that present new dangers and threat, police have been challenged with addressing them, not with additional 109


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resources, but with expectations that carry both disagreement and support. Thus, police are often confronted with a situation in which any action taken is questioned. This is uncomfortable, to say the least. The compelling need to portray oneself as a community policing or problem-solving agency has existed for over two decades with various gradations of implementation occurring (Lumb & Breazeale, 2003; Lumb & Wang, 2006; Miller & Hess, 2008; Wang & Lumb, 2012). There is a continuous reality that police recruits will retain their preexisting attitudes and expectations about policing and the role of police in society (Conti, 2006), as a factor of academy values. Policing has generally been recognized as a law enforcement and crimefighting occupation (Bittner, 1980; Eck & Rosenbaum, 1994; Sparrow, Moore, & Kennedy, 1990; Sun, Sobol, Cretacci, & Phillips, 2010). Communityand problem-oriented policing are deemed as add-on roles, ones that are supplemental to core foundational practices. In the heads of most police officers, their core philosophy and self-image are that of a law enforcement officer. Yet, the call of law enforcement, the universal identifier among officers, seeks to maintain focus on that aspect of the job—to decrease other strategies and services. The continuous tension to identify oneself as a crime fighter stands as a barrier to allowing other “softer” approaches to managing crime, disorder, and threats to quality of life. Nonetheless, the felt need for identification is imaged in uniforms, weapons, arrest authority, and officer engagement in the community. There is also the subtle presence that policing is substantially more complex than the single function of enforcing the law. It is that nexus, where innovation and the need to hold tightly to tradition and current functions exist, that challenges us to find acceptable pathways to change. Following the events of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on America, the level of national awareness flared to unheard of heights, forever changing society. Police, fire, emergency medical technician (EMT), and other first-responder agencies were front and center to media coverage and a new public awareness of their role and function emerged. American police were instantly transformed from primarily response services to proactive, forward-thinking, data-driven organizations. That realization was not immediately in conscious thought, but welled up as magma in an emerging volcano, with the effusion rate not yet calculated. Change was upon the multiple law enforcement services and the time to plan and contemplate its outcomes evaporated when the first plane hit the Twin Tower. The sudden elevation to new awareness, at all levels of government, became a quest for reality of the need for change and increased security. The certainty was the call for an elevation of preparedness and increased public safety presence, coupled with intelligence and data gathering. Walters (2011, p. 1), discussing changes in police role said, “Most fundamentally, 9/11


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forever changed the mission of police departments in the nation’s larger metropolitan areas.” The police found their role expanding significantly, but not with requisite resources to address the escalating demands. Faced with the need to upgrade intelligence, training, equipment, and manpower presence on the street and high-risk places, the demand to address public fear raised the stakes to unanticipated levels for police. Yet, while integration of police information and service is a concept of potential, in fact and in practice, it generally does not occur (Jiao & Rhea, 2007). Municipal, county, and state police each anticipated role change with regard to a new threat, terrorism, but there was scarce direction from federal agencies as they were attempting to reorganize and address internal protectionism. This was illustrated by a lack of cooperation and a push by each of them to become the primary agency of government assigned to lead the new antiterrorism mission. While this confusion was being addressed, state, county, and local officials, waiting for instructions, began planning to address anticipated demands for change. The Community-Oriented Policing (COP) programs, never consistent across agencies and varied in approach, were still touted as a mainstay focus, but in reality, for most, the depth of commitment by the entire organization never reached 100% (Lumb & Wang, 2006). Garland described Community-Oriented Policing as “an all-pervasive rhetoric” (Garland, 2001, p. 124) and that it lacked true change and working practices that resembled what was taking place 30 years earlier.

Policing Eras The agencies that have adopted Goldstein’s Community Problem-Oriented Policing (CPOP), a collaboration with the community to address persistent problems and seek sustainable solutions, remain focused as change within that model was more easily achieved. Community policing is amorphous; it has multiple definitions and applications and is not specific in description. Brandl and Barlow (2004) describe it as “image-management policing” (p. 85) and concentrates on the public’s image of the police. Problem-solving policing, however, is more specific in its focus, concentrating on identifying underlying causes or reoccurring incidents of crime and disorder at the neighborhood and community levels. The model requires the creation of collaborations with citizens and public/private organizations and uses a structured model to seek sustainable solutions (Goldstein, 1977, 1990). The impact of change on society resulted in increased police examination of their adherence to community partnerships. The delivery of police services, with emphasis on improving service and reducing crime and community problems, added new demands on terrorism watchfulness, interoperability, and a new intelligence awareness (McGarrell, Freilich, & Chermak,


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Policing Eras 1830–1900: Political Policing Era • Decentralized • Aligned with political ward bosses • Extensive corruption • • • •

1900–1965: Professional Policing Era Elimination of political influence Adoption of scientific management principles Military-style organizations Special units established in police departments

• • • •

1960–1970: Civil Rights and Anti-Vietnam Era Protest demonstrations Riots Disrespect for service members Confrontation by police on protestors

• • • • • • • • • •

1970–Present Rise of community policing concept Community Problem-Oriented Policing model Broken windows theory Greater sensitivity to citizen needs and that of the community Collaborations and partnerships Substantial economic and social needs Crime analysis and GIS applications Evidence-led policing Emerging intelligence-led policing Hot spot and repeat calls analysis

2007). Yet, problem solving as a tool that actually brought police and community together for the specific purpose of finding sustainable solutions to problems identified by community stakeholders and police has not taken hold globally—not something amorphous and unspecified, rather more closely equated to facts and careful analysis. The traditional police model that embraced Community-Oriented Policing and Community Problem-Oriented Policing was suddenly thrust into chaos because of the new national threat. Moving from traditional policing toward community- and problem-oriented policing, and then with a sudden and unanticipated move back toward the traditional model to allow focus on terrorism, intelligence, and security has been difficult (Walters, 2011). Yet, to most people, the change is negligible as in smaller agencies the demand for service results in a police officer response, taking a report and sending it forward to a supervisor. Larger departments have


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special units that work with state and federal agencies, but that function is out of sight. It would be fair to say that progress in both community- and community problem-oriented policing has slowed in practice, yet with little change in rhetoric. Police practices change, yet they remain firmly rooted to some aspects of tradition and history. Enforcement, paramilitary structure, and resistance to change involve external agencies and people. The comfort of a closed organization, to the extent possible, is preferred. Public exposure and openness to scrutiny is not only uncomfortable, but is also rebuffed at every turn. An example is citizen oversight, hardly a success, and certainly not wanted by police agencies themselves. However, it is the very community within which police work that holds the key to successful outcomes, whether it involves crime or disorder, or an engaged citizenry willing to cooperate and participate in partnerships.

Reengineering the Organization Reengineering is a management strategy that examines the work and process of the organization as it relates to the delivery of service in fulfillment of the mission (Hammer & Champy, 1993). It is necessary to put aside dependence on tradition and focus on what we want the organization to be in today’s environment. The speed of change in all manner of social, economic, political, religious, educational, and other life events, when taken in their totality, points to massive transformation. The vulnerability of the United States to attack was not on anyone’s radar. The gay rights movement, political dissention, economic meltdown, elevated unemployment, a prescription drug problem, union busting, the rise and fall of common sense, and personal religion were all “hot button” items in the twenty-first century, which resulted in an upheaval of comfort. Questions arise if what we now offer for police services is making a difference or are we simply responding to the latest demand and not witnessing change. The examination and analysis of the basic assumptions about municipal police service often discloses fragmentation and running from pillar to post. Repeat calls for police services to the same person or place require innovation of response to determine sustainable solutions. Drug problems, domestic violence, and neighbor complaints, against all manners of irritation, continue unabated. In addition, a changing workforce, movement between agencies, constant demands, and grievance of conditions that are not perfect in the perception of the individual drain even the most stalwart police administrator. Rethinking how work and services are provided and identifying where change and restructuring is needed is daunting all by itself.


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Reengineering a police organizationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s culture and method of service delivery is fraught with difficulty. Employee resistance is among the most prevalent of issues as is restructuring the organization to comply with a revised mission, vision, values, and goal statements (Toch, 2008). Until a critical mass of employees transition from the way it was to the way it will be, change will be incremental and in some cases insignificant (St Amour, 2000). According to St Amour, two variables contribute to this inertia among employees. The first he labels different functional realities. As senior managers often have access to information leading to change sooner than other employees do, they have more time to prepare for and conceptualize what the new state of affairs will be. In addition, they are the motivating force behind change and as such will often accept and endorse the organizationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s transition easier than middle managers and line personnel. Second, St Amour acknowledges different personal responses to change. Generally falling into three categories of readiness to change are (a) traditionalists who comprise 20% of the workforce, adapters 60%, and innovators the final 20%. Spread out along this continuum, it is little wonder that when the decision is made to change an organizationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s process and role, less-thananticipated modification takes place. We do note that change in the direction of role hardening, a greater focus on law enforcement and the accompanying paramilitary structure of a tactical response, intelligence gathering and analysis, and the ever-demanding search for all criminal elements are preferred functions. When the public is focused on the same dangers and confusion about whom and what our enemy represents, there is a dampening effect on community relations, problem solving, and partnership development. It is understandable that given the available resources capable of addressing serious life and death issues posed by terrorism, police adaptation becomes a challenge. Still, police executives must consider the role of police for those more normal community safety issues that include enforcement and prevention of disorder. The challenge is demanding, exhausting, expensive, and also distracting. The need to examine demands and expectations, factor in employee skills and knowledge, identify and address existing problems, and develop a strategic plan that encompasses the vast array of responsibilities are not something that can occur in a haphazard manner (Batts, Smoot, & Scrivner, 2012). Taking time to engage in organizational reengineering is an effort that offers positive change outcomes.

Reengineering Tools Reengineering is a radical overhaul and restructuring of the department with focus on performance measures, costs, process, services, and replacement of


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past ideas and practices with new and innovative approach to provide community services. Innovation is a key component and is not lost in the minutia of past practice. The urge to return to the tried and trusted ways of tradition constantly beckons, requiring firm leadership to move toward the new vision and goals. The decision to make this change should not be underestimated, as it takes time, patience, and abounding determination to achieve the desired outcomes. Planning alone will not guarantee success as each employee must believe that the new direction is valid and appropriate to their needs, as well as those of the organization. For example, changing from traditional to community policing was often ill defined and conceptualized, resulting in some willingness to change while others hardened their opposition and dug in their heels in resistance (Lumb, 2005). When change was contemplated, it was often announced as a department-wide communiqué and the expectation was it would be adopted and practiced by all employees. Seldom does that outcome emerge. Communicating the intended change was generally delivered using a “one size fits all” strategy and little effort was taken to ensure that individual questions were answered or that people were given the opportunity to explore the effect on their work and lives. The announcement of change does not automatically bring about willing compliance, especially when resistance is allowed by complacent supervisors and administrators. The announcement of an intended new direction is but the first step in a process that allows employees the opportunity to seek answers, weigh consequences and benefits, and adapt to new ways of conducting both personal and organizational business. Without clear two-way discussion, many employees simply shrug off new ideas and seek to maintain current behaviors. Managers must be willing to listen as well as talk for effective communications to take place. When employees are allowed to discuss their needs and issues, managers must be prepared to deal with what they hear (O’Neill, 1999). Of critical importance, managers must provide clear reasons for change, incentives for doing so, and assist employees in being successful in carrying out their evolving job responsibilities. Underlying issues of change is a fear of failure whenever someone is coerced to do something differently, where success and pitfalls are not known or understood by the individual (Shimon, 2011). Using community policing as an example, the process of change implementation was often fraught with resistance, difficulty, and frustration. Moreover, while the rhetoric was “We are doing community policing,” upon examination, one often finds there has been insignificant change in the very service practices that had existed for decades. Of critical importance to any organization contemplating change is the need to define the reasons for modification and communicate them to employees using a variety of message formats. Requirements include listening


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to employee concerns and needs, finding solutions to their problems, and having a clear transition plan ready that builds on strengths and opportunities, oftentimes avoiding losing even one employee in the process. It is critical to maintain a central log file describing what changes took place, why, who was involved, barriers, and successful outcomes.

A Working Model In the belief that change is positive and that police are capable of fulfilling multiple roles, organizations are well served when a model or blueprint is carefully thought out, includes employee weigh-in, and has specific goals and action steps in place to achieve the planned reengineered organization. Initiating a new program, without careful planning, which includes department members, elected and appointed officials, and the community, can result in disastrous outcomes. The model presented in this chapter evolved following examination of an actual police district in a large metropolitan jurisdiction. Its genesis is grounded in the belief that police and community partnerships are an absolute necessity if changes in crime reduction, improvement in the quality of life, reduction of social disorder, and increased safety are to become a reality. It begins with the following: 1. A willingness to change 2. Establish a vision of community first to integrate the needs of the community with the role of the police 3. Determine the department’s strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats 4. Restructuring personnel roles and function based on needs and available skills, knowledge, and abilities 5. Developing a reengineered service model 6. Implementing the model being aware of pitfalls and opportunities 7. Evaluation of outcomes and redirecting efforts permits adjustment as needed The importance of models, versus rearrangement, is often a sticking point. It is easier to order change, make alterations in specific aspects of an organization, and hope for the best. Yet, we know from experience that this manner seldom results in total employee compliance. And while modern management techniques abound, sometimes we need to step back and consider utilization of older practices whose genesis worked in many examples. Kurt Lewin’s (1947) change model, referred to as “unfreeze–change– refreeze” is a three-stage process leading to organizational change.


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Considering that change often leads to turmoil among employees and systems, Lewin urged taking time to develop a plan that would manage transition in an orderly and comprehensive manner. It begins with understanding why change is needed and must take place. Organizations exist under a set of rules and policies that help to define how and why things are done. All employees are affected by change. Systems and policy are in place to manage services provided, creating consistency, habit, and routine in many instances. This is comforting to most employees and any interruption is like pulling on one strand of a spiderâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s web. It causes movement sensation across all strands. Lewin believed that people must first be motivated to change before any process to change begins. This change of philosophy and practice helps individuals, groups, and the organization to unfreeze old habits, traditions, and activities. Otherwise, substantial time is spent in addressing questions and problems, some so severe that change never fully happens.

Path to Change What is the compelling message that leads the organization to accept that change is needed, one that will bring about new ways of operating and delivering service? What are the current practice demands and why will adopting new methods be beneficial? The chaos that people and organizations occasionally experience can find relief in planned change. Change involves how people believe in who they are and what they do. It involves attitudes, values, and overt behavior as they perform the job and duties assigned. Any attempt to change the way things are creates uncertainty and trepidation, leading to concerns about the future and its effect on each person involved. It should not be ignored. Successful organizational change is not the decision of a single person. It must include agency-wide representation. Forcing a reexamination of current conditions, core principles and beliefs, what works and what does not will lead to understanding and direction of the change process. The sevenstep model provides a pathway to effectively create a working model that fits the needs and demands of current-day community needs. A Seven-Step Model to Change Willingness to Change Perhaps the most difficult obstacle for any police agency is obtaining majority consensus and willingness to accept needed change that will result in beneficial outcomes. Effectively changing attitudes, in a tradition-bound organization, requires thorough consideration, meticulous planning, and


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careful attention to implementation details. Change of any magnitude elicits anticipation of the unknown, a degree of anxiety, and a variety of other emotions ranging from curiosity to anger. It is of critical importance to include employees in the decision-making process. Awareness of the need for change and participating in that planning process leads to a greater acceptance. While this approach requires more time and for some appears to be a “soft” approach, it nonetheless results in stronger and more acceptable outcomes by a larger majority of the organization’s employees. Change management must address the structure of the agency, the effect on employees, restructuring of administrative procedure and practice, and importantly the delivery of effective and efficient services. Establish a Vision of Community First Community-Oriented Policing, without community, is traditional policing. Winds of change must include a sharp focus on the target of the extended effort and in this instance we refer to the extended community. To exclude the very people who will be affected by police action equates to severe onesidedness, a hollow attempt leading to almost certain failure. A vision for change must include broad involvement or it will not result in sufficient impact on anticipated outcomes. A carefully conceptualized and department-wide discussion of the proposed change must take place as an initial step. The chief must have a clear vision, inform employees, and then solicit their questions and comments. A vision statement is not the “end all statement” for it solicits discussion and eventual understanding by the majority of employees. It must create a goal-focused and team-oriented model of policing and neighborhood problem solving, whose focus is to improve the quality of life in neighborhoods. Developing a vision statement requires time, discourse, and a willingness to expand horizons that include doing what is right for the community and the department. A well-articulated vision statement, on why change is needed, provides employees and citizens with a mental picture of possibilities and the rationale for the steps to be taken. Finding one’s own place in the change being proposed is important as organizational culture is a powerful master. Unless inclusion is present, dissention will pervade all underlying activities. The executive’s goal is an emerging consensus and acceptance of the pending change, and their ultimate stamp of approval. Determining the Department’s Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats Effects of Change on Policing Strategies We live in a rapidly changing world where not only demands for service vary, but the expectations of our customers too. In a world where information


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is available, awareness (right or wrong) is often the driving force behind demands for service. It is no longer adequate to execute a major police function without neighborhood inquiry and attention to outcomes. Social media has changed the world as it encounters information in all forms ranging from fact to fiction. The illusion portrayed on television that police can solve a crime in 60â&#x20AC;&#x201C;90 minutes is fiction; however, the publicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s perception is one of instant solutions. We are aware that quality of service is critical and when called, the response should be with copious amounts of professionalism and sincere engagement with the issue or problem presented. For example, the Outward Bound program seeks to change people by subjecting them to a new environment coupled with personal challenge. This program designed to change behaviors and attitudes uses a series of planned events that lead the individual from his or her current knowledge and expectations to a new set of skills, attitudes, and behaviors. Change takes place because one must confront internal fears, draw upon strength and courage, and move forward through the process with determination and fortitude. Police organizations are subject to these very same influences and depending on your role in the agency, they are potentially real and somewhat disconcerting. The appeal of tradition in policing is its consistency, the basic premise that police officers should be law enforcement oriented, focusing on responding to crime and then finding and convicting the offender. This is not a difficult task; it relies on something happening, someone calling, and the officerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s appropriate response. Proactive enforcement (i.e., traffic enforcement) holds to these same principles. Both are dependent on the actions of others as the driving force behind police activity. But, is it enough? The answer is no, for response to crime is post-event and often the damage has been done. The new era calls for proactive, informed, effective, and efficient response that is technology driven. This includes data, analysis, and efficient services that include new models emerging from or currently on the drawing board. In the twenty-first century, we have finally realized that Dorothy has left Kansas and is living in Wonderland and will not return. Why? Like the Saturday morning cartoon where the robot transforms into another shape and acts out a new set of behaviors and functions as the transformer, policing has been evolving into a new shape or organization milieu with a different set of values and expectations. We can never go back to the old ways and expect our customers, the general public, to accept the argument that the old days were better and we decided to return. Grimley and Prochaska (1994) describe how people change using a variety of tools that assist them in taking the necessary steps to alter and adapt to new ways and actions. Individuals generally do not change without going through stages and processes that occur over time. A renewed effort to move forward must be summoned and energy given to reaching new goals. These


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stages of change are natural progressions that eventually lead to transformation from one set of behaviors or beliefs and actions to new ones. Successful Change Requires Careful Planning Anticipating the future, with the desire to be organizationally ready, requires that we develop a plan. It sometimes is easier to have a planning model available that allows us to package our thinking into a step process, one that leads from point A to point B. However, planning must include several components, or it risks failure. These components include discussion and inclusion of the organization’s culture, determining the push and pulls on the organization, identifying employee division and consensus. Culture is defined as a set of customs and traditions, together with norms that define how people act within an organization or social group. Tradition in policing is not something easily changed and if that is a goal, it will be tedious and require fortitude. Police organizations are influenced by internal perceptions, values, and attitudes and by external forces. Other beliefs and building blocks of contemporary police culture are said to be “the truths that officers feel in their bones, the touchstones that—unless changed—will continue to govern their behavior and attitudes” (Sparrow et al., 1990). As an illustration, “We are the only real crime fighters. Crime fighting is what the public wants from us. It is noted that other agencies, both public and private, only play at it.” In practice, this belief prevents the police from wanting to share their crimefighting burden with the public. It also isolates the police from the citizens and groups who share their concern about crime and would be quite willing to engage in crime-control efforts. The isolation police experience is often largely self-imposed. Change toward a community integration model begins with a different attitude and set of mental queues that allow visualization of what the future will bring. Planning allows us to define issues and plot a direction by developing a strategic vision that sees the future and understands how and why we want to be there at some specified time. Questions to answer in conjunction with a plan include 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

How will we implement the plan? How will we evaluate our progress? Are we being successful in reaching goals or milestones? What will it take to ensure success? What support will be needed and how do we secure it? Where do we get the resources to fulfill the mission, vision, and goals? How do we get employees to buy-in and accept the pathway to change?

With any change, there are as many attitudes and beliefs. The issues of yesterday continue to exist in the present and because change is proposed, it


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will not automatically bring about the desired outcome. Of concern to the officers, who must answer calls and deal with the crime, social disorganization and other demands from the public are an awareness of what exists. The challenge to approach it differently offers a hopeful perspective, but it is not guaranteed. For example, the following scenario is not uncommon. The District under examination consisted of a high density of older housing units, many of which are in need of repair and refurbishing. This neighborhood is close to the downtown business district. This area is home to a large industrial and business population, including medical and educational institutions. Owner—occupied housing is low and rental property with absentee landlords is high. Drug dependency, abuse and dealing loom large and crimes associated with these issues are quite prevalent, to include homicide, armed robbery, aggravated assault, prostitution, and burglary. The mechanics of these problems are complex and any effort to reduce crime and improve conditions must be multifaceted, requiring strong leadership and a commitment by police officers, neighborhood members, other governmental service providers, political influence and business stakeholders.

Pronouncements of change must include examination of what will be done and why. Change for the sake of change may ring well with top administrators, while ringing hollow to field officers. Restructuring of Personnel and Function Significant organizational change must occur before district personnel become truly focused on problem solving as a basic function of their work effort. Organizational change includes helping supervisors and officers understand and adopt problem solving as a basic responsibility in their respective communities. Coupled with the change effort, it is imperative to insure that the organization’s mission, vision, and values statements coincide and that new goals are prepared and shared with all personnel. The foundation on which the organization operates must be solidly in place, understood and followed, as new programs and practices are rolled out. Establishing a working partnership with community members to identify problems, set personal and team goals, and determine strategies that focus on improving the quality of life for residents are a basic elements of change. There are substantial organizational benefits to working in an environment where individual and neighborhood goals are established and ultimately achieved. The benefits include • Focused problem solving with measurable outcomes. • Officers can tailor work to their policing interests. • Rewards are associated with a goal-oriented work and achievement models.


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• Work efforts tailored to neighborhood needs. • Established service provider and community member responsibilities and roles. • Strategic direction from command and supervisory management furnished. • More efficient and effective personnel transition to the mission. To effect appropriate change that clearly signals the intent to do things differently, commanders must look beyond a quick fix. A clear message must be communicated to supervisors and officers that once problems have been identified and the decision made to address them, they must make every effort to engage the community. Community agreement and a willingness to assist are critical to the planned solution. Without this commitment, successful outcomes are questionable. Unfortunately, planning may be deficient in determining what is needed to fix the problem being addressed. Commanders must clearly state that a combination of enforcement, prevention, community involvement, and ideal levels of service delivery are to be included in the planning stage. Attainment of the “ideal” includes short-term needs and provides the infrastructure for long-term maintenance and prospective action. The reader should not take the above comments lightly. This is a crucial step in the reengineering process if satisfactory outcomes are to be obtained using the inclusion method of planning. Inclusion utilizes people directly affected by the change, others who are skilled in organizational development and policing, and someone who is familiar with community design and neighborhood structuring. This means an informed and carefully crafted set of rules must be developed and used to make changes. Every step is critical, every decision important and every employee included. Developing a Reengineered Service Model The process for creating a goal orientation begins with the identification of neighborhood problems and concerns. This is achieved through scheduled meetings with neighborhood leaders, community members, providers from public and private organizations, and police officers and supervisors assigned to this geographic area. The primary purpose of the meeting is substantive in nature. It must be an issue focused work session designed to identify problems and concerns by residents. Supplemental outcomes include identifying people responsible for the problems discussed. This leads to the establishment of performancebased goals, objectives, and action steps. It is also important to establish evaluation criteria and set project review dates. No program should operate without evaluation criteria and accompanying scheduled review dates. Once determined, problems and issues of concern to residents then equate to goals, objectives, and action steps that must then be effectively


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communicated to officers. Commanders in collaboration with supervisors and officers assigned to work on problems will then develop a series of problem and goal statements, to include objectives and action steps. These statements must be written in clear language and include either outcome or performance-based measures. Once written, explained, and discussed by those who have responsibility for addressing the problems, using the goals and objectives as a guide, officers must also understand that outcomes will be measured and the results incorporated into the employee’s annual performance report. This necessitates the employee to provide written updates on the progress of problem reduction and goal fulfillment. Supervisors are charged with assuring that the information is correct and accurate as to current conditions. One way of managing this model is to have a sergeant take responsibility for oversight with the officers under his or her direct control. Strong leadership on the part of every sergeant is essential to goal actualization and the key to successful outcomes. Periodic progress discussions with the sergeant’s superior will provide the level of guidance needed and ensure that progress is continuous. Importance of the Supervisor Given the traditional beliefs and philosophy of policing, when changes were being made, the commander established leadership and managerial roles for the problem-solving response team (PSRT) supervisors. The need to have supervisors “step up” their engagement and attention to detail becomes a crucial component to success. The selection of a supervisor for this role is of critical importance and the final choice must be based on determining his or her commitment to the program, and achieving the stated goals and objectives. The appointing authority must take due care and diligence to define the knowledge, skills, and attitudes that the supervisor will need to be successful, and in combination with a review of the individual’s historic record of accomplishment, combine these efforts with a pointed personal discussion. Once the selection is made, it is of utmost importance to solidly ground the individual in what is expected, the goals and objectives of the program, the personnel that he/she will be working with, the expectations of higher authorities, and also of the community within which most of the activities will take place. Team Membership Membership on the PSRT cannot be viewed as “just as another assignment” in one’s career. Selection and assignment to this team brings with it exceptional responsibilities where individual desires and expectations are subsumed into the greater need of the group. Each of the department’s patrol district response areas will have a problem-solving response team. These officers attend response area meetings, liaison regularly with neighborhood members and leaders, assume responsibility for the more complex operations


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(e.g., addressing targeted drug locations) within the district, and coordinate activities related to goal achievement and problem solving with line officers. Overcoming the natural tendency to see and criticize role differences, PSRT member training will include strategies for developing and maintaining liaison with line officers who work the same geographic area. Traditionally, there exists a certain amount of ill will between similar groups based on perceptions and lack of clear definition of the duties and expectations of each group. This can be overcome with proper supervision, training, and effort by all parties to resolve differences and misunderstandings. The ultimate goal is to provide excellent service to the community.

Summary: Effective Change and the Decision to Reengineer Sustainable change in policing models is overdue. The world has evolved and a new set of issues and problems have presented themselves, including economic, cultural, diversity, threats from worldwide terrorism, and higher expectations of service and corresponding effectiveness and efficiency demands. Gradual change or adoption of a new approach can work as anticipated, or it may mutate into an abridged program that only partially meets the desired change. It seems appropriate to risk substantial change that not only addresses desired outcomes, but also restructures the organization to allow it to happen more efficiently, with diminished layers of approval and reporting, and seeking a more responsive individual accountability. Tight command and control is no longer needed for day-to-day operations. Establishing accountability and responsibility standards and providing support to ensure success is a retention and attitude builder for the organization. Hiring practices select excellent people. They are well trained and then we shackle them to archaic rules and policy, strong oversight and control, and wonder why efficiencies are not happening. We know that bureaucracy is clunky and inefficient. Promoting selfmotivation and mission-focused employee support will have substantial benefit. Building partnerships with the community and other public/private organizations leads to improved quality of life and a reduction in crime, disorder, and threats to community safety and security. A flattened command structure, more use of teams that are allowed flexibility and innovation, and an organization that supports this model along with sufficient use of technology to enable employeeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s access to data, analysis, and records are of importance. These are also critical elements of a reengineered organization. Delays, barriers, inertia, and other inhibitors are costly and ruin enthusiasm. As we contemplate organizational change and consider a more farreaching approach utilizing reengineering, we must be clear on the concepts


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and goals that allow achievement. The steps of actual implementation compel restructuring, a casting off of shackles, and an awakening to new potential and possibilities.

References Batts, A. W., Smoot, S. M., & Scrivner, E. (2012). Police leadership challenges in a changing world. New perspectives in policing bulletin. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice. NCJ 238338. Bittner, E. (1980). The functions of the police in modern society. Cambridge, MA: Oelgeschlager, Gunn, and Hain. Brandl, S., & Barlow, D. (2004). The police in America. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Conti, N. (2006). Role call: Preprofessional socialization into police culture. Police & Society, 16(3), 221–242. Eck, J. E., & Rosenbaum, D. P. (1994). The new police order: Effectiveness, equity, and efficiency in community policing. In D. P. Rosenbaum (Ed.), The challenge of community policing: Testing the promises (pp. 3–23). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Garland, D. (2001). The culture of control. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Goldstein, H. (1977). Policing in a free society. Cambridge, MA: Ballinger. Goldstein, H. (1990). Problem-oriented policing. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Grimley, D., Prochaska, J. O. et al. (1994). The transtheoretical model of change. In T. M. Brinthaupt & R. P. Lipka (Eds.), Changing the self: Philosophies, techniques, and experiences (pp. 201–227). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Hammer, M., & Champy, J. (1993). Reengineering the corporation. New York, NY: Harper. Jiao, A., & Rhea, H. (2007). Integration of police in the United States: Changes and development after 911. Policing & Society, 17(4), 388–408. Lewin, K. (1947). Frontiers in group dynamics. I. Concept, method and reality in social science; social equilibria. Human Relations, 1, 5–40. Lumb, R., & Wang, Y. (2006). The theories and practice of community-oriented policing: A case study. Police Journal, 79, 177–193. Lumb, R. (2005). Understanding police organizational transition to community policing. Unpublished manuscript. Lumb, R., & Breazeale, R. (2003). Police officer attitudes and community policing implementation: Developing strategies for durable organizational change. Policing & Society, 13, 91–106. McGarrell, E., Freilich, J., & Chermak, S. (2007). Intelligence-led policing as a framework for responding to terrorism. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 23(2), 142–158. Miller, L., & Hess, K. (2008). Community policing. Belmont, CA: Thompson. O’Neill, M. (1999). Communicating for change. CMS Management, 73, 22–25. Shimon, U. (2011). Fear and anxiety: Effective managerial tools or harmful and jeopardizing factors? Far East Journal of Psychology & Business, 5(2), 1–12. Sparrow, M., Moore, M., & Kennedy, D. (1990). Beyond 911: A new era of policing. New York, NY: Basic Books.


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St Amour, D. (2000). Navigating through organizational change. CMA Management, 74, 16–18. Sun, I. Y., Sobol, J. J., Cretacci, M., & Phillips, S. W. (2010). Comparison of Chinese and the US police cadets’ occupational attitudes. Journal of Criminal Justice, 38(4), 640–647. doi:10.1016/j.crim.jus.2010.04.037 Toch, H. (2008). Police officers as change agents in police reform. Policing & Society, 18(1), 60–71. Walters, H. (2011). Policing in the post-9/11 era. Governing. Retrieved from http:// www.governing.com Wang, Y., & Lumb, R. (2012). Integrating Eastern programme features in Western community policing: Balancing individual freedom and collective well-being. International Journal of Police Science & Management, 14(4), 342–361.


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TIMOTHY A. LAVERY, AMIE M. SCHUCK, MEGAN A. ALDERDEN, RACHEL M. JOHNSTON, DENNIS P. ROSENBAUM, AND CODY D. STEPHENS Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 127 Background ......................................................................................................... 129 Community Characteristics .............................................................................. 130 Police Legitimacy................................................................................................ 132 Summary of Hypotheses ................................................................................... 133 Methods ............................................................................................................... 133 Dependent Variables .......................................................................................... 134 Independent Variables ....................................................................................... 135 Institutional Legitimacy, Procedural Justice, Police Effectiveness .......... 135 Community Crime Prevention ......................................................................... 136 Additional Variables........................................................................................... 137 Police Visibility .............................................................................................. 137 Neighborhood Disorder ............................................................................... 137 Crime Victims ................................................................................................ 138 Demographics ................................................................................................ 138 Results .................................................................................................................. 138 Support for Aggressive Policing ....................................................................... 138 Comparing Police Typologies ........................................................................... 140 Discussion ............................................................................................................141 References ............................................................................................................ 144

Introduction The last three decades have been described as a period of “significant change and innovation” in policing (Weisburd & Braga, 2006). Several of the most important strategies to emerge during this time have been 127


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connected to a style of policing that has been termed proactive (e.g., Shaw, 1995; Sherman & Rogan, 1995), aggressive (e.g., Fritsch, Caeti, & Taylor, 1999; Rosenbaum, 2007), suppression-based (e.g., Decker & Curry, 2003),  or intensive (Weisburd & Eck, 2004). Terminology aside, this style of policing is characterized by police-initiated behaviors intended to reduce crime through deterrence and incapacitation. Police strategies consistent with this style of policing are varied, but may include search and frisk policies, traffic enforcement, geo-based saturation patrol, and crackdowns. Scholars have connected aggressive policing to broken windows (e.g., Bowling, 1999; Cordner 1998; Davis, Mateu-Gelabert, & Miller, 2005), CompStat (Weisburd, Mastrofski, Willis, & Greenspan, 2006), hotspots policing (Rosenbaum, 2006, 2007), and gang suppression strategies (Bynum & Varano, 2003), including enforcement of civil injunctions (Allen 2004; Stewart, 1998). Even problem-oriented policing, which possesses some theoretical overlap with “gentler” community policing approaches (Greene, 2000, p. 315), does not preclude the use of aggressive policing (see Goldstein, 1990, pp. 127–141). Thus, although aggressive policing is likely applied differently across policing philosophies, it is clear that a variety of contemporary police innovations rely on “sticks” to achieve crime reduction goals. Potential crime reduction benefits aside, there may be ancillary costs to aggressive policing. Aggressive policing tactics empower the police. In using such tactics, the police act out their formal authority with wider latitude. This expansion opens up the police to accusations of unfairness, especially if it is acted out in low-income and minority communities (Rosenbaum, 2006; Stewart, 1998). Such perceptions of unfairness can decrease the legitimacy of the police and hinder police–community relations. As a result, an overemphasis on aggressive policing may undermine a community member’s willingness to coproduce crime reduction strategies with the police (Sampson, 2002) or directly intervene when criminal behavior is observed (Silver & Miller, 2004). Although critiques of aggressive policing have centered on community perceptions, few studies have examined the topic. In their edited volume on police innovations, Braga and Weisburd (2006, p. 345) note that “this gap in knowledge is noteworthy as many of the contributions to this volume suggest a tension between the crime prevention effectiveness of focused police efforts and their potential harmful effects on police–community relations.” The purpose of this chapter is to address this gap by evaluating data from a community survey of Chicago residents. During the survey distribution period, the Chicago Police Department’s primary crime reduction strategy was an aggressive hot-spots policing approach that targeted gang activity and drug dealing (Rosenbaum & Stephens, 2005).


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Background Existing studies on aggressive policing have either included a citizen survey component to quasi-experimental intervention (Chermak, McGarrell, & Weiss, 2001; Shaw, 1995) or included items in a general survey of residents (Dunham & Alpert, 1998; Webb & Katz, 1997; Webb & Marshall, 1995). If the ancillary costs of aggressive policing include adverse impacts on police– community relations in low-income and/or minority communities, then it might be expected that, across these studies, minority and low-income respondents would report less support for aggressive policing. Such relationships would be consistent with the literature on general attitudes toward the police. Numerous cross-sectional studies have indicated that African American respondents have less favorable attitudes toward the police than whites (for a review, see Brown & Benedict, 2002). However, research from other studies suggests that support for aggressive policing is not related to respondent’s race or income. For example, several quasi-experimental studies found that citizens in predominantly low-income African American areas reported high levels of preintervention support for aggressive policing (Chermak et al., 2001; Shaw, 1995). This support did not wane after the intervention, in either the target or comparison areas. Further, when target areas included both low-income white and low-income African American neighborhoods, respondent race did not predict pre- to postintervention changes in support (Chermak et al., 2001). By design, the quasi-experimental studies had limited within- and between-area variability in terms of race and income. Citizen survey studies, which generally have greater variability, have yielded a scattering of significant race and income effects. For example, Dunham and Alpert (1988) examined community differences in responses to “active patrol,” and found that respondents in two African American neighborhoods, one upper-middleclass neighborhood and one low-income neighborhood, had the least favorable attitudes toward aggressive policing. Webb and Marshall (1995), using the same scale, found that income, but not race, was significantly related to support for aggressive policing. While it is important to consider the strength of demographic “main effects” in support for aggressive policing, sociologists have long contended that demographic effects are tangential manifestations of other, more meaningful, relationships rooted in the social environment (e.g., Shaw & McKay, 1969). Yet, existing research has done little to examine relationships between support for aggressive policing and theory-based, nondemographic variables. In this study, we connect support for aggressive policing to (1) social psychological theory on the antecedents and consequences of police legitimacy (e.g., Tyler, 1990; Tyler & Huo, 2002) and (2) social disorganization


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theories, as well as related ecological theories on sources of neighborhood social control (Bursik & Grasmik, 1993; Hunter, 1985; Kasarda & Janowitz, 1974), and attempts to reevaluate these theoretical ideas in light of contemporary urban social organization (e.g., Bellair, 1997; Carr, 2003; Sampson, Raudenbush, & Earls, 1997; Sampson, 2002; Warner & Rountree, 1997). Recent policing research has connected both legitimacy and social control to community policing (Hawdon, Ryan, & Griffin, 2003; Pattavina, Byrne, & Garcia, 2006; Renauer, 2007). This study connects these theoretical ideas to support for aggressive policing.

Community Characteristics Community members address crime and disorder by engaging in informal social control behaviors. Relying on the social disorganization literature, Silver and Miller (2004, p. 533) conceptualize informal social control as the “willingness of neighborhood residents to actively engage in behaviors aimed at preventing criminal and deviant behavior in the local area.” In this study, we examine relationships between support for aggressive policing and two paths through which informal social control may be acted out in the community: by monitoring and direct intervention (neighborhood self-regulation) and by participation in community policing. Scholars interested in social control have relied heavily on Hunter’s (1985) distinction between private, parochial, and public levels of social control. The private level is composed of family, kinship, and other personal relationships. The parochial level is composed of less intimate community relationships grounded in local institutions such as churches, schools, and community organizations. The public level is composed of relationships between communities and larger, noncommunity-specific organizations, including the police and other government agencies. The three levels of social control have been treated as a “system,” whereby the strength of networks at one level impacts the strength of networks at other levels (e.g., Bursik & Grasmik, 1993). Early systemic theory emphasized the importance of strong, personal relationships between neighbors (Kasarda & Janowitz, 1974). As neighbors develop personal relationships, neighborhoods develop a stronger capacity to selfregulate against crime by supervising and controlling youths, and watching out for suspicious persons and behaviors. This ability to self-regulate decreases neighborhood reliance on agents of public social control, such as the police. More recently, scholars have questioned “the outmoded assumption that neighborhoods are characterized by dense, intimate, emotional bonds” (Sampson, 2004, p. 108). Instead, contemporary relationships among neighbors are better characterized by looser, impersonal ties and less frequent contact (see Warner & Rountree, 1997). Scholars have also suggested that strong


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personal ties between neighbors are not a necessary prerequisite for effective informal social control (Bellair, 1997; Carr, 2003; Sampson et al., 1997). Two mechanisms for achieving informal social control via loose neighborhood ties have been suggested. First, scholars have suggested, “neighbors may be willing to engage in supervision and guardianship regardless of whether they are close friends with their neighbors” (Bellair, 1997, p. 697). By this line of reasoning, neighbors can maintain loose ties, but still self-regulate. Consistent with this, Sampson (2002, 2004) characterizes collective efficacy as a neighborhood’s capacity for effective action, absent close personal ties. According to Sampson, in order for neighborhoods to self-regulate, neighbors must trust each other and perceive their neighborhood as cohesive, but they need not be friends. Second, Carr (2003) recently suggested a mechanism for achieving informal social control via loose neighborhood ties. Carr agrees that loose ties between neighbors best characterize contemporary urban neighborhoods. However, he questions the extent to which, in the presence of loose ties, informal social control is acted out through direct neighborhood self-regulation. Owing to a variety of social forces, including increased labor participation for women and fear of youth gangs, neighbors have limited time and willingness to self-regulate. Carr suggests, based on analysis of ethnographic data collected in a Chicago neighborhood, that “diminished private and traditionally parochial forms of social control are replaced by a set of behaviors that are a combination of parochial and public controls” (Carr, 2003, p. 1252). Instead of directly intervening, civic-minded individuals indirectly engage in crime prevention through participation in neighborhood organizations, including community policing groups. Moreover, these neighborhood groups are not devoted entirely to neighborhood “self-help.” Instead, a primary goal is also “to avail themselves of political and institutional resources outside the neighborhood” (Carr, 2003, p. 1280). Neighborhood groups create ties with the police, politicians, and other public actors, in an effort to obtain resources. Organized intracommunity effort is geared toward obtaining extracommunity support. Carr refers to this informal social control process as the new parochialism. The extent to which informal social control is acted out through neighborhood self-regulation as opposed to the new parochialism may be relevant to support for aggressive policing. As neighborhood self-regulation increases in perceived importance and/or perceived effectiveness, citizens may be less inclined to rely on the police. This should especially be the case if, as a result of such reliance, the police engage in heavy-handed aggressive policing tactics. As a result, there should be an inverse relationship between perceived neighborhood self-regulation and support for aggressive policing. On the other hand, if informal social control is acted out through the new parochialism, then, although neighbors may also engage in self-regulation


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and/or believe that self-regulation is useful, a primary function of informal social control would be to seek external resources through neighborhood organizations. In this case, citizens may participate in community policing as a means to gain police resources. If aggressive policing is perceived as a desirable resource (and it might be, with the presence of a perceived neighborhood crime problem), then community policing participation should positively predict support for aggressive policing.

Police Legitimacy Legitimacy is the “the belief that legal authorities are entitled to be obeyed and that the individual ought to defer to their judgments” (Tyler & Huo, 2002, p. xiv). Research has connected legitimacy to a variety of favorable consequences for the police, including willingness to obey the law (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 1990), citizen compliance with officers in particular situations (Tyler & Huo, 2002), and willingness to assist the police with their organizational goals (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 2005). Research has also examined the antecedents of police legitimacy. Evidence suggests that perceptions of procedural justice, or “public judgments about the fairness of the processes through which the police make decisions or exercise authority” (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003, p. 514) supersede instrumental, outcome-oriented perceptions in predicting perceptions of legitimacy (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 2001, 2005; Tyler & Huo, 2002). Thus, there is a nexus between procedural justice, legitimacy, and a variety of consequences for the police. In this study, we examine whether support for aggressive policing is an additional consequence of legitimacy. We propose that legitimacy should be an important predictor of support for aggressive policing. Aggressive policing empowers the police. It stands to reason that support for this empowerment is related to institutional legitimacy, or support for the police as an institution. Consistent with this, Sunshine and Tyler (2003) found that legitimacy predicted willingness to support policies that empower the police. It is also expected that procedural justice, institutional legitimacy, and support for aggressive policing will form a strong perceptual triad. Both institutional legitimacy and beliefs that the police behave fairly when interacting with the public should be related to support for aggressive policing. What is less clear is the extent to which instrumental, outcome-related perceptions of the police are also part of this nexus. The most direct evidence suggests a relatively strong positive relationship between outcome-driven perceptions and support for aggressive policing. In two studies, Sunshine and Tyler (2003) examined relationships between outcome-driven perceptions of police effectiveness and citizen willingness to support policies that


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empower the police. They found evidence for two types of relationships: a direct positive relationship between perceived police effectiveness and support for empowerment, and an indirect relationship that operates through perceptions of institutional legitimacy. Both relationships suggest that, in order for citizens to support empowerment, they must also believe that the police are able to achieve concrete crime reduction results. We predict a similar pattern of results in our study. Perceived police effectiveness should be positively related to both institutional legitimacy and support for aggressive policing. In order to support aggressive policing, citizens must believe both that the police are legitimate and that aggressive policing can achieve results.

Summary of Hypotheses We proposed a number of relationships between support for aggressive policing and variables related to (1) organizational legitimacy and (2) community member engagement in crime reduction efforts. Formalized as hypotheses, these relationships are as follows: 1. Police institutional legitimacy will be positively related to support for aggressive policing. 2. Procedural justice will be positively related to both perceptions of police institutional legitimacy and support for aggressive policing. 3. Police effectiveness will be positively related to both perceptions of police institutional legitimacy and support for aggressive policing. 4. Neighborhood self-regulation will be negatively related to support for aggressive policing. 5. Community policing participants will be more supportive of aggressive policing than nonparticipants. We also made a number of comparative statements regarding the relative importance of variables as predictors of support for aggressive policing, support for policeâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;community interaction to address crime, and support for the standard model of policing. We suggest that, on the whole, variables related to institutional legitimacy and community crime prevention should be more strongly related to support for aggressive policing.

Methods The study was reviewed and approved by the Institutional Review Board at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Participants were recruited through web


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page advertisement and e-mail list solicitation (Best & Krueger, 2004; Sue & Ritter, 2007). An invitation to participate in an online survey and a graphic link to the survey were posted on the University of Illinois at Chicago and Chicago Police Department websites from April 16, 2007 through August 31, 2007. In addition, a mass e-mail was sent to residents who had signed up to receive Chicago Police Department e-mail updates. The mass e-mail introduced the survey, and provided a direct link to the survey web page. Finally, 25 of Chicago’s largest community-based organizations engaged in a variety of efforts to encourage their clientele to complete the survey, including posting the survey on their website, posting flyers in their buildings, and sending a mass e-mail to persons on their distribution lists. No incentives were given to respondents for their participation. Collectively, through these strategies, our final sample included 1,038 usable surveys.

Dependent Variables Survey respondents were provided a list of 17 police activities. For each activity, respondents were asked to report the extent to which they favor or oppose the activity to address crime in their neighborhood (1 = strongly oppose, 2 = oppose, 3 = favor, 4 = strongly favor). The list was limited to visible activities that Chicago police officers were known to commonly engage in during the survey period. An effort was made to include activities that captured qualitatively distinct types of policing, including aggressive policing, police–community interaction, and traditional policing. The guidelines outlined by Dillman (2000) were followed in developing the online questions and deploying the Internet survey. Principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation indicated that respondents distinguished between different police typologies. As expected, the first three components captured support for aggressive policing, support for police–community interaction, and support for random preventive patrol and explained 55.8% of the variance in responses. Factor scores were used as dependent variables. Items in the three components had loadings in excess of 0.60. Items with high loadings on the support for aggressive policing component were “Searching cars,” “Searching and frisking someone,” “Telling groups of youth to stop hanging out and ‘move along’,” “Arresting people,” “Gathering information from people they stop and question, but don’t arrest,” “Making traffic stops,” “Saturating your neighborhood with a large number of officers for a limited time,” and “Stopping cars on a particular street to check for use of seatbelts.” Items with high loadings on the support for police–community interaction component were “Chatting with community residents” and “Attending community meetings.” Items with high loadings on the support for standard


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policing component were “Driving through neighborhood streets on patrol,” “Patrolling alleys, checking garages or backs of buildings,” and “Investigating crimes to identify the offenders.”

Independent Variables Our models included 16 independent variables. Table 7.1 shows descriptive statistics for the independent variables. Institutional Legitimacy, Procedural Justice, Police Effectiveness Institutional legitimacy was measured using a four-item scale (α = 0.85; 1 = strongly disagree, 2 = somewhat disagree, 3 = somewhat agree, 4 = strongly agree). The items were “I have confidence the Chicago Police Department can do its job well,” “I trust the leaders of the Chicago Police Department to make decisions that are good for everyone in the city,” “People’s basic rights are well protected by the Chicago Police Department,” and “Chicago police officers are held accountable and disciplined when they do something wrong.” This scale was adapted from Tyler (2005) and Sunshine and Tyler (2003). Research suggests that procedural justice has both a general component and a personal component. Perceptions of officer fairness during encounters with the police shape general perceptions of officer fairness (Tyler  &  Huo,  2002), Table 7.1 Descriptive Statistics for Independent Variables Institutional legitimacy Fair experience Unfair experience Generalized procedural justice Police effectiveness Neighborhood self-regulation Community policing participant See aggressive policing See standard policing Neighborhood disorder Crime victim African American Hispanic Income Female Age

M

SD

Min

Max

2.56 0.17 0.06 3.40 3.00 2.82 0.39 2.27 3.88 1.68 0.50 0.17 0.12 3.35 0.50 42.65

0.84 0.38 0.24 0.83 1.12 0.88 0.49 0.96 1.26 0.48 0.50 0.37 0.33 1.44 0.50 12.40

1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 18

4 1 1 5 5 4 1 5 5 3 1 1 1 5 1 85


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and vice versa (Brandl, Frank, Worden, & Bynum, 1994). We measured both personal and general aspects of procedural justice. For personal procedural justice, respondents were asked whether they had been approached by a Chicago police officer in the last year (0 = no, 1 = yes). Those who responded affirmatively were asked the extent to which officers treated them fairly during these encounters (1 = very unfair, 2 = somewhat unfair, 3 = somewhat fair, 4 = very fair). We used two variables to combine both presence versus absence of a police-initiated encounter and perceived valence of the encounter. Fair experience was a dichotomous variable indicating whether or not the respondent had a police-initiated encounter in which the police treated them somewhat or very fairly (0 = no, 1 = yes). Unfair experience was a dichotomous variable indicating whether or not the respondent had a police-initiated encounter in which the police treated them somewhat or very unfairly (0 = no, 1 = yes). Prior research has indicated that negatively perceived police encounters have a greater impact on general evaluations of the police than positively perceived encounters (Brandl et al., 1994). Generalized procedural justice was measured using a seven-item scale (α = 0.92; 1 = never, 2 = rarely, 3 = sometimes, 4 = often, 5 = always). Respondents were asked how often Chicago police officers in their neighborhood are “Courteous to residents,” “Respectful to youth,” “Respectful to minorities,” “Available to talk with residents,” “Fair and impartial when applying the law,” “Helpful to crime victims,” and “Rude to the people they stop.” Police effectiveness was measured using a three-item scale (α = 0.85; 1 = strongly disagree, 2 = somewhat disagree, 3 = neutral, 4 = somewhat agree, 5 = strongly agree). Respondents were asked whether they agree or disagree with the following statements about police officers in their neighborhood: “The officers are effective at preventing violent crime,” “The officers are effective at preventing property crime,” and “The officers are effective at keeping order on the streets and sidewalks.”

Community Crime Prevention Neighborhood self-regulation was measured using a three-item scale adapted from a broader informal social control scale (Sampson et al., 1997). Respondents were asked how likely it is that residents in their neighborhood would intervene if “Children were spray-painting graffiti on a local building,” “Children were skipping school and hanging out on a street corner,” or “A fight broke out in front of your house and someone was being beaten” (α = 0.85; 1 = very unlikely, 2 = unlikely, 3 = likely, 4 = very likely). Respondents were asked to report the number of community policing meetings they had attended in the last 6 months. Their response was dichotomized in the variable community policing participant (0 = no, 1 = yes).


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Additional Variables Police Visibility Research has indicated that police visibility or the extent to which citizens report seeing police on the streets is positively related to perceptions of the police (e.g., Hawdon et al., 2003). By extension, police visibility may also be positively related to support for specific types of policing. On the other hand, if informal social control is acted out through the new parochialism, then perceived levels of police visibility may be inversely related to support for specific types of policing. For example, persons who do not see the police may support aggressive policing on the grounds that they would like the police to be more visible in their neighborhood. To indirectly test these possible relationships, we included measures of police visibility in our statistical models. Police visibility was measured as the frequency with which respondents reported seeing the aggressive policing activities and standard policing activities captured in our dependent variables (1 = never, 2 = less than monthly, 3 = monthly, 4 = weekly, 5 = daily). See aggressive policing (α = 0.90) was measured separately from see standard policing. See standard policing was limited to one item measuring a visible aspect of standard policing (“Driving through neighborhood streets on patrol”). Neighborhood Disorder We also included a measure of neighborhood disorder. Research has connected disorder to a variety of census-based neighborhood characteristics such as the percent of a minority population and the percent of persons living in poverty that, in turn, are associated with neighborhood crime levels (Skogan, 1990, p. 60). The police are more likely to engage in aggressive policing in neighborhoods with more disorder. This being the case, the relationship between neighborhood disorder and support for aggressive policing has implications for potential ancillary costs of aggressive policing. It may be that persons who live in neighborhoods with greater disorder have less favorable attitudes toward the police and, thus, do not favor aggressive policing. On the other hand, it may be that aggressive policing is perceived as a resource for addressing disorder. If so, then there may be a positive relationship between perceived disorder and support for aggressive policing. Neighborhood disorder was measured using a 14-item scale (α = 0.90; 1 = no problem, 2 = some problem, 3 = big problem). Respondents were asked the extent to which types of physical and social disorder (e.g., graffiti, abandoned houses, vacant lots filled with trash, public drinking, people hanging out on corners, drug dealing) is a problem in their neighborhood.


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Crime Victims Crime victim was a dichotomous variable indicating whether the respondent had been a victim of violent or property crime in the last year (0 = no, 1 = yes). Demographics Respondent race/ethnicity was measured using two dummy coded variables, African American (0 = no, 1 = yes) and Hispanic (0 = no, 1 = yes), with white being the omitted reference category. Income was measured as a five-category ordinal scale (0 = household income of $39,999 or less, 1 = $40,000â&#x20AC;&#x201C;$59,999, 2 = $60,000â&#x20AC;&#x201C;$79,999, 3 = $80,000â&#x20AC;&#x201C;$99,999, 4 = $100,000 or more). Sex was dummy coded for females (0 = no, 1 = yes). Age was included as a continuous variable measured in years.

Results Least-squares regression was used to examine multivariate relationships. For all models, we tested the assumptions. Across models, residuals analysis revealed five multivariate outliers. These outliers were removed, resulting in the final sample size indicated above (n = 1,038). All remaining assumptions were met.

Support for Aggressive Policing Prior to examining the factors that predict support for aggressive policing, we conducted a preliminary regression model examining the antecedents of institutional legitimacy. Table 7.2 shows results of the preliminary model. Prior research suggests that procedural justice and police effectiveness are antecedents of institutional legitimacy (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003). Our results were consistent with this. Generalized procedural justice, personal procedural justice (unfair experience), and police effectiveness were all significant predictors of institutional legitimacy. Consistent with theory, perceptions of procedural justice and police effectiveness can impact support for aggressive policing partly through perceptions of police legitimacy. Interestingly, the results also suggest that Hispanics have greater perceptions of institutional legitimacy than white residents, after controlling for procedural justice, police effectiveness, and their experiences with the police. Table 7.3 shows results of analyses examining factors that predict support for aggressive policing. We ran four regression models. Model 1 included only


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Table 7.2 Regression Results for Antecedents of Institutional Legitimacy African American Hispanic Female Income Age Crime victim Neighborhood disorder See standard policing See aggressive policing Generalized procedural justice Fair experience Unfair experience Police effectiveness

b

β

−0.09 0.20** 0.08* −0.02 <0.01 0.03 −0.05 0.04* −0.04 0.49*** 0.06 −0.17* 0.20***

−0.04 0.08 0.05 −0.03 0.04 0.02 −0.03 0.05 −0.04 0.49 0.03 −0.05 0.27

*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

Table 7.3

Regression Results for Aggressive Policing Model 1

Model 2 β

b

b

Model 3 β

b

Model 4 β

b

β

African American Hispanic

−0.29** 0.07

−0.11 −0.26** 0.02 0.07

−0.10 −0.12 0.02 0.05

−0.04 −0.11 0.02 0.05

−0.04 0.02

Female

−0.20**

−0.10 −0.19**

−0.10 −0.18**

−0.09 −0.18**

−0.09

Income

0.07**

0.10

0.06**

0.09

0.07**

0.10

Age

0.01**

0.12

0.01**

0.08

0.01**

0.08 <0.01

0.05

Crime victim

0.11

0.05

0.10

0.05

0.13*

0.06

0.12*

0.06

Neighborhood disorder

0.32***

0.15

0.29***

0.14

0.46***

0.22

0.43***

0.21

See standard policing See aggressive policing

0.06**

0.09

−0.11*** −0.14 −0.11*** −0.14 −0.15*** −0.19 −0.16*** −0.20 0.09**

0.10**

0.10

Neighborhood self-regulation

0.08*

Community policing participant Institutional legitimacy

0.30***

*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

0.10

0.09*

0.09*

0.08

0.07

0.04

0.04

0.15

0.22***

0.11

0.42***

0.35

0.44***

0.09

0.37


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the demographic variables, additional variables, and crime victimization as predictors. In Model 1, it was possible to examine relationships between variables of interest (race/ethnicity, income, perceived neighborhood disorder) and support for aggressive policing, prior to considering community crime prevention and legitimacy effects. Model 2 included all Model 1 variables, along with the community crime prevention variables. Model 3 included all Model 1 variables, along with institutional legitimacy. Finally, Model 4 was a full model that included all variables. Across all four models, three demographic variables almost uniformly predicted support for aggressive policing. Male citizens, higher-income citizens, and older citizens were more supportive of aggressive policing. Results yielded a varying pattern of results by respondent race. In models that did not include institutional legitimacy, African American respondents were significantly less supportive of aggressive policing than white respondents. Conversely, in models that included institutional legitimacy, the African American effect was nonsignificant. All four models show significant relationships between perceived neighborhood disorder and support for aggressive policing. As perceived disorder increased, so did support for aggressive policing. Finally, results revealed significant, and opposite, effects for the two police visibility variables. The extent to which respondents reported seeing standard policing was negatively related to support for aggressive policing. On the other hand, the extent to which respondents reported seeing aggressive policing was positively related to support for aggressive policing. Model 2 shows significant effects for both perceived neighborhood selfregulation and community policing participation. These relationships were both positive. As perceived neighborhood self-regulation increased, so did support for aggressive policing. Thus, contrary to our hypothesis, results did not suggest that, as neighborhoods self-regulate, citizens become less supportive of aggressive policing. On the other hand, consistent with our hypothesis, community policing participants were strong supporters of aggressive policing. Finally, Model 3 and Model 4 show that institutional legitimacy was a strong predictor of support for aggressive policing.

Comparing Police Typologies In Table 7.4, results from the full model (Model 4) are compared to results from policeâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;community interaction and standard policing models. The independent variables explained a considerably greater percentage of variance in support for aggressive policing (R 2 = 0.21) than support for policeâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;community interaction or standard policing (R 2 = 0.03 and 0.05, respectively). As a


Factors That Predict Citizen Support for Aggressive Policing Table 7.4

141

Regression Results for the Three Types of Policing Aggressive

African American Hispanic Female Income Age Crime victim Neighborhood disorder See standard policing See aggressive policing Neighborhood self-regulation Community policing participant Institutional legitimacy

Interaction

Standard

b

β

b

β

b

β

−0.11 0.05 −0.18** 0.06** <0.01 0.12* 0.43*** −0.16*** 0.09** 0.04

−0.04 0.02 −0.09 0.09 0.05 0.05 0.21 −0.20 0.08 0.04

0.05 0.04 0.26*** 0.01 <0.01 0.04 0.10 0.05 −0.06 0.03

0.02 0.01 0.13 0.02 0.01 0.02 0.05 0.06 −0.06 0.03

−0.14 −0.05 −0.16** 0.08** −0.01* −0.05 0.25** −0.02 −0.01 0.01

−0.05 −0.02 −0.08 0.11 −0.08 −0.02 0.12 −0.02 −0.01 0.01

0.22***

0.11

0.13*

0.06

0.05

0.03

0.42***

0.35

0.05

0.06

0.10*

0.09

*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

result, the aggressive policing model yielded a greater number of significant effects. Consistent with our hypothesis, variables related to institutional legitimacy and community crime prevention were more strongly related to support for aggressive policing.

Discussion In this study, we examined the factors that predict citizen support for aggressive policing. By emphasizing theory-based concepts, this study expands our understanding of ancillary impacts of aggressive policing, and connects support for aggressive policing to two well-established literatures. Our results showed that support for aggressive policing was strongly related to perceptions of institutional legitimacy. Thus, support for aggressive policing appears to be another consequence of legitimacy, along with consequences already identified (e.g., Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 1990, 2001, 2005; Tyler & Huo, 2002). These relationships are most likely not static or unidirectional, but rather dynamic and reciprocal with each being the cause and the consequence of the other. For example, when police executives are under pressure to reduce crime, they implement strategies such as aggressive policing. The citizens’ responses to these strategies are influenced by their perceptions of the legitimacy of the department. In turn, the


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type, quality, and frequency of police–citizen encounters that result from the newly implemented strategies potentially change citizens’ perceptions of police legitimacy. In other words, legitimacy shapes how citizens respond to the police; however, police strategies also shape the type, quality, and frequency of police–citizen interactions, which influences perceptions of police legitimacy. Further, these dynamic interactional relationships are most likely moderated by the level of crime and disorder in the neighborhood—with a tighter coupling among constructs in more economically affluent lowercrime communities due to greater homogeneity. Given the popularity of procedural justice, more research is needed to understand how strategies changes citizens’ perceptions of encounters with officers and their willingness to support the organization, as well as, how changes in the environments influence citizens’ reevaluation of current policing practices. We also examined whether perceptions of police effectiveness were related to institutional legitimacy and support for aggressive policing. Consistent with prior research (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003), effectiveness, legitimacy, and support for aggressive policing were all significantly related. Thus, our results suggest an instrumental component to support for aggressive policing. In order to support aggressive policing, citizens must believe that the police can reduce crime. Demographic variables were significant predictors of support for aggressive policing. Male citizens, higher-income citizens, and older citizens were more supportive of aggressive policing. Perhaps most interesting, we found a nonsignificant African American effect when citizens’ perceptions of institutional legitimacy were included in multivariate models. Absent inclusion of these perceptions in the models, African American respondents were less supportive of aggressive policing than white respondents. These results suggest that racial differences in support for aggressive policing are driven by perceptions of legitimacy. Our results also have implications for connections between informal social control methods and support for aggressive policing. First, results suggest that citizens do not view neighborhood self-regulation and aggressive policing in “either-or” terms. Theory grounded in social disorganization might suggest that, as neighborhood capacity for self-regulation increases, citizens become less reliant on the police and, by extension, would be less supportive of aggressive policing (and vice versa). We did not find that this was the case. To the contrary, citizens who believed that neighbors are likely to intervene on each other’s behalf had a tendency to be more supportive of aggressive policing. It may be that citizens perceive merit in neighborhood self-regulation, but not as a replacement for strong police presence. Consistent with this, theorists who espouse the positive possibilities of neighborhood crime prevention acknowledge the continued importance of public social control agents (Sampson, 1999).


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Second, results provided indirect support for the idea that informal social control operates through the new parochialism, and that obtaining resources in the form of aggressive policing may be an agenda item of citizens who engage in this method of informal social control. Most notably, there was a significant relationship between community policing participation and support for aggressive policing. In part, this result likely reflects a self-selection effect; persons who support the police and, by extension, aggressive policing, are more likely to participate in community policing. Yet, our overall pattern of results suggests another possibility: citizens attend community policing meetings partly to secure more police services for their neighborhood, and are not averse to these services coming in the form of aggressive policing. Consistent with this possibility, we found that perceived neighborhood disorder was positively related to support for aggressive policing. Those who perceive a disorder problem in their neighborhood tend to support aggressive policing, suggesting that citizens are receptive to aggressive policing as a possible â&#x20AC;&#x153;solutionâ&#x20AC;? to the disorder problem. Similarly, the extent to which citizens reported seeing police officers on patrol was inversely related to support for aggressive policing. The less frequently citizens reported seeing officers on patrol, the more they supported aggressive policing. One possible interpretation of this relationship is that aggressive policing is perceived as a solution to make up for a lack of adequate police presence. Again, this is consistent with the suggestion that, in instances when citizens organize to secure more police services, aggressive policing is perceived as an acceptable outcome. However, some of our results do not support this interpretation. For example, the extent to which citizens reported seeing aggressive policing was positively related to support for aggressive policing. Thus, whereas perceived absence of standard policing was related to increased support for aggressive policing, perceived presence of aggressive policing was related to increased support. Our study also directly compared citizen support for different types of policing, a rarity in the policing literature. The comparisons suggest that more than other types of policing, support for aggressive policing covaries with perceptions of the police. Perceptions of police institutional legitimacy, procedural justice, and effectiveness were more strongly related to support for aggressive policing than support for policeâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;community interaction to address crime or support for the standard model of policing. In sum, our study offered a number of new ideas regarding support for aggressive policing. By connecting support for aggressive policing to social psychological theory and to the social disorganization tradition, we hoped to stimulate further academic scholarship. Admittedly, in some instances, we suggested explanatory processes or mechanisms that, despite extending from theory and research, could not be fully demonstrated through our analyses. For example, while our pattern of results was suggestive, our results


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cannot fully connect the new parochialism to support for aggressive policing. Moreover, our Internet sample was a convenience sample, and as such, is inherently limited with respect to generalizability. Although the basic demographic characteristics of the participants are generally consistent with other Internet surveys (cf. Witte, Amoroso, & Howard, 2000), the sample differs from the general population with regard to the lower percentage of ethnic minority representation. As a consequence, we do not claim that the sample is representative of a specific population. Rather, this study was designed to evaluate the relationships among key theoretical constructs, as is traditionally done with convenience samples. Despite these limitations, we believe our study can lay the groundwork for additional research on citizens’ perceptions of aggressive policing. What do our results suggest regarding potential ancillary costs of aggressive policing via detrimental effects on police–community relations? Consistent with the admonitions of critics, our results suggest that normative perceptions of aggressive policing are important to consider. Absent legitimacy, African American citizens were less supportive of aggressive policing. Yet, at the same time, there is support for aggressive policing among citizens who perceive a disorder problem in their neighborhood (see also Chermak et al., 2001; Shaw, 1995). And, African American citizens are willing to accept aggressive policing if they believe in the legitimacy of the police (see also Sampson & Bartusch, 1998). Collectively, our pattern of results suggests that citizens tend to acknowledge the importance of a police presence, and may accept aggressive policing in the face of a perceived crime problem. However, police agencies cannot assume that crime reduction benefits from aggressive policing will necessarily justify aggressive policing in the minds of the citizenry.

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Opposing Perspectives of Policing in Pakistan and Implications for Reform

8

MARK SHAW Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 149 Methodology ........................................................................................................151 History and Evolution of Policing in Pakistan: A Background to Reform..... 152 Reform and Its Reversal ................................................................................ 155 Police Order 2002 ............................................................................................... 157 Reform or Reaction? .......................................................................................... 158 Divergent (Provincial) Policing ........................................................................ 160 Public Perceptions of the Police ........................................................................162 Finding a Way Forward ..................................................................................... 164 References ............................................................................................................ 166

Introduction When it comes to police reform, Pakistan is an anomaly. In almost all societies, police reform is seldom initiated by the police, but by politicians who demand better service delivery often in response to individual crises, such as police shootings or allegations of widespread corruption and mismanagement (Savage, 2007, pp. 1–45). This is even more the case in countries struggling with enormous security challenges and in various stages of transition from authoritarian rule to democracy (Shaw, 2000). In Pakistan, all this has been present, but politicians remain uncommitted to major reforms of the police, most particularly in changing current accountability arrangements. By contrast, it is members of the senior hierarchy of the police who advocate for reform, but have found little support either from the political class or from parts of the senior civil service. In Pakistan, politicians and civilian servants interfere regularly in police operations, including the investigation of cases. Retaining the ability to do so is critical to the exercise of political power in a contested and fragmented environment (Fair, 2011; International Crisis Group [ICG], 2008). These actions are however often couched in the language of the “civilian control” 149


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of the police; a statement that is carefully deployed to justify interference or reject attempts at reform. This reasoning is all too easily deployed given that the most substantial attempt to change the system, by introducing both mechanisms for community influence and operational independence, was conducted in 2002 by a military-led government seeking wider legitimacy. Shifting the views of key individuals in both the political elite and the all-powerful civil service, and changing the current accountability arrangements that hark back to the colonial era, is the decisive step that is required if sustainable success is to be achieved, and if the people of Pakistan are to get a police service that not only responds to crime professionally, but contributes proactively and positively to citizen and community well-being. That does not mean that “police reform” in Pakistan is not an oft-stated priority. A focus on reform has been bolstered by the concerns of international actors, although these almost always focus on issues related to terrorism or illicit trafficking and their impact on the country’s stability (Lieven, 2011). What is mainly required in this narrative is greater skills, particularly in detection, crime scene management, and intelligence collection and analysis (see United Nations [UN], 2009). In contrast, recent and unpublished survey evidence suggests that ordinary people have a more nuanced understanding of what they require from the police. While pessimistic about the development of politics and the economy in Pakistan, the people surveyed, surprisingly perhaps, perceive themselves to be safe in their own community. Significantly, policing is seen as an impediment, not a neutral service provided by the state to improve the conditions of ordinary life. What both the survey evidence and comprehensive discussions with police officers across Pakistan demonstrate however is that there is a systemic problem with policing in Pakistan. There has been a fundamental breakdown in the relationship between the police and the people, such that people’s perception of their security is rarely attributed to the local police. The roots of this schism at the local level are attributed by both the police and the citizenry to a number of key factors: lack of operational independence of the police, lack of oversight, and a failure to inculcate a culture of service delivery. There is a strong sense that colonial attributes of policing have remained—not as a bureaucratic inheritance, but because they serve the interests of those currently in power. The picture is now more complex than before, with a wider devolution of power to the provinces having been underway for several years. The result of this is that provincial governments are moving forward (if only intermittently and at different speeds) on their own independent paths to restructure relations between politicians, public, and the police. But they have a tendency to replicate old models that reinforce current arrangements, and there is no central capacity to provide standardized approaches or to learn lessons across the system. Previous failed attempts at reform, albeit that they


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were led by a military government, hold important lessons for how it should be approached now. And, perhaps more importantly, understanding what ordinary Pakistanis want from the police may provide the clearest answer as to how to proceed, particularly within a context in which the international assistance that is offered has a narrow security focus and has arguably focused the debate on “technical” as opposed to “process” aspects of reform.

Methodology This chapter draws on two pieces of original and unique empirical work undertaken in 2011 and 2012, before the milestone democratic election in May 2013. The first was an extensive series of semistructured interviews with over 120 police and policy makers throughout Pakistan between November 2011 and March 2012 for the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). This work was conducted in order to map Pakistan law enforcement architecture (UNODC, 2012), and represents the most comprehensive review of civilian policing in Pakistan—its history, evolution, current structure, and challenges. In the course of this study, representatives of the police, the civil service, and politicians were interviewed in each of Pakistan’s provinces. The interviews were semistructured and covered the history, evolution, and structure of provincial and local policing, prevailing challenges, efforts at reform, and lessons learned from these efforts. The work is significant in that while considerable analysis has focused on the Pakistani military with several prominent studies (e.g., Nawaz, 2008 and more recently Shah, 2014), there are comparatively few analyses of the police.* The second piece of original research was an empirical survey of community perceptions of policing at the district level in two provinces in Pakistan: Punjab and Sindh. A total of 3,290 Pakistanis (1,977 males and 1,313 females—a 60/40 weighting†) aged 18 or older were interviewed across the two provinces of Pakistan in both rural (1,716) and urban (1,205) communities on their perceptions of security and safety in the community, their opinions of the provincial and district police, and the interventions that they thought might improve policing and security more generally. The survey was conducted in seven policing districts in Sindh (Jacobabad, Sukkur, Naushahro Feroze, Badin, Karachi, Tharparkar, Mirpur Khas) and seven *

There is, for example, no single book-length study of the police in Pakistan. Several recent reports however have been published on the police (Abbas, 2011, 2012; Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative [CHRI] and Human Rights Commission of Pakistan [HRCP], 2010; Petzschmann, 2011; UNODC, 2012). It was determined that given the cultural norms of Pakistan, men would have greater experience and interaction with the police than women.


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policing districts in Punjab (Jhelum, Narowal, Bhakkar, Lahore, Vehari, Dera Ghazi Khan, Bahawalpur). These represent both secure and insecure locations proportionally to urban (48%) and rural population (52%) distributions of the country, as determined by the Pakistan Central Statistical Office. The final survey consisted of 68 substantive questions, many of which in multiple parts, asking a wide variety of questions related to the direction of the country, security, law, gender issues, police performance and police independence, oversight, accountability, and reform, to name a few. The data have not previously been published. While social audits have been conducted on community views of security, safety, and the performance of state institutions in the past (see Shinwari, 2012), for example, the UNDP Social Audit of Local Governance and Public Services in Pakistan, which have been conducted every 4 years since 2001, this is to my knowledge one of the first survey of its kind that examines the police specifically, and that has surveyed perceptions from the level of the district.* As this study will show, the district level has consistently played a critical role in shaping the nature of policing, and thus if reform efforts are to be successful, they will require a nuanced understanding of the dynamics of control at the local level. While it is clear that the views of those in Punjab and Sindh province cannot be representative of the whole of Pakistan, they are certainly indicative of a broader trend and present interesting contrasts that are sufficient to inform the debate.

History and Evolution of Policing in Pakistan: A Background to Reform Any conversation with a senior police officer in Pakistan almost inevitably harks back to the history of law enforcement in the country. One officer interviewed for this study captured the point well: “Policing in Pakistan was never neutral. We inherited it as a force for control and we adapted it to our political realities. Now it has become almost impossible to change. There are too many interests that like it the way it is.”† In short, colonial policing set the tone for what was to follow, most prominently in the complicated arrangements in respect of police accountability. Perhaps the most visible expression of this legacy is that the legislation that governed policing in British India in 1861, albeit with some amendments, is still in force in Pakistan today. Or to state it more correctly, while the 1861 legislation was replaced for several years by a more modern although *

Findings of a survey of corruption and police legitimacy in two towns in Lahore, Punjab were also published recently. See Jackson et al. (2014). Interview, former Inspector General, Islamabad, February 22, 2012.


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flawed piece of legislation, the Police Act of 2002, when this was not effectively implemented, the country slid by default to the original arrangement. Current debates on the nature of new provincial police legislation are still strongly shaped by the 1861 Police Act drafted by the colonial authorities. Of enormous significance in shaping the colonial policing apparatus was the response to the 1857 War of Independence (referred to at the time as “the mutiny”), which constituted a significant challenge to British rule in South Asia (Das & Verma, 1998). A Police Commission that reported in 1860 made a number of critical recommendations that were crucial in shaping policing in Pakistan in the 150 years that followed. Most importantly, the commission argued for the placement of the police under the supervision of the District Magistrate (head of the local civil service) to ensure a rapid response to local disorder and to back up the military where required (Petzschmann, 2011, p. 10). The commission further proposed the creation of the post of an Inspector General of Police (IG) in each province. As the title of this particular position suggests, the function of the IG was to inspect the police in the field and ensure their effective deployment and training. While influential by the nature of his post, the IG did not have the capacity to directly command local police establishments. The supposed “dual system” of control was heavily weighted in favor of the District Magistrate. It may therefore be asked why colonial rulers saw it as important to ensure that the control of police would sit at the local level? The District Magistrate under the colonial system of governance was a powerful and relatively independent office. The Magistrate was the foremost representative of the Crown and, given the huge geographic areas under their control as well as the difficulty of ensuring day-to-day communications with the center, had formidable powers to ensure the maintenance of law and order. In the aftermath of the 1857 uprising, the argument made and accepted by the Police Commission was that the Magistrate needed the maximum number of local men under his control to be able to respond rapidly to any breaches of the peace. Independence in 1947 saw minimal change in the nature of the police from the colonial administration. The centrally administered tribal areas were policed by the federal government with the provinces taking responsibility for law and order. Under the 1861 Police Act, provincial governments were empowered to make rules. There was no national integration of each of the respective police agencies and little coordination of their activities. As under colonial control, provinces were divided into administrative units called districts. These were aligned with police districts headed by a District Superintendent of Police, generally at the level of a Senior Superintendent of Police. This officer was responsible for all matters related to the management of the police in the district, including the


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detection, prevention, and investigation of crime. Below the level of the district, Deputy or Assistant Superintendents were responsible for subdivisions, which were further divided into police station precincts, and at the lowest level, police outposts. The result was a “dual” or split system of command. For day-to-day operational policing, the District Superintendent would look to the head of the civil service in the district (who was also until 2002 the local magistrate). For all organizational and policy matters, the District Superintendent would look to the Inspector General of Police (Suddle, n.d.). It was an unenviable position for the District Superintendent of Police, and over time created “fierce competition” between the two arms of the civil service. The civil service, with an unbroken line of command, from district to province, was more powerful than the divided police with its dual reporting lines. More particularly, it allowed space at the district level for political interference, exacerbated by the fact that the policy had partly been made to accommodate the interests of powerful feudal landowners in a context in which the local representatives of the colonial state had relatively limited capacity. To ensure harmonious relations, provincial and district heads of the civil service were eager to accommodate political interests and expanded the colonial practice of giving selected local leaders and landowners a say in the nature of local policing. As the most widely distributed coercive apparatus of the state, with a presence in every community, it is little wonder that the police were exploited by a variety of interests groups in the period after independence. As a retired former IG has written: Few people realise how much we have suffered due to this legacy of duality bequeathed to us by the British which ideally suited their requirements but is an anathema for an independent state. The simple phrase two cooks spoil the broth ideally explains our poor governance [of policing]. (Rashid, 2012, p. 2)

This damaged the police’s long-term reputation and it retained a reputation for violence and abuse of power (Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative [CHRI], 2008). Senior police officers who opposed the system, or sought to resist the use of the police in this way, were marginalized. In some ways, the police were trapped: charged with maintaining public order, but at the same time were weak players (in terms of both influence and resource allocation) in contrast to the military.*

*

The relationship between the police and the military in Pakistan is complex. The debate tends to be circular: military officers argue the police need to rely less on the military in fighting internal security challenges, and senior officers responding that they require additional resources (which are given to the military) to do so. As Pakistan’s premier institution, the military retain much higher levels of public confidence than the police.


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Ironically, under civilian rule, in part as a response to their actions under authoritarianism, the police fared little better. In 1973, with the advent of a new constitution negotiated by an elected assembly of civilian politicians, the withdrawal of the previous constitutional protections of tenure for senior officers opened the way for even greater political interference with operational policing. Senior officers could be removed or transferred with comparative ease, a position that is now the norm, few serving longer than 1 or 2 years in any one post.* Reform and Its Reversal Attempts to reform the nature of colonial policing in the new state of Pakistan began shortly after independenceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but foundered on opposition from a select group within the bureaucracy. In the years following independence, the focus of the proposed reforms were to establish a system of metropolitan policing, outside the control of the civil service and along European lines, most particularly in Karachi but also in Lahore. Commission after commission examined how policing in the country could be strengthened and made more accountable. The findings of these commissions, and their failure to be taken into account, illustrate the extent of opposition to changing the system of police accountability. Almost 30 reports drafted both during the colonial period and in the years after independence highlight again and again the challenges of police reform (for a full list, see CHRI, 2010, pp. 18â&#x20AC;&#x201C;19). A constant theme of debate is the abolishment of the dual control system of policing and the introduction of a more professional approach, particularly for the major cities. Apart from the issues of police accountability, both the pre- and postindependence commissions document cases of public dissatisfaction with policing and the extent of police abuses. From the 1960s onward, every few years, another committee, investigation, or report made new recommendations. But by all accounts, these efforts seem to produce little actual change to police behavior on the ground. Reading through the products of the different studies, the same themes emerge: political influence over policing at the local level, with the police being the arm of the most powerful interests in their local areas due to political influence on hiring, transfers, and promotions, and a complex line of command over the police in which officers on the ground served a number of masters without clarity on how these relationships are to be managed. *

All Pakistani police institutions have carried on the colonial tradition of listing the names and dates of those who hold the respective post on a scroll in the incumbentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s office. In recent years, the turnover of officers is remarkable.


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“Dusty reports on dusty shelves,” recounts one senior retired police officer, “too much writing and too little doing.”* But that was to change in 2000 when Pakistan’s first real attempt at police reform got underway. The legacy of this initiative—both negative and positive—has profoundly shaped attitudes to policing reform in the current political context. Less than a year after it assumed power, the military government of Pervez Musharraf presented a “Devolution of Power Plan” with new tiers of local government. The plan was not widely consulted and was the work of the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB), which was located in the Prime Minister’s office (ICG, 2008). Parallel to these discussions, a group of senior police officers was also appointed to work with the NRB to look in more detail at police reforms. The changes introduced at the local government level, and the route chosen by these police reformers, are closely linked. The reforms at the local government level covered a range of areas but two closely connected aspects in particular were to have significant implications for police reform. First, a newly elected local government was created at the local level headed by a Zila Nazim (mayor) and the head of the district administration was to report directly to this elected local government head. Under the previous system, the de facto head of the district administration, the Deputy Commissioner or the District Magistrate, reported to the nonelected provincial secretariat. It was a considerable climbdown for the civil service. Second, the reforms attempted to curb bureaucratic power by abolishing the office of the Deputy Commissioner. The new head of the district administration, the District Coordination Officer, no longer acted as the District Magistrate, finally separating the powers of the executive from that of the judiciary at the local level. In line with its thinking on the reform of local government, the NRB included the reform of the police in its governance and devolution plan. A “think tank” of retired and senior serving officers worked for over a year to come up with a set of reforms for the police. These were promulgated as the Police Order 2002 and the 1861 Police Act ceased to operate as the legal framework in the four largest provinces. Whatever the motivations of the military government, the result was that in a short space of time, an old colonial and antiquated system of policing governance was replaced by a more modernized legal framework. The resulting Police Order 2002, if it had been implemented, would have had far-reaching changes for the police in Pakistan. At the heart of the reforms was the requirement to delink the police from the civil service, which had been the practice under colonialism, and to foster the concept of police operational independence. *

Interview, retired Inspector General of Police, Lahore, November 9, 2011.


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Police Order 2002 Behind many of the provisions of the Police Order 2002 lay attempts to reduce as far as possible political interference. There was some irony in this, in that the ultimate form of interference with democratic processes came from the military itself. But there seems to be a consensus among the police, civil society groups, and some political actors that the content of the reform was a legitimate one. It drew heavily on an international police literature on reform as well as expertise provided by several foreign countries. At its heart though, it was an attempt at bolstering local engagement with policing at a time when the military government sought wider legitimacy. Given that one of the key areas of interference had been in appointments, the Police Order 2002 included clear criteria for the appointment of senior police officers as well as a legally mandated term of 3 years. Provisions were also included for increased oversight and accountability, with engagement with local political leaders (the Zila Nazim) subject to a structured process, which preserved the operational independence of the police. The order states specifically that “subject to the provisions of this Order, the Head of District Police shall be responsible to the Zila Nasim for police functions under this Order but shall not [emphasis added] include administration of the district police, investigation of criminal cases and police functions related to prosecution, which shall rest with the police” (Section 33). The order provided for a series of public safety commissions at district, provincial, and national levels. The composition of the commissions was a deliberate attempt to ensure that a full political representation was possible under a military government, and also to include independent membership drawn from prominent and respected members of the community. While the functions of the commission were wide ranging, central to their objective was improving the accountability and transparency of police operations. Thus, a district-level Police Plan had to be approved by the commission with a mandatory requirement that it include “a statement of financial resources” and “performance targets for the year and their delivery mechanism” (Section 44). The desire to separate the investigative function from the more general work of the police was based on the requirement to improve the skills of investigating officers and reduce interference from senior officers acting under political pressure. The ongoing complaint of the judiciary was (and remains) the poor quality of investigations that come before the courts (UNODC, 2012). Thus, the Police Order 2002 contains a remarkable stipulation: “The District Police Officer shall not interfere with the process of investigation. The head of investigation shall however keep the District Police Officer informed of the progress of all cases which have a bearing on public


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order. The District Police Officer shall provide full support to the head of investigation in the performance of his dutiesâ&#x20AC;? (Section 18 [5]). By all accounts, there was wide support for the reforms proposed by the Police Order 2002 among the police leadership. For the first time, the country had in place a comprehensive piece of legislation that outlined clearly how the police should function, and more importantly in the context of Pakistan, seemed to guarantee the operational independence of the police and limit local political interference. Despite this, the Police Order 2002 was only ever partially implemented and there was a general reversion to the provisions of the 1861 Police Act in the provinces as soon as this was politically possible. The question must be asked why a seemingly well-drafted and comprehensive piece of legislation that promoted accountability and service delivery, sought to build professional policing, and give a range of new opportunities to oversee the activities of the police did not succeed? As a start, the success of the order was closely tied to the changes in local government that had been made. These were implemented unevenly and were ultimately reversed, with fatal consequences for the implementation of the Police Order 2002 on the ground. The order was not properly consulted before implementation. Despite the fact that it promoted accountable and democratic policing, the new police legislation remained an order from a military government. Thus, paradoxically, while it argued for greater civilian input into policing from the bottom up, it was imposed from the top down. There was very strong opposition to the order from a cadre within the civil service who effectively lost direct management authority over the police at the local level. The order, while technically strong, was simply too complex for the realities of policing in Pakistan. Establishing, for example, a series of commissions that reported in writing every year, evaluated performance indicators, and reported seamlessly to Provincial and in turn a National Public Safety Commission (NPSC) was too challenging an initiative to be implemented at once in Pakistan without substantial preparation. While garnering broad support, police managers themselves mostly disliked the clause that provided independence to the investigative branch. This, they argued, was contradictory: asking managers to oversee the functions of a part of their service over which they had limited power.

Reform or Reaction? Senior police officers continue to debate the motives of the military government in driving forward such an extensive process of reform. It is clear that some officers eager for reform had worked hard within the space provided by


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the regime to take a step toward professional policing. However, if the military government provided the space, despite the fierce opposition from an influential segment within the civil service and politicians, including in the ruling party, it caved in under pressure later; concessions were made and the original intentions of the Police Order 2002 were dramatically watered down in a series of amendments in 2004. The most important of these related to an issue close to the heart of police managers—that of the security of tenure of senior police officers and their promotion, a point of contention that has been divisive since the tenure protections were removed in the 1973 Constitution. Thus, under the original Police Order 2002, the provincial government would appoint its head of police from a list of names, with recommendations from an NPSC. Under the amended 2004 order, the NPSC had no such role, reducing oversight over appointments. In a similar vein, under the original order provincial governments could not transfer, before the end of the 3-year term, the head of the provincial or city police without the consent of the relevant public safety commissions. This requirement was removed. The 2004 Amendment also eviscerated the public safety commissions, changing the process in which appointments were made to the commissions and weakened their independent nature. In any case, few had been established and even fewer became fully functional (ICG, 2008). While the Police Order 2002 was never effectively implemented, there now appears to be some confusion as to whether it is now valid at all. In interviews across the country, senior police officers indicate that the majority consider the law to have been bypassed by a series of initiatives to draft new laws for policing led by the provincial governments. These came in response to the passing of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, an important milestone in the process of devolution of power. “As a result,” says a serving provincial Home Secretary, “this means that the initiative for police reform now lies with the provinces.”* The 18th Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan is an important milestone in the politics and governance of Pakistan, giving as it does unprecedented autonomy to the provinces. It is the outcome of a longer-term political process, the Charter of Democracy, signed between the two largest political parties in Pakistan with the specific aim of stabilizing the political process and entrenching democratic rule. The amendment was passed with unanimous political support in Parliament in April 2010. The key outcome of the 18th Amendment is the abolition of the previous Concurrent Legislative list and in effect giving the provinces primary responsibility for public order and policing. But senior retired police officers

*

Interview, Lahore, November 12, 2011.


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are adamant that the 2002 Police Act cannot simply be subverted in this process. An internal paper shared among several retired officers concludes: There is a totally erroneous impression deliberately being disseminated by certain quarters that the Police Order 2002 is not [valid] and each Province is free to enact its own Police Act. The correct position is that the only change is that the Parliament can now amend the Police Order 2002 without prior sanction of the President, and a Provincial assembly can make amendments to meet any local and special requirements with the approval of the Prime Minister. No Provincial Assembly can change the substantive provinces of the Police Order as enshrined in Article 143 of the Constitution. (Shigri, 2011, p. 3)

Yet, this is exactly what is underway. The initial response of several provinces has been to revert to the 1861 Police Act in order to reestablish the authority of the civil service over the police.

Divergent (Provincial) Policing In the all-important province of Punjab, the provincial government took the lead by drafting a new police law. Punjab was effectively the only province in the country where the ill-fated Police Order 2002 was in fact implemented, although even here only in part. This has resulted in a strong sense from the civil service that new legislation is a requirement to ensure that the relationship between the police and those who oversee its operational activities is now explicitly laid out, “once and for all.”* The draft act contains some elements of both 1861 and 2002 but it clearly comes down on the side of the civil service (following the 1861 model) in terms of control and accountability of the police. The draft Punjab Police Act makes provision for Police Commissions at both district and provincial levels. At the district level, their primary function is “to aid and guide the district police in the discharge of their duties.” The District Police Commission consists of two members of the Provincial Assembly, the head of the district government (the senior civil servant), the head of the municipal body of the district’s largest municipality, the president of the district bar association, and, as secretary, the head of the district police. The implication, say senior police officers, is that the control and oversight of the police at the district level will fall into the hands of provincial politicians and the head of the civil service. The draft act does however retain the separation between investigative and other police functions that was the hallmark of the Police Order 2002 (Section 22). At the provincial level, the Provincial Police Commission consists, among others, of the chief minister as chairperson, the law minister, two members of the Provincial Assembly as well as three other independent *

Interview, serving Home Secretary, Lahore, November 12, 2011.


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persons of proven reputation and integrity. The commission is responsible for a number of functions, including “framing policy guidelines for promoting efficient, effective, responsive and accountable police, in accordance with the law” as well as “reviewing performance of the police as a whole as well as per district.” The draft act makes no provision for a reporting mechanism for complaints against the police. This is effectively being handled by the commissions at provincial and district levels. On the politically fraught issue of appointments and promotions, the draft Punjab Police Act states that the term of the Provincial Police Officer (the former Inspector General of Police) shall be at least 2 years and extendable to 3 years by the government (Section 12). The draft contains several clauses that appear to imply that the provincial government has the right to review all officer-level appointments. Thus, “the Provincial Police Officer may, with the approval of the Government, [emphasis added] post such number of Additional Inspectors General of Police to assist him in the efficient performance of his duties” (Section 13). Significantly, the same statement is made with reference to the posting of the heads of district police (Section 15). If passed in its current form, the Punjab Police Act would undermine police accountability in three ways. First, the role of the executive and external oversight bodies has been merged in the current composition of the commissions at provincial and district levels. Thus, external oversight would need to be conducted within the same body where the executive sets policy on policing matters, which is an unhappy mix. Second, the provisions around promotions and appointments provide a legislative opening for political interference in this critical area. Third, complaints against the police are not dealt with by an independent body but by the commissions, where both political actors and the police themselves are present. Balochistan has also been at the forefront of initiating legislative change. The Police Order 2002 was an anathema to many of the province’s tribal leaders and was partially implemented in the province. As a result, Balochistan is the first province to enact new legislation on policing. The 2011 Police Act is however a carbon copy of the 1861 legislation, giving considerable power to the local civil service in the oversight and control of the police. The Balochistan Police were not consulted on the draft. The provisions regarding the executive magistracy were struck down by the High Court and the new law has faced litigation in the High Court and the Supreme Court. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the provincial government has not reverted to the 1861 Police Act, although senior managers indicate that the Police Order 2002 was never effectively implemented. In 2003, the Provincial Police Commission established under the Police Order 2002 expired and there has been no effort to revive it. In the two smaller provinces of Gilgit Baltistan and Azad Jammu and Kashmir, the Police Order 2002 was never applied and thus the 1861 Police Act remains in force.


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In Sindh, the most retrogressive steps have been taken. On July 15, 2011, the Provincial Assembly of Sindh passed a unilateral notification whereby the Police Order 2002 would be repealed, to be replaced by the 1861 Police Act. Whatever the merits of the Police Order 2002, the Provincial Government did not provide an opportunity for a wider process of debate on police reform. As a widely respected former senior police officer noted in the press at the time: “Repealing a law without trying to implement it in letter and spirit is grossly unjust. And replacing it with a draconian 19th Century law that was enforced in the Indian sub-continent after the war of independence of 1857 amounts to a revival of the colonial mindset” (Khosa, 2011). The reality, senior provincial police officers report, is that the Police Order 2002 was never truly implemented and that the legal framework for policing never shifted significantly from the framework of the 1861 Police Act. “The Sindh Assembly,” one officer opined, “was simply legislating the reality. That does not mean that it is not a pity, but that politicians and the bureaucracy moved as soon as they could to ensure that the old order of police control was put back clearly in place.”* The debates as to political control of the police were seldom if ever matched by a wider engagement with the public as to their views. Indeed, for the most part, public views on policing in Pakistan are taken for granted or simply assumed. In fact, ordinary Pakistanis have a nuanced view both of what they can expect from the police and what should be done to reform policing.

Public Perceptions of the Police An independent and comprehensive survey administered in late 2012 (STATT, 2013) in the two most populous provinces of Pakistan, Punjab and Sindh, provides a fascinating insight into the views of ordinary people on policing. The results of the survey have never been formally published. What is of interest here is that the themes that emerged were remarkably consistent with an analysis that held that the lack of accountability lay at the core of the troubles of the police in Pakistan. A series of focus groups with people from the two provinces were used to prepare the survey questionnaire. Of the six themes that emerged in these discussions, three related closely to the issue of accountability: “community confidence in the police”; “who the police serve”; and “who controls the police” (STATT, 2012). Perhaps most surprisingly, ordinary people seemed not to share the overall concern of the elites and outsiders as to levels of crime and security, at least in relation to their own communities. Thus, while 71% of respondents had a “negative” *

Interview, senior police officer, Karachi, November 22, 2011.


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or “very negative” view of security developments in Pakistan as a whole, only 35% of respondents held that view in the case of their own community. A closer look at the data indicates that even in urban centers notorious for high levels of crime and insecurity, the majority of citizens considered their districts to be safe. Understandably, this was most clearly demonstrated in the response of people living in perennially unstable Karachi (see Chotani et al., 2002), but even here only just under 30% of respondents described their communities as “unsafe” or “somewhat unsafe.” People in rural areas indicated much higher perceptions of safety than their urban counterparts. Intriguingly, in contrast to national crime statistics for Pakistan as a whole (UNODC, 2011), which have shown an exponential increase over time, respondents felt that security in their neighborhood had remained the same over the last 5 years (STATT, 2013, p. 18). What was clear from the respondents however was that while they felt safe—this could not be attributed to the police. Just over 25% of respondents felt that the formal police contributed to the safety of their neighborhood. The largest number of respondents (44%) believed safety was achieved through the work of a “community security force” or a range of other factors unrelated to government interventions. The reliance on the police for security was higher in Punjab, with its comparatively more developed system of formal policing, than in Sindh (STATT, 2013, pp. 18–19). A lack of reliance on the police was reflected in levels of confidence in policing that were universally shocking, and in decline. Thus, astoundingly in Sindh, 80% of respondents had “no” or “not very much” confidence in the police. The picture is better but still serious in Punjab, with 65% holding the same opinion. Over a third of respondents in both provinces felt that their confidence in the police had declined in the last 5 years (STATT, 2013, pp. 19–20). Respect for the police correlated with these findings, with just under two-thirds of respondents saying they had little or no respect for the formal police. The public held a very clear view of what constituted corruption, and a clear understanding that this was not part of “normal” policing. Astonishingly, over 90% of all respondents viewed the police as corrupt, and half of all respondents had been asked for the payment of a bribe to pursue a case. Just under half of all respondents felt that the police were “less honest” than they were 5 years ago (STATT, 2013, pp. 21–22). These figures suggest how serious the challenge facing the police in Pakistan is. They are, with some exceptions, held in universal disrepute. Citizens however were surprisingly clear on what they viewed the solutions to the problem to be. The lack of police independence and the degree to which the police are seen to answer to “people with family, business or political” connections was marked. Local and provincial politicians were regarded as being likely to interfere in ordinary policing processes, to the detriment of service delivery. Only 6.3% of all respondents felt that the police acted independently. Three-quarters of all


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respondents felt that they had little or no influence on the way formal policing as conducted in the area. Remarkably, however, and presumably because this provided a source of influence or leverage, ordinary people still felt it advantageous to have a family member recruited as a police officer (STATT, 2013, pp. 26–28). Local politicians and landowners (in many districts, these two categories may constitute the same thing) were seen as the most likely to interfere in policing. As one man from a rural area of Punjab neatly explained during a focus group discussion: In our village, [the] system of landlords has the greatest influence over the police system, if they obey someone [these are] the landlords who can easily give them [a] bribe and on the basis of it they spend their whole life. They never think of it to take themselves out of the landlord’s circle and help [the] victimized public but they don’t dare to think about the rights of the public. (STATT, 2013, p. 27)

These findings are consistent with a general sense among many police leaders in Pakistan that they are failing the public. While they acknowledge that corruption is a key issue that undercuts accountability, they argue that this is structurally driven by the broader distortions of the accountability system (Qureshi, 2005). Ordinary people, very conscious of their own experience, but less well versed in the debate on police independence, are still remarkably clear that one of the solutions that is required is to ensure more effective systems of independence. What is clear however is that the majority of citizens see little merit in training that focuses on technical police issues, such as investigative skills or intelligence gathering. What was required it was felt was a stronger focus on “community engagement” and more “oversight” over the work that the police did. Any training should focus on “following the law,” “understanding human rights,” and “providing service delivery.” Nearly 40% of respondents in Punjab felt that greater “operational independence” of the police would lead to more security (STATT, 2013, pp. 34–36). These findings are remarkably consistent with a parallel, smaller survey conducted only in Lahore and at about the same time, which concluded that people will come to legitimize or respect the police “only when [they] establish a minimal level of efficiency in controlling crime and responding to the needs of victims, when they operate more fully under the rule of law, and when they treat citizens and make decisions in ways that accord with the principles of procedural justice” (Jackson et al., 2014, p. 1084).

Finding a Way Forward The views of ordinary Pakistanis provide a unique perspective into the challenges for police reform. In many ways, they coalesce with the attitudes of


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senior police officers. A key requirement of reform is to rethink the structural impediments to effective police accountability that were introduced under colonial rule and have been reinforced by successive governments, including most prominently elected civilian ones. The power of the landed class in Pakistan has had important implications for policing—corrupting the system at the local level and skewing it to the interests of the few who hold local influence. Changing that system will be difficult. A strong set of interests have built up around maintaining control of the police through what is often advertised as “civilian control” but what is in effect direct “political interference” in operational matters. The issue of police reform was barely raised during the election campaign in 2013 and it has not featured as a significant factor for the new government, despite the fact that ordinary people view the police with disdain. This complicates an already complex reality: a national legal framework that has been effectively abandoned, although arguably is still in place; provincial governments moving forward independently and without adequate consultation with the public or the police; and, all of this in a context of (ostensibly) rising levels of crime and increasing public suspicion and distrust of the police. In the engagements with police managers and provincial and national officials across the country, one of the features of the debate has been the false dichotomy that has developed between the 1861 Police Act and the Police Order 2002; the debate falling into two camps, politicians and a segment of the civil service on one side and the police on the other. The reality is more complex: many institutions in society hold the police to account and in a fluid and complex society like Pakistan, it is difficult to reduce the nature of police accountability to a simple nexus between police and politics (UNODC, 2011). In Pakistan, the most prominent of these are the judiciary and the media. The judiciary have made a number of important rulings, particularly in the area of ensuring fair investigations without external influence, the use of force and related human rights aspects, and promoting police accountability. Senior police officials constantly bemoan the challenges that the country’s rapidly developing media sector now present to hard-pressed local police managers: “our every move and word is now watched, a camera in our face,” reported one station-level officer in Punjab during an interview.* Both judicial and media oversight has done little to undercut the structural imbalances built into the current system of police accountability. Current discussions have become bogged down in legal niceties and hairsplitting around specific provisions of previous legislation. There is little debate about what police accountability might actually mean.

*

Interview, Inspector of Police, November 9, 2011.


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Current arrangements in Pakistan then fall far short of providing effective means for ordinary people to influence the police. The system is based on the inherently accepted idea that the police work at the behest of those who hold political power. “That is real accountability,” a senior civil servant responded in the course of a discussion on the matter.* The result is however that the operational independence of the police is subverted, to the detriment of police performance and community responsiveness. At the provincial level, where the weight of reform efforts now lie, it is critical to begin a debate about the importance of adopting such an approach that will improve the quality of policing. The nexus between politicians and some civil servants who have reversed police reform now threaten to do so again is in part a symptom of the broader challenge of institutional change. In Pakistan, only by “containing the power of the leadership over civil servants, and checking the power of the civil servants over citizens, a more effective and law abiding state machinery can develop” (Niaz, 2012, p. 3). Policing, as the front end of the state and as a key (although distinctly separate) part of the civil service itself, is a critical place to implement this prescription. In Pakistan, the police have become the instruments of politicians and a new set of provincial legislative efforts may further tip the balance. Therefore, a debate to review present legal frameworks and police oversight structures provides a unique opportunity to set the tone for a new era of policing in the country. There is little doubt that this will not be in the short-term interest of the political class— but it will be in the long-term interest of the people of Pakistan, conscious that they are being failed by the police, and the system of wider police accountability.

References Abbas, A. (2011). Reforming Pakistan’s police and law enforcement infrastructure: Is it too flawed to fix? U.S. Institute of Peace Special Report. Washington, DC. Abbas, A. (Ed.). (2012). Stabilizing Pakistan through police reform. Report by the Independent Commission on Pakistan Police Reform. New York, NY: Asia Society. Chotani, H. A., Razzak, J. A., & Luby, S. P. (2002). Patterns of violence in Karachi, Pakistan. Injury Prevention, 8(1), 57–59. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI). (2008). Feudal forces: Reform delayed—Moving from force to service in South Asian Policing. New Delhi: CHRI. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) and Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). (2010). Police organisations in Pakistan. New Delhi: CHRI and HRCP. Das, D. K., & Verma, A. (1998). The armed police in the British colonial tradition: The Indian perspective. Policing, 21(2), 354–367.

*

Quetta, February 18, 2012.


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Fair, C. C. (2011). Addressing fundamental challenges. In S. P. Cohen (Ed.), The future of Pakistan (pp. 91–106). Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution. International Crisis Group (ICG). (2008). Reforming Pakistan’s police (Asia Report No. 157). Brussels. Jackson, J., Asif, M., Bradford, B., & Zakar, M. Z. (2014). Corruption and police legitimacy in Lahore, Pakistan. British Journal of Criminology, 54, 1067–1088. Khosa, T. (July 15, 2011). Repeal of the police act: Sindh steps back to the 19th century: A thoughtless and reckless stroke of the pen. The News. Lieven, A. (2011). Pakistan: A hard country. New York, NY: Public Affairs. Nawaz, S. (2008). Cross swords: Pakistan, it’s army, and the wars within. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Niaz, I. (2012). Pakistan’s briefcase warriors. Foreign Affairs. Snapshot. Retrieved from http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/137713/ilhan-niaz/pakistansbriefcase-warriors Petzschmann, P. (2011). Pakistan’s police between centralisation and devolution. Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Qureshi, T. A. (2005). Police corruption in Pakistan: Political, socio-economic and institutional perspective. Lahore: Flare Cares. Rashid, I. (2012). Untitled mimeo. Savage, S. (2007). Police reform: Forces for change. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Shah, A. (2014). The army and democracy: Military politics in Pakistan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Shaw, M. (2000). Crime and policing in transitions: Comparative perspectives. Johannesburg: South African Institute of International Affairs. Shigri, A. A. (2011). Legal status of the Police Order 2002: The need for a uniform police law for Pakistan. Mimeo. Shinwari, N. A. (2012). Understanding FATA 2011: Attitudes towards governance, religion and society in Pakistan’s federally administered tribal areas (Vol. V.). Islamabad: Community Appraisal and Motivation Programme. STATT. (2102). Results from community focus groups in Punjab and Sindh and a review of promising international practice. Unpublished report for UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Islamabad. STATT. (2013). Community perceptions of policing in Pakistan: Punjab and Sindh— Results of a district level survey. Unpublished report for UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Islamabad. Suddle, M. S. (n.d.). Reforming Pakistan’s police: An overview. Mimeo. United Nations (UN). (2009). Report of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry in the facts and circumstances of the assassination of former Pakistani Prime Minister Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto (UN S/2009/67). New York. UNODC. (2011). Crime trends in Pakistan reported by the police 2000–2010. Islamabad: UNODC Country Office Pakistan. UNODC. (2012). Policing in Pakistan: An overview of institutions debates and challenges. Islamabad: UNODC Country Office Pakistan.


Past and Contemporary Changes in Policing

III


Assessing the Current Status of Women in Policing The Presence of the Past

9

VENESSA GARCIA Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 171 Women’s Entry into Policing............................................................................. 172 The Presence of the Past .....................................................................................174 Methodology ........................................................................................................176 Participants ..................................................................................................... 177 Resistance to Women in Policing ..................................................................... 178 Changing Face of Resistance? ........................................................................... 180 Racial Diversity Within the Police Organization ........................................... 182 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 183 The Presence of the Past................................................................................ 183 Intersectionality of Doing Gender and Race ............................................. 184 References ............................................................................................................ 186

Introduction Much of the research examines women police officers as different within the field of law enforcement (Bell, 1982; Haarr, 1997; Hamilton, 1924; Martin & Jurik, 2007; Miller, 1999; Schulz, 1995; Schuck, 2014; Woollacott, 1998). Research also stresses that difference, which is defined as a positive function, tends to work to keep women in a stigmatized place that stresses the status of “other” (Garcia, 2003). This “other” status is compared to the norm, the male norm. Examining the literature of the women’s movement into policing reveals the changing roles of women and their current status within the police organization. For example, research shows that community policing, juvenile justice, and domestic violence functions are defined as women’s work or, at least, as less than masculine work (Balkin, 1988; Garcia, 2008; Grennan, 2000; Heidensohn, 1992; Miller, 1999; Williams, 1998). Following these empirical examinations of the stigmatization of “nontraditional” policing activities, this research goes further by examining the current status of women and functions associated with femininity. Are women in policing 171


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still stigmatized within police culture? In one study, the research found that officers who were engaging in “women’s work” often did not feel that their status as “real” officers was challenged; however, the stigma that was attached to the work may not have been attached to the officer (Garcia, 2008). If this is the case, the question comes back to the rejection of the individual. The abovementioned research gives rise to the current research. If we are to continue to claim that women are vastly rejected within the field of policing, we must revisit the initial question from time to time. Examining experiences of female criminal justice professionals over a 2-year period, this chapter explores the level of acceptance within this male-dominated profession. First, a background in the literature of women’s inroads into the police organization is detailed. The chapter then moves to a discussion of the rejection experienced by women police. Finally, these experiences are examined by time in the field and race. Two research questions are explored: Are women accepted as “real” officers within the police organization today? And has there been a change in the outlook of women employed in a “man’s world?” While these questions have great potential for hypothesis testing and policy implementation, due to a lack of current research, this chapter is an exploration of the current status of women in policing.

Women’s Entry into Policing Women’s initial entry into policing reflected the gender roles valued by society at the time. The first woman hired in policing (1905, Portland, Oregon) was not a police officer but did have arrest powers (Barlow & Barlow, 2000). In 1910, the first sworn policewoman was hired to join the Los Angeles Police Department. While safety worker Lola Baldwin (1905) and policewoman Alice S. Wells (1910) did not hold the same rank, they did hold the same status. Neither woman was defined as a “real” police officer, that is, individuals with full police powers and masculine abilities. Furthermore, they, as well as many of the women who immediately followed these initial hires, did not desire to hold the same role as men. For women of the early twentieth century, their roles were characterized by nurturance, guidance, and motherhood (Woollacott, 1998). Women were viewed as beings of a higher morality and who should not get their hands dirty with the dregs of society. Instead, as mother figures, they served the police department doing what women do best, that is, taking care of and protecting children and other women, even from themselves. By stressing their inherent differences and their selfproclaimed higher morality, women were “doing gender” (Martin & Jurik, 2007). This activity of doing gender is what allowed women initial access to the police force. However, this same activity is what has kept women police officers stigmatized (Garcia, 2003).


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As has been documented in numerous studies, women were not believed to want or to be able to handle the job of a “real” police officer, the job of a man (Barlow & Barlow, 2000; Bell, 1982; Hamilton, 1924; Heidensohn, 1992; Miller, 1999; Schulz, 1995; Silvestri, 2003). As a quasi-military, maledominated profession, policing has been documented to be characterized by various masculine qualities (Herbert, 2001). A good police officer is one who is held to a male standard; one who is highly rational, aggressive, brave, and objective; and one who has the ability to be brutal if the situation calls for it (Charles, 1981; Garcia, 2003; Herbert, 2001; Miller, 1999). It thus stands to reason—using this type of rationale—that since men are “inherently” masculine and women are “inherently” feminine, then women are “inherently” incompetent to perform the role of a good police officer. Has this extreme outlook on women in policing remained over time? The stages of women’s movement into the police organization have been outlined in various studies (Heidensohn, 1992; Martin, 1980; Schulz, 1995). In the first stage, known as the moral reform movement (1840–1910/1915), women played the role of the moral guide whose charges were female victims and inmates, prostitutes, juvenile delinquents, and the homeless. In the second stage (1910/1915–1930), women became specialists whose primary role was to protect women and children and in doing so were further isolated from the police organization with the establishment of women’s precincts or annexes. The third stage was the latent stage (1930–1945) in which women’s inroads slowed due to the Great Depression (Schulz, 1995). However, owing to the slow inroads that lasted into the 1970s, Martin (1980) identified the latent stage as lasting from 1930 to 1970; whereas Schultz identified 1945–1970 as a stage of informal expansion. In either case, the final stage (1972–present) can be identified as an era of gradual expansion. The specialist role was eliminated and replaced with one of full integration as women police (Barlow & Barlow, 2000). Woollacott (1998) explored the changes in White, middle-class female professional authority during World War I. She argues that nineteenthcentury women joined the public sphere under the justification that women have a higher moral authority. However, in the twentieth century, especially in policing and industrial welfare, women were motivated to prove their usefulness by some measurable outcome in order to gain professional authority. While women of the twentieth century needed to prove that they could do the job, they were also reluctant to give up feminine notions and so their activities involved proving their “special fit” rather than their professional fit (Woollacott, 1998, p. 101). Recent research revealed that women of color were most likely to emphasize gender differences within the policing profession (Morash & Haarr, 2012), although these findings are not generalizable. This chapter adds to Woollacott’s thesis in recognizing that as time passed, women in these male-dominated law enforcement positions shifted their


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measurement of usefulness and competence from usefulness as women to usefulness as police officers. While there is still some focus on women’s special fit to the profession (National Center for Women and Policing, 2002; Schuck, 2014), there is also emphasis on women’s ability to do the job as well as men and to prove this through individualism (Morash & Haarr, 2012), professionalism, and toughness, rather than on the special qualities of women. This expectation to be treated equal with the same authorities and capabilities as men still encounters a level of rejection. While early-twentiethcentury female pioneers experienced resistance as a result of moving out of the private sphere and into the public, paid sphere, late-twentieth- and earlytwenty-first-century women encountered rejection as a result of expecting the same treatment, authority, and confidence as men (Belknap, 2007; Martin & Jurik, 2007).

The Presence of the Past Women’s current position within the police organization is one of a sworn police officer. Yet, there is still a need to examine whether women are fully accepted within the police organization or if they are still “valued” as different. As many social scientists have argued, within our patriarchal culture, we interact within gendered institutions in which symbols, practices, and distributions of power are based in gender and that the male is the standard by which we measure success (Acker, 1992; Belknap, 2007). We can continue to examine the history of women’s movements into the criminal justice field; however, this can be criticized as reminiscent. We must examine the current status of women in policing and ask—does the past exist in the present; in other words, has anything changed? Looking to more recent examinations of women’s status in policing, we find that while there has been progress, much still needs to be done, “Just as the police role remains intact and unchallenged, the culture, climate, and value of police leadership remain untouched with a steadfast and unchanging perception of women as unsuitable leaders in policing” (Silvestri, 2003, p. 172). In the last comprehensive examination, the National Center for Women and Policing (2002) found that women made up 12.7% of sworn officers in large police departments in 2001, with only 7.3% of this figure holding top command positions. This overall representation is a decline from 13% in 2000 and 14.3% in 1999. Furthermore, women of color represented only 4.8% of this figure. While we see that the numbers do not speak much of acceptance, we must also look to experience. Many of the barriers women have historically fought to break down in the attempt to enter policing have included discriminatory hiring practices, double standards, stereotypes of incompetence,


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discriminatory job assignments, isolation, and sexual harassment (Belknap, 2007). In a study conducted by the International Association of Chiefs of Police (1998), it was found that women are still unduly represented in policing. Among the conclusions, women officers were found to have experienced rejection and sexual harassment from male officers. On an organizational level, there was a need for strategies to recruit more women, to eliminate the “glass ceiling” that forces women to face discriminatory promotional practices, and to develop mentoring programs for women officers. However, prior to examining women’s experiences within the organization, Jordan, Fridell, Faggiani, and Kubu (2009) found that one in five of the police departments studied nationally placed recruitment efforts toward hiring women. Various researchers have examined the experiences of female officers. Haarr (1997) found that women and racial minorities encountered sexist and racist attitudes as well as discrimination and harassment within the police culture. Dick and Jankowicz (2001) found that while the sex of the officer is not a direct influence on the officer’s performance value judgments, gender identity constructs were. In other words, being male or female was not the determining factor; instead, socially constructed perceptions of male identity and female identity were much more important. In examining police–public interactions, Lanier (1996) found that many female officers experienced sex discrimination from the public. He also found that many younger women officers, which he called “opportunists,” were unaware of or did not care about the struggles faced by earlier women in the field, which he called “pioneers.” Lanier (1996) found that the opportunists engaged in selfpromotion even in the face of male opposition and “the occasional genderbased prejudice” (p. 7). Examining more current research, Schuck (2014) revisits women’s special contributions to policing. Schuck makes a comparison between emotional labor and hypermasculinity within policing. The research brings back women’s contribution to policing as emotional laborers, which can work to increase victim assistance and decrease complaints against police. Schuck’s study revealed that women were more likely to feel better suited for emotional work such as empathy and compassion; men self-rated higher in reading emotions, listening, and remaining calm. Schuck concluded that while emotional work is needed within successful policing, it is still devalued, and police organizations have a need to conform to traditional police bureaucracy. With the inroads that women have made in the workforce, however, research still reveals strong police preference to partner with male officers (Carlan, Nored, & Downey, 2011). Carlan et al. found that while both male and female officers show greater preference for male partners, females show an even greater preference for male partners than do males. Among the researchers’ speculations for these findings is that women may have internalized the very stereotypes that they are struggling to overcome.


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Methodology Data reported in this chapter were part of a larger study that assessed the experiences of women professionals in the field of criminal justice. One hundred women in policing, prosecution investigations, law (including criminal lawyers and criminal judges), corrections (adult and juvenile), probation, and parole were interviewed during a 2-year period from January 2003 to December 2004 in order to understand the process of acceptance and the level of rejection within these male-dominated professions. This chapter examines the structured interviews of 68 women in policing (n = 62) and prosecution investigations (detectives, n = 6). The sample was a convenient snowball sample of these professionals within municipal police departments and prosecutorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s offices within the New York/New Jersey/Pennsylvania tristate area. Sizes of the agencies varied from rural to urban, with the agencies employing from one female officer to as many as 20. Participants were asked a series of questions examining factors that pulled them to their current professions, their experiences at the police academy, and interactions with coworkers, supervisors, and the general public. This chapter sought to understand the experiences of these women professionals, specifically whether or not there were feelings of rejection within their respective organizations and how the women interpreted these experiences. The chapter was designed to be qualitative in order to understand the process of gaining acceptance within a male-dominated profession. However, in coding the data, a quick response dataset was created in order to locate various themes within these womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s experiences (Berg, 2001). A content analysis of the various themes found within the interviews was conducted. Using the sociological themes identified in the literature and then uncovering in vivo codes (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996), various themes, or categories were coded: resistance from coworkers, resistance at the academy, resistance from the public, rejection as competent, pressure to engage in gendered work (such as babysitting children, responding to domestic violence, working with juvenile offenders and victims, and working with female victims), sexual harassment by coworkers, organizational discrimination, toughness, old boyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s network, proving oneself capable, and inequality. All of these themes were identified within the context of being a woman and a police officer. They were converted into dichotomous variables, entered into SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) and analyzed for their frequency of occurrence. It must be emphasized that the analysis presented here is part of the coding process and is used simply to describe patterns of acceptance or rejection. This, coupled with the fact that the sample was a convenient sample, does not lend itself to significance testing at this time.


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Participants In describing the racial makeup of the participants, Table 9.1 indicates that slightly more than half the participants were White (56.9%), while slightly more than a quarter were Black (27.7%), and the remaining women (15.4%) were Hispanic. Three of the participants did not want to identify their race, one woman identifying herself as part of the “human race.” Forty-two percent of the women were single, some hoped to be married soon, two were engaged to be married, and others never found the time for marriage. Thirtynine percent of the women were married, 15% were divorced, and one woman was widowed. One officer cohabited with her life partner while raising her partner’s niece. I examined whether or not the women had children in an attempt to try to understand self-identifying nurturance in the women as it relates to pressures to engage in gendered work. Approximately 58% of the women had children; most were their biological children. However, several were raising stepchildren. This category elicited some interesting comments Table 9.1

Participant Demographics Mean

Race White Black Hispanic Marital status Single Married Divorced Widowed Life partner Children No Yes Education High school Some college Associate’s degree Bachelor’s degree Master’s degree Law school Age Range (years) Years on the job Range (years)

N

%

37 18 10

56.9 27.7 15.4

28 26 10 1 1

42.4 39.4 15.2 1.5 15.0

28 38

42.4 57.6

5 19 12 23 6 1 34.89 25–55 8.91 1–30

7.6 28.8 18.2 34.8 9.1 1.5


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as one woman claimed that while she did not have children, she had a motherly instinct that men do not have. Examining the level of education, Table 9.1 shows that many of the women had completed a bachelor’s degree (34.8%), usually in criminal justice; however, many women did not complete college (28.8%). For many of these women, the job dominated their lives and after completing an acceptable number of college credits, usually 60, they opted to focus their full attention on their careers. The average age of the women was 35, with a range of 20–55 years. The average number of years on the job was 9, with a range of 1–30 years on the job.

Resistance to Women in Policing Table 9.2 presents women’s experience with male coworker, organizational, and public resistance. It also describes themes of response and feelings to this resistance. The women experienced the most resistance from the public (72.1%). Many women felt that men tended to give them the most resistance because they feel threatened by the authority of a woman. However, another common subtheme within public resistance was the participants’ descriptions of resistance from other women in the community. Many of the participants reported that women in the community were more likely to reject their authority and that the outcome tended to end with the female officer being tough and setting down the rules. There were several women who reported that women in the public are angered by the fact that they cannot make sexual advances to the female officers in order to escape charges. One woman recalled an incident where the female offender propositioned Table 9.2 Perceptions of Resistance by Male Coworkers and the Public Resistance from male coworkers Resistance at the academy Resistance from the public Rejected as incompetent Pressured to engage in gendered work Sexual harassment by coworkers Treated as an equal Organizational discrimination Toughness Old boy’s network Prove oneself

N

%

46 19 49 46 42 16 35 22 33 30 37

67.6 28.8 72.1 67.6 61.8 24.2 51.5 32.4 48.5 44.1 54.4


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her believing she was homosexual. Finally, a third subtheme found within the theme of public resistance was cultural rejection of women in authority positions. Several of the participants described interactions within ethnic communities, such as Jewish or Hispanic communities. They described that the rejection came from the cultural norms of these groups that devalued women in positions of authority. The women in the study also reported resistance from male coworkers (67.6%). This was also reflected in their reporting that their male coworkers did not believe they could do the job because they were women (67.6%), although four of the women (18%) described resistance by coworkers but acceptance as competent. Four women (8%) described receiving no coworker resistance but receiving treatment as not being capable of doing the job. Keep in mind that this view of incompetence is based on the notion that women are inherently incapable of doing a man’s job. The women reported resistance as subtle as not being sent on calls involving fights to as extreme as being told, usually by older male coworkers, that women do not belong in policing. This resistance tended to come as a surprise to many because they reported being treated as an equal at the police academy. However, 29% of the women reported being treated unfairly, held to a double standard, or being harassed at the police academy as a result of being a woman in a “man’s world.” It was described that men were broken down and built up again into real police officers, while women were broken down until they quit. In exploring the day-to-day activities, most of the women discussed being pressured or made to engage in gendered work (62%) such as babysitting children at a crime scene, responding to domestic violence calls or joining a domestic violence response team, interviewing female rape victims, working solely with juveniles or sex crimes, and engaging in community policing. Many of the women reasoned that it was perfectly logical that a woman would interview a female rape victim because the victims are more comfortable talking to another woman than to a man. Many of the participants reasoned that women are better at dealing with children. In addition to working with children, several women described that women are more “compassionate” and “nurturing” and so it made them better qualified to perform a lot of the duties that men cannot perform. At the same time, 49% of the women reported a level of toughness that made them perfect for the job. A common synonym in the theme of toughness that was used by many of the women was the claim to have “thick skin.” Many of the women claimed to be tough enough to handle the academy or a struggling suspect. Additionally, the claim of being thick skinned enough to handle the job was also extended to being able to handle the hostility they received from their male coworkers. The discussion of sexual harassment often came up in discussing the level of toughness described by the women in the study. Twenty-four percent of the women reported being a victim of sexual harassment. These offenses


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came in various forms, including slapping a woman’s butt, a male officer showing a naked picture of himself, and one male officer walking around the unisex locker room naked with an invitation for the female officer to join him and then telling her to quit if she did not like it. Ironically, many of these women with “thick skin” did not report the sexual harassment. Many claimed that they just “deal with it” or “ignore it.” One woman described her experience as sexual harassment but claimed that it did not bother her. Another woman did not report the sexual harassment for fear of being further harassed by other male coworkers as a whistle-blower or being penalized during promotion. In all of this discussion of resistance from male coworkers, rejection by male coworkers as being incompetent, and resistance at the academy, many of the women felt that they had to continuously prove themselves competent as officers (54%). This was often perceived as hard to accomplish in the face of organizational discrimination (32%). Many women reported being in the position of patrol officer or entry-level detective within a prosecutor’s office for years without receiving a promotion. They gave examples of men having joined the organization years after them and then receiving promotions within a couple of years. Many women claimed that this discrimination was a result of the police organization still being an “ol’ boy’s club” (44%). For many of the women, however, the “ol’ boy’s club” was dying out as many of the older male officers were retiring. Still many women described the police organization and prosecutors’ offices as places where macho norms will never change.

Changing Face of Resistance? The main focus of this chapter is to determine if resistance of women in the male-dominated field of law enforcement has changed over time. In attempting to understand the process of change, the data were coded for time spent on the job with 1 = less than 10 years on the job and 2 = 10 or more years on the job. The focus on change within the last decade was somewhat arbitrary, though taken into consideration was the possible change in police culture due to the claimed implementation of community policing in the 1980s (see Garcia, 2008 for a discussion on the inaccurate assumptions of community policing). According to the literature, community policing was a paradigm shift from the traditional style of policing that focused on reactive crime fighting in a very masculinist way (Herbert, 2001) to a form of community policing that focused on communication and negotiated order (Williams, 1998; Wilson & Kelling, 1982). Community policing was described to have been implemented in the 1980s. However, with the reluctance of many police departments to jump on the bandwagon and with the time needed to allow


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for the change of implementation to occur, the true effects of community policing were not felt until the mid-1990s. Table 9.3 reveals the resistance experienced by the participants according to time in the field. Though we saw earlier that most women tended to experience more public resistance than male coworker or organizational resistance, when breaking down these experiences by time in the field, we see a change. When exploring resistance from male coworkers, we see that women who were in the field longer were more likely to experience greater resistance from male coworkers (78%) than from the public (63%). On the other hand, women who were on the job for less than 10 years were more likely to describe greater resistance from the public (78%) than from their male coworkers (61%). Resistance at the academy decreased from 35% to 25% over time and organizational discrimination decreased from 44% to 24%. Women who were on the job for less than 10 years were also less likely to describe male rejection of their competence (63%) than women who were on the job for 10 years or more (74%). While this rejection has decreased, it still represents well more than half the women in each category. Sexual harassment by male coworkers was low. However, we see a slight increase in this event for women who have joined the field within the last 10 years (25% from 23%). This pattern obviously needs further investigation as women in the field longer described more resistance from within than without. Table 9.3 Perceptions of Resistance by Male Coworkers and the Public by Time in the Field (Percentages) Years on the Job Resistance from male coworkers Resistance at the academy Resistance from the public Rejected as incompetent Pressured to engage in gendered work Sexual harassment by coworkers Treated as an equal Organizational discrimination Toughness Old boyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s network Prove oneself

Less Than 10 Years

10 or More Years

N

61.0

77.8

46

25.0

34.6

26

78.0 63.4 65.9

63.0 74.1 55.6

49 46 42

25.0

23.1

16

53.7 24.4

48.1 44.4

35 22

51.2 39.0 51.2

44.4 51.9 59.3

33 30 37


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On a more positive note, more than half the women new to the profession felt they were being treated as equals to their male counterparts, 54% as compared to 48% of the women who were in the field for over 10 years. This experience coincides with the decreased perception that the police organization remains an old boyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s network (39% for the newer professionals and 52% for the more seasoned professionals). However, it also coincides with increased perceptions of toughness. Women joining the profession within the last decade were more likely to describe themselves as tough or thick skinned than were women who have been in the field longer. However, they were decreasingly likely to feel that they had to prove themselves competent as women in a male-dominated profession (51% from 59%). Does this start to provide answers to the question of change? Looking at responses to pressure to engage in gendered duties, the data show that this pressure has increased over time. Resistance from within has decreased while pressure to do gender has increased from 56% to 66%.

Racial Diversity Within the Police Organization In beginning the analysis on racialized resistance of women, a comparison of the three more popular racial/ethnic groups in this study was done (Table 9.4). Comparing the women, it was found that Black women were more likely to describe male coworker resistance (83%), while Hispanic women were more likely to describe public resistance (80%). However, White women were more likely to report experiences of resistance at the academy (33%) than were Black women (24%) and Hispanic women (30%). Examining experiences of rejection as incompetent, all of the Hispanic women reported experiences within this theme followed by Black women (67%) and then White women (65%). Sexual harassment was experienced more by Hispanic women (33%) than by Black women (28%) and White women (22%), possibly evidence of greater racial discrimination than sex discrimination. White women reported the most organizational discrimination (38%) and they were more likely to report being tough (60%) within an old boyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s network (51%). On the other hand, Hispanic women were more likely to describe having to prove themselves competent as women in the profession (80%) and least likely to experience organizational discrimination (20%). When exploring feelings of equality, White women were least likely to report being treated as an equal (46%), while Black women were most likely to report being treated as an equal (56%). Finally, White women were more likely to experience pressures to do gender (70%) than were Black (56%) and Hispanic women (60%).


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Table 9.4 Perceptions of Resistance by Male Coworkers and the Public by Race (Percentages) Race Resistance from male coworkers Resistance at the academy Resistance from the public Rejected as incompetent Pressured to engage in gendered work Sexual harassment by coworkers Treated as an equal Organizational discrimination Toughness Old boyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s network Prove oneself

White

Black

64.9 33.3 75.7 64.9 70.3 22.2 45.9 37.8 59.5 51.4 54.1

83.3 23.5 61.1 66.7 55.6 27.8 55.6 33.3 33.3 38.9 50.0

Hispanic

N

70.0 30.0 80.0 100.0 60.0 33.3 50.0 20.0 50.0 40.0 80.0

46 19 47 46 42 16 32 22 33 30 37

Conclusion The Presence of the Past This analysis is only an identification of the themes coded. However, we can begin to understand patterns to explore in the data and, therefore, it is important to bring this content analysis to light. The content analysis revealed that internal resistance still exists to a great extent. More than half the women described resistance from male coworkers, resistance from the public, rejection as incompetent as a woman in a male-dominated profession, pressure to engage in gendered activities, and to prove oneself competent as officers. As a result, slightly over half of the women expressed not being treated as an equal. Organizational discrimination was only experienced by one-third of the women interviewed. This can mean that the organizational structure of policing has moved forward in treating women as equals. However, these findings, taken as a whole, may demonstrate that the organization is not doing enough to require its male personnel to act in the same manner. Perhaps, while the formal policies point to equal treatment of women, the informal practices do not. The stress that almost half of these women placed on being tough enough to handle the dangers of the job and on having a thick-enough skin to handle the internal rejection points to the fact that problems with accepting women within the profession still exist. Looking at the experiences of women who have joined the field within the last decade as compared to women in the field for a longer period of time, we can see some improvement but also some digression. Over time, we see that male coworker, academy, and organizational resistance have decreased.


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As more and more women join the male-dominated profession, their presence becomes less of a novelty (as two women described it). Men become accustomed to working with women. Furthermore, as many of the women discussed, as the older males retire, younger more liberal men who are more likely to see women as equals make the job easier. This argument also coincides with the findings that the women joining the profession within the last decade were less likely to define the organization as an old boy’s network and were less likely (though not much) to feel that they had to prove themselves competent. As the findings reveal, more change is needed. In fact, according to the women interviewed, we find that there has been some digression. Public resistance, pressure to engage in gendered duties, and sexual harassment by male coworkers have increased. Perhaps this increase reflects a backlash to the change in women’s authority. Women professionals of the last decade are more likely to report being treated equal. As discussed earlier, women’s goals within the public sphere moved from gaining moral authority to gaining professional authority (Woollacott, 1998). However, we can argue that as time passed, women in the male-dominated law enforcement professions shifted their measurement of usefulness and competence from usefulness as women to usefulness as police officers. The increased resistance to women at various levels may point to the fact that society still rejects women’s right to professional authority. We also see this in the greater pressure for women to engage in gendered work. Women are encountering rejection as a result of expecting the same treatment, authority, and confidence as men. Intersectionality of Doing Gender and Race Thus far, conclusions have been made of women’s experiences in general. However, research has shown that not all women are equally oppressed. In fact, research has shown that gender, race, class, and age intersect to provide different patterns of treatment, “the various intersections between race, gender, and class oppression … affect how and when all women experience sexism” (Chigwada-Bailey, 1997, p. 25 as cited in Belknap, 2007, p. 25). White women were least likely to report male coworker resistance but more likely to report academy resistance, organizational discrimination, the existence of an old boy’s network, and toughness than were the two racial/ethnic minority groups examined in this chapter. Perhaps this points to the fact that White women expect greater acceptance due to their privileged status in society and so when they experienced resistance they are more likely to hold the organization responsible for not eradicating this problem. Minorities, on the other hand, have experienced discrimination throughout their lives, to varying degrees, and so they enter the profession expecting much more rejection


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than what they experience. When they do not receive the level of resistance that they expected, they may not define their overall experience as rejected. However, the chapter focused on gendered experiences and so perhaps many of the women who belonged to minority groups were more likely to experience racial discrimination than sex discrimination. Making some conclusions on the racialized structure of the police organization based on the interviews, we can explore sexual harassment, pressures to engage in gendered duties, and rejection as incompetent due to being a woman. Sexual harassment is a crime of power and control (Belknap, 2007). The greater occurrence of sexual harassment on Black and Hispanic women may point to a greater rejection of these women in the field. That White women experienced less sexual harassment within a profession dominated by White men can possibly reflect the racial discrimination within the profession. This is obviously a pattern that needs greater exploration; for instance, what were the races of the offenders? White women reported greater pressures to engage in gendered duties such as babysitting and working with children, responding to domestic violence calls, interviewing female rape victims, and engaging in community policing activities. Perhaps this finding points to stronger expectations for White women to be delicate and in need of protection from the dangers of the job. While White women were more likely to report being tough, it is possible that male coworkers saw minority women as tough, or more masculine and less feminine. Following this line of argument, White women were least likely to report being rejected as incompetent. Research has revealed that White is equated with purity and cleanliness (Doob, 2005), while Black women have been defined as Amazon and Hispanic as hot blooded (Belknap, 2007). White women are expected to do gender more often than non-White women and so when measuring competence, White women may be measured against a female standard, while Black and Hispanic women who were stepping out of gender and racial roles and being defined as more rugged and hence more masculine may be measured against a male standard. It may also be possible that minority women are more likely to hold themselves to a male standard and that is why they are more likely to report male coworker resistance and rejection as incompetent. In a male-dominated, masculinized profession, the idea of being tough enough to handle the violent offender and fight crime is at the core of police culture (Herbert, 2001). This toughness has transcended the field and is applied to relations with coworkers (thick skin) and self-identification as officers. The officer can handle anything that comes his way. When women take on this masculine role, stepping out of their gender roles, they must continuously prove that they are tough enough—even to deal with the hostility given by male coworkers. Additionally, in the continual process of “doing,” women must continually display toughness by having “thick skins”


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and being held to a higher standard to prove their competence. They are also held to a double standard as a form of punishment that is a direct result of “doing” their profession, which is not the equivalent of “doing gender” for women. As this chapter was a three-state convenient sample, suggestions for further research are warranted. First, a national study with a random sample must be conducted in order to generalize to the larger population. Second, direct questions regarding specific forms of harassment and resistance are required. The findings of this study are limited to the participants’ willingness to share, admit to, and recognize these experiences within the workforce. Finally, a larger representative sample will allow us to confirm the current status of women in policing as well as to test hypotheses using a sound theoretical framework. There is supposition that as a result of the events of the attacks on September 11, 2001, law enforcement has slowly but surely abandoned the community policing model that was more open to welcoming women into the police force. Furthermore, with the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, police agencies are increasing their use of veteran preference policies, thus increasing the hiring of males and masculinity to the organization. The stronger approach to traditional policing, it is argued, works to push women back into the periphery. Until these limitations are addressed, we continue to make claims of women’s status that may or may not reflect these changes.

References Acker, J. (1992). Gender institutions: From sex roles to gendered institutions. Contemporary Sociology, 21(5), 565–569. Balkin, J. (1988). Why policemen don’t like policewomen. Journal of Police Science and Administration, 16, 29–38. Barlow, D. E., & Barlow, M. H. (2000). Police in a multicultural society: An American story. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, Inc. Belknap, J. (2007). The invisible woman: Gender, crime, and justice (3rd ed.). Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth. Bell, D. J. (1982). Policewomen: Myths and realities. Journal of Police Science and Administration, 10, 112–120. Berg, B. L. (2001). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Carlan, P. E., Nored, L. S., & Downey, R. A. (2011). Officer preferences for male backup: The influence of gender and police partnering. Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology, 26, 4–10. Charles, M. T. (1981). The performance and socialization of female recruits in the Michigan State Police Training Academy. Journal of Police Science and Administration, 9, 209–223. Coffey, A., & Atkinson, P. (1996). Making sense of qualitative data: Complementary research strategies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications Inc.


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Dick, P., & Jankowicz, D. (2001). A social constructionist account of police culture and its influence on the representation and progression of female officers: A repertory grid analysis in a UK police force. Policing, 2, 181–199. Doob, C. B. (2005). Race, ethnicity, and the American urban mainstream. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Garcia, V. (2003). ‘Difference’ in the police department: Women, policing and ‘doing gender’. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 19(3), 330–344. Garcia, V. (2008). Constructing the “other” within police culture: Analysis of a deviant unit within a police organization. In A. Millie & D. K. Das (Eds.), Contemporary issues in law enforcement and policing (pp. 25–41). Westport, CT: CRC Press. Grennan, S. A. (2000). The past, present, and future of women in policing. In R. Muraskin (Ed.), It’s a crime: Women and justice (pp. 383–398). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Haarr, R. N. (1997). Patterns of interaction in a police patrol bureau: Race and gender barriers to integration. Justice Quarterly, 14, 53–85. Hamilton, M. (1924). The policewoman: Her service and ideals. New York, NY: A. Stokes. Heidensohn, F. (1992). Women in control? The role of women in law enforcement. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Herbert, S. (2001). ‘Hard charger’ or ‘station queen’? Policing and the masculinist state. Gender, Place and Culture, 8, 55–71. International Association of Chiefs of Police. (1998). The future of women in policing: Mandates for action. Fairfax, VA: IACP. Jordan, W. T., Fridell, L., Faggiani, D., & Kubu, B. (2009). Attracting females and racial/ethnic minorities to law enforcement. Journal of Criminal Justice, 37(4), 333–341. Lanier, M. (1996). An evolutionary typology of women police officers. Women & Criminal Justice, 8, 35–57. Martin, S. E. (1980). Breaking and entering: Policewomen on patrol. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Martin, S. E., & Jurik, N. C. (2007). Doing justice, doing gender: Women in legal and criminal justice occupations (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Miller, S. L. (1999). Gender and community policing: Walking the talk. Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press. Morash, M., & Haarr, R. (2012). Doing, redoing, and undoing gender: Variation in gender identities of women working as police officers. Feminist Criminology, 7(1), 3–23. National Center for Women and Policing. (2002). Equality denied: The status of women in policing, 2001. Retrieved March 10, 2005, from http://www.womenandpolicing.org/PDF/2002_Status_Report.pdf Schuck, A. M. (2014). Gender differences in policing: Testing hypotheses from performance and disruption perspectives. Feminist Criminology, 9(2), 160–185. Schulz, D. M. (1995). From social worker to crimefighter: Women in United States municipal policing. Westport, CT: Praeger. Silvestri, M. (2003). Women in charge: Policing, gender and leadership. Portland, OR: Willan Publishing.


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Williams, B. N. (1998). Citizen perspectives on community policing: A case study in Athens Georgia. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Wilson, J. Q., & Kelling, G. L. (1982). The police and neighborhood safety: Broken windows. Atlantic Monthly, 249, 29–38. Woollacott, A. (1998). From moral to professional authority: Secularism, social work, and middle-class women’s self-construction in World War I Britain. Journal of Women’s History, 10, 85–111.


Police Downsizing and Change Processes in Northern Ireland Retired Police Officers’ Views on the Implementation of the Patten Report on Policing

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PAUL KENNETH GILBERT, CHRISTOPHER ALAN LEWIS, AND CONOR MC GUCKIN Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 189 Background ......................................................................................................... 190 Policing .................................................................................................................191 Patten Report and Severance Information ...................................................... 193 Relevant Literature on Downsizing and Organizational Change in the Police ......................................................................................................... 197 Data Collection ................................................................................................... 198 Analysis and Findings ........................................................................................ 199 General Information Regarding Respondents ........................................... 199 Impressions of the Patten Report ................................................................ 201 Impact of Patten on the Officers Themselves and Their Families ........... 202 Support ............................................................................................................ 204 Discussion and Conclusion............................................................................... 206 References ............................................................................................................ 207

Introduction The present study examined the impact of the major reform to policing in Northern Ireland that came about following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) (NIO [Northern Ireland Office], 1998) on April 10, 1998. This agreement included a chapter on Policing and Justice 189


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that stated that â&#x20AC;&#x153;An independent commission will be established to make recommendations for the future policing arrangements in Northern Irelandâ&#x20AC;? (NIO, 1998, pp. 25â&#x20AC;&#x201C;26). Following a period of extensive consultation across Northern Ireland, the commission published its report titled A New Beginning: Policing in Northern Ireland on September 9, 1999 (ICP, 1999). This report contained a total of 175 recommendations concerning policing in Northern Ireland, resulting in radical reforms to the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). A study involving 232 retired police officers regarding the impact these reforms had on them and their families was conducted to ascertain answers to the following questions: What did the officers think of the Patten Report, its recommendations, and implementation? What were the effects of this process on both the officers and their families? and finally what support was offered to the officers during the retirement process and what was their opinion of it? The results of the study are presented here. The chapter is structured as follows: It begins by providing a brief background to the research undertaken, before going on to describe the central role that policing has played in Northern Ireland since the partition of Ireland in 1922. It then discusses the Patten Report and the severance processes that were adopted by the police service. This is followed by a brief review of the literature concerning downsizing in police organizations before the research methodology, analysis, and findings are described. Finally, the conclusions drawn as a result of this research are presented.

Background The role of the police within Northern Ireland has been a matter of interest to police researchers, practitioners, policy makers, members of the public, and politicians with an interest in policing as an institution around the world. Therefore, the present findings should be of interest beyond the confines of Northern Ireland itself. Not only does this research provide information as to how retired police officers viewed the changes that took place as a consequence of the implementation of the Patten Report (ICP, 1999), it also explores the impact of this major reform on the officers themselves. Additionally, policing across the United Kingdom now has to be provided during an extended period of austerity, which in turn has led to constabularies having to reduce the number of officers as a consequence. While it is acknowledged that the numbers involved in such a process for other constabularies will not be as great as was seen in Northern Ireland, the plans are still for a reduction of the total numbers of officers throughout England and Wales, from 143,800 in March 2010 to 128,800 by 2015, a reduction of 15,000 officers in total (HMIC, 2012).


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It’s been over a decade since the implementation of the Patten Report, which has been described as “a root and branch review of policing, including the ‘police mandate’, police accountability and governance, police culture and policing styles” (Savage, 2007, p. 187). Since that time, some research has been conducted regarding how the various factions affected by the peace process in Northern Ireland adjusted to the huge changes taking place during this period (e.g., Grounds & Jamieson, 2003; Jarman, 2004a, 2004b; Knox, 2002; MacGinty, Muldoon, & Ferguson, 2007; McEvoy, Shirlow, & McElrath, 2004; McGarry, 2001). However, little research has been conducted on the impact the Patten Report reform process had on the officers involved.

Policing Policing in Northern Ireland has always been a contentious issue, and therefore the history of policing in Northern Ireland is one that is important in order to set the scene for this chapter. This is because policing is inextricably linked to the inherent tensions that exist within the state itself. It is therefore necessary to outline the central position policing holds in Northern Ireland and how the role of the police was viewed in completely different ways by the two main religious communities in Northern Ireland. It is important to note that the police in Northern Ireland have, unlike their compatriots in the rest of the United Kingdom, always had a dual role, of providing a law enforcement police service, while at the same time protecting Northern Ireland from the activities of Irish republican terrorists who seek a reunification of Ireland. Northern Ireland is unique in that it is the only part of the United Kingdom that has a land border with another country, namely, the Republic of Ireland. The contested nature of this land border has led to the role of the police service being very different from other areas of the United Kingdom. In any “divided society,” especially where the actual authority of the state itself is questioned, the notion of the legitimacy of the police comes to dominate the social and political landscape (Mulcahy, 2006). From the outset, the new state of Northern Ireland was a deeply divided society. The majority of the population was Protestant and as such viewed the Northern Ireland state as legitimate; however, there was a sizeable Catholic minority, a significant number of whom questioned the whole legitimacy of the Northern Ireland state, claiming it was artificially concocted to placate unionists (Mulcahy, 2006). In 1922, the initial size of the RUC was to be 3,000 officers, comprised of two-thirds Protestant and one-third Catholic, to reflect the religious breakdown of the population of Northern Ireland at that time. Of the 1,330 members of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) who transferred into the RUC, 434 (32%) were Catholic, the remainder (68%) were Protestant (Doherty,


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2004). Owing to feelings of abandonment by Northern Catholics and their distrust of the new Protestant government, few Catholics joined the fledgling police force. In fact, the percentage of Catholics in the organization fell steadily until by 1969, it was standing at around 11% (Mulcahy, 2006), and by 1998, the religious makeup of the RUC was 88.1% (10,038 officers) Protestant, 8% (906 officers) Catholic, and 3.9% (448 officers) described as “other.” At this time more than 40% of the population in Northern Ireland was Catholic (ICP, 1999, p. 82), so clearly the RUC was not, in terms of the religious make up of its members, reflecting Northern Irish society. This together with the general lack of trust toward, and engagement with, the police by most of the Catholic community had an impact on the principle of “policing by consent,” which is the basis of policing in a democratic society. Since its creation in 1922, as well as dealing with ordinary policing matters, the RUC had to contend with sporadic violence predominantly from republican terrorist groups who were fighting for a united Ireland. From the late 1960s until the GFA of April 10, 1998, there was a period of sustained civil conflict in Northern Ireland, known as “The Troubles.” During this period, the goal of the Protestant majority was to remain part of the United Kingdom, whereas the nationalist/republican (almost exclusively Catholic) minority aimed to become part of the Republic of Ireland. During this period of The Troubles, over 3,600 people were killed (including over 300 police officers) and over 50,000 people were injured. The RUC played a central role as a key component in either maintaining and defending the status of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom, or being part of the oppressive state machinery keeping Ireland from being united, depending on whether unionist or nationalist was being asked. However, one of the key consequences of the peace process that culminated in the GFA when all sides in the conflict agreed that it had to end was the fact that there had to be reform of the police service to make it more representative of the community it served. Therefore, policing in Northern Ireland presents a unique situation in the United Kingdom and consequently the widespread changes to the police service that resulted from the implementation of the Patten Report have consequences far beyond the police organization itself. However, although research has been conducted on the police in Northern Ireland (e.g., Brunger, 2011; Ellison, 2000, 2007; Ellison & Mulcahy, 2001; Ellison & Smyth, 2000; Mulcahy, 1999, 2006; Murphy, 2008), no large-scale work has been conducted on how the police officers themselves adjusted to the changes that followed the implementation of the Patten Report. The police service has been classified as one of the “dark corners of society which tend to be closed and circumspect towards intruders” (Lee, 1994, p. 2). A significant characteristic of conducting research regarding police services in general, and one that is particularly relevant in Northern Ireland, is that they can be classified as “sensitive research environments,” meaning


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that they represent particular challenges regarding culture, access, and ethics to the researcher (Fox & Lundman, 1994; Holdaway, 1983). Indeed, the sensitivity issue is often seen as being an “ethics”-only issue and often fails to be dealt with in an effective manner as a consequence. This point was highlighted by Brewer (1993) when he commented on conducting research in sensitive locations. He pointed out that textbooks on research methods seldom mention the problems that have to be faced when undertaking research in sensitive locations; if it is considered at all, it is usually seen as an “ethical” problem. As he has conducted research on the police in Northern Ireland at the height of The Troubles, these comments are particularly relevant for this chapter; indeed, he links the sensitive nature of research into policing within Northern Ireland, the public’s curiosity about the organization, closely with the context in which it operates: The interest that the RUC has as a police force derives entirely from the political and social context in which it operates. The RUC has been forced to adopt a high political profile in its attempts to contain Northern Ireland’s social and political divisions, resulting in controversial but also professional expertise in security policing … but this context is both a spur and a hindrance to the researcher. Policing in NI is an emotive topic in a sensitive environment, but this sensitivity has implications for the research, especially its design and locations, and the validity and reliability of its results. (Brewer cited in Murphy, 2008, p. 62)

This makes research in this environment a combination of “pragmatic compromises and political decisions on behalf of the researcher” (Murphy, 2008, p. 62). Additionally, Brewer (1993) stressed that because of the interest in policing in Northern Ireland, anyone conducting research in this area has to be aware that their findings will not just be examined in the academic domain but will also be subject to public scrutiny.

Patten Report and Severance Information The changes that resulted as a consequence of the Patten Report recommendations could be described as a root-and-branch change process. The name of the organization was changed from the RUC to the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). Recruitment policies were introduced to fundamentally alter the religious makeup of the organization to being more representative of Northern Irish society as a whole. Changes were made to the uniform, emblems, and badges of the organization itself and, significantly, the size of the organization was dramatically reduced to reflect the reduced level of violence (being experienced) in Northern Ireland at that time. The reason for this downsizing was because, as a result of the security situation in Northern


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Ireland, the police service was significantly larger than would have been seen elsewhere in the United Kingdom. Indeed, a comparable area in the rest of the United Kingdom with a similar population would have a police service of roughly 4,300 officers and 1,700 support staff (ICP, 1999, p. 75). At the time of the Patten Report’s publication, the RUC had almost 13,000 officers. This was made up of 8,500 regular officers, 2,900 Full Time Reserve (FTR) Constables, and a Part Time Reserve of 1,300 officers (ICP, 1999). The Patten Report therefore stated: We recommend that, provided the peace process does not collapse and the security situation does not deteriorate significantly from the situation pertaining at present, the approximate size of the police service over the next ten years should be 7,500 full-time officers. (ICP, 1999, p. 77)

The severance process operated from 2001 to 2011 and during that time a total of 4,554 officers availed of the various severance packages and left the RUC/PSNI (PSNI, 2015). This figure does not include officers who retired naturally on reaching the retirement age, through medical discharge, or resignation. Indeed, the Deputy Chief Constable (DCC) of the PSNI stated that the total number of officers who left the police in Northern Ireland during the time of the Patten reforms was nearer to 7,900 officers (personal communication to principal author, 2012). During this period, large numbers of experienced police officers opted to leave the police service. Following the publication of the Patten Report, the police service quickly established contact with the NIO and the Police Authority for Northern Ireland (PANI) and set up a voluntary early retirement and severance scheme (VERSS). This scheme was to be managed by the voluntary severance support unit (VSSU). The negotiations between the police, NIO, and PANI were concluded by the summer of 2000 and the scheme commenced in January 2001. However, along with the voluntary severance aspect, one part of the police organization was to be disbanded completely in line with Patten Report Recommendation 103, namely, the FTR (ICP, 1999). Therefore, a compulsory severance scheme was subsequently established to deal with these officers; mirroring closely the voluntary scheme for the “regular officers” and a separate severance unit dealing only with FTR officers was established (PSNI, 2006). The caveat regarding the disbandment of the FTR was that this should only occur if the security situation was such that this could be achieved without a reduction in the efficiency of the police service. The Chief Constable, in conjunction with the Policing Board for Northern Ireland (PBNI), which replaced the PANI, recommended to the Secretary of State in October 2002 that the FTR contracts should be retained until at least March 31, 2005 (Orde, 2007). The actual establishment of the FTR was 3,202 officers in 1998,


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although only 2,862 officers were actually employed at that time. However, following the GFA (1998), it was decided that no further officers should be recruited to the FTR and the last recruits joined the FTR in September 1998. Consequently, numbers of FTR Constables had been falling since that date due to “natural wastage.” In September 2004, the total number of FTR Constables remaining in the organization was 1,487 (PSNI, 2004, p. 10). It was recommended that in light of the prevailing security situation, the remaining strength of the FTR should be reduced to 680 officers over the next 3 years with a further review taking place in September 2007. The 1,487 FTR officers were therefore offered the choice of either staying for the further 3 years until the next review or they could opt to leave prior to that date, taking advantage of the voluntary resettlement packages on offer at that time. At the review in September 2007, the Chief Constable decided that there was still a need to retain some members of the FTR and a total of 381 officers were retained until March 31, 2011 when the FTR would cease to exist and it was at this point that the compulsory severance scheme for FTR members was introduced (PSNI, 2006). The Chief Constable was given the responsibility for establishing the criteria for acceptance into the severance schemes; clearly, in order to achieve the reduction in the numbers of police officers brought about by the recommendations of the Patten Report, several thousand members of the RUC/ PSNI would have to be encouraged to leave the police service. According to the police themselves, the objectives of the schemes were to • Achieve a significant and measurable change, in the relatively short term, to the composition of the PSNI • Achieve a concomitant change to the culture and ethos of policing • Achieve a smaller overall policing complement in Northern Ireland The ancillary objectives of the scheme were • That the packages should meet the government’s declared intention of treating officers generously and with sympathy • That packages should represent the best value for money consistent with policy objectives • That the scheme should be implemented in a way that achieves value for money (PSNI, 2007, p. 3) In return for officers opting to take redundancy from the organization, there would be a package of financial benefits in place, which would operate on a sliding scale depending on an officer’s age at retirement. These included enhancements to an officer’s pension contributions, up to a maximum of 5 years, as long as this did not result in the officer’s pension exceeding the


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maximum available to someone with 30 years’ service, a cash lump sum equivalent to a maximum of 3 years’ salary, and for the FTR officers a paid retraining period of up to 9 months. The breakdown of the actual numbers of officers who left the organization directly as a consequence of the Patten reforms is presented in Table 10.1. As can be seen from Table 10.1, large numbers of officers opted to leave the police service, particularly in the first 3 years. This in turn created a problem as the first recruits to the police service under the 50/50 (religious: Protestant/Catholic) recruitment criteria recommended in the Patten Report did not actually complete their initial training until April 2002; by this time, over 1,000 officers had left the police service. In fact, the number of police officers fell so rapidly that the process was suspended in year 4 as it was felt that the police service would not be able to operate efficiently due to the falling numbers. This course of action was taken because it had been envisaged that by the end of year 3 of the severance process (March 2003), there would be 7,116 regular police officers in the PSNI; however, by October 2002, the actual number was 6,905 (PSNI, 2003). As a result of this shortfall, “Year four of the severance scheme … [was] … deferred to harmonize recruitment intakes and VSS exits” (PSNI, 2003, p. 25). The severance schemes ran every year and ended in 2011, by which time 4,554 officers had left the RUC/PSNI as a direct consequence of the severance schemes. This figure does not include any officers who reached the mandatory retirement age during the process or who left on medical retirement or other reasons. In conjunction with the financial packages, professional financial advisors were appointed to give advice to officers regarding the lump sum payments and tax liability together with investment advice. External career consultants were provided to assist officers leaving the police. It is interesting to note that nowhere in either of the severance scheme documents is any mention made of the possible psychological consequences of the changes brought to the police service by the implementation of the Patten Report. Also, nowhere in any of the severance Table 10.1 Number of Officers Who Left the Police Under the Patten Severance Programs Officers Regular officers who left under the severance scheme FTR officers who left under either severance scheme Total number of officers who left through the severance schemes

Dates

Total Number of Officers

01/01/2001 to 12/31/2011

3,033

01/01/2001 to 12/31/2011

1,521

01/01/2001 to 12/31/2011

4,554

Source: Adapted from PSNI. (2015). The Workforce Plan: Equality Impact Assessment. Belfast: PSNI.


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package documentation is there any acknowledgment of the fact that officers leaving the police service may experience psychological adjustment caused by the huge changes that occurred in policing in Northern Ireland following the Patten Report. This was, arguably, the most radical reorganization of a police service in modern times; yet no one approached the officers involved to seek their views on what the changes meant to them personally in terms of the effects on the organization, their sense of identity, and the impact on them and their families. In order to investigate this omission in the literature, the present study sought to begin this process and involved both quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Adopting such an approach would allow the previously unheard voices of these retired officers to be recorded and their thoughts and opinions regarding the Patten Report recommendation process be examined through the lens of empirical research.

Relevant Literature on Downsizing and Organizational Change in the Police The purpose of this section is to briefly cover how police organizations deal with change, especially downsizing, and review what other academic literature concerning police organizational change has found. In the process, a definition will be given for what in fact downsizing is, together with why it has become common practice in most large organizations, whether private or publicly owned. There have been few occasions when a police service has been radically reduced in numbers in contemporary societies. Perhaps the nearest comparison that can be found concerns the downsizing of armed forces that occurs immediately after a war or at the end of a period of sustained tension, and there has been some literature covering this subject (e.g., Brasher, 2000; Gargan, 1999; Toth, 2001). Concerning downsizing in the police, Hart (1996) analyzed how police organizations manage change and his research suggests that change management as a process is poorly explained within police circles. He defined a series of change management principles that he felt were key to the implementation of change within police systems; these were communication, management support, leadership, change targets, coercive and participatory change, and finally change teams (Hart, 1996). He went on to point out that the majority of research conducted on police organizational change has focused on how community policing strategies were introduced into the traditional police top-down militaristic environments (Hart, 1996). Murphy (2008) in her research specifically examined how the police in Northern Ireland dealt with the organizational changes that came about as a consequence of the changes following the peace process; however, her work concentrated


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on how these changes were dealt with within the police from a top-down perspective whereas this study examined this issue from the bottom-up by obtaining the view of the officers themselves. Interestingly, Murphy (2008) also points out that the change process was not confined or limited to the police service itself but rather that it was in turn tied in “complex, difficult and deeply contextual ways to what was happening in the rest of Northern Ireland” (Murphy, 2008, p. 25). Downsizing usually occurs within an organization when reductions in numbers of employees have to take place to facilitate improvements in efficiency and effectiveness. Budros (1999) provides a definition of downsizing, stating that it is “… an organization’s conscious use of permanent personnel reductions in an attempt to improve its efficiency and/or effectiveness” (p. 70). Previous studies regarding organizational downsizing have tended to be conducted on three different levels of analysis; “… a global or industry level, a micro or individual level, and an organizational or strategic level” (Richtner & Ahlstrom, 2006, p. 5). However, the micro or individual level concentrates on areas of empowerment, trust, and the stress caused by downsizing (Devine, Reay, Stainton, & Collins-Nakai, 2003; Huy, 1999, 2002; Liu & Perrewé, 2005; Mishra & Spreitzer, 1998; Mishra, Spreitzer, & Mishra, 1998; Mossholder, Settoon, Armenakis, & Harris, 2000; Spreitzer & Mishra, 2002). As can be seen, while there has been significant research in this area of organizational downsizing, few researchers have looked at downsizing within the police and it appears that little or no work has been conducted concerning how police officers view a process of organizational downsizing and the consequences this has for them.

Data Collection Data collection for the study was conducted between April 2010 and October 2010. The study deliberately aimed at obtaining the views of officers who left the police service during the period of the Patten reforms. In terms of sampling, the ideal situation would be that all of the retired officers in this sampling frame be approached for participation in this audit study. To this end, contact was made with the DCC of the PSNI late in 2009 to ascertain if it would be possible to use the resources of the PSNI Pensions Branch in order to contact these ex-officers. While the DCC stated that this would be possible, the head of the Pensions Branch reported that due to technical and logistical problems, this would not be possible. Consideration then had to be given to alternative methods to gain access to as many of these officers as possible. The most obvious next point of contact would normally have been the Police Federation for Northern Ireland (PFNI), a representative organization that acts as the trade union for the majority of police officers. However,


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one problem with this would be that the PFNI only represents officers from the rank of Constable to Chief Inspector; once an officer goes beyond Chief Inspector rank, other staff associations represent them. The Superintendents Association represents officers of Superintendent and Chief Superintendent rank and the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) represents officers of Assistant Chief Constable and above. In order to access all of the officers who left the police service, it was necessary to involve all three staff associations. However, while conducting research in this area, an alternative and equally useful route, the Northern Ireland Retired Police Officers Association (NIRPOA), was found. This group comprises of membership made up of retired police officers of all ranks, and between 1999 and 2009, it had seen its membership increase from 60 to 3,100 (NIRPOA, personal communication to author, March 2009). Therefore, a large proportion of the membership of the NIRPOA is made up of officers who left the police service in Northern Ireland during the period of the Patten reform; indeed, large numbers of them would have left as a direct consequence of the Patten Report. Contact was therefore made with the NIRPOA, who were very interested in the aims of the research and readily agreed that the study questionnaire and associated documentation could be disseminated to their membership via the organizationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s quarterly magazine. This study was designed to gather information about the respondents and their thoughts regarding the Patten Report and its implementation using the research questions mentioned earlier.

Analysis and Findings A total of 3,121 questionnaires were distributed (3,100 to NIRPOA members and 21 to personal contacts of the principal researcher, or other retired officers who expressed an interest in participating). The replies were then collated using SPSS software for the quantitative questions, and the qualitative answers were transferred from the questionnaires to enable them to be analyzed using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The research study has been divided into the following sections: General Information, Impressions of the Patten Report, Impact of the Patten Report on the Officers and Their Families, and Support, each of which are discussed below. General Information Regarding Respondents From the initial distribution of 3,121 questionnaires, 232 questionnaires were returned, representing a response rate of 7.45%. This is a relatively small response rate and as such the responses gained should be interpreted in this context. In terms of making this study representative of this group as


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a whole, it would be more advantageous to have a cohort that reflected the size of this group. However, as was mentioned previously, accessing such a large group of people presented significant problems for the researchers. The NIRPOA was the only group that had a membership from across the whole police organization, with the vast majority of these members joining during the period of the Patten severance programs, and significantly when they were approached, the NIRPOA were very keen to assist with the research. It was therefore something of a disappointment that despite 3,121 questionnaires being sent and reminders communicated to all NIRPOA members, only 232 were returned. However, the researchers do not feel that anyone else would achieve a better response rate given the difficulties with obtaining access, but must acknowledge that because of the numbers involved, the results obtained should not be seen as being representative of the group as a whole. Although the proportion of responses was small, it is worth noting the strengths of this research. There has to date been no large-scale research conducted in order to ascertain what the members of the police service actually felt concerning the Patten Report and its implementation. This research fills this gap in the academic literature. The respondents themselves came from across the ranks within the police service (with the exception of Deputy Chief Constable and Chief Constable) and from all areas of Northern Ireland. The respondents included officers with a wide range of policing experience from operational Constables up to and including Area and District Commanders and from all areas of policing, for example, Traffic Branch, Territorial Support Groups, Special Branch, as well as Section Officers with both urban and rural policing experience. Having such a widespread grouping thus allowed for a very broad spectrum of views and opinions to be recorded. Therefore, despite the small response size, the data obtained have added significantly to the understanding of how the officers themselves viewed the Patten Report process and the impact that it had on them and additionally has given them an opportunity to voice their opinions and thoughts. Of the 232 respondents, 93.1% (n = 216) were members of the NIRPOA and 6.9% (n = 16) were personal contacts of the researcher. Nearly 90% (89.7%, n = 208) of the returned questionnaires were from males and 7.8% (n = 18) were from females, with 2.6% (n = 6) of respondents not stating their gender. The breakdown of respondents by rank was as follows: Reserve Constable (full time), 15.9% (n = 37); Constable, 37.5% (n = 87); Sergeant, 19% (n = 44); Inspector, 12.5% (n = 29); Chief Inspector, 5.2% (n = 12); Superintendent, 5.2% (n = 12); Chief Superintendent, 3.9% (n = 9); and Assistant Chief Constable, 0.9% (n = 2). The mean length of service in the police was 27 years 4 months, with the mean age at which respondents left the police service being 50 years 9 months. Nearly three-quarters (74.6%, n = 173) of respondents left the police


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during the period of the Patten severance program, with 25.4% (n = 59) leaving before the program began, and 1.3% (n = 3) of respondents did not answer this question. Almost two-thirds (63.8%, n = 148) of respondents left the police service through the severance process with 32% (n = 74) stating that they did not, and 4.3% (n = 10) of respondents did not answer this question. Impressions of the Patten Report The respondents were asked, “Did you agree that the RUC was in need of reform before the Patten Report?” Just over half of respondents (53.4%, n = 124) replied “No”; however, over a third (39.2%, n = 91) selected “Yes” and 6% (n = 14) opting for “Don’t Know.” Respondents were then asked, “If you felt the RUC was in need of reform did the Patten Report satisfy these requirements?” Nearly half (47%, n = 109) of respondents selected “No” with 10.3% (n = 24) selecting “Yes” and 12.5% (n = 29) choosing “Don’t know” (one respondent [0.4%] gave a response that was not indicated on the questionnaire). However, perhaps because of shared variance with the previous question, 29.7% (n = 69) of respondents did not answer this question. The respondents were then asked, “Briefly tell me, what were your initial impressions of the Patten Report Recommendations?” Of the 232 respondents, the overwhelming majority 95.7% (n = 222) did take the opportunity to provide a qualitative response. A thematic analysis was conducted on these responses and the most common themes were: that the Patten Report was politically motivated or done for political expediency (Theme: Political reasons), and that a major concern was the change in the name of the RUC (Theme: Name change). However, another theme, although not as strong as the above, was that the report was viewed as something good, necessary, or positive (Theme: Positive). Examples of the responses reflecting these themes are shown below: Political reasons: I was of the belief that the Patten proposals were flawed and politically motivated and not necessarily an acceptable solution to the problem of N. Ireland (Respondent 61, Sergeant). Name change: The change of name caused me great sadness (Respondent 102, Superintendent). Positive: Good—change was needed but unlikely to be brought about by RUC (Respondent 186, Superintendent).


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Respondents were then asked to grade their initial impressions of the Patten Report recommendations using a Likert scale ranging from “1” being negative through neutral to “9” being positive. A total of 16 respondents chose not to answer this question. Just over half of respondents (53.3%, n = 115) gave negative responses (1–3), with nearly a third (31.1%, n = 67) selecting in the neutral range (4–6), and slightly less than a fifth (15.7%, n = 34) chose positive responses (7–9). Respondents were then asked what their impressions were now regarding the Patten Report recommendations several years after its implementation. The overwhelming majority 94.4% (n = 219) chose to provide a response. The responses to this question provide some useful insights into police views on the Patten process. For example, the respondents’ impressions had not changed with the passage of time; that the recommendations had ruined/ destroyed/betrayed/devastated or been a disaster for the police service; and that the loss of so many experienced officers was detrimental to the organization (Theme: Negative). For others, however, the process was seen as positive (Theme: Positive). Examples of the responses that reflect these two themes are shown below: Negative: A good force was destroyed yes there was some need for change if we were to adapt to a peace time role. They now have the police force they deserve (Respondent 100, Constable). Positive: V. Good did what it said on the tin (Respondent 32, Sergeant) (This means the Patten Report did exactly what it was established to do). Impact of Patten on the Officers Themselves and Their Families The next series of questions asked respondents about the impact of the Patten Report on both them and their families (e.g., “In general, over the years how much of an impact did the Patten Report and the severance process have on your health and well-being?”). While just over a third (34.9%, n = 81) indicated that the Patten reforms had no effect on them by selecting the “None” option, almost two-thirds (63.9%, n = 142) stated that the Patten reforms did have an effect on their health and well-being. Of these, over a quarter (27.2%, n = 63) indicated that their health was affected either “A lot” or “A great deal.” Finally, 3.9% (n = 9) of respondents chose not to answer the question or else gave a response that was not indicated on the questionnaire. The next question allowed the respondents an opportunity to expand on their answer by asking them: “Please explain in what ways.” While almost a third (30.6%, n = 71) did not provide a response, over two-thirds (69.4%,


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n = 161) did. A thematic analysis of the responses showed that the main themes that emerged were that the report and its implementation caused respondents to feel stressed or worried (Theme: Stress/depression); a sense of negative emotions like betrayal/disgust/frustration/anger over the whole process (Theme: Negative emotions). Interestingly, a strong theme was that the Patten reforms had a positive effect on some respondents (Theme: Positive). Examples of the responses that reflect these themes are shown below: Stress/depression: I became depressed. I had total commitment to the job as had my comrades. I felt undervalued and let down. I felt the RUC had been disgraced and this I could not come to terms with. The same thing happened to the Ulster Special Constabulary & Ulster Defence Regiment. All for appeasement (Respondent 4, Inspector). Negative emotions: Initial feelings to being thrown aside were of disgust the impact of being singled out (which is how it felt) as the sole reason for the sorrow and loss and grievous injury inflicted on the general public was soul destroying. The sickener [sic] of seeing terrorists walking out like heroes after the inhuman acts they carried out made me ask why is this happening? (Respondent 41, Sergeant). Positive: I was glad to leave the police service I am better off physically, mentally and financially (Respondent 69, Constable). Respondents were then asked, “Did the Patten reforms have an impact on your relationship with your family?” While the majority, almost two-thirds (65.9%, n = 153) replied “No” and a further 3.4% (n = 8) did not answer the question, nearly a third (30.6%, n = 71) answered “Yes.” Respondents were then asked the extent to which they felt this, with the responses ranging from “None—A great deal” as before. Just over two-thirds (68.2%, n = 158) either did not answer or chose “None”; however, nearly a third (31.8%, n = 74) stated that it did have an effect on their relationship with their family with 13.9% (n = 33) indicating this impact was either “A lot” or “A great deal.” Respondents were then given an opportunity in the next question to explain how and why it affected their families, with nearly two-thirds (62.1%, n = 144) choosing not to answer this question, but just over a third (37.9%, n = 88) did provide a response. The main themes found were that the negative emotions brought about by the change process affected the family, which in some cases actually led to the breakdown of the family unit (Theme: Negative), or that the process actually produced a positive effect on family life (Theme: Positive). Examples that support these themes are shown below:


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Negative: I felt that I could not confide in my wife the frustration and betrayal brought about by the Patten Report (Respondent 35, Sergeant). I came home one day after the 1st ceasefire and found that my two elder children had turned into young adults and I had not been around for their childhood. They were almost strangers to me. I’ve regretted it a lot and feel I am always trying to make up for it too all the family wife + children (Respondent 153, Constable). Positive: By leaving on the severance scheme it released me from the stress and improved both my health and gave time for family relationships. I made a decision to walk away from the police and policing and made a new career in civilian life and this I have done (Respondent 191, Chief Inspector). Support Respondents were then asked a series of questions about the support they received during and after the severance process. The first question asked, “Did you feel supported by the police service during your retirement process?” Less than half of the respondents, 44.8% (n = 104), replied “No,” while just over half, 51.7% (n = 120), replied “Yes.” Two respondents (0.9%) chose not to answer the question, and one respondent (0.4%) selected both “Yes” and “No” and 2.2% (n = 5) gave an additional response not indicated on the questionnaire. The respondents were then asked, “If yes, how much support did you feel you were provided by the police service during your retirement process?” Once again the options open to them were “None—A great deal.” A total of 12.5% (n = 29) selected “None,” 12.5% (n = 29) choosing “A little” and 23.3% (n = 54) opted for “Some.” However, almost a quarter (23.2%, n = 54) stated the support they received was either “A lot” or “A great deal.” Perhaps because of the answer provided to the previous question, 28.4% (n = 66) chose not to provide a response. Respondents were then given an opportunity to expand on their answer to this question. While nearly a third, 31.9% (n = 74), chose not to do so, just over two-thirds (68.1%, n = 158) did and their answers were subjected to thematic analysis and the following themes emerged: A significant number of respondents felt the work of Penna (a human resources company employed by the police to provide support to retiring police officers regarding financial and career planning) and the Police Rehabilitation and Retraining Trust (PRRT) (who are a nonprofit-making body, fully funded by the Department of Justice to provide career advice and retraining to retiring officers) was very beneficial. Similarly, the road shows (these were events that were organized at


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venues across Northern Ireland to explain how the severance process would work) and preretirement seminars and financial advice received favorable comments (Theme: Positive). However, a large number had very negative comments regarding the support offered during their retirement process (Theme: Negative). Examples of the responses that reflect these themes are shown below: Positive: I found the staff at Penna very helpful in assisting with continuing academic development, which has translated into great job opportunities after leaving the PSNI. Like you I’m studying for post graduate qualifications and hope to undertake a PhD in September 2010 (Respondent 11, Sergeant). Negative: I feel strongly that I was left to find my own way. Counselling by Penna provided some guidance to an alternative career outside the police service (Respondent 42, Sergeant). Then respondents were asked, “Have you availed of any of the ongoing support services offered by the organization?” Half of the respondents (50%, n = 116) reported that they had not availed of these services, and a similar number (49.6%, n = 115) indicated that they had used these services and one respondent (0.4%) did not answer the question. Once again, respondents were asked to rate how much they had used these services using the same options as before, namely, “None—A great deal.” Perhaps because of the link to the previous question, 40.5% (n = 94) did not answer or marked this as not applicable. However, nearly a half (49.6%, n = 115) had used these services and 9.5% (n = 22) selected “None” and one respondent (0.4%) gave a response that was not indicated on the questionnaire. Of those that did use these services, just over a third (37.5%, n = 87) stated they had used them either “A little” or “Some” while 12.1% (n = 28) claimed to have used them either “A lot” or “A great deal.” Respondents were then asked to provide examples of this and just under half (45.3%, n = 105) made no reply whereas just over half (54.7%, n = 127) did provide examples and these were subjected to analysis and the following themes were found: Once again, both Penna and PRRT were frequently mentioned by respondents. Also prevalent was the use of the medical support facilities available. The obtaining of educational and vocational qualifications also featured heavily as having a positive effect (Theme: Positive). However, there were also a number of respondents who reported negative experiences regarding the support services (Theme: Negative). Examples of these themes are shown below:


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Positive: Training & Development opportunities via PRRT & retraining financial grant accessed via Penna Support (Respondent 168, Superintendent). Negative: Any courses—PRRT were always in the Greater Belfast area. Local college had limited training (Respondent 88, Constable).

Discussion and Conclusion This study set out to ascertain what effects the implementation of the Patten Report had on retired officers of the police service in Northern Ireland and the consequences this had for them. Prior to this, there had never been such radical changes made to a police service in the United Kingdom and this is particularly relevant at the moment with most constabularies having to manage their resources on very restrictive budgets. One of the consequences of which may be a reduction of officers, especially as mentioned earlier, given that Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) predict there will be a total reduction of 15,000 police officers by 2015 (HMIC, 2012). The data analyzed from this study show that despite the best efforts of the police service in Northern Ireland itself, which included generous financial packages and pension enhancements, the majority of the retired officers felt that the Patten Report recommendations, both at the time of implementation and when they completed the questionnaire, had a detrimental effect on them and in some cases their families, and that these feelings have not changed with the passage of time. Interestingly, however, a significant number of respondents felt the opposite, and viewed the report, together with the changes made as a consequence of it as a positive process for them and the organization. For some, the changes brought about by the report produced very strong negative emotions both personally and with the respondents’ relationship with their families and their sense of identity and self-worth. Regarding the area of the support provided, the majority felt this was done well, with quite a significant number availing of academic and vocational qualifications; however, some respondents had only negative comments regarding the support offered. The present research therefore adds to the existing literature on how policing organizations deal with reform (Hart, 1996; Murphy, 2008), and for the first time allows the voices and opinions of the officers themselves to be heard. It also reinforces what previous academic research into organizational change in general (Devine et al., 2003; Huy, 1999, 2002; Liu & Perrewé, 2005; Mishra & Spreitzer, 1998; Mishra et al., 1998; Mossholder et al., 2000; Spreitzer & Mishra, 2002) has found, namely, that for those involved, downsizing causes stress, a sense of betrayal, feelings of loss for some, whereas


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for others, the process is viewed as a positive one. As a consequence of the information obtained in this study, two further studies were carried out that allowed for a more detailed explanation of the initial findings reported here (Gilbert, 2013). In terms of whether or not the reform of policing in Northern Ireland has been a success is very much open for debate today, and while there have undoubtedly been advances made in terms of the PSNI being more accepted in Catholic areas than the RUC (Byrne & Monaghan, 2008), there are still dissident republican and loyalist terrorist groups who are engaged in terrorist activity, and the peace in Northern Ireland appears very fragile. However, if you examine the religious breakdown of the PSNI, there has been what can only be described as a significant change in the numbers of Catholic officers now serving in the PSNI. In August 1, 2014, the total number of officers in the PSNI stood at 6,797; of these, 67.12% were perceived Protestant, 30.75% Catholic, and 2.13% were not determined (PSNI, 2014). Therefore, it is clear that in terms of making policing more representative of the community it serves, the Patten Report has to be seen as a successful venture.

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Reflections on Police Corruption Faltering Developments in Regulating Police Conduct in Australia

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BERNADINE TUCKER AND ANN-CLAIRE LARSEN Contents Forms and Distinctions ..................................................................................... 212 Self-Interest and in the Public Interest ............................................................ 213 Corruption and Accountability ........................................................................ 215 Distrust and Trust .............................................................................................. 215 Written Records/Electronic Communications ................................................216 Instruction on the Job/Training ........................................................................217 Corruption Is Targeted for Attention ...............................................................217 Bad Apples/Rotten Orchards .............................................................................218 Internal/External Regulation: Oversight Agencies ........................................ 220 Shortfalls of Police Oversight: Avenues for New Divisions .......................... 224 Concluding Remarks ......................................................................................... 226 References ............................................................................................................ 226 Police corruption in all its colors may never be eliminated, but each incident caught on camera triggers a flood of calls from the Australian public to hold the police to account. Commentary on police corruption and accountability has featured in countless published books, reports, and academic papers following the three Royal Commissions in 1989, 1997, and 2004, and various inquiries. Rather than chronicling changes in police regulation, a task undertaken by Ross (2007), Prenzler (2011), Finnane (1994), Lewis (2007), and many others, in this chapter, we reflect on the evolution of some recent developments in Australian policing, including changes in management styles and oversight arrangements. Every new incident of police corruption compels the police services to adjust in some way. Our reflections are guided by Luhmann’s notion of “form” that enables us to highlight various distinctions, for example, between internal and external regulations to describe 211


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attempts to address police corruption. No longer are all police investigations hidden, insular, and confined to internal review. Instead, the police in Australian states and territories are regulated variously by external “civilian oversight.” We submit that civilian oversight in some arrangement is now an inevitable appendage or subsystem to police services and deemed necessary in tackling corruption. Police corruption must be viewed in the context of what policing work is. The job is difficult and dangerous when police are called to save lives and protect themselves in situations requiring split-second decision making. Police work is also traumatic, confirmed in cases such as New South Wales v. Seedsman (2002) NSWCA 119 where a police officer was found to be suffering from posttraumatic stress disorder. Attention is also being drawn alarmingly to police suicide rates (see Verity, 2014). Stress aside, in general, police conduct is accountable, contributing to Australia’s “clean” ranking on the corruption perceptions index. Australia was ranked number 9 out of 177 countries for 2013 (Transparency International, 2013), following a decade in the top 10 on the index (Bronitt, 2013, p. 284). However, Bowman and Gilligan (2007, p. 444) found that 57% of Australian respondents ranked the police “considerably higher” than other services regarding corruption. Such perceptions are fed by the intense scrutiny police conduct has attracted, particularly since citizens began to carry video cameras, ever ready to record questionable police conduct (see Goldsmith, 2010, p. 914).

Forms and Distinctions Our task is to reflect on the ways police anticorruption strategies in Australia have evolved. Many others (see Mitchell & Casey, 2007) have sketched the historical picture, carefully exploring changes in policing across Australia’s states and territories to illustrate the uneven and mixed approaches to reforms. As a point of departure, we reflect on developments in police oversight by relying on “form” that Niklas Luhmann (2013, p. 50) adopted from George Spencer Brown’s Laws of Form as a way of asking questions of events to explain how practices and behaviors evolve. Form is the shorthand way of exploring how meaning is generated and systems of communication evolve. Form applies to the difference between a subsystem of society such as the police service and its environment (Luhmann, 2013, p. 51). In this regard, we see police services as one side of a form. On the other side is the police environment made up of other subsystems: politics, media, law, education, religion, economy, and so on (see Luhmann, 1989). Police oversight agencies might also be seen as a subsystem and part of police service’s environment.


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Further forms come into being as differences or distinctions are made (Kauffman & Varela, 1980, p. 172). The approach we take then in describing changes in police oversight relies not only on the internal/external distinctions affecting police services, but also on identifying whole series of new distinctions that create new “ways of perceiving, interpreting and understanding” an event and others that may follow (King, 1997, p. 32). Thus, we begin by orientating some historical material according to a distinction made with each internal description or observation about police corruption (see Luhmann, 2004, p. 67). Each distinction is an attempt to simplify and give meaning to complex issues and notions so that solutions to problems become manageable and controllable (King, 1997, p. 32). Further distinctions are then set in motion, contributing to building a body of knowledge (King, 1997, p. 32). Likewise, distinctions made in policing are an attempt to improve the service and limit corruption. The distinctions we discuss here include “in the public interest”/self-interest in the exercise of police discretion, corruption/accountability, distrust/trust, and internal/ external regulation. Other significant distinctions such as public/private policing and public/community policing are not discussed here. With each distinction, problematic aspects of police work are broken down to bite-size, manageable pieces. Another conceptual point is worth making regarding the evolution of police services. Separating out complex areas of life into simple dichotomies tells us little about modern policing. Although distinctions constitute a way of perceiving, understanding, and interpreting processes, at every turn, one side of a distinction or form always references the other side (Luhmann, 2002, p. 116). Adding second-order observations allows us to see possibilities within forms for complex interpenetrations (Luhmann, 1995, p. 213). A system’s processes refer back to each other, reciprocating, making connections, and self-referencing (Luhmann, 1995, pp. 39, 215). An example is how police conduct is separated into “self-interest” and “in the public interest” (discussed below) but is also intricately entwined via their discretionary power. Interpenetration involving circular processes makes evolution possible (Luhmann, 1995, p. 216).

Self-Interest and in the Public Interest History tells us that once Royal Commissioners and other inquiries marked police corruption as a serious issue, police leaders set about distinguishing corrupt conduct from normative police practices to manage the problem. Consequently, the meaning of police corruption falls into one of two distinguishing categories: self-interested conduct and conduct in the public


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interest. Police services provide endless opportunities, given the nature of police work, for self-interested corrupt behavior to flourish. For example, in July 2014, a former Perth police detective was jailed for 9 months for illegally accessing police electronic information for a female lawyer known personally to him (Corruption and Crime Commission, 2014a). Self-interest was his clear motive. Ideally, police officers assess a situation rationally and decide on a course of action that is “informed,” based on ethical principles and in the “public interest” (Bronitt & Stenning, 2011, pp. 321, 322). The police mandate is to invoke the criminal law in the public interest. However, expectations that the police would enforce the criminal law fully at all times are neither realistic nor tolerable (Goldstein, 1960, pp. 560, 586). Police confront complex social issues every day, such as whether to enforce drug laws for minor infractions, whether to confront a juvenile involved in a low-order crime, and whether to intervene in a scene involving domestic violence (see Mitchell, 2009–2010, p. 31). We will never know when and where the police decide not to invoke criminal processes (Goldstein, 1960, p. 552). Complex human interactions do not always lend themselves to careful, rational decision making because the imperfections of perceptions and language are likely to obscure the situation (Goldstein, 1960, p. 586). The distinction between self-interested conduct and conduct made in the public interest is further clouded by police discretionary powers that are “ubiquitous” and “legitimate” (Bronitt & Stenning, 2011, p. 319). The common law’s position on discretionary police powers, however, is ambiguous, requiring courts to revise their position over time, which further complicates where police authority begins and ends (Bronitt & Stenning, 2011, p. 325). Discretionary powers also pave the way for self-interested, “arbitrary, corrupt or unethical” conduct (Bronitt & Stenning, 2011, p. 325). Changing social understandings also contribute to a lack of certainty in interpreting situations. For example, police at one time would not have intervened in assaults of women and children in the home (Bronitt & Stenning, 2011, p. 321). The division between people’s public/private lives has been seen as a serious impediment to protecting women and children, although that division has blurred with processes of interpenetration by governmental regulation. Nevertheless, Western Australia is the only jurisdiction requiring police “to take particular action (such as making an application for a protection order) following investigation of suspected domestic violence” (The National Council, 2009, p. 14). Police assess situations, make “interpretive judgments” (Bronitt & Stenning, 2011, p. 321) and decide on an appropriate course of action according to his or her understanding of police discretionary powers, policies, and guidelines in the public interest. Consequently, there is pressure, on the promise of certainty, for police authority to be defined by statute (Bronitt & Stenning, 2011, p. 325).


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Corruption and Accountability As incidents of police corruption have been exposed, so too have further regulatory processes evolved. For example, calls for accountability in many areas of management were rarely referred to three decades ago (Mulgan, 2000, p. 555). Accountability processes now appear as a form with two sides. One side is conduct that is proper or accountable. Conduct on the other side of the form is illegal, unethical, or corrupt self-interested conduct where police secure an advantage or reward (see Rabe-Hemp, 2011, p. 130). Australia’s three Royal Commissioners, Fitzgerald (1989), Kennedy (2004), and Wood (1997), implied the necessity for distinguishing corrupt from accountable practices. Commissioner Fitzgerald (1989, p. 124) wrote, “there can be no accountability … In an atmosphere of secrecy … [where] corruption flourishes.” Commissioner Kennedy also recommended management practices to improve accountability as part of a corruption prevention plan (2004, p. 7) and Commissioner Wood (1997, p. 33) referred to the need to “command accountability” to minimize risks of corruption. Australians expect that public institutions have regulatory processes in place protecting citizens from officials’ arbitrary, unethical, and criminal behavior. The expectation is, ideally, that the police will be held accountable for their decisions and actions (see Findlay, 2004, p. 89). What is meant by accountable conduct, however, is heavily contested (see Cheung, 2005, p. 6; Findlay, 2004, Chapter 7). Commonly asked questions include accountable to whom, for what, and which numerous conflicting social agenda ought to be given priority? (see Findlay, 2004, p. 89). This finely tuned questioning and processes separating accountable from unaccountable or corrupt conduct and practices attempt to reduce these complex issues into more manageable portions. As we accept that the concept accountability, its meaning and scope, has broad implications beyond norms of punitive measures for misconduct (Findlay, 2004, p. 92), we focus our discussion mostly to changes in internal and external structures that aim to meet accountability requirements.

Distrust and Trust Discussions of accountability often allude to issues of public confidence in the police (Goldsmith, 2005, p. 444). Without the public’s trust, resources are wasted and the administration of justice is disrupted (Australian Law Reform Commission, 1996, 2.23; Ferdik, Rojek, & Alpert, 2013, p. 104). Trust, though, is “highly contingent” and in most social relations, fragile (Goldsmith, 2005, p. 444). Australian police services do receive high volumes of complaints from the public (Prenzler, 2011, p. 286). Simply, corrupt police fail people affected by their actions (Keohane, 2006, p. 79; Walsh & Conway,


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2011, p. 62), and in such instances, the public’s trust wanes. Police responses to corruption seek to manage distrust by instituting analyses and sanctions to meet social approval (see Luhmann, 2004, p. 148). For example, 15 confidential images of decomposing bodies of two men who died in the Great Sandy Desert in Western Australia were electronically circulated widely enough to reach a “macabre US website” (Sydney Morning Herald, 2005). Following an internal inquiry, 31 officers were fined, reprimanded, or demoted (Sydney Morning Herald, 2005). The Commissioner of Police blamed the individuals, the police culture, and digital technology that has “overtaken us,” he said (Sydney Morning Herald, 2005). The victims’ families demanded an explanation and as a consequence, the Commissioner of Police organized a restorative justice session between the police and the victims’ families. The session was the first of its kind by Western Australia Police and is an example of inroads made or interpenetration of the public’s involvement in indirectly assisting regulating police.

Written Records/Electronic Communications The shift from written records locked away in a dusty storeroom to instantaneous, graphic, remote, and detailed computer-mediated communications opens the door for new types of illegal, unethical, or corrupt conduct. Police conduct, accountability issues, and public trust have also become highly visible and entwined with the expanding use of electronic communications, intensifying surveillance and increasing opportunities for the public to hold police to account (Goldsmith, 2010, pp. 915, 930). A Western Australian example from 2008 is another stark reminder of the power of images of improper conduct captured on closed-circuit television (CCTV). In this case, the CCTV images provoked uproar from the Premier, WA’s Attorney General, and the public when a man held in police custody was encircled by nine police officers and immobilized by a stun gun 13 times (Fenech, 2010). The two police officers who fired the stun guns were later fined for using undue and excessive force, and two senior officers were found to have failed to provide adequate supervision (Fenech, 2010). Had that incident not been recorded on CCTV, but filed away in a locked cabinet, we, the public, may never have known about it. As these actions were captured electronically and widely circulated, it is not surprising that police feel increasing “vulnerable and exposed” (Goldsmith, 2010, p. 920). But these types of incidents also feed public distrust and outrage, justify demands to hold police to account (see ShockeyEckles, 2011, p. 5), and reignite the debate about the use of stun guns by police and public safety (see Findlay, 2004, p. 97). This example typifies failures not only by the individuals involved, but also at the structural level that


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permits the excessive use of force, collusion, and inaction from onlookers and a general lack of empathy for prisoners. It is these types of incidents that feed citizens’ demands for police to be held accountable for their use of force and police recruitment practices (see Shockey-Eckles, 2011, p. 1). Public trust, when weakened, must be restored.

Instruction on the Job/Training Responses to police corruption have evolved markedly over the last three decades and included adjustments to police training, regulations, and processes. Historically, apprentice police were trained on the job (Finnane, 1994, p. 134). Since the 1970s, many changes have been achieved. For example, recruitment criteria such as height requirements, gender restrictions, and other discriminatory provisions have been removed (Finnane, 1994, p. 149). Many other changes regarding police formal training were well under way by the beginning of the twenty-first century. In Western Australia, for example, a new police academy was built at Joondalup in 2002 (Larsen, 2016). Breaches of ethical conduct and corruption among police produced a new round of security checks and training requirements. New divisions have emerged between the need for internal sanctions and compensatory measures for people affected. Also, new relations have emerged about how the police might deal with a public dissatisfied with their behavior. The Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (1987–1991) severely criticized police training for failing to account for “social and inter-cultural relations” (Finnane, 1994, p. 148). In the first decade of the twenty-first century, the Western Australia Police introduced a Code of Conduct, the Victoria Police introduced a Code of Conduct and Code of Ethics, the New South Wales Police Force implemented a Code of Conduct and Ethics, and the Queensland Police Service Code of Conduct was introduced in 2011. These codes are built on an appreciation of the social and ethical concerns of the public and have seen policing transform their activities into a more socially responsible way (see Garsten & Jacobsson, 2013). Some Australian police officers are assisted by police services in acquiring university degrees.

Corruption Is Targeted for Attention Concerns about police conduct were confirmed by the Fitzgerald Royal Commission in Queensland (1989), the Wood Royal Commission in New South Wales (1997), the Kennedy Royal Commission in Western Australia (2004), and other inquiries that uncovered corrupt conduct in all Australian


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police services. From 1985 onward, investigations found that police officers, including detectives, had engaged in corrupt or criminal conduct, patterns that were consistent (Kennedy, 2004, p. 1). Examples of consistent conduct included stealing, drug dealing, assaults, and perjury, as well as misuse of confidential information (Kennedy, 2004, p. 1). Additionally, there were other allegations of police corruption that proved too many to pursue (Kennedy, 2004, p. 2). These findings led Commissioner Kennedy to conclude that police misconduct had defied recent reforms and its prevention remains unrealized (Kennedy, 2004, p. 2). Similarly, Punch (2009, p. 9) concluded that aside from successful convictions of corruption, policing coexists with some corrupt practices that remain hidden and unaccountable. Although policing suffers from endemic corruption, corruption is not universal (emphasis in the original) (Punch, 2010, p. 316). For others, policing is a conservative institution with a unique culture largely impervious to change (Nixon & Reynolds, 1996, p. 48) with its code of silence, “insular, ‘them against us’ attitude of police officers, coupled with the para-military nature of police organizations, and under resourced, poorly designed and inappropriately staffed internal accountability units” (Lewis, 2007, p. 137).

Bad Apples/Rotten Orchards Three decades of changes have seen attention divided between corrupt individual police (“bad apple”) and corrupt systems (“rotten orchards”) (see Punch, 2003). Approaches to reduce police corruption concentrating on the bad apple or “black sheep” (Chan & Dixon, 2007, p. 446; Punch, 2003, p. 194) metaphor as a way to tackle police corruption and hold police to account was no longer considered adequate. The Wood Royal Commission (1997, p. 127), for example, had found that the culture of mateship and the lack of support at all levels discouraged reporting wrongdoers. Responses to this finding in the 1990s, nevertheless, failed to dismantle the code of silence that “tolerates deviance and hinders inquiries” (Punch, 2009, p. 231). During the inquiry, Wood (1997) found “suspicion of new ideas,” a focus on “command and control,” and a “limited, authoritarian and conservative outlook of the senior command” (p. 207). Further, over 20 years ago, Buerger (1993, p. 103) referred to “special-unit ghettoization” and tensions between police management and rank-and-file officers contributing to failures to implement innovations and plans for expansion. It was then that structural explanations for coverups and the code of silence were sought. Approaches to police corruption broadened, invoking the “rotten orchards” metaphor as a basis for changing the “bad system” (Punch, 2003). Differences between the two approaches to police corruption have shifted attention to structural reform in a bid to change police conduct and reduce corruption. Once police corruption was


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exposed in Australia in the 1980s (Bronitt, 2013; Nixon & Reynolds, 1996, p. 47), much commentary emerged as to why police corruption persisted as a basis for deciding how best to deal with the issue. Then, in the 1990s, questions were raised as to whether the quasi-military management model, based on ranks and a hierarchical chain of command, was appropriate for modern policing (Bayley & Shearing, 1996, p. 591). In the last three decades, structural processes and practices within police services in Australia have changed considerably, necessarily so (see Kennedy, 2004, p. 6). As in the United Kingdom, the professional method saw managerialism replace the militaristic style of command (Findlay, 2004, p. 21; Holdaway, 1983, p. 159) that had been founded on “ill-defined ‘common sense’” (Holdaway, 1983, p. 157). This move was instituted by the New South Wales Police Service who implemented reforms along the lines of “professionalism” and a “more proactive and preventive” approach to help rid the organization of corruption and to better respond to people’s needs (Nixon & Reynolds, 1996, pp. 42–43). From the 1980s, professionalization of policing has been on all policing agendas, but its full status remains wanting (Lanyon, 2007, p. 122). Over time, Australia’s police culture has sought to shake off its British colonial origins that brought about tensions between police, Aboriginal people (Hunter, 2012), and government (Finnane, 1994, p. 32). Historically though, police were less inclined to justify policies and actions to the public than is required today (Goldsmith, 2005, p. 452). Issues of accountability and public trust demanded the shift. However, loosening its colonial trappings, resentments, and discrimination has proven difficult (Goldsmith, 2005, p. 454; Nixon & Reynolds, 1996, p. 43). Few sociologists hold that a specific change in a service would guarantee a desirable result. Police services are dealing with entrenched corrupt practices (Kennedy, 2004, p. 6). After all, individual corrupt police will act in self-interest until discovered, regardless of which management style police services institute. Further, ethical considerations change: what was yesterday’s free burger for officers on the beat is today’s corrupt practice. The mismatch between changing management styles and preventing corruption is unlikely to be bridged. Practices of contemporary policing like real life do not fit in a “neat box” (Dixon, 2007, p. 23) with a lid shutting out corruption. Instead, policing has “elements of instability, uncertainty and malleability” (Dixon, 2007, p. 23), which helps explain why corruption remains intractable (Kennedy, 2004, p. 6). Finnane (1994, p. 146) noted 20 years ago that despite managerial changes, in Australia, police knowledge remained “routinely organised and acquired,” due to police institutional autonomy. That is, external constraints have had limited effects as neither the judiciary nor political figures can substantially affect police in their everyday work. Following that, reform processes have


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included technological monitoring, enforcing internal standards of policing, instituting the values of public service, and introducing civilianization (Findlay, 2004, p. 167). Accompanying these reforms has been interpenetration processes, including a “spectacular growth in laws and procedures to render the police accountable for their policies, practices, acts and decisions” (Walsh & Conway, 2011, p. 62).

Internal/External Regulation: Oversight Agencies Formulating norms against corruption and setting up internal enforcement mechanisms alone are now considered inadequate. As internal changes in police training and regulation had not succeeded in tackling corruption, attention turned to developing external regulatory structures to hold police to account. Punch (2010, p. 320) pointed out that the British Police had a long history of investigating itself, a situation that is no longer acceptable. Instead, independent oversight is now essential. Various oversight approaches and organizations have emerged, however, that aim to replace or reduce avenues for corruption and increase the influence of the environment (external subsystems) on policing (see Luhmann, 2004, p. 385). Civilian oversight, or nonpolice involvement in the police complaint process, has sought to compensate for governmental failures to combat police deviance and also to assist in equalizing the balance of power between public officials and citizens (Ferdik et al., 2013, p. 104). Governmental and nongovernmental agencies intensified levels of supervision (Bayley & Shearing, 1996, p. 591). In Australia, as in Britain and Canada, external agencies such as civilian oversight or review boards have been developed to investigate instances of police misconduct, although the police have not always valued such developments (Bayley & Shearing, 1996, p. 591). Table 11.1 illustrates the many pathways taken to reach the current situation of external oversight in Australia. Since about 1970, when internal investigations were routine (see Finnane, 1994, p. 169), reform processes have emerged in all jurisdictions “designed to ensure that police are operating with integrity” (Prenzler & Lewis, 2005, p. 77). With the exception of Queensland and South Australia, in the first instance, an ombudsman was appointed in all states and territories. Then, in the 1980s, this regime began changing and Australia witnessed the emergence of specific police oversight agencies. By the 1990s, Landau (1996) asserted that an independent agency to review police was no longer regarded as radical or extreme. For Graycar (1999, p. 2), “[t]he issue is no longer one of whether or not the guards need guarding, but of determining the best form of guardianship.” Now, apart from the Northern Territory, every Australian jurisdiction has a dedicated police oversight agency.


Ombudsman 1974

New South Wales

Ombudsman 1979

Ombudsman 1978

Tasmania

Northern Territory Australian Capital Territory

South Australia

Ombudsman 1973

Ombudsman 1972

1970s

Victoria

Queensland

Western Australia

Jurisdiction

1980s

Commonwealth Ombudsman Australian Capital Territory 1981

Deputy Ombudsman Police Complaints 1988 Independent Commission Against Corruption 1989 Police Complaints Authority 1985

Official Corruption Commission 1988 Police Complaints Tribunal 1982 Criminal Justice Commission 1989 Police Complaints Authority 1986

Table 11.1 History of Police Oversight

Police Integrity Commission 1997

Anti-Corruption Commission 1996

1990s Corruption and Crime Commission Crime and Misconduct Commission 2002

2000s

Office of the Police Ombudsman 2012 Integrity Commission 2010

Independent BroadBased Anti-Corruption Commission 2012

Crime and Corruption Commission 2014

2010s

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Police oversight arrangements, which have been uneven, contingent, and remarkable, have sprung up in most Australian states since the 1970s (see Table 11.2). Oversight models began with the birth of the ombudsmen, and then developed into various other organizations with differing mandates, powers, and functions. Now, every state or territory in Australia has some form of police oversight. Rather than being static, these oversight agencies constantly evolve in response to large public scandals and legislation amended accordingly. For example, the Corruption and Misconduct Commission (CMC) in Queensland (now known as the Crime and Corruption Commission) sought legislative changes due to an Aboriginal person’s death in custody in 2004 known as the Palm Island inquiry. In this case, an Aboriginal man with no injuries was taken into police custody where he died from a massive compressive force to the upper abdominal area (Crime and Corruption Commission, 2012). In the aftermath, there were three separate coronial inquiries and a decision by the Queensland Director of Public Prosecutions not to prosecute the officer who was alleged to have inflicted lethal force. Although this decision was subsequently reversed, the police officer was later acquitted by a jury (Brennan, 2011). An investigation and subsequent report by the CMC concluded that the review conducted by police was seriously flawed and recommended disciplinary proceedings against six police officers involved in the incident. However, the Deputy Police Commissioner of the Queensland Police Service denied the need for any disciplinary action and no sanctions were implemented (Brennan, 2011). Although there is an avenue for the CMC to appeal disciplinary matters through the Queensland Civil and Administrative Tribunal, it cannot appeal a case when disciplinary proceedings are not commenced. Therefore, the changes proposed by the CMC aim to hold officers to account for their actions (Crime and Corruption Commission, 2012). Calls for police accountability via oversight have gained momentum seemingly more so than for other organizations. In the past two to three decades, state-based external oversight agencies have appeared as a measure to improve police accountability. However, each agency applies different meanings to “accountability,” demonstrated by various legislated frameworks. Chan (1999, p. 256), for one, sees accountability as becoming “a matter of image management.” In any event, most agencies require police to justify their conduct “to demonstrate, and at times justify, a clear connection between actions [they have] taken and the evidence it was based upon” (Ross, 2007, p. 158). Various components of police oversight agencies have emerged in Australia that include an ombudsman, civilian oversight agencies, government-appointed oversight bodies, inspectors and independent complaints commissions, independent police oversight agencies, and a mixture of


Report to Parliament via Parliamentary Committee? Can raise concerns in Parliament?

Organized crime powers?

Recommend disciplinary, managerial, or termination action? Targeted integrity and drug testing? Issue and execute search warrants?

Telecommunication and surveillance device powers? Coercive powers? Prevention, research, and education function? Power to investigate civilian personnel?

Appointed by independent panel?

Central person or board?

Yes

Via committee

Yes

Yes Execute only Yes

Yes Execute only Only with police No

Yes

Yes Yes

Yes Yes

Yes Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Board

Queensland

Yes

Central person No

Western Australia

Via committee

Yes

No Execute only No

Yes

Yes

Yes Yes

Yes

Central person No

Victoria

Table 11.2 Functions and Powers of Police Oversight Agencies

Yes

No

No

No Yes

Only if employed by police Yes

Yes Yes

Yes

Central person No

New South Wales

Yes

Yes

No Execute only No

Yes

Yes

No No

No

Central person No

South Australia

No

No

No

No Execute only

No

Yes

Yes Yes

Consult joint committee No

Board

Tasmania

Yes

No

No

No No

Yes

Yes

No No

No

Central person No

Northern Territory

Yes

No

Yes Execute only Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes Yes

Yes

Central person No

Australian Capital Territory

Reflections on Police Corruption 223


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oversight models incorporating police and public sector agencies. Today, it is commonly accepted that an appropriate oversight agency is required for monitoring police conduct (see Punch, 2009) and limiting abuses of power. The challenge is identifying the most appropriate structure for such an agency. Determining an appropriate level of oversight and regulation should take into account rule-following and discretionary considerations to satisfy accountability demands, which has proven to be a challenge. Ross and Tucker (2008) reported that there have been no longitudinal studies on police oversight agencies and little information to assist decision makers when developing the appropriate legislation and governance arrangements. Chan (1999, p. 255) found that despite the shift away from the traditional centralized control model to an approach where self-regulation and external oversight require police to explain their conduct, failures in the managing risk approach have forced a “swing back to punitive control strategies.” However, ascertaining accurately the extent of police corruption in any society is unlikely as there is no reliable tool for measuring corruption (Punch, 2009, p. 10). Further, complications arise given the range of different conduct from misconduct (not criminal), “corrupt” offenses (formally criminal), and very serious crimes (Punch, 2009, p. 33). The actual nature of police work, though, requires concessions to be made for some police behavior. Walsh and Conway (2011, p. 71) make a case for police retaining some independence, although they acknowledge that police must be accountable for their decisions. Landau (1996) maintained there was no consensus on precisely how police accountability should occur. The need for police to be subjected to independent adjudication occurs for three reasons. First, police are required to account for their conduct and help identify poor performance, training deficiencies, or misconduct. Second, a monitoring role will help identify any policy deficiency or weakness in internal controls. For example, Biondo (2004, p. 47) reported issues surrounding police corruption and misconduct within the Victoria Police stemmed from a “failure to adequately address series of significant accountability issues over many years.” Correcting identified issues are integral to accountability processes. Finally, an independent oversight agency has implications for addressing public concerns and building trust.

Shortfalls of Police Oversight: Avenues for New Divisions From the 1970s, in Australia, police oversight agencies were established across all eight jurisdictions in response to various scandals and an unsatisfactory complaints system (Prenzler, 2011, p. 286). However, problems have arisen as these agencies have generally replicated and adapted models, together with their inherited problems, from other states (see Ross & Tucker,


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2008). For example, the Corruption and Crime Commission of Western Australia adopted similar legislation and powers to the Police Integrity Commission (PIC) in New South Wales and the then CMC in Queensland. The PIC was influenced by the Criminal Justice Commission, the predecessor to the CMC. The Tasmanian Integrity Commission examined the CMC and the Independent Commission Against Corruption in New South Wales before deciding on its own structure. Punch (2009) also reported that the anticorruption literature “proposes measures that have repeatedly failed” (p. 238). Generally, these agencies have focused on identifying and stopping misconduct, rather than preventing corruption (Prenzler, 2011, p. 298), much like plugging a leaky bucket. The hope was that holes would be plugged, rather than having to address the structural weaknesses underpinning the holes. For example, as systemic corrupt police practices have come to light, the response has been to restructure internal processes and develop tighter regulatory oversight involving nonpolice external agencies (see Prenzler, 2011). This has led to police instituting internal reforms haphazardly, and so too the development of external oversight agencies. In turn, Western Australia’s Corruption and Crime Commission (2014b) had to refute false claims that it had interfered with a police investigation. The task ahead for good policing, according to Punch (2009, p. 235), required removing avenues for corruption, and promoting an “ethic of service, sound leadership at all levels, clear standards of performance and conduct, rigorous evaluation, feedback to practitioners and the public and a genuinely professional structure and culture of accountability.” Though a centralized oversight agency will not meet all these requirements, it is clear that oversight agencies are considered an essential component of police regulations in Australia. Satisfying demands for an agency, however, requires resources for monitoring and enforcing accountability standards as well as the political will to do so. Demands to improve police regulatory practices and reduce corruption to satisfy accountability requirements remain high on the public service agenda. Structural reform, professionalization, greater visibility, and transparency have become synonymous with keeping corruption in check. Oversight agencies face ongoing challenges as to how best to measure and evaluate police performances. The agency should be able to recommend policy review, investigate and determine allegations, prevent conduct that is below standard, have access to information, evaluate police performance, and make full use of technologies. Though many factors influence operational efficiency, this chapter has identified a variety of arrangements perceived as necessary for success in reducing police corruption. Likewise, it has identified further challenges needing exploration, including involving civilians in the oversight process. For Bronitt (2013, p. 286), Australia has the


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capacity to enact a national anticorruption law, but governmental motivation to do so is needed.

Concluding Remarks Form analysis provides a guide for reflecting on policing and other services or systems in complex ways that avoids setting up the police in opposition to the public. Recent changes provide clear evidence of the complex ways in which forms of communication intersect. By 2014, police autonomy in Australia has eroded. Australians now have “powerful integrity commissions” overseeing public services. Two points must be made. We cannot predict whether oversight agencies will remain, nor can we judge their effectiveness. Every new incident of police corruption though compels police services to do something: adjust management practices, assess police training requirements, make public announcements condemning such actions, and promise to do better. Every incident of disturbing police conduct sets in motion new ways of dealing with corrupt practices without guaranteeing effectiveness. We know that what constitutes corruption changes over time. Policing has also much the potential to move into emerging areas such as alternative methods of policing, including restorative justice models and human rights concerns. We can also expect that the community whose interests the police serve will be consulted and involved.

References Australian Law Reform Commission. (1996). Integrity: But not by trust alone. AFP and NCA complaints and disciplinary systems. Report No 82. https://www.alrc .gov.au/sites/default/files/pdfs/publications/ALRC82.pdf Bayley, D. H., & Shearing, C. D. (1996). The future of policing. Law and Society Review, 30, 585–606. Biondo, S. (2004). Police accountability and the need to establish an independent system of police oversight and review in Victoria. Just Policy: A Journal of Australian Social Policy, 33, 46–62. Bowman, D., & Gilligan, G. (2007). Public awareness of corruption in Australia. Journal of Financial Crime, 14(4), 438–452. Brennan, F. (2011). Justice denied on Palm Island. Accessed December 22, 2014. Retrieved from http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/opinion/ justice-denied-on-palm-island/story-e6frgd0x-1226053492994 Bronitt, S. (2013). Policing corruption and corporations in Australia: Towards a new national agenda. Criminal Law Journal, 37, 283–295. Bronitt, S., & Stenning, P. (2011). Understanding discretion in modern policing. Criminal Law Journal, 35, 319.


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Buerger, M. E. (1993). The challenge of reinventing police and community. In D. Weisburd, C. Uchida, & L. Green (Eds.), Police innovation and control of the police problems of law, order, and community (pp. 103–124). New York, NY: Springer-Verlag. Chan, J. (1999). Governing police practice: Limits of the new accountability. British Journal of Sociology, 50(2), 251–270. Chan, J., & Dixon, D. (2007). The politics of police reform: Ten years after the Royal Commission into the New South Wales Police Service. Criminology & Criminal Justice, 7(4), 443–468. Cheung, J. (2005). Police accountability. The Police Journal, 78, 3–36. Corruption and Crime Commission. (2014a). Former Perth police detective jailed. Retrieved from https://www.ccc.wa.gov.au/Publications/MediaReleases/ Media%20Releases%202014/Former%20Perth%20police%20detective%20 jailed.pdf Corruption and Crime Commission. (2014b). CCC report refutes false claims. Retrieved from https://www.ccc.wa.gov.au/Publications/MediaReleases/ Media%20Releases%202014/CCC%20report%20refutes%20false%20claims. pdf Crime and Corruption Commission. (2012). QPS takes no disciplinary action against Palm Island officers. Retrieved from http://www.ccc.qld.gov.au/news-andmedia/cmc-media-releases/media-releases-6-july-2010-29-june-2011/ qps-no-disciplinary-action-palm-island Dixon, D. (2007). Changing law, changing policing. In M. Mitchell & J. Casey (Eds.), Police leadership & management (pp. 150–166). Sydney, Australia: Federation Press. Fenech, K. (2010). Man tasered 13 times shows stun-guns fast becoming police weapon of choice. Retrieved from http://www.watoday.com.au/wa-news/man-tasered13-times-shows-stunguns-fast-becoming-police-weapon-of-choice-ccc20101004-163og.html#ixzz3IiYJgnTv Ferdik, F. V., Rojek, J., & Alpert, G. (2013) Citizen oversight in the United States and Canada: An overview. Police Practice and Research, 14(2), 104–116. Findlay, M. (2004). Introducing policing challenges for police and Australian communities. Melbourne, Australia: Oxford University Press. Finnane, M. (1994). Police and government histories of policing in Australia. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Fitzgerald, G. (1989). Report of a commission of inquiry pursuant to orders in council. Brisbane, Australia: Government Printer. Retrieved from http://www.ccc.qld. gov.au/about-the-ccc/the-fitzgerald-inquiry Garsten, C., & Jacobsson, K. (2013). Post-political regulation: Soft power and postpolitical visions in global governance. Critical Sociology, 39(3), 421–437. Goldsmith, A. (2005). Police reform and the problem of trust. Theoretical Criminology, 9(4), 443–470. Goldsmith, A. J. (2010). Policing’s new visibility. British Journal of Criminology, 50, 914–934. Goldstein, J. (1960). Police discretion not to invoke the criminal process: Lowvisibility decisions in the administration on justice. The Yale Law Journal, 69(4), 543–594.


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Graycar, A. (1999). Civilian oversight of police in Australia. Australian Institute of Criminology, 141, 1–6. Holdaway, S. (1983). Inside the British police a force at work. Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell. Hunter, A. (2012). A different kind of “subject” colonial law in Aboriginal–European relations in nineteenth century Western Australia 1829–61. Melbourne, Australia: Australian Scholarly. Kauffman, L. H., & Varela, F. J. (1980). Form dynamics. Journal of Social and Biological Structures, 3, 171–206. Kennedy, G. (2004). Royal Commission into whether there has been corrupt or criminal conduct by any Western Australian police officer. Final Report Volume 1. Perth, Australia: State Law Publisher. Retrieved from http://www. parliament.wa.gov.au/intranet/libpages.nsf/WebFiles/Royal+​C ommission+​ into+whether+there+has+been+any+corrupt+or+criminal+Conduct+by+ Western+Australian+Police+officer+final+report+Volume+1+part+1/$FILE/ WA+police+vol+1+part+1.pdf Keohane, R. O. (2006). Accountability in world politics. Scandinavian Political Studies, 29(2), 75–87. King, M. (1997). A better world for children. London, England: Routledge. Landau, T. (1996). When police investigate police: A view from complainants. Canadian Journal of Criminology, 38(3), 291–315. Lanyon, I. J. (2007). Professionalization of policing in Australia: The implications for police managers. In M. Mitchell & J. Casey (Eds.), Police leadership & management (pp. 107–123). Sydney, Australia: The Federation Press. Larsen, A. (2016). Dominic Staltari APM, Assistant Commissioner, Professional Standards, Western Australian Police interviewed by Dr Ann-Claire Larsen. In B. Baker & D. K. Das (Eds.), Trends in policing interviews with police leaders across the globe (Vol. 5). Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, In press. Lewis, C. (2007). Leading for integrity and effective accountability: A challenge from within. In M. Mitchell & J. Casey (Eds.), Police leadership & management (pp. 137–149). Sydney, Australia: The Federation Press. Luhmann, N. (1989). Ecological communication. Oxford, England: Polity Press. Luhmann, N. (1995). Social systems. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Luhmann, N. (2002). Theories of distinction. Redescribing the descriptions of modernity. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Luhmann, N. (2004). Law as a social system. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Luhmann, N. (2013). Introduction to systems theory. Cambridge, England: Policy Press. Mitchell, M. (2009–2010). Examining the prevailing assumptions of Australasian police leadership: A project overview. Australasian Policing A Journal of Professional Practice and Research, 1(2), 31–33. Mitchell, M., & Casey, J. (Eds.). (2007). Police leadership & management. Sydney, Australia: The Federation Press. Mulgan, R. (2000). “Accountability”: An ever-expanding concept? Public Administration, 78(3), 555–573. New South Wales v. Seedsman. (2002). NSWCA 119.


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Nixon, C., & Reynolds, C. (1996). Producing change in police organisations: The story of the New South Wales Police Service. In D. Chappell & P. R. Wilson (Eds.), Australian policing: Contemporary issues (2nd ed., pp. 42–58). Sydney, Australia: Butterworths. Prenzler, T. (2011). The evolution of police oversight in Australia. Policing & Society, 21(3), 284–303. Prenzler, T., & Lewis, C. (2005). Performance indicators for police oversight agencies. Australian Journal of Public Administration, 64(2), 77–83. Punch, M. (2003). Rotten orchards: “Pestilence,” police misconduct and system failure. Policing & Society: An International Journal of Research and Policy, 13(2), 171–196. Punch, M. (2009). Police corruption: Deviance, accountability and reform in policing. Uffculme, England: Willan Publishing. Punch, M. (2010). Police corruption: Deviance, accountability and reform in policing. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, 4(4) 315–321. Queensland Police Service Code of Conduct. (2011). Retrieved from https://www. police.qld.gov.au/corporatedocs/reportsPublications/other/QPS-Code-ofConduct.htm Rabe-Hemp, C. (2011). Police corruption and code of silence. In W. J. Chambliss (Ed.), Police and law enforcement (pp. 129–143). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Ross, G. (2007). Police oversight: Help or hindrance? In M. Mitchell & J. Casey (Eds.), Police leadership & management (pp. 150–166). Sydney, Australia: Federation Press. Ross, G., & Tucker, B. (2008). Parliamentary Joint Committee on the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity: Inquiry into law enforcement integrity models. Submission 15. Retrieved from http://www.aph.gov.au/~/ media/wopapub/senate/committee/aclei_ctte/completed_inquiries/2008_10/ lawenfmod/submissions/sub015_pdf.ashx Shockey-Eckles, M. L. (2011). Accountability. In W. J. Chambliss (Ed.), Police and law enforcement (pp. 1–13). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. The National Council to Reduce Violence against Women & Children. (2009). Domestic violence laws in Australia—June. Retrieved from https://www.dss. gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/05_2012/domestic_violence_laws_in_ australia_-_june_2009.pdf The Sydney Morning Herald. (2005). Police demoted, censured over emailed photos. November 22. Retrieved from http://www.smh.com.au/news/national/ police-demoted-censured-over-emailed-photos/2005/11/22/1132421651531. html Transparency International. (2013). Corruption perceptions index. Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/cpi2013/results Verity, W. (2014). Our shameful silence on police suicide. The Drum, ABC. March 6. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-03-03/verity-our-shamefulsilence-on-police-suicide/5294142 Victoria Police Code of Conduct—Professional and Ethical Standards. (2014). Retrieved from http://www.police.vic.gov.au/content.asp?a=internetBridgingPage& Media_ID=53208


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Walsh, D. P. J., & Conway, V. (2011). Police governance and accountability: Overview of current issues. Crime Law Social Change, 55, 61â&#x20AC;&#x201C;86. Wood, J. R. T. (1997). Royal Commission into the New South Wales Police Service. Final Report, Volume 1, Corruption. Sydney, Australia. Retrieved from http:// www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/reports/RCPS%20Report%20Volume%201.pdf


Policing Terrorism The Significance of the FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force Program

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CHRISTOPHER W. ORTIZ Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 231 The Call for More Robust Policing Strategies ................................................. 232 The FBI’s JTTF Program .................................................................................... 234 Method................................................................................................................. 235 Samples and Sample Descriptions ............................................................... 235 Data Collection Strategy ............................................................................... 236 Data Analysis ...................................................................................................... 237 Findings .......................................................................................................... 238 Participation in the JTTF Program ........................................................ 238 Relations with the FBI .............................................................................. 239 Information Sharing ................................................................................. 239 Discussion ........................................................................................................... 240 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 241 References ............................................................................................................ 242

Introduction The first decade of the twenty-first century witnessed a global transformation in law enforcement priorities. Beginning with the events of September 11, 2001, policing systems across the globe have had to re-envision their role in the detection and response to terrorist activities. Responding to the rigors of these new mandates, policing has been prodded to undergo often uneasy and awkward transformations. In response to the increased threats, several nations, including the United States and Great Britain, promulgated broad legislative changes that sought to expand the ability of the police to provide for robust preparedness and, more importantly, increased investigative responsibilities. Some nations, due to their policing structure, were readily capable of mobilizing their police priorities in this fashion (Ellison & O’Reilly, 2008; Waxman, 2008). While others, especially the United States, 231


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have found the transformation more muddied and unclear (Conley, 2006; Gaston, 2007; Ortiz, Henderson, & Sugie, 2007). This chapter outlines the continuing effort in the United States to mediate these difficulties. In particular, this study explores the significance of the Federal Bureau of Investigationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF) program in the response to terrorism in the United States. Utilizing data collected from 16 diverse jurisdictions, it will be demonstrated that participation in the JTTF program increased preparedness through increased information sharing and interagency cooperation. In addition, it will be demonstrated that participation in the JTTF program proved mutually beneficial for both the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and local law enforcement agency. Finally, it will be demonstrated that agency size appears to be a force driving participation in the program with agencies under 250 sworn opting out due to manpower issues. This highlights a potentially devastating gap in the protective ability of the program as a large majority of police agencies in the United States fall well below this critical figure.

The Call for More Robust Policing Strategies The events of September 11, 2001, forever changed the face of law enforcement in the United States. The 2001 attacks pulled police in the United States into a new era of increased activity and heightened attention to the threat of terrorism which some see as a fundamental shift in the nature of policing. Several scholars have viewed this shift as being potentially radical in nature ultimately leading to changes to the core of policing in the United States (Henry, 2002; Oliver, 2005; Pastor, 2005; Thacher, 2005). Some have even described this shift as representing an emerging style of police they term Homeland Security Policing (Ortiz, Henderson, & Sugie, 2007; Pastor, 2005). Calls for shifting the priorities in policing center on several key issues. These include a shift in nature, method, and technology of policing, but more importantly, it has been pointed out that local police need to radically change their relationship with outside agencies (Henry, 2002; Pastor, 2005). In a recent paper, Pastor (2005) argued that the response to terrorism will require a new policing model that emphasizes re-envisioned tactical methods, technology, and partnerships with alternative service providers, such as private security personnel. In a more cautionary paper, Oliver (2005) began with the premise that since September 11, it has become evident that many state and local police agencies across the country have found themselves adapting to a new role in policing. This apparent shift in policing has not only caught the eyes of policing scholars but practitioners as well. In his recent book about his tenure as Commissioner of the New York City


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Police Department during the 2001 terror attacks, Howard Safir wrote that homeland security, and the threat of terrorism, has become the new focus of policing (Safir, 2003). In recognition of this, Lyons (2002) concluded that the terror attacks of September 11, 2001 placed new and powerful pressures on local police forces. While some local law enforcement executives and community leaders have been vocal about the impact that increased pressure to engage in counterterrorism has had on their communities, discourse on the implications of such a strategy is limited. What does flow from the literature is the idea that increased participation in homeland security efforts is a legitimate role for police. In a recent article for the Manhattan Institute, Kelling and Bratton (2006) argued that the most robust homeland security strategy can be had only by empowering local institutions in the intelligence gathering and enforcement role. In an earlier work, Sloan (2002) laid out a similar strategy. Sloan argued that the threat of terrorism necessitates the need for increased efforts to collect intelligence by local law enforcement agencies. Sloan goes on to argue that beyond training, there is also a need to strengthen the capability of state and local agencies to develop their own counterterrorism intelligence capabilities, ultimately becoming equal partners in the intelligence war on terrorism. Some have even called for a more radical shift. Enders and Sandler (2006) argued that thwarting terrorism requires an overall strategy on homeland security that coordinates all of the disparate acts and services of the entire public safety apparatus. They expand this call to include transnational cooperation in the global fight against terrorism. It appears that these discussions have been transformed into action in recent years. In a paper seeking to define the future role of local police in counterterrorism efforts, Henry (2002) argued that the current model of policing in insufficient to prevent, respond to, and identify terrorists. He envisions a more robust system whereby police agencies become more attuned to intelligence gathering and operate in a more fluid interdependent system. Henry (2002) reported on the efforts of the NYPD (New York Police Department) to include intelligence gathering curriculum in their recruit training and the creation of an Intelligence Bureau within the department, a unit of nearly 70 specially trained investigators. According to Skolnick (2005), by 2005 the changes in the NYPD included the creation of a Counterterrorism Bureau, a Counterterrorism Division and an expanded Joint Terrorism Task Force to include nearly 1,000 NYPD officers. A similar effort was carried out by the New Jersey State Police (NJSP). According to Ratcliffe and Guidetti (2008), recognizing the need to be more responsive toward the new policing environment brought about by the events of September 11, the NJSP recently reorganized its investigation branch in an effort to be more proactive in counterterrorism intelligence gathering.


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The FBI’s JTTF Program The structure and organization of the FBI lies in stark contrast to that of the local law enforcement agencies. As a federal law enforcement agency, the FBI has nationwide jurisdiction to carry out its duties in all areas of the United States. In practice, this means that all FBI special agents operate under the same legal regulations and departmental policies set by administrative agents located in Washington, DC. For practical purposes, this means that geographical nuances and site differences may not be as great for the FBI as it is for the local police agencies across the nation. The FBI consists of 56 field offices spread throughout the United States and its territories. Currently, there are 12,156 full-time sworn FBI special agents with arrest and firearm authority. The field office serves as the central repository and administrative agency for all FBI practices occurring within each state. This office is headed by an administrative agent with the title Special Agent in Charge. In addition to this office, larger states will have several smaller offices operating within the states boundaries. These offices, called Resident Agencies, number about 40 across the United States and are usually located in other major cities throughout each state. These offices are manned by a resident agent and a minimal administrative staff. In addition to these offices, many states will have specialized units such as the Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF) and Community Outreach Unit. In response to calls for greater communication and cooperation between law enforcement, the FBI created the Office of Law Enforcement Coordination (OLEC) in 2002 and appointed a former Chief of Police to head the office. The mission of OLEC is to build and strengthen relations between local law enforcement agencies and the FBI. Central to this mission is the further development and reliance on the Joint Terrorism Task Force. Originally developed in the early 1980s in cooperation with the New York City Police Department, the JTTF became the model for joint FBI–police operations especially in response to both domestic and international terrorists. The Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Joint Terrorism Task Force program consists of FBI-managed teams that combine multiple federal, state, and local law enforcement officers under the singular duty to investigate and thwart terrorist activities. JTTF members often include prosecutors, local police, and other federal law enforcement agencies such as Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms, and the Marshals Service. While Joint Terrorism Task Forces have existed in the FBI for many years, they have recently been expanded as part of an effort to increase the communication between local and federal law enforcement (Alexander, 2005; Casey, 2004). Prior to September 11, there were approximately 35 JTTFs across the United States, but that number was increased to nearly 70 in post


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September 11 restructuring. In its present day form, the JTTF operates in every field office and approximately 10 additional resident agencies making a total of 106 stand-alone JTTFs, more than tripling the number of personnel (Alexander, 2005). Each JTTF is headed by an experienced Supervisory Special Agent and combines the resources of the FBI with other federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies for the purposes of information sharing and investigatory cooperation. In the years since September 11, 2001, the JTTF program has been forwarded as the primary strategy in the response to terrorism (Alexander, 2005; Casey, 2004; Gaston, 2007). In response, both federal and local law enforcement officials have dedicated significant resources to the JTTF program. What remains to be seen is if this program has tangible benefits for both federal and local law enforcement agents in terms of homeland security. Specifically, does participation in the program lead to increased information sharing? Does it lead to increased cooperation? The findings of this project will seek to answer these questions.

Method The data for this project were collected as part of a larger study that sought to assess the state of relations between local law enforcement and Arab American communities in a post September 11 environment. The end goal of that project was to identify promising and innovative practices aimed at building mutually beneficial relationships between the two. Due to the nature of the larger study, the unit of analysis was police agencies operating in jurisdictions of high Arab American concentration. Therefore, the sample is representative of these police agencies and may not be generalizable to the universe of police agencies in the United States. That said, this sample does have a unique utility for the following analysis. Due to the nature of the terror attacks in the United States, Arab American communities have found themselves the unfortunate focus of antiterror initiatives and the law enforcement agencies responsible for providing for public safety in these communities have arguably faced increased pressure to broaden their homeland security stance (Henderson, Ortiz, Sugie, & Miller, 2007; Lyons, 2002; Weiss, 2002). Samples and Sample Descriptions Utilizing data from the 2000 census, 37 communities with the highest concentrations of Arab American residents based on both percentage and absolute number were identified. From these 37 sites, a sample of 20 sites was selected for analysis. For each site the local police agency was identified and


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Table 12.1 Agency Demographics Agency Code A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P

Qualitative Descriptor

Geographic Region

Population Served (Rounded)

# Sworn (Rounded)

Large city Large city Large city Large city Large county Medium city Medium city Medium city Medium city Medium city Medium city Medium city Medium city Small city Small city Village

Southeast South South Northeast South Northeast Northeast Southwest South Midwest Southeast Southeast Northeast Northwest Midwest Midwest

600,000 2,100,000 1,300,000 600,000 1,000,000 110,000 197,000 340,000 360,000 400,000 350,000 200,000 250,000 100,000 60,000 15,000

1,300 5,500 2,100 2,500 1,800 200 600 400 500 1,900 600 350 900 200 260 30

asked to participate in the study. The locations were selected in an attempt to compile a diverse sample based upon geographic region, size, and demographic make-up of the community. The police agencies included in this study were similarly diverse (see Table 12.1). According to LEMAS statistics for 2000, the numbers of sworn officers range from less than 100 to many thousands, with departments located in sites ranging from small cities and suburbs to large metropolitan areas. Of the 20 sites included in the initial sample, law enforcement agencies in four sites declined to participate in the study leaving a final sample of 16 municipal jurisdictions. Data Collection Strategy Owing to the global nature of the events surrounding September 11 and the federal-level policy responses to them, the study took on a dual focus looking at both national and local level law enforcement. In order to chart general trends, topics, and sentiments on the national and local levels, this study employed a largely qualitative design that included a telephone survey in each site. Telephone survey instruments were designed to include semi-structured open-ended questions, which allowed respondents to talk about concerns and issues on their own terms, without the constraints of a predetermined line of questioning. Given that there is little work in this area, this study


Policing Terrorism Table 12.2

237

Interviews with Local Law Enforcement Officials

Police Department Administrators

Specialized Units

Community Liaison

Community Outreach

Patrol Officers

Total n

3

3

8

15

38

9

Table 12.3

Interviews with FBI Officials

Special Agent in Charge

Assistant Special Agent in Charge

Head of JTTF

Resident Agent

Community Outreach

Total n

2

6

3

3

16

2

employed a grounded theory approach that allowed themes to emerge from the data (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The project began with few preconceived notions about the relations between the FBI and local law enforcement in a post-9/11 environment. Semi-structured telephone interviews were conducted with representatives from local law enforcement (n = 38) and Federal Bureau of Investigations (n = 16). Each interview consisted of 18 semi-structured open-ended questions spread across several topic areas including interagency cooperation, information sharing, perceptions of interagency relations since 9/11, and experiences with JTTFs. In local law enforcement agencies we interviewed police department administrators, such as the Chief of Police, officers working in specialized units, community liaison officers, community outreach officers, and zone/ precinct-level staff (see Table 12.2). The interview process typically began by contacting the Chief of Police. The Chief, in turn, typically nominated the next three interview subjects based upon our guiding criteria. For the FBI sample, every attempt was made to interview the Special Agent in Charge of the jurisdiction of interest. In some of the smaller sites this entailed interviewing the resident agent that covered the jurisdiction. In all cases, interviews were conducted with FBI officials familiar with the JTTF program. In six jurisdictions, interviews were conducted with the head of the local JTTF (see Table 12.3).

Data Analysis Interview data were analyzed utilizing the constant comparative method (Dye, Schatz, Rosenberg, & Coleman, 2000; Lacey & Luff, 2001; Maykut & Morehouse, 1994). First, a charting technique was employed to group data


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by site, respondent type, and interview question. Once charted, comparisons were made within agency to check the validity of interview data between respondents from the same agency. Once completed, between agency responses were analyzed noting the effect variables such as agency size and commitment to community policing played in responses. Whenever possible, the interview data were coded and collapsed into bivariate variables in order to quantify prevalence. Additional analysis sought to quantify the number of agencies in the sample that have taken a strong homeland security posture. Within each police agency, interview data were aggregated in order to reveal each departmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s formal and/or informal policies surrounding four key elements of homeland security policing the creation of counterterrorism units, interagency cooperation, information sharing, and intelligence gathering. Findings The findings from this study reveal the true significance of the FBIâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Joint Terrorism Task Force program. Interview data indicate that the participation in the program has increased greatly. More significant though, the quality of the partnerships has vastly improved in the years since September 11, 2001, yielding greater information and interagency cooperation in the fight against terrorism. In spite of this, problems with perceived secrecy still persist. This is especially true when it comes to the perceptions of patrol officers. Below, three key areas are explored in more detail. Participation in the JTTF Program The findings from this project are consistent with much of the literature in terms of the expansion of the JTTF program. Just over half of the jurisdictions studied reported participating in the JTTF program prior to 2001. This number nearly doubled in the years after, with 14 out of 16 jurisdictions reporting participating in the JTTF program. More importantly, not only did the sheer quantity of participation increase, but the apparent quality of participation increased. Nearly all (97%) local police respondents felt that cooperation with federal agencies has improved since September 11, with the Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF) leading as an important conduit for information. A total of 14 (88%) police agencies in the sample participated in the FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force program. Of the agencies that did not participate, size appeared to be the biggest factor for nonparticipation (see Table 12.4). Interview data with the Police Chiefs of these smaller agencies confirmed that their nonparticipation was driven by a lack of resources and not by a lack of interest and/or desire. The reality of the JTTF model is that participation in the program requires the devotion of one or more officers to the unit.


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Table 12.4 JTTF Participation by Agency Size Over 250 Sworn JTTF 14

Under 250 Sworn

No JTTF

JTTF

No JTTF

0

0

2

Smaller agencies do not have the resources to make such a commitment and will usually forego participation. Relations with the FBI It appears that national directives aimed at increasing collaboration between federal and local law enforcement agencies have led to enhanced working relationships and the development of interagency initiatives and working groups. Among these initiatives, the JTTF program appears to be the most salient driving factor. Respondents in all 16 police agencies reported increased cooperation between the FBI and their department as a result of participating in the JTTF program. This finding was also supported by data from the FBI interviews. FBI respondents in all 16 sites reported increased dialog with local law enforcement agencies. In nine of the sites, the FBI respondents said that their JTTF served as the primary communication bridge between local and federal law enforcement. In addition to the JTTFs, activities such as jointly sponsored town hall meetings, community working groups, and community leaders meetings were mentioned as ways that have increased cooperation. FBI trainings with local police were another example, with respondents in 7 of the 16 sites reporting engaging in training sessions addressing a broad range of topics, including hate crimes, cultural awareness, and intelligence gathering. In all cases, the training was facilitated by JTTF participation. In all, 29 (76%) police respondents believed that the cooperation between their police agency and the FBI had increased since the events of September 11, four (11%) respondents were unsure, and five (13%) respondents believed that it had either stayed the same or had worsened. Information Sharing Although the vast majority of police respondents reported that there was increased interagency cooperation between federal and local law enforcement agencies, nearly two-thirds felt that the working relationship could be improved, with greater information sharing or better communication being the most frequently given responses. As one officer stated, “There is a belief that the information is flowing one way. We get the orange alert but they get the detailed information and don’t share it.” Other respondents referred to the tendency of federal agencies to withhold information, a practice that may be necessary to the job but nonetheless frustrating to some local police. One officer noted that “If there was more open communication, it would help with


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the cooperation. I think that there is still a culture within the federal agencies that they need to keep their intelligence to themselves and closely guard it.â&#x20AC;? A total of 28 (74%) police respondents reported that the level of information sharing between local police and federal-level law enforcement agencies could be improved, three (8%) reported that they did not know if it could be improved, and seven (18%) reported that they believed that the level of information sharing was sufficient and needed no improvement.

Discussion The findings from this study suggest that the FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force program serves an important function in the homeland security apparatus. Interview data demonstrate that participation in the program can foster information sharing and greater cooperation between local police agencies and federal law enforcement agencies. To the one, each police agency in the sample that participated in the JTTF program reported increased cooperation with federal law enforcement agencies after September 11. In addition, several agencies reported that the program served as the primary conduit for information sharing between them and the FBI. In spite of this, several officers did raise concerns about the intentional withholding of information that has been a long reported barrier between local and federal law enforcement officers. This finding has been echoed in several locations throughout the United States. Perhaps the best example is the recent dissolution of the Portland, Oregon area JTTF in 2005. Spurred on by concerns over internal secrecy, lack of transparency, and loss of local control, the Portland City Council decided to withdraw their local police from the JTTF program (Herman, 2006). According to Waxman (2008), these and other problems associated with the functioning of JTTFs may be a symptom of a much larger problem: mission conflict. Local police have become much more transparent and the public has certain communication expectations whereas federal agencies such as the FBI often need to operate under the veil of secrecy. This was indeed noted in some of our interviews. As one Chief explained, balancing the divide between community policing and intelligence gathering is like â&#x20AC;&#x153;walking a tightrope.â&#x20AC;? Perhaps one of the more alarming findings stemming from this project is that smaller agencies are less likely to participate in the JTTF program. This has direct implications on the functionality of the JTTF program in terms of information sharing and reach. This finding backs those of a recent article by Schafer, Burress, and Giblin (2009). In their study of homeland security innovation in small police agencies they found that smaller police agencies reported greater obstacles to securing homeland security training, equipment, and resources. This highlights a potential gap in the homeland


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security apparatus. Considering that approximately 98% of the nation’s nearly 18,000 local law enforcement agencies have fewer than 250 sworn police officers, a large swath of the nation is potentially underrepresented in the JTTF program. Several salient policy recommendations stem from this work. First and foremost, the JTTF program appears to be meeting, and in some instances, exceeding political and scholarly expectations. After the events of September 11, 2001, several prominent members of Congress and the Senate called for increased intelligence sharing. Indeed, one of the main recommendations stemming from the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (9/11 Commission) was the need for increased relations and enhanced information sharing between federal and local law enforcement agencies. The data from this study support the idea that this has been achieved and points to the JTTF program as a major contributing factor for this success. This demonstrates the potential benefits and utility of the JTTF program and clearly demonstrates its value. Future homeland security efforts should embrace JTTFs as an excellent conduit for communication between local and federal law enforcement. Second, efforts should be made at mediating the potential mission conflicts that may exist between federal and local law enforcement agencies. Part of this effort may simply rely on managing expectations. Chief executives and elected officials should be educated about what JTTFs do and how they operate to avoid misunderstandings and infighting. Finally, a new apparatus must be developed to assist the numerous smaller law enforcement agencies that do not currently have JTTF representation. This may take the form of a wholly new program or a reenvisioned JTTF program that brings these smaller agencies into the fold without requiring major resource commitments.

Conclusion The first decade of the twenty-first century witnessed several wide scale global terror attacks. These attacks targeted different nations for varying reasons, but together they produced a singular response: increased attention toward homeland security. In the United States, this was borne out through the promulgation of broad legislative regulations, governmental reorganization, and increased responsibilities on local law enforcement agencies. Although a large number of these changes have now been completed, a great many are still evolving. A prime example of this is the role of local law enforcement in homeland security efforts. In the years since September 11, 2001, many local police agencies have increased their homeland security efforts. This is especially true of major city police agencies. A major factor in this evolution has been the expansion of the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force program.


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The findings from this project demonstrated that the program has achieved its stated goals of increasing cooperation and intelligence sharing between the FBI and local law enforcement officers. In addition, the findings reveal that the working relationship between federal and local agencies improved in the years since 2001 and that this improvement was most attributable to participation in the JTTF program. Although limitations exist, the program appears to be a viable and robust option in the effort to link all law enforcement agencies in counterterrorism and intelligence gathering initiatives.

References Alexander, B. (2005). Strategies to integrate America’s local police agencies into domestic counterterrorism. U.S. Army War College: Author. Casey, J. (2004). Managing joint terrorism task force resources. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, 73(11), 1–7. Conley, R. (2006). Reform, reorganization, and the renaissance of the managerial presidency: The impact of 9/11 on the executive establishment. Politics & Policy, 34(2), 304–342. Dye, J. F., Schatz, I. M., Rosenberg, B. A., & Coleman, S. T. (2000). Constant comparison method: A kaleidoscope of data. The Qualitative Report, 4(1/2). Retrieved January 17, 2006, from http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR4-1/dye.html Ellison, G., & O’Reilly, C. (2008). From Empire to Iraq and the “War on Terror”: The transplantation and comodification of the (Northern) Irish Policing experience. Police Quarterly, 11(4), 395–426. Enders, W., & Sandler, T. (2006). The political economy of terrorism. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Gaston, E. L. (2007). Taking the gloves off of homeland security: Rethinking the federalism framework for responding to domestic emergencies. Harvard Law & Policy Review, 1(2), 519–532. Glaser, B., & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory. Chicago: Aldine. Henderson, N., Ortiz, C., Sugie, N., & Miller, J. (2007). Beyond the numbers: Hate crimes and cultural trauma within Arab American immigrant communities. International Review of Victimology, 14(1), 95–113. Henry, V. E. (2002). The need for a coordinated and strategic local police approach to terrorism: A practitioners perspective. Police Practice and Research, 3(4), 319–336. Herman, S. (2006). Collapsing spheres: Joint terrorism task forces, federalism, and the war on terror. Willamette Law Review, 41, 945. Kelling, G. L., & Bratton, W. J. (2006). Policing terrorism. Manhattan Institute Civic Bulletin No. 43, September 2006. Lacey, A., & Luff, D. (2001). Trent focus for research and development in primary health care: An introduction to qualitative data analysis. Leicester, UK: Trent Focus. Lyons, W. (2002). Partnerships, information and public safety: Community policing in a time of terror. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 25, 530–542.


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Maykut, P., & Morehouse, R. (1994). Beginning qualitative research: A philosophic and practical guide. Bristol, PA: The Falmer Press. Oliver, W. (2005). The era of homeland security September 11, 2001 to … Crime and Justice International, 21(85), 9–17. Ortiz, C., Henderson, N., & Sugie, N. (2007). Policing terrorism: The response of local police agencies to homeland security concerns. Criminal Justice Studies, 20(2), 91–109. Pastor, J. (2005). Terrorism and public safety policing. Crime and Justice International, 21(85), 4–8. Ratcliffe, J., & Guidetti, R. (2008). State police investigative structure and the adoption of intelligence-led policing. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 21(1), 109–128. Safir, H. (2003). Security. New York: Thomas Dunne Books. Schafer, J., Burress Jr. G., & Giblin, M. (2009). Measuring homeland security innovation in small municipal agencies: Policing in a post 9/11 world. Police Quarterly, 12(3), 263–288. Skolnick, J. (2005). Democratic policing confronts terror and protest. Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce, 33, 191. Sloan, S. (2002). Meeting the terrorist threat: The localization of counter terrorism intelligence. Police Practice and Research, 3(4), 337–345. Thacher, D. (2005). The local role in Homeland security. Law Society Review, 3(3), 635–676. Waxman, M. (2008). Police and national security: American local law enforcement and counter-terrrorism after 9/11. Columbia Public Law & Legal Theory Working Papers. New York: Columbia Law School. Weiss, P. (2002). Terrorism, counterterrorism, and international law. Arab Studies Quarterly, 24(2&3), 11–24.


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MICHAEL F. AIELLO AND VIKAS K. GUMBHIR Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 245 Literature Review................................................................................................ 246 Taking Technology Beyond Crime Fighting .............................................. 246 Research Question #1: What Is the Prevalence of City Law Enforcement Websites in the United States?................................................... 247 Methods .......................................................................................................... 247 Results ............................................................................................................. 248 Research Question #2: What Are the Core Elements of City Law Enforcement Websites? ...................................................................................... 249 Methods .......................................................................................................... 249 Results ............................................................................................................. 250 Branding and Identity Management ................................................................ 251 Managing Public Demand Online ................................................................... 252 Community Outreach and Engagement ......................................................... 253 Conclusion and Discussion............................................................................... 255 References ............................................................................................................ 256

Introduction The literature on police technology is replete with examinations of the tools of enforcement. From the most basic applications of computers to policing (Donavant, 2009; Grosskopf, 2010; Kinsella & McGarry, 2011) to contemporary advancements in areas like crime mapping (Carrozza & Seufert, 2003; Rogers, 1999; Wartell, 2000) and less-than-lethal weapons (Leinfelt, 2005; Sousa, Ready, & Ault, 2010; White & Ready, 2009), scholars kept pace with the burgeoning world of police technology, offering both theoretical criticisms and empirical evaluations. While law enforcement, criminologists, and other scholars are acutely aware of the expanding world of cybercrimeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;including (but not limited to) copyright infringement and piracy (Katyal, 2003; Luckenbill & Miller, 2008), identity theft (Copes, Vieraitis, & Jochum, 2007; 245


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Smith, 1999), bullying (Patchin & Hinduja, 2006; Walrave & Heirman, 2011), child exploitation (Grosskopf, 2010; Mitchell, Finkelhor, Jones & Wolak, 2010), and cyberterrorism (Giacomello, 2004; Weimann, 2005)—academics have not paid similar attention to the emerging phenomenon of law enforcement websites, or police web presence (PWP). PWP represents one of the most substantial areas of change within contemporary policing. As the police evolve into an institution with multiple facets of online identity, ranging from Facebook accounts (Lieberman, Koetzle, & Sakiyama, 2013) to official standalone websites (Rosenbaum, Graziano, Stephens, & Schuck, 2011), scholarly focus on PWP becomes even more necessary. Interest in the subject of PWP is evident in several publications (Barthe & Lateano, 2006; Dykehouse & Sigler, 2000; Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2008; Tully & McKee, 2000). This previously neglected research area recently acquired a few empirical and policy-oriented examinations (Aiello, 2014; Rosenbaum et  al., 2011; Ruddell & Jones, 2013). Rosenbaum et  al.’s (2011) study served as the principal foray into an independent assessment of standalone departmental web pages on a national scale, and provided a wealth of knowledge concerning this phenomenon. Rosenbaum et  al. (2011) offer a useful source of comparison with this chapter, as both projects seek to describe official stand-alone law enforcement websites and understand how these websites intersect with departmental goals and functions. In the most basic sense, this project seeks to answer two research questions about this evolving aspect of policing: 1. What is the prevalence of city law enforcement websites in the United States? 2. What are the core elements of city law enforcement websites, framed in terms of institutional policing goals?

Literature Review Taking Technology Beyond Crime Fighting Until very recently, most studies of police presence on the Internet focused on crime fighting in cyberspace (Grosskopf, 2010; Mitchell et al., 2010). This project examines how the police shift from a pure crime control usage of informational technologies to service provision and community engagement roles through their web presence. Using a snowball sampling method to study police websites on a national scale, Dykehouse and Sigler (2000) estimated that 6% of police and sheriff departments had a departmental page (p. 327). The relative scarcity of the phenomenon of police websites in their data conflicts with another nonrandom sample of police departments.


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Tully and McKee (2000) used a survey response estimate to argue that over half of larger police departments maintained a website in 2000, with 67 out of 68 respondents claiming some form of official web page. As with many initial studies in a new field, these authors relied on convenience samples or survey responses to determine the prevalence of the PWP phenomenon. In contrast, Barthe and Lateano’s (2006) work independently examined all New Jersey municipal police departments, finding that in 2003, 40.6% maintained a stand-alone departmental website, including official department-controlled web pages, official websites embedded in city web pages, and nonendorsed officer-created websites. While their work focused on a single state, it provided a foundation for research on a national scale. Rosenbaum et al.’s (2011) scholarship represents the only published independent national study of municipal police websites, with a wealth of more recent work specifically addressing police social networking rather the standalone police websites (Brainard & Edlins, 2015; Crump, 2011; Lieberman et al., 2013; Panagiotopoulos, Bigdeli, & Sams, 2012; Procter, Crump, Karstedt, Voss, & Cantijoch, 2013). With a sampling frame of 1,998 municipal departments that participated in the 1999 Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) survey, and a stratified random sample of 666 departments, Rosenbaum et al. (2011) focused on the relationship between community policing commitment and departmental website presence and content (p. 30). Their study is invaluable for its contributions describing the overall prevalence of municipal police websites, as well as their analysis of the relationship between community policing commitment and website composition. Using PWP data from 2008, Rosenbaum et  al. (2011) discovered that 42.5% of departments maintained a website and departments serving larger populations were more likely to have a web page (p. 36). Their study provided a robust snapshot of police website prevalence as well as in-depth analysis of several website components. Owing to the organic and ever-changing nature of the Internet, these 2010 data offer an updated picture of PWP—one that differs substantially from Rosenbaum et al.’s (2011) in terms of the national prevalence of police websites and the presence of various components.

Research Question #1: What Is the Prevalence of City Law Enforcement Websites in the United States? Methods In the interest of clarity, this chapter includes separate methodology and findings sections for the two research questions, both relying on quantitative content analysis. The analysis of the overall prevalence of police websites utilizes a probability sample and frequency analysis. The second research question


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involves a mixed methods design, specifically an exploratory instrument development design (Creswell, 2004), with a preliminary qualitative stage leading to the quantitative content analysis of the departmental websites of police forces serving the largest 268 civilian populations in the United States. These methodological choices prioritize the creation of a national prevalence estimate of city law enforcement websites and their various component parts. The Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) 2008 Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) data (2009a) served as the sampling frame, keeping in mind that UCR participation is not mandatory and that this frame may exclude certain departments. In fact, of the total 10,915 law enforcement agencies (police and sheriff departments) serving cities, only 8,772 participated. The civilian population estimates in the 2008 UCR data for these 8,772 cities functioned to stratify the frame in terms of several population size brackets. The FBI stated that 2000 U.S. census figures as well as population estimates from 2001 to 2007 served as the basis for the 2008 estimates (2009b). The first step required eliminating all city law enforcement agencies serving populations of less than 1,000, reducing the sampling frame to 8,063. This step allowed for a focus on departments serving relatively large media markets. Sampling began with the 268 cities with populations of 100,000 or more, followed by randomly selecting 50 cities from each of the following strata: (a) 50,000–99,999; (b) 25,000–49,999; (c) 10,000–24,999; (d) 5,000– 9,999; (e) 2,500–4,999; and (f) 1,000–2,499. From the UCR-participant sampling frame of 8,063, the sample for the first part of the study was 568 cities. The two authors used the three most popular search engines—Google, Yahoo!, and Bing—to assess the prevalence of official law enforcement websites for these 568 cities, beginning the search in January 2010 (SEO Consultants, 2010). The first step of the web search protocol involved simply entering the city name and the term “police.” If this procedure failed to produce an official stand-alone law enforcement website, adding the state name or term “department” usually provided the web page. In a few cases, a county sheriff’s department served the city in question and some additional searching proved necessary. The operationalization of “official law enforcement website” is an accessible stand-alone website assigned to the sampled city’s law enforcement agency. Web pages within social networking sites (e.g., Facebook, Myspace, and Twitter) or other parent sites were not included as official law enforcement websites. In concert with Rosenbaum et al. (2011), only stand-alone police websites and departmental web pages embedded in a larger government network are examined in this research (p. 32). Results Regardless of population size, the data indicate the vast majority of city law enforcement agencies maintain an official online presence; out of 568


Police Web Presence Table 13.1

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Departmental Web Presence by Population (n = 568)

Population Served

Number of Departments Included

Percentage of Departments with PWP

2,499–1,000 4,999–2,500 9,999–5,000 24,999–10,000 49,999–25,000 99,999–50,000 100,000 and more

50 50 50 50 50 50 268

88 94 100 100 100 100 100

departments, only nine do not have an official website (Table 13.1). As a result of the lack of variability in the existence of these sites, no inferential statistical tests were conducted. The relative ubiquity of police web pages in the sample far outstrips past national estimates (Dykehouse & Sigler, 2000; Tully & McKee, 2000). This finding also stands in stark contrast to the recent findings of Rosenbaum et al. (2011) based on data from 2008 and the 1999 LEMAS sampling frame of 1998. Their study found 42.5% of agencies maintained a website, in comparison to this chapter’s finding of 98.4% (Rosenbaum et al., 2011, p. 36). The stratified random sample highlights the overwhelming prevalence of departmental web pages, even among departments serving populations between 1,000 and 2,499 (Table 13.1). All of the sampled cities with populations of 5,000 or above (n = 468) have an official police website. Ninety-four percent of departments serving populations between 2,500 and 4,999 have web pages, while 88% of departments maintain a web presence in cities with population between 1,000 and 2,499 residents. The data reveal the incredible popularity of departmental web pages in a large nationally representative sample, with a trend toward lessened participation among departments serving very small populations. While these findings conflict with previously published national-level research (Rosenbaum et al., 2011), this divergence may reflect a recent surge in police adoption of this technology or result from the use of different sampling frames.

Research Question #2: What Are the Core Elements of City Law Enforcement Websites? Methods Further investigating the overwhelming utilization of departmental pages in the sample required more focused assessment of the content of police websites. In the exploratory instrument development design (Creswell, 2004,


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p. 77), 15 sites received detailed qualitative inspection. During this pilot study, the coding process focused on capturing all pertinent aspects and characteristics of city law enforcement web pages as well as linked content. Cataloging a variety of police website features required immersion in PWP, all the while attending to the larger question of how police web pages interface with larger institutional goals. The product of the qualitative pilot study was a 19-item coding scheme designed to capture vital components of police websites as well as illuminate the broader functions of PWP. The quantitative content analysis phase began in February 2010 by applying this scheme to all departments serving populations of 100,000 or more (n = 268). Because 100% of UCR-participant departments serving populations of 100,000 or more maintained some form of website, the study focused on a census of these 268 departments. It is important to note that the content search was not limited to the home page; coders pursued a comprehensive search of each website before concluding their examination, coding linked content as well as content within the domain name of the official police website. Two independent coders analyzed 67 police websites (25% of the census) with the 19 categories in order to assess the degree of intercoder reliability of the data. Percent agreement between the two independent coders ranged from 73.13 to 100, with a mean percent agreement of 84.05. Owing to the dichotomous nature of the study measures, Cohen’s (1960) kappa, a test that controls for expected chance agreement, was also deemed appropriate. Landis and Koch’s (1977, p. 167) standards for Cohen’s kappa labeled scores from 0.41 to 0.60 “fair,” 0.61 to 0.80 “substantial,” and 0.81 to 1.00 “almost perfect” agreement. Across the 19 categories, the Cohen’s kappa values ranged from 0.46 to 1.00, with a mean Cohen’s kappa value of 0.71. Completion of quantitative coding of these 268 websites occurred in October 2010. Results The overarching diversity of web designs indicates that departments craft their web presence in widely different ways. Nevertheless, lurking just below the surface are several noteworthy areas of convergence. The apparent differences in the presentation of information and interactive opportunities mask a common set of online priorities. Examining the frequency of each category in the sample illustrates the importance of certain aspects of web presence, and the lower prioritization of others. In order to organize the chapter findings, several subareas that aggregate the categories into departmental goals were utilized. The coding categories and gathered data conceptually divide on these three objectives of web presence: branding and identity management, demand management, and community outreach and engagement.


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Branding and Identity Management Departmental websites are unique (and uniquely powerful) insofar as they allow the police complete control over the presentation of information about the department. Dykehouse and Sigler (2000) described how PWP “eliminates the filter imposed by the press and assures that the agency ‘message’ is transmitted to the public in the form the agency wishes” (p. 333). Police websites provide an opportunity to interface directly with the public without the influence of news or other commercial media, and in this respect they provide a valuable glimpse into how departments want the public to perceive them—who the police are, what they do, how they do it, and where, when, and how the public fits into this picture. In this sense, websites allow departments to construct virtual identities. Through online representations of the department and its work, the police actively craft how the public understands their role in the community. Departments use their websites to inform the public of their goals and priorities, and two elements of police websites are particularly important to this task—mission statements and chief profiles. Mission statements are present in 71.6% of the departmental websites while chief profiles are slightly more common, showing up in 78% of web pages (Table 13.2). Chief profiles and mission statements are some of the most utilized components of PWP, providing a unique opportunity to achieve identity management goals. Tully and McKee (2000) found that 88% of survey respondents maintained a mission or value statement. However, as the authors admit, the lack of randomization in their selection of cases likely produced an overestimation. Memorials to fallen officers and recruitment materials provide a different form of identity construction. Police memorials are present in approximately half (50.7%) of departmental websites (Table 13.2). Although these memorial pages are undoubtedly intended to pay tribute to fallen officers, they also make the sacrifice and danger of policing incredibly salient. Nearly 9 out of 10 departmental web pages (89.9%) include recruitment materials (Table 13.2). These materials are often elaborate, frequently integrating both picture and video formats to motivate potential recruits toward a career in Table 13.2 Branding and Identity Management Components (n = 268) Components of Branding and Identity Management Mission statements Chief profile Memorial page Recruitment material

Percentage of Departments with Components 71.6 78.0 50.7 89.9


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policing. Memorial and recruitment materials serve identity management goals by informing web browsers about those who perished in the line of duty as well as constructing an image of the occupation for potential recruits.

Managing Public Demand Online In their analysis of the development of modern policing, Kelling and Moore (1989) highlighted “demand management” as a key aspect of the corporate strategy of policing. Generally, demand management refers to the methods by which the police receive, organize, and handle requests for service. Technological integration reorients this element around mutual information sharing. Modern police departments can use their web presence as a filter for managing service requests from the public. The dominant forms of online demand management streamline police–citizen communication and reduce public demand for direct information provision. The management of requests for records and forms via departmental websites encourages increased efficiency. Nonetheless, the ability to obtain records of either accident reports or criminal histories is fairly rare, with only 15.3% of departments allowing access. This seems partly due to the sensitivity of the information and the lack of legitimate guarantees of identity. In contrast, the prevalence of paper form access is rather high, with 83.2% of sites using this demand management tactic (Table 13.3). Citizens then provide their completed form with physical proof of identification, limiting the potential for malignant access. While online record retrieval is not very common, the availability of paper forms promises to streamline the process of dealing with the administrative demands placed on departments–demands that are not related to “real police work” (Sherman, 1982). Another demand management tactic involves citizen requests for service and public supply of crime information. One of the key things to note about these approaches to demand management is the way they address the triage problem. These web resources allow the police to easily distinguish low-priority requests for service from emergencies, often by specifying the types of crime that can be reported online. For instance, the Denver Table 13.3

Demand Management Components (n = 268)

Components of Demand Management Official records access Paper forms Crime reporting Crime tips

Percentage of Departments with Components 15.3 83.2 36.2 48.5


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(Colorado) Police Department limits online reporting to several categories of theft (including identity theft) and vandalism, providing a short description of each type of crime (2012). Woods (2010) examined the crime reporting opportunities in the websites of the 50 largest U.S. departments, finding a universal limitation of low-level crimes for the 19 departments that permitted online reporting. As the public continues to learn about the availability of these online resources, online reporting and tips can decrease reliance on emergency call centers and face-to-face contact for low-priority reports. While only 36.2% of departments provide online crime reporting, 48.5% offer civilians a portal for submitting crime tips (Table 13.3). This prevalence mirrors Woods’ (2010) finding of 38% of departments permitting online reporting among his more limited sample. Because crime tips involve the circulation of information relating to crimes rather than reporting itself, they may not require such strict usage guidelines. Rosenbaum et al. (2011) found 18.8% of their sample of police websites allowed some type of crime reporting. Once again, this divergence may be a result of their sampling frame or the evolution of PWP between 2008 and 2010. Regardless of the cause of this disparity, clearly, crime reporting and tip opportunities are not ubiquitous aspects of American PWP. The online format presents an opportunity to manage demand for police resources by allowing citizens to report their information to a computer program rather than a physical officer or dispatcher. These aspects of PWP promise to help departments become more efficient by compartmentalizing “garbage calls” (Sherman, 1982) and allowing departments to reallocate resources currently dedicated to managing public records access and writing reports for low-priority crimes.

Community Outreach and Engagement The most compelling aspect of PWP is the interaction between the public and the police. This outreach directly relates to the advent and integration of Community-Oriented Policing (COP) into contemporary American law enforcement. According to Cordner (1999), both citizen input and personal service represented the core of COP’s philosophy, and these ideals are put into action in a variety of ways on police websites. The most essential online mechanisms for achieving police goals of engagement and interaction with the public are multilingual capability, commend/complaint forms, crime maps/statistics, and social networking. Multilingual capacity is an important way to engage members of the community who are otherwise marginalized in Internet interactions with Englishspeaking police. Over a quarter (26.1%) of sampled departments have some sort of translation technology or segment of their site intended for languages other than English (Table 13.4). One excellent example of this technology


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Change and Reform in Law Enforcement Table 13.4 Community Outreach and Engagement Components (n = 268) Components of Community Outreach and Engagement Myspace Flickr Podcast Facebook YouTube Twitter Multilingual capability Citizen comment form Crime maps Crime statistics

Percentage of Departments with Components 1.1 1.1 2.2 10.4 14.9 15.7 26.1 27.6 57.1 71.3

is the Silicon Valley-based San Francisco (California) Police Department (2011). Their website utilizes Google Translate, but provides translation cues in foreign languages rather than in English. This is an area of importance for departments attempting to improve communication with non-Englishspeaking populations. Hopefully, departments serving large immigrant populations will represent the vanguard in making this a normative practice. One aspect of PWP that does not enjoy wide acceptance is the use of citizen commendation or complaint forms. Only 27.6% of the largest American police forces use this technology (Table 13.4). While this finding exceeds Rosenbaum et al.’s (2011) 20.5% estimate, the risk involved in providing opportunities for frivolous criticism may hinder the growth of this form of citizen input (p. 33). Keeping this institutional pressure in mind, it is clear that departments do not widely embrace online citizen feedback. Compared to the prevalence of online crime reporting (36.2%) or crime tips (48.5%), commend/ complaint forms (27.6%) are relatively uncommon, with departments emphasizing citizen provision of crime information above feedback (Table 13.4). Continuing the focus on community engagement through crime information, crime maps (57.1%) and crime statistics (71.3%) are some of the most common facets of PWP (Table 13.4). Tully and McKee’s (2000) survey-based estimates are slightly lower, with 67% of respondents providing crime statistics on their websites. In contrast, Rosenbaum et al. (2011, p. 33) did not find a remotely equitable prevalence, with only 20.5% of departments providing crime statistics and 4.9% offering crime maps. The divergence in findings may result from the fact that this chapter included linked content from the departmental web pages in the quantitative content analysis and Rosenbaum et al. remained within the confines of the police web page. Without a doubt, crime maps and statistics craft an image of the community’s crime problem. Interestingly, Groff et al.’s (2005) study of citizen fear associated with crime


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maps and statistics demonstrated that tabular statistics foster greater public apprehension. The increased prevalence of crime statistics in American police websites is cause for concern in light of Groff et al.’s (2005) work. Notwithstanding, presenting crime statistics in a digestible, easy-to-comprehend format promotes the larger goal of community engagement through information exchange. Considering that COP encourages departments to connect with the communities they serve through the exchange of information, one public relations officer, updating and interacting with the public via social networking websites, can reach thousands if not millions of citizens. Rosenbaum et al. (2011) did not assess the prevalence or purpose of police social networking, which may have contributed to their argument that police websites are a “non-reactive instrument” and “virtual mirror” that reveal departmental objectives (p. 28). Although websites certainly reflect police goals, social networking challenges this static conceptualization, with public input remolding the exchange of information. Social networking and social media websites allow citizens to post content on the department’s page or comment on content that the department displays. This form of PWP is unique because it invites citizens to reshape the landscape of their online relationship with the police. The data show police departments experimenting with various social networks and strategies. Some social networking categories like Myspace (1.1%), Flickr (1.1%), and podcasts (2.2%) are particularly rare. In contrast, Facebook (10.4%), YouTube (14.9%), and Twitter (15.7%) are more common (Table 13.4). Police social networking remains unstudied in a large, nationally representative sample of American police departments, although focused analysis of much smaller samples ranging from 10 (Brainard & Edlins, 2015) to 32 (Lieberman et al., 2013) departments exist. In sum, departments pursue community engagement via PWP in a variety of ways, including multilingual capacity, the provision crime of maps/ statistics, opportunities for citizen feedback, social networking, and social media. However, PWP shirks direct citizen input concerning police methods in favor of crime information exchange. As the police continue to explore and implement segments of the Internet, opportunities for study will expand. This field requires ongoing research to determine the evolution of police use of the Web: creating and maintaining a brand, managing demand for services, and engaging the community.

Conclusion and Discussion While departmental web pages tend to emphasize the theme of community engagement and service, the crime control narrative permeates police online


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presence. Online crime reporting (36.2%) and tip forms (48.5%) lower the time burden placed on officers receiving calls for service or anonymous crime information. In the aspect of brand management, memorial pages (50.7%) and recruitment information (89.9%) can paint policing as an enterprise teeming with danger (Skolnick, 1966) and adventure (Herbert, 1998). Finally, the sample highlights community engagement with crime information (crime mapping and crime statistics), with 57.1% of departments providing crime maps and 71.3% including statistics. All of these aspects, which meet different institutional goals, undeniably focus public attention on crime fighting. The tension between crime fighting goals and those beyond pure law enforcement manifests throughout PWP. This chapter, although admittedly exploratory, attempts to identify and investigate vital aspects of departmental web pages. This research addressed how innovative departments utilize Internet technologies to artfully blend the goal of crime fighting with community engagement and demand management. While the simplicity of focusing on the most visible aspect of policing (law enforcement) contains an undeniable logic, it avoids an important complexity. Although PWP is an area of incredible growth and change in policing, the conflict that defines modern policing in the physical world also appears to plague its online presence. While components of police websites that provide a fixed picture of pursued institutional goals are certainly interesting, social networking engenders the greatest level of policy interest (as well as recent scholarly work). Perhaps this interest results from police social networking’s potential for substantial change in how the police build and sustain relationships with the public. Departments in this sample demonstrate that achieving several institutional goals simultaneously through these networks is possible. Focused analysis of social networking may reveal the path of evolution for PWP as a whole. The various blends of identity management and community engagement in police social networking sites reveal how PWP can continue to grow as an avenue for improving department–community relations and providing an unmitigated picture of the police, crafted by the police.

References Aiello, M. F. (2014). Policing the masculine frontier: Cultural criminological analysis of the gendered performance of policing. Crime, Media, Culture, 10(1), 59–79. Barthe, E., & Lateano, T. (2006). The state of police department websites. Police Chief, 73(5), 68–74. Brainard, L., & Edlins, M. (2015). Top 10 US municipal police departments and their social media usage. The American Review of Public Administration, 45(6), 728–745. Carrozza, M., & Seufert, R. (2003). One picture is worth a thousand calculations GIS: A new tool for data analysts. Social Insight, 8(1), 13–18.


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Cohen, J. (1960). A coefficient of agreement for nominal scales. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 20(1), 37–46. Copes, H., Vieraitis, L., & Jochum, J. (2007). Bridging the gap between research and practice: How neutralization theory can inform Reid interrogations of identity thieves. Journal of Criminal Justice Education, 18(3), 444–459. Cordner, G. W. (1999). Elements of community policing. In L. K. Gaines & G. W. Cordner (Eds.), Policing perspectives: An anthology (pp. 137–149). Los Angeles: Roxbury Publishing Company. Creswell, J. (2004). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods approaches. Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications. Crump, J. (2011). What are the police doing on Twitter? Social media, the police and the public. Policy & Internet, 3(4), 1–27. Denver Police Department. (2012). Denver Police Department online reporting system [online] (Updated 2011). Retrieved from http://www.denvergov.org/tabid/37889/Default.aspx?link=http://www.denvergov.org/apps/ policereport&title=Police%20Report [Accessed February 19, 2012]. Donavant, B. W. (2009). To Internet or not? Assessing the efficacy of online police training. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 34(3–4), 224–237. Dykehouse, S. G., & Sigler, R. T. (2000). Use of the World Wide Web, hyperlinks and managing the news by criminal justice agencies. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 23, 318–338. Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2009a). Full-time law enforcement employees [online] (Updated September 2009). Retrieved from http://www2.fbi.gov/ucr/ cius2008/data/table_74.html [Accessed September 9, 2011]. Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2009b). Table 12, data declaration [online] (Updated September 2009). Retrieved from http://www2.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2008/ data/table_12_dd.html [Accessed May 24, 2014]. Giacomello, G. (2004). Bangs for the buck: A cost-benefit analysis of cyberterrorism. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 27(5), 387–408. Groff, E. R., Kearley, B., Fogg, H., Beatty, P., Couture, H., & Wartell, J. (2005). A randomized experimental study of sharing crime data with citizens: Do maps produce more fear? Journal of Experimental Criminology, 1(1), 87–115. Grosskopf, A. (2010). Online interactions involving suspected paedophiles who engage male children. Trends & Issues in Crime & Criminal Justice, 1(403), 1–6. Herbert, S. (1998). Police subculture reconsidered. Criminology, 36(2), 343–370. Katyal, S. K. (2003). The new surveillance. Case Western Reserve Law Review, 54(2), 297–385. Kelling, G. L., & Moore, M. H. (1989). The evolving strategy of policing. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, National Institute of Justice. Kinsella, C., & McGarry, J. (2011). Computer says no: Technology and accountability in policing traffic stops. Crime, Law & Social Change, 55(2–3), 167–184. Landis, J. R., & Koch, G. G. (1977). The measurement of observer agreement for categorical data. Biometrics, 33(1), 159–174. Leinfelt, F. H. (2005). Predicting use of non-lethal force in a mid-size police department: A longitudinal analysis of the influence of subject and situational variables. Police Journal, 78(4), 285–300.


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Lieberman, J. D., Koetzle, D., & Sakiyama, M. (2013). Police departments’ use of Facebook: Patterns and policy issues. Police Quarterly, 16(4), 438–462. Luckenbill, D., & Miller, K. (2008). Policing intellectual property piracy: A study in corporate control of crime. Journal of Crime & Justice, 31(2), 27–64. Mitchell, K., Finkelhor, D., Jones, L., & Wolak, J. (2010). Growth and change in undercover online child exploitation investigations, 2000–2006. Policing & Society, 20(4), 416–431. Panagiotopoulos, P., Bigdeli, A. Z., & Sams, S. (2012). “5 days in August”—How London local authorities used Twitter during the 2011 riots. In H. J. Scholl, M. Janssen, M. A. Wimmer, C. E. Moe, & L. S. Flak (Eds.), Electronic government (pp. 102–113). Berlin, Germany: Springer Berlin. Patchin, J., & Hinduja, S. (2006). Bullies move beyond the schoolyard. Youth Violence & Juvenile Justice, 4(2), 148–169. Procter, R., Crump, J., Karstedt, S., Voss, A., & Cantijoch, M. (2013). Reading the riots: What were the police doing on Twitter? Policing and Society, 23(4), 413–436. Rogers, D. (1999). Getting crime analysis on the map. Law Enforcement Technology, 26(11), 76–79. Rosenbaum, D. P., Graziano, L. M., Stephens, C. D., & Schuck, A. M. (2011). Understanding community policing and legitimacy-seeking behavior in virtual reality: A national study of municipal police websites. Police Quarterly, 14(1), 25–47. Ruddell, R., & Jones, N. (2013). Social media and policing: Matching the message to the audience. Safer Communities, 12(2), 64–70. San Francisco Police Department. (2011). San Francisco Police Department [online] (Updated 2011). Retrieved from http://sf-police.org/ [Accessed September 10, 2011]. Schuck, A. M., & Rosenbaum, D. P. (2008). Building trust and a police-community website: An assessment of the ClearPath planning and community engagement process (Final report). Chicago, IL: John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. SEO Consultants. (2010). Top ten search engines-top ten SEs [online] (Updated September 8, 2010). Retrieved from http://www.seoconsultants.com/searchengines/ [Accessed September 9, 2011]. Sherman, L. (1982). Learning police ethics. Criminal Justice Ethics, 1(1), 10–19. Skolnick, J. H. (1966). Justice without trial: Law enforcement in democratic Society. New York, NY: John Wiley and Sons. Smith, R. G. (1999). Identity-related economic crime: Risks and countermeasures. Trends & Issues in Crime & Criminal Justice, 1(129), 1–6. Sousa, W., Ready, J., & Ault, M. (2010). The impact of TASERs on police use-of-force decisions: Findings from a randomized field-training experiment. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 6(1), 35–55. Tully, E. J., & McKee, S. (2000). The present and future use of the Internet by law enforcement—Part one. A report for the Major Cities Chiefs, FBI Academy, and the National Executive Institute Associates. NRA Research Projects [online]. Retrieved from http://www.neiassociates.org Walrave, M., & Heirman, W. (2011). Cyberbullying: Predicting victimisation and perpetration. Children & Society, 25(1), 59–72.


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Wartell, J. (2000). Putting crime on the map. Police, 24(6), 52–55. Weimann, G. (2005). Cyberterrorism: The sum of all fears? Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 28(2), 129–149. White, M., & Ready, J. (2009). Examining fatal and nonfatal incidents involving the TASER. Criminology & Public Policy, 8(4), 865–891. Woods, J. (2010). The Internet’s promise to improve bias-crime reporting: The case for including bias crimes on official crime-reporting websites. Journal of Hate Studies, 8(1), 87–102.


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MICHELLE KILBURN, LAURA KRIEGER, CRYSTAL CECIL, AND LUKE MORAVEC Contents Prevalence of Facebook and Social Media ...................................................... 263 Use of Facebook and Social Media................................................................... 264 Facebook and Social Media Considerations ................................................... 266 Methodology ....................................................................................................... 269 Sample .................................................................................................................. 269 Coding and Measurement ................................................................................. 269 Department Facebook Page Characteristics .............................................. 270 Department Post Characteristics................................................................. 270 Community Post Characteristics................................................................. 270 Replies and Comments Characteristics to Posts ....................................... 271 Results .................................................................................................................. 272 Social Media Presence ....................................................................................... 272 Department Social Media Activity Characteristics ....................................... 273 Police Department Posts ................................................................................... 277 Community Posts ............................................................................................... 279 Community Comments to Department Posts................................................ 279 Discussion ........................................................................................................... 280 Conclusions ......................................................................................................... 284 References ............................................................................................................ 284 Police, at all times, should maintain a relationship with the public that gives reality to the historic tradition that the police are the public and the public are the police; the police being only members of the public who are paid to give full-time attention to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of community welfare and existence. â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Sir Robert Peel Founder of policing, 1829 261


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The advent of the police car and two-way radio are arguably two of the most innovative technologies that effectively removed the police officer from direct contact with the community (Wilson & Kelling, 1982). No longer were officers “walking the beat” and interacting with local citizens as they stroll down the street. Ironically, with new technologies such as smartphones, iPads, and tablets, technology has the potential to provide a new, interactive avenue for police officers to reconnect with the community. The “face” of policing is now just a click away from any citizen with Wi-Fi and Internet access. Over the past decade, the presence of social media has increased and changed the way we communicate and connect. Social media has made its way into almost everyone’s life, including police officers. Facebook became available to the general public in 2006 and has become the most popular social media site with 160 million users in the United States and 1 billion users globally. Twitter, another popular social media site, has 500 million total users and 140 million of these are daily users (as cited in Lieberman, Koetzle, & Sakiyama, 2013). The goal of this chapter is to discuss the potential uses and pitfalls of departments seeking to make a connection with the community through Facebook. Analyzing the prevalence, use, and content of police department Facebook pages will help other departments and administrators determine the best use of social media to meet their departmental mission and goals. Major changes have occurred and continue to take place in the field of law enforcement due to three intersecting phenomena: the introduction of community policing, the evolving economics of the media industry, and the explosion of communications and information technology. First, the shift toward community policing created a need for a mutually satisfactory relationship between police and the public. Officers were seeking greater participation from community members in the suppression of criminal activity, and, community members were searching for a better way to access the police. Second, the focus of the media has changed over time and often appears to be one of persuasion rather than information. In one aspect, the media has the power to glorify law enforcement through stories of major drug busts and the capturing of child rapists. On the other hand, the media maintains the power to demonize the police with TV shows and stories that portray crooked cops and disloyal officers. Third, advances in technology make it possible for departments to become journalists of sorts (Braunstein, 2007). At a time when information/technology is such an integral part of society, and both police agencies and communities are attempting to work together (through community policing) toward crime control, the information police departments make available to citizens could influence the community’s willingness to take part in this process. In controlling their own social presence, law enforcement agencies can tell their stories at whatever length, and in whatever depth, they choose.


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Prevalence of Facebook and Social Media In 2011, a study conducted by the Institute for Criminal Justice Education revealed that over 78% of law enforcement respondents have personal social media accounts. Of those, more than 38% were labeled as policing professionals (Stuart, 2013). In 2011, Nancy Kolb, the senior program manager with the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP), indicated that more than 47% of law enforcement agencies were using social media. A further analysis of the largest law enforcement agencies in the United States suggested they were using social media for community outreach and citizen engagement (Johnson, 2012). Upon researching the 50 largest police departments in the United States, Kilburn and Krieger (2014) discovered that a majority of these law enforcement agencies were utilizing the Internet and forming a presence on social media. Subsequently, a 2013 survey conducted by the IACP suggested almost 96% of law enforcement agencies were using social media. Of these agencies, the survey indicated that 92% used Facebook, 65% Twitter, and 43% YouTube. Two-thirds of these agencies reported that social media accounts had improved community relations. More than two-thirds stated Facebook has helped with investigating crimes, undoubtedly, one of the most important parts of policing (as cited in Kolb, 2013). In addition, research conducted by Lieberman et al. (2013) indicated that a majority of the largest U.S. departments currently have social media accounts on at least one of the three major social media websites (Facebook, Twitter, and Myspace). Further, 18 of the 61 departments surveyed were using two of these sites, and four departments were using all three. Police departments are increasingly using social media sites as a mode of public communication (Kilburn & Krieger, 2014). Figure  14.1 illustrates the increase in departmental use of social media as reported by the IACP from 2010 to 2013. One of the most recent research studies conducted in 2013 revealed 81% of federal agencies, 71% of state agencies, and 82% of local agencies were using social media. It appears that police departments are now using social media to increase public relations and community outreach, seek crime tips, and investigate crimes as well as for recruitment purposes. Smaller departments are also using social media at a significantly increased rate. For these agencies, a tool like social media acts as a force multiplier. For example, one officer can perform the duties of multiple officers by posting and researching information located on social media. Posting only takes a few minutes and the post may be accessed 24 hours a day (Stanek, 2013). Further, in order to reach a broader audience, Facebook users have the ability to share the information departments have posted. This can increase the number of people law enforcement sites reach exponentially. As such, law enforcement agencies


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2010

2011

2012

2013

Figure 14.1 Percent of police department social media use 2010â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2013. (From

International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2010). 2010 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from http://www.iacpsocialmedia.org/Portals/1/documents/ Survey%20Results%20Document.pdf; International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2011). 2011 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from www.iacpsocialmedia.org/Portals/1/documents/2011SurveyResults.pdf; International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2012). 2012 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from http:// www.iacpsocialmedia.org/Resources/Publications/2012SurveyResults.aspx; International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2013). 2013 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from http://www.berkeleyside.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/ 2013SurveyResults.pdf.)

may be able to foster and strengthen their relationships with the public without increasing the number of officers in the field.

Use of Facebook and Social Media The rapid adoption of social networking tools by law enforcement agencies is likely due to a number of perceived benefits. Agencies operating with a community policing focus seek to reduce overall fear of crime, improve social order, and develop a more positive relationship between the police and the public (Greene, 2000; Kappeler & Gaines, 2009). Technology is influencing the world more every day, and law enforcement agencies are starting to recognize this trend. Police departments are increasingly using social media for a wide range of purposes. Social media sites allow departments to create a public or semipublic profile page in order to develop connections with the community and to post messages (Lieberman et al., 2013). In essence, police departments are facilitating the use of communication for the public they serve by creating a presence on social media sites. Social media gives citizens the ability to receive real-time information, ask questions, make suggestions, and provide tips that can be crucial in solving crimes. The creation of social media accounts by police departments


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help give a palpable face to law enforcement. For example, these tools allow departments to build public relations by conveying information about police effectiveness, report human interest stories, and solicit feedback from community members. In addition, agencies can relay warnings about dangerous situations in their jurisdictions and seek assistance in solving crimes or locating missing persons (Lieberman et al., 2013). The IACP conducted a survey of 500 U.S. police departments, which revealed that aiding investigations was the most common use of social media (IACP, 2013). The second most common use of social media are considered to be influencing public opinion and disseminating information. In addition, Stevens (2011) detected that law enforcement agencies were using social media for community engagement, recruitment, agency branding, and reputation management. Police departments use Facebook to communicate a variety of messages. However, posts typically focus on crimes occurring in the community or public relations announcements. Posting frequency is related to the type of message communicated, with high-posting-frequency departments typically conveying crime-related messages and low-posting-frequency departments using Facebook more for public relations messages (Lieberman et al., 2013). This difference suggests it may be fairly easy for police departments to generate crime-related messages, but it may take greater effort to generate other types of messages with a broader appeal. For example, they may require additional resources when developing community outreach services and this entails additional time and effort, which is often scarce. Historically, police departments have been dependent on the media to communicate information about crimes in the community and to seek the public’s assistance in solving those crimes (Kappeler & Gaines, 2009). Facebook, however, may be a better option when the goal is to interact with community members or to post additional media such as photographs or videos of wanted suspects (Lieberman et al., 2013; Stevens, 2011). Another advantage for police departments is that social media has the ability to allow citizens to provide investigators with information on crime and ongoing investigations. Criminals often post their whereabouts and whom they associate with on the Internet. In some cases, criminals even share photos and videos of law violations. Social media can assist in apprehending fugitives, identifying suspects, linking individuals to gang-related activity, and providing crucial evidence of criminal activity (Stuart, 2013). In addition to law enforcement, public safety and emergency management agencies are now incorporating social media into their everyday activities. For example, the Boston Marathon attack exemplified the usefulness of social media in disseminating quick information to the public (Kolb, 2013). During the incident, law enforcement agencies were using social media to provide crucial information, correct false assumptions, suggest safety tips,


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and receive aid from the public regarding the investigation. In addition, the Philadelphia Police Department was able to make use of social media during a fatal building collapse in order to disperse emergency information to the public. More than 86% of Americans own a cell phone, and 45% of them have smart phones, which allow them to access Facebook and other social media sites. With these numbers, social media for police departments has unlimited potential in reaching the public (Stanek, 2013). The use of social networking is not limited to the United States. In an effort to keep the police and public informed during the London, England, G-20 protests in April 2009, journalists used Twitter to report what was happening among the crowd. The British police learned from this experience and used social media during an English Defence League protest in Birmingham later that year. The police used Twitter to communicate with protesters and point them to the departmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s website and YouTube. Those sites featured officers advising the protesters of the tactics the police would be using, as well as informing the protesters where they could peacefully protest (Leach, 2009). For public health workers and emergency responders, one of the most significant benefits of social networking is the speed to construct a network of professionals around common interests and objectives during a time of crisis. See Table 14.1 for a summary of Facebook and social media use in policing. When people are faced with uncertainty and lack full knowledge of an issue or event, they may turn to readily accessible sources of information such as Facebook for guidance, direction, and data (Huang, Chan, & Hyder, 2010). There are no doubts that the perceived benefits for both law enforcement and the community are numerous. However, one should also consider the potential risks in using social media.

Facebook and Social Media Considerations It is important to recognize the potential downfalls of social media with respect to departmental use. Problems have occurred with agency personnel using personal social media accounts, particularly when those accounts indicate they work for a law enforcement department. Issues arise when officers mix personal and professional lives on one social media account. One negative statement from an officerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s personal account can impact the entire department. There are a number of cases in which officers have been fired or placed on leave due to posts on social media accounts (Stuart, 2013). For example, a Montana officer posted there should be a law allowing police to take people to jail for being stupid. Another officer, from Sandy Springs, was fired for Facebook posts that gave specific details of his departmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s policing activities. The officer posted details regarding an ongoing investigation as


The Role of Facebook in Policing Table 14.1

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Examples of Social Media Use in Policing

Convey information pertaining to police effectiveness Report human interest Aid in investigation and identification of suspects Make connections with the public Solicit feedback Relay warnings Reduce fear of crime Improve social order Develop positive relationship Identify individuals posting incriminating evidence Link individuals to gang-related activity Provide evidence of criminal activity Interact with community members Promote public safety Facilitate emergency management procedures Disseminate information during tragedy or uncertainty Promote and recruit Establish departmental brand Sources: From Greene, J. R. (2000). Policies, Processes, and Decisions of the Criminal Justice System, 3, 299–370; Kappeler, V. E., & Gaines, L. K. (2009). Community policing: A contemporary perspective (5th ed.). Newark, NJ: Bender; Leach (2009); Huang, C., Chan, E., & Hyder, A. (2010). BMC Medical Informatics and Decision Making, 10, 57; International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2011). 2011 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from www.iacpsocialmedia.org/ Portals/1/documents/2011SurveyResults.pdf; Stevens, L. (2011). Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, 19–20; Kolb, N. (2013). Sheriff, 65, 10–11; Lieberman, J. D., Koetzle, D., & Sakiyama, M. (2013). Police Quarterly, 16, 438–462.

well as details about actively working with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) on a drug case (Donlon-Cotton, 2010). These instances jeopardized the careers of those officers as well as the department’s reputation. Law enforcement agencies are allowed to develop and enforce policies regarding the content that officers are permitted to post on social media accounts, but cannot take away the right to have a personal account. According to Donlon-Cotton (2010), departments are allowed to maintain a policy that holds officers accountable for how they present themselves as a representative of the agency. Policies need to be specific and cover a broad list of topics such as photos and videos of officers, suspects, police facilities, equipment, and weapons; employment; job assignments; information regarding police reports; an individual’s criminal history; arrests made; profanity and other unprofessional content; offensive comments about coworkers; and


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work-related posts. In addition to these items, policies often include a caveat that officers must grant administration access to personal accounts. In 2011, The Institute of Continuing Judicial Education survey indicated that less than 40% of the agencies had policies regarding social media use, and less than 15% of the responding agencies provided training that demonstrated appropriate Facebook activity (Stuart, 2013). In comparison, just 2 years later, the number of police department agencies that indicated they have a social media policy has grown to 70% and an additional 14% are in the process of developing a policy (IACP, 2013). Administrators need to set appropriate guidelines regarding the use of social media in order to reduce misuse and misrepresentation. Other than misuse by officers, another concern with social media is one-way communication by officers and the public. One-way communication includes posting stories, warnings or other police-related posts without addressing responses or feedback provided by the public. In many cases, the public will comment and ask questions only to be ignored by the police department. According to Brainard and McNutt (2010), the Washington DC Police Department’s use of web-based discussion groups was a one-way form of information, with very little exchanges. In addition, Crump (2011), who studied police-sponsored Twitter accounts, discovered that the mode of communication was primarily one way. Conversely, in the aforementioned 2013 Social Media Survey, IACP found that 73% of the agencies reported that social media improved police– community relations in their jurisdictions. The study did identify the top three barriers to police departments adopting Facebook pages. Those barriers included resource/personnel constraints, security, and privacy concerns. It is clear that departments must commit the resources to not only develop a mission and purpose for creating a Facebook presence but also develop policies and procedures to assure those strategies are implemented most effectively. In an effort “to help police departments make the most of Facebook pages to tell their stories and build deep, lasting connections with their audience” (Building Your Presence with Facebook Pages, n.d., p. 1). The IACP suggests departments consider the following: (a) be timely and topical with information, (b) showcase and promote local events and citizens, (c) remind citizens whom they should contact in case of an emergency, (d) make citizens aware of and to be on the lookout for suspects and to update citizens when they are apprehended, and (e) to post fun content; not everything has to be serious. It is clear that the use of social media and networking by law enforcement has significantly increased in recent years. Additionally, the use of social media allows police departments to incorporate and maintain two-way communication with the public whom they serve. Assuming departments utilize social networking as a form of interchange and dialog, community members may be more likely to feel they have a voice or their concerns will be


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addressed. Based on previous research by Kilburn and Krieger (2014), it may also be more likely that citizens will develop positive views of law enforcement when they have easy access to them. In an attempt to build on current literature pertaining to departmental use of Facebook pages, the upcoming section details a current research endeavor that was conducted to ascertain the prevalence, frequency, and content of Facebook posts by a select number of police departments.

Methodology Evaluating the prevalence, frequency, and content of Facebook posts by larger-sized police departments (1,500–2,000 sworn officers) in the United States was the objective of the study. Basic characteristics of department Facebook pages, as well as the types of posts made by the departments and the community, contributed to the data collection efforts. An additional data source included coding the comments to each post.

Sample For this study, 23 U.S. police departments were analyzed in order to determine the prevalence of Facebook utilization within larger-sized departments. Once Facebook pages were identified from department websites, they were analyzed over a 6-week period. The time frame included all comments, posts, and likes made between June 23, 2014 and August 4, 2014. This time frame was chosen with the consideration that communities and police departments tend to be more active during the summer months. The size and names of the departments were obtained through the latest U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Program’s Bureau of Justice Statistics’ census of state and local law enforcement agencies (Reaves, 2011). The department sizes ranged from approximately 1,500 (Denver, Colorado, Police Department; 1,525) to 2,000 sworn officers (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Police Department; 1,987). A content analysis of department Facebook pages was conducted to ascertain both content and frequency of posts within the given time frame. Additional components of the analysis were to examine community posts to the Facebook pages, as well as community responses to department posts on the page.

Coding and Measurement The framework for the content analysis was structured utilizing Merriam’s (2009) qualitative research process as a guide. A “Google docs” spreadsheet


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was utilized by the researchers to collectively conduct the analysis. The content of the posts was coded using a latent analysis approach. The researchers reviewed contextual cues of the posts (post title, message, attached pictures, and/or descriptions) to determine the category for each post and comment. Coding was performed by a research team of four. In an effort to ensure interrater reliability, the researchers developed a detailed coding protocol that included an overall evaluation by a second reviewer. The goal of the second reviewer was to assure consistency and reliability throughout the coding process. Any inconsistencies between the initial reviewer and the second reviewer were resolved with discussion among the research team. Department Facebook Page Characteristics In conducting the content analysis, general demographic information about the departments was collected. These characteristics included police department size, presence of a Facebook page in 2012, presence of a Facebook page in 2014, number of followers/likes, total number of department posts within the time frame, total number of community posts within the time frame, total number of “likes,” total number of “shares,” total number of “comments,” presence of a Twitter account in 2012, presence of a Twitter account in 2014, and total number of Twitter followers. Through the collection of the data, Facebook-followers-to-department-size ratios and Twitter-followersto-department-size ratios could be calculated. It was also noted whether the community was allowed to post directly to the department Facebook page. The presence of a Facebook or Twitter account in 2012 was obtained from the researchers’ prior study titled “Policing in an Information Age: The Prevalence of State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies Utilizing the World Wide Web to Connect With the Community” (Kilburn & Krieger, 2014). Department Post Characteristics For each department Facebook post, various basic components were collected. The number of “likes” (feature allowing users to suggest a positive response to and/or follow a post), “shares” (feature allowing users to disseminate a post for others to view), and “comments” (feature allowing users to write a response to a published post) were tallied for each post. As a result of the latent analysis of the content found in each post, emerging categories and subcategories were identified. See Table 14.2 for a list of emerging categories for department posts. Community Post Characteristics The same basic components were collected for posts initiated by a member of the community on the department Facebook page. The number of “likes,”


The Role of Facebook in Policing Table 14.2

Emergent Department Post Categories

Department Post Category General community event Department-sponsored event Officer/staff recognition Share media stories related to department Share media interest stories unrelated to the department Job recruitment Department history Updates or requests for information on unsolved crimes Missing persons Arrests Wanted persons Traffic Safety

271

Description Messages provided information about community events Messages provided information about police departmentsponsored events Messages provided information recognizing officers and/ or staff within the department Departments “shared” media stories related to the department (e.g., drug busts, rescues) Departments “shared” media stories related to community events or public awareness Messages provided information about current job openings or upcoming recruitment events Messages provided information about retired employees or memorials Messages provided either updates or requests for information regarding unsolved crimes Messages provided reports or updates of a missing person Messages provided reports of arrests Messages provided reports or updates of wanted persons Messages provided reports or updates of traffic issues or checkpoints in the area Messages provided general updates and reminders to be safe

“shares,” and “comments” was tallied for each post. The researchers also made note as to whether the community was allowed to post information on the department Facebook page. Facebook page administrators have the option to deny posts made by anyone other than the administrators of the page. As a result of the analysis, emerging categories and subcategories were also identified. See Table 14.3 for a list of emerging categories for community posts. Replies and Comments Characteristics to Posts Basic components were collected for comments and replies to posts. These components included total number of “likes,” “shares,” “comments,” “tags” (feature allowing users to notify specific individuals about the post), and missing/removed replies. Facebook administrators have the ability to remove any post for any reason (e.g., inappropriate, off topic, unrelated). The apparent missing/removed replies were calculated by comparing the total number of “comments” indicated at the top of all posts to the actual number of replies contained in the “comment” chain of responses. Through coding and analyzing the content of comments to posts made on department Facebook


272 Table 14.3

Change and Reform in Law Enforcement Emergent Community Post Categories

Community Post Category Report crime Complaints Compliments Suggestions Community events Share local media stories General questions

Description Community-initiated post to report a crime Community-initiated post to issue a complaint Community-initiated post a compliment Community-initiated post to suggest an improvement Community-initiated post to share a community event Community-initiated post to share a media story Community-initiated posts to ask a general question (e.g., where and when a checkpoint will take place, location of a particular event)

pages, the researchers were able to identify categories and subcategories. See Table 14.4 for a list of emerging categories for replies and comments.

Results The number of police officers in the law enforcement organizations ranged from 1,525 (Denver, Colorado, Police Department) to 1,987 (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Police Department). The mean police department size was 1,739 (SD = 149.91). The median police department size was 1,719 (Atlanta, Georgia, Police Department). All 23 of the law enforcement agencies included in this study hosted websites for public access in 2012 and 2014.

Social Media Presence Seventy-four percent of the 23 police departments had Facebook pages in 2012 as compared to 100% in 2014. These data suggest a 26% increase in department Facebook representation within a 2-year time frame. It should be noted that while one department hosted a Facebook page (Memphis, Tennessee, Police Department), it appeared to be inactive. The last post was dated May 23, 2014. The number of Facebook followers ranged from 216 (Port Authority of New York and New Jersey) to 86,269 (Ohio State Highway Patrol). The median number of followers was 16,605 (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Police Department). The highest Facebook-follower-to-officer ratio was 55:1 (Ohio State Highway Patrol; 86,269 Facebook followers: 1,560 officers). The lowest Facebook-follower-to-officer ratio was 1:0.1 (Port Authority of New York and New Jersey; 216 Facebook followers: 1,667 officers). For comparison purposes regarding the use of popular social media networks, the authors compared the number of departments that had Twitter


The Role of Facebook in Policing Table 14.4

273

Emergent Replies and Comments Categories

Replies and Comments Category Positive comments/kudos Negative comments/complaints Report crimes Suggestions for improvement Comments about laws or legal issues Inquiry on the status of a case/ sentencing Traffic information Community events Sending positive thoughts/prayers Comments on cases/missing person Employment inquiries Questions specifically directed to the police department Comments with no significance to the post topic

Description Expressed pride, appreciation, congratulations, and so on, for the department Expressed discontent, embarrassment or disagreement with the department Reported crimes to the department Suggested areas of improvement for the department Commented about the legality of certain procedures or laws (e.g., gun buy backs, right to privacy, police brutality, right to bear arms) Inquired about the status of a case or sentencing of a suspect Provided traffic information (e.g., accident on I-67, traffic is always congested after the fireworks display) Provided additional information about community events Indicated positive thoughts or prayers were being sent to either a victim and/or the police department staff Provided comments regarding a case and/or missing person Inquired about employment status, application process, or upcoming recruitment event Directed specific questions to the police department (e.g., what happens to guns purchased during a buy back, when is the driver’s license checkpoint taking place) Miscellaneous messages that do not fall in the categories above or did not directly contribute to the “conversation”

accounts in 2012 to the number of accounts in 2014. Forty-eight percent of the departments had an account in 2012 compared to 96% in 2014; an increase of 48% over a 2-year period. The highest Twitter-follower-to-officer ratio was 21:1. The lowest Twitter-follower-to-officer ratio was 1:1. See Table 14.5 for department social media characteristics.

Department Social Media Activity Characteristics Within the 6-week data analysis time frame, police departments made a total of 296 posts to their Facebook pages. The median and mean number of posts per department was 13 (SD = 6.22) with a range of 0–23 posts per department. The community made 540 posts to department pages during that same time frame. It should be noted that only 35% of the departments allowed


16,605

17,929

16,157

18,188

1,580

19,381

77,366

56,590

1,951

1,940

1,934

1,910

1,886

1,873

1,827

Facebook Followers

1,987

Total Officers

30.97:1

41.31:1

10.28:1

0.83:1

9.4:1

8.33:1

9.19:1

8.36:1

Facebook Follower:Officer Ratio

Department Social Media Characteristics

Milwaukee (WI) Police San Diego (CA) Police San Francisco (CA) Police Honolulu (HI) Police Baltimore County (MD) Police Columbus (OH) Police Virginia State Police North Carolina State Highway Patrol

Agency

Table 14.5

12

8

27

13

18

23

10

13

Department Posts

14,873

4,094

3,843

83

1,881

4,189

2,874

8,304

Likes

1,199

445

2,940

75

624

502

258

920

Shares

408

116

602

13

179

386

132

264

Replies to Police Department Posts

9,448

â&#x20AC;&#x201C;

12,229

5,647

9,194

28,800

9,778

17,450

Twitter Followers

(Continued)

5.17:1

â&#x20AC;&#x201C;

6.48:1

2.96:1

4.75:1

14.85:1

5.01:1

8.78:1

Twitter Follower:Officer Ratio

274 Change and Reform in Law Enforcement


San Bernardino County (CA) Sheriff Orange County (CA) Sheriff–Coroner Michigan State Police Atlanta (GA) Police Charlotte– Mecklenburg (NC) Police Port Authority of New York and New Jersey Jacksonville (FL) Sheriff

Agency

6,632

12,116

54,730

6,634

3,690

216

48,840

1,794

1,732

1,719

1,672

1,667

1,662

Facebook Followers

29.39:1

0.13:1

2.21:1

3.86:1

31.6:1

6.75:1

3.69:1

Facebook Follower:Officer Ratio

14

3

7

20

15

11

18

Department Posts

Department Social Media Characteristics

1,797

Total Officers

Table 14.5 (Continued)

2,888

1

277

448

4,019

1,014

2,668

Likes

2,691

34

383

448

31

746

Shares

719

32

30

242

33

309

Replies to Police Department Posts

15,300

25,200

2,727

10,100

10,500

11,100

1,969

Twitter Followers

(Continued)

9.21:1

15.12:1

1.63:1

5.88:1

6.06:1

6.19:1

1.1:1

Twitter Follower:Officer Ratio

The Role of Facebook in Policing 275


Agency

Broward County (FL) Sheriff Cleveland (OH) Police Florida Highway Patrol Indianapolis (IN) Metropolitan Police Prince George’s County (MD) Police Ohio State Highway Patrol Memphis (TN) Police Denver (CO) Police Totals

16,090

23,438

5,801

30,197

22,018

86,269

6,199

15,338

562,004

1,616

1,606

1,582

1,578

1,560

1,549

1,525

39,991

Facebook Followers

14.05:1

10.06:1

4:1

55.3:1

13.95:1

19.09:1

3.61:1

14.5:1

9.91:1

Facebook Follower:Officer Ratio

296

10

14

11

17

5

11

16

Department Posts

Department Social Media Characteristics

1,624

Total Officers

Table 14.5 (Continued)

77,404

2,201

5,888

2,938

9,903

463

3,376

1,179

Likes

21,295

139

3,944

311

3,198

125

2,033

249

Shares

5,792

199

653

216

767

11

370

111

Replies to Police Department Posts

274,821

32,200

1,760

23,800

12,712

14,100

2,884

11,200

6,723

Twitter Followers

6.87:1

21.11:1

1.14:1

15.26:1

8.06:1

8.91:1

1.8:1

6.93:1

4.14:1

Twitter Follower:Officer Ratio

276 Change and Reform in Law Enforcement


The Role of Facebook in Policing

277

community posts. For the departments permitting community posts, the mean number of posts between June 23, 2014 and August 4, 2014 was 77 (SD = 67.88). The median number of community posts was 0. See Table 14.5 for department social media characteristics. The overall comparison of followers to police officers was 14:1 for Facebook compared to 7:1 for Twitter. While the adoption of Twitter has increased by 48%, there is a higher ratio of Facebook followers to department size. There are half as many Twitter followers as there are Facebook followers. See Table 14.5 for department social media characteristics. The total number of “likes” for the department and community posts was 77,404. The mean number of “likes” was 3,365 (SD = 3,584.58) per department. The range was 0–14,873 and the median number of “likes” was 2,874. The total number of “shares” for the department and community posts was 21,295. The mean number of “shares” for the departments was 926 (SD = 1,175.11). The range was 0–3,944. The median number of “shares” was 445. The total number of “comments” for department and community posts was 5,792. The mean number of “comments” for the departments was 252 (SD = 240.87). The range was 0–767 and the median number of “comments” was 199. Taking total “likes,” “shares,” and “comments” into consideration (104,491), “likes” accounted for 74% of the interactions, “shares” 20%, and “comments” 6%. See Table 14.6 for total department social media characteristics. Considering the total number of followers on the department Facebook pages, it appears that approximately 19% of users (followers on Facebook) are engaging with departments by actively interacting through Facebook. Only 14% of the followers “liked” comments, followed by 4% sharing police department posts and 1% posting comments. See Table 14.7 for department social media characteristics.

Police Department Posts Department-sponsored community events made up the largest number of police department posts (18%). This was closely followed by officer/staff recognition posts (17%) and general community event posts (13%). Public safety posts were among the smallest percentages of department posts, accounting for only 3% of all posts. Policing and crime-solving-related posts made by law enforcement agencies were approximately one-fourth of all posts made by police departments. This group of posts included traffic patrol activities, arrests, wanted persons, solved crimes, and missing persons, making up 26% of law enforcement


278 Table 14.6

Change and Reform in Law Enforcement Total Department Social Media Characteristics

Category

Agency Combined Totals

Range

39,991 296

Department size Department Facebook posts Facebook followers/ likes Community Facebook posts Likes Shares Comments Twitter followers

Table 14.7 Category Likes Shares Comments a

Median

Mean

SD

1,525–1,978 0–27

1,719 13

1,739 13

149.91 6.22

562,004

216–86,269

16,605

24,434

23,937.66

540

0–174

0

23

50.66

77,404 21,295 5,792 274,821

0–14,873 0–3,944 0–767 0–32,200

2,874 445 199 10,500

3,365 926 252 11,923

3,584.58 1,175.11 240.87 8,693.44

Department Social Media Characteristics Totals

Percentage Facebook Followersa

77,404 21,295 5,792 104,491

14 4 1 19

Total number of Facebook followers on the 23 police department pages: 562,004.

Facebook posts. Traffic patrol activities accounted for the largest percentage of department posts in relation to local policing/crime-solving activities (10%). Six percent of department posts referenced wanted persons and 8% referenced arrests. Missing persons and solved crimes made up the smallest number of department posts related to crime, each equaling 1% of total posts by departments. Law enforcement agencies shared media and stories related to policing in 10% of their posts, and non-police-related media and stories in 7% of their posts. Policing stories ranged from information about police programs, policies, laws, and police-themed pictures. Traffic patrol activities equaled 10% of the total number of police department posts. Patrol activity posts frequently included announcements to the public alerting community members that the agency would be conducting safety checks in a particular area. These posts garnered mixed community responses. Some citizens responded positively stating they appreciated the departments’ attempts to deter driving under the influence while others lamented they were violations of the law. See Table 14.8 for categories of department posts.


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279

Table 14.8 Categories of Department Posts Department Post Categories Department-sponsored event Officer/staff recognition General community event Traffic patrol activities Share media stories related to policing Arrests Share media stories not related to policing Wanted persons Posts about job openings and recruitment Posts safety History Solved crimes Missing persons Total

Category Posts

Percentage of Total Posts

53 51 38 31 30 23 20 17 10 10 7 4 2 296

18 17 13 10 10 8 7 6 3 3 2 1 1 ~100%

Community Posts Law enforcement agencies can restrict community posts on their Facebook pages. As a result, only 35% of the department Facebook pages surveyed allowed community posts. Some of the agencies that did not allow community members to post directly to their Facebook wall did allow the public to post reviews of the department. The eight departments allowing community posts received 540 posts. Police department posts combined and detailed in Table 14.8 only reached 296 posts. Even though the number of departments allowing community posts was small, community members posted more frequently than the departments. Citizens shared media stories relating to policing in 34% of their total posts. These posts frequently included videos and links to stories about crime, police brutality, and police misconduct. At times, these links involved police misconduct, brutality, and crimes that were not related directly to the department itself, but reflected an issue of public concern. Facebook users made 85 posts that consisted of general inquiries. When users posted questions that indicated a crime had been committed, they received directions to contact the department directly or to contact 911. See Table 14.9 for community post categories.

Community Comments to Department Posts Although the largest number of community comments/replies to department posts carried no significance to the post topic, they attributed to 31%


280

Change and Reform in Law Enforcement Table 14.9 Community Post Categories Community Posts Share media stories related to policing General questions Complaints Posts about community events Compliments Reporting crime Posts suggestions Total

Category Posts

Percentage

183 85 79 64 63 51 15 540

34 16 15 12 12 9 3 ~100%

of all community responses. These comments were frequently the result of community members responding to each other, ambiguous statements, and single-word comments. A little over one-third of all community posts consisted of positive expressions of praise, appreciation, condolences, prayers, and well wishes. These sentiments are divided into positive comments/kudos (26%) about the department specifically and the public sending positive thoughts/prayers (13%) to department members, victims, and other community members. Negative comments/complaints made up a relatively small number of community posts consisting of only 388 of the 5,792 posts, equaling only 7% of the combined number of community posts. The ratio of positive posts to negative posts was 4:1, with positive posts occurring at a rate of 4 times more than negative posts. Reporting inaccuracies in negative versus positive comment occurrences could exist due to the number of comments removed from the department feeds. Surveyors of department Facebook pages discovered that 412 (7%) comments did not appear in dialog feeds. It is possible that the administrators removed the comments at their discretion or the community members deleted the comments themselves. See Table 14.10 for community replies to department post categories.

Discussion It is apparent that developing a presence on Facebook is important to larger police departments who employ between 1,500 and 2,000 sworn officers. Facebook presence has increased by 26% over a 2-year period. Of the 23Â departments analyzed, 100% of the departments now have a Facebook presence. However, the frequency and use of the Facebook pages varied substantially among the departments. For example, over the 6-week analysis, one department posted 27 times to their page, compared to another which has not posted since May 23, 2014. The number of Facebook followers also varied markedly from 216 to 86,269. Some departments had a very high ratio


The Role of Facebook in Policing

281

Table 14.10 Community Replies to Department Post Categories Community Comments/Replies to Police Department Posts

Ratio

Percentage

No significance to the post topic Positive comments/kudos Sending positive thoughts/prayers Comments removed Negative comments/complaints Tag individuals Questions directed to police department Suggestions for improvement Employment information Correcting grammar/errors Traffic information Comments about laws or legal issues Comments on cases/missing person Report crimes Police brutality Community events Total

1,805 1,492 738 412 388 306 155 109 91 80 76 66 26 24 15 9 5,792

31 26 13 7 7 5 3 2 2 1 1 1 >1 >1 >1 >1 ~100%

of followers with 55 followers for every sworn officer to less than one follower (0.013) for every sworn officer. This increase in Facebook use appears to be consistent with the literature which suggested as few as 47% of law enforcement agencies were using social media in 2011 (Kolb) as compared to 96% in 2013 (IACP). When comparing the two most popular social media platforms, it appears that although Twitter experienced a rather impressive rate of increase (48%) over the last 2 years with 96% of the 23 departments utilizing Twitter accounts, the highest Twitter-follower-to-officer ratio is 21:1. This is less than half of the Facebook-follower-to-officer ratio of 55:1. It appears that Facebook, for the time being, is still the preferred social media outlet of the social networking sites for the community to obtain information. The IACP 2013 Social Media Survey supports this finding as 92% of the 500 responding agencies reported using Facebook as compared to 64% using Twitter. According to the IACP data, Twitter usage experienced a 31% increase from 34% of the departments adopting the platform in 2011 to 65% of the departments in 2013. One explanation for the lag in Twitter departmental use and followers could be due to the fact it was developed and promoted at least 2Â years after Facebook. Less than 19% of users following departments on Facebook pages actively interacted with the police departments. This finding suggests that over 81%


282

Change and Reform in Law Enforcement

of Facebook users engaged in passive forms of interaction with police departments. If active interaction or engagement took place, it was most likely in the form of a simple click to “like” a comment or story (14%). Four percent of the users “shared” a story posted on the department page. Less than 1% actually replied to a post made on the department page and less than 1% made comments on a department post. One should be cautious, however, about making a generalization that only 19% of the users interact with the departments’ Facebook pages. Many users may simply just be reading the material posted and gaining the information. If the goal of the department is to disseminate information and/or use the page for public relations purposes, actively interacting with the page is not required in order to measure effectiveness. Also, if a user “likes” or “shares” certain posts, then the user’s “Facebook friends” may obtain the information without following or actively interacting with the police department. The average number of posts made by departments over the 6-week time period was 13 (range 0–23; SD = 6.22). With 42 days in the given time frame, this equates to one post approximately every 3 days. However, one should be very careful applying this observation in order to make generalizations about police department posting habits. With such a large range among department posting activities, some departments will not post near that frequency. In addition, some departments posted multiple times on one day followed by large time frames where no posts were made at all. For example, if an officer was injured in the line of duty, the department might post multiple updates. Or, if the department is attempting to locate a missing or wanted person, they may post multiple times in an effort to keep the community informed. Particular events that occurred during the selected 6-week time frame could have dramatically impacted the number of posts as well as the number of responses to the posts. Department-sponsored community events (e.g., gun buyback, coffee with a cop) accounted for the largest number of police department posts (18%). Other topics posted regularly included officer/staff recognition (17%), general community event posts (13%), and public safety (3%). One could make the observation that these categories are community relation-type posts that make up just over half of the department overall posts (51%). This suggests that by building a positive image of law enforcement, community/police relations could possibly improve. Other frequently posted topics included traffic patrol (10%), shared media stories related to policing (10%), and arrests (8%). Further studying the mission, objectives, and goals of departments in developing and maintaining a Facebook page is of great interest to the authors. Another suggested area for future research is ascertaining the communities’ perceptions of what types of information should be available on department Facebook pages. Other researchers have suggested that smaller departments use social media for community engagement, recruitment, agency branding,


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283

and reputation management (Stevens, 2011) or for more public relations messages, as compared to larger departments generating more crime-related messages (Lieberman et al., 2013). Considering the current study that analyzed departments with approximately 1,500–2,000 sworn officers, one might expect a more community-based focus. The researchers would also be interested in comparing large police department pages (2,000 or more sworn officers) to the results of this study to determine if the types of posts and the frequencies of those posts remain consistent. The authors also recognize that community size, crime rates, and geographic location may play a role. There is certainly a need for greater breadth and depth to the study of police departments’ use of Facebook. Only 35% of the departments allowed the community members to post directly on the department Facebook page. For departments permitting community posts, the average (M = 77, SD = 67.88) exceeded the police department posts (M = 13, SD = 6.22). The eight departments allowing community posts received a total number of 540 community-initiated posts. This is more than double the amount of all police department posts combined (296). Citizens shared media stories relating to policing 34% of the time. It was observed that many of the video posts pertained links and stories about crime, police brutality, and police misconduct. While they were rarely directly related to the department, it does reflect that this is an area of public concern. Additional topics posted included general questions (16%), complaints (15%), posts about community events (12%), compliments to the department (12%), and reports of crime (9%). The authors feel that researching departmental reasoning or purpose behind allowing/not allowing posts, as well as the role of community posts on a department Facebook page, would be a warranted endeavor. In regard to the community replies and comments made addressing posts on department pages, the largest percentage (31%) of the replies did not directly pertain to the posted topic. Often, these were comments of community members responding to each other, ambiguous statements, or single-word comments. A little over one-third of the community comments to posts included either positive comments/kudos (26%) or the public sending thoughts/prayers to the department, victims, or other community members (13%). Negative comments made up only 7% of the total replies to topics. It is worth noting that the ratio of positive to negative posts was 4:1. It is also important to note that 7% of the “comments” counted at the top of each post were missing from the “comment” chain. It is possible the administrator removed the comments at their discretion, or the community member chose to personally delete the comments. The researchers observed some departments had a rather descriptive reply or comment policy and advised followers that any negative or derogatory comments would be removed. The authors note that the missing or deleted comments could have had an impact on the number of comments coded as “negative” compared to the actual


284

Change and Reform in Law Enforcement

number of negative comments. Also, for some departments, it was observed that particular individuals posted negative comments quite frequently and consistently. Questions directed to the police department and suggestions for improvement provided the department administrators an opportunity to engage in dialog with community members. These two categories together made up 5% (questions 155/5,792, 3%; suggestions 109/5,792, 2%) of the community responses/replies on department pages. Some of the agencies surveyed responded to questions and suggestions made by community members quickly while other departments appeared to ignore the opportunity to engage with citizens. It is important to note that all agencies have different social media policies, and it is possible that some of the agencies that did not openly respond to questions and suggestions will have utilized private messaging to address citizen concerns.

Conclusions Both the current and referenced research indicate that social media use among police departments has and will continue to increase. Facebook appears to be the preferred social media platform; however, Twitter has experienced a rather steady increase as well. Departments use social media to inform the public about a wide variety of issues, including crime investigation, public relations, and community engagement. More research is needed in order to determine how and why departments develop and implement their social media presence. After conducting the current content analysis, it is very apparent that “one size does not fit all.” Developing a social media presence strategy that meets the needs of the department and the community is integral. Policies and procedures need to be put in place to not only guide departments on posting information, but to educate the community on appropriate avenues to communicate with departments. Departments now have at their disposal the ability to communicate with the public 24 hours of the day. Making the most of this connection with the public could quite possibly remove barriers created by technologies, such as the car and two-way radio, as well as create an avenue that connects law enforcement to the people once again.

References Brainard, L. A., & McNutt, J. G. (2010). Virtual government–citizen relations: Informational transactional, or collaborative. Administration and Society, 42, 836–858. Braunstein, S. (2007). Adapting to change in law enforcement public information. The Police Chief, 74, 42.


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Building Your Presence with Facebook Pages: A Guide for Police Departments (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.iacpsocialmedia.org/Portals/1/documents/ FacebookPagesGuide.pdf Crump, J. (2011). What are police doing on Twitter? Social media, the police and the public. Policy and Internet, 3, 4. Donlon-Cotton, C. (2010). Social network policies: Maintaining public trust. Law & Order, 58, 12–14. Greene, J. R. (2000). Community policing in America: Changing the nature, structure and function of the police. Policies, Processes, and Decisions of the Criminal Justice System, 3, 299–370. Huang, C., Chan, E., & Hyder, A. (2010). Web 2.0 and Internet social networking: A new tool for disaster management?—Lessons from Taiwan. BMC Medical Informatics and Decision Making, 10, 57. International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2010). 2010 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from http://www.iacpsocialmedia.org/Portals/1/documents/ Survey%20Results%20Document.pdf International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2011). 2011 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from www.iacpsocialmedia.org/Portals/1/documents/ 2011SurveyResults.pdf International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2012). 2012 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from http://www.iacpsocialmedia.org/Resources/Publications/ 2012SurveyResults.aspx International Association of Chiefs of Police. (2013). 2013 IACP Social Media Survey. Retrieved from http://www.berkeleyside.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/20 13SurveyResults.pdf Johnson, J. (2012). Embracing social media: To protect, serve and tweet: Sonoma County fire departments turn to Twitter, Facebook to connect with community. The Press Democrat. http://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/2306249-181/ sonoma-county-public-agencies-moving Kappeler, V. E., & Gaines, L. K. (2009). Community policing: A contemporary perspective (5th ed.). Newark, NJ: Bender. Kilburn, M., & Krieger, L. (2014). Policing in an information age: The prevalence of state and local law enforcement agencies utilizing the World Wide Web to connect with the community. International Journal of Police Science and Management, 16, 221–227. Kolb, N. (2013). Center for social media resources. Sheriff, 65, 10–11. Leach, J. (2009). Creating ethical bridges from journalism to digital news. Nieman Reports, 63, 42–44. Lieberman, J. D., Koetzle, D., & Sakiyama, M. (2013). Police departments’ use of Facebook: Patterns and policy issues. Police Quarterly, 16, 438–462. Merriam, S. B. (2009). Qualitative research: A guide to design and implementation. San Francisco: John Wiley & Sons. Reaves, B. (2011). Census of state and local law enforcement agencies. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved from http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/ content/pub/pdf/csllea08.pdf Stanek, R. (2013). Social media in law enforcement. Sheriff, 65, 40–43. Stevens, L. (2011). Social media in law enforcement: Aligning strategy with policing goals. Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, 19–20.


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Stuart, R. (2013). Social media: Establishing criteria for law enforcement use. Retrieved from http://www.fbi.gov/stats-services/publications/law-enforcement-bulletin/ 2013/february/social-media-establishing-criteria-for-law-enforcement-use Wilson, J. Q., & Kelling, G. (1982). Broken windows: The police and neighborhood safety. Atlantic Monthly, March, 29â&#x20AC;&#x201C;38.


A Dynamical Spider Web of Change The Process of Changing Policy in Law Enforcement

15

MICHELE MUNI Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 287 Summary of Research Problem ................................................................... 288 Literature Review and Theoretical Considerations ........................................ 289 Changing Domestic Violence Policies in Domestic Violence ................. 289 Theoretical Considerations .......................................................................... 291 Systems Theory .............................................................................................. 291 Institutional Theory....................................................................................... 292 Methods ............................................................................................................... 292 Sample ............................................................................................................. 293 Data Collection .............................................................................................. 293 Data Analysis.................................................................................................. 294 Findings .......................................................................................................... 295 Commitment .................................................................................................. 296 Proactivity....................................................................................................... 297 Compulsion .................................................................................................... 298 Discussion ........................................................................................................... 299 Limitations .......................................................................................................... 302 Conclusions ......................................................................................................... 303 Appendix: Example Interview Questions........................................................ 304 References ............................................................................................................ 305

Introduction Since Sherman and Berkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (1984) study on mandatory arrest, domestic violence (DV) policies have attracted the attention of policing scholars and law enforcement executives. However, the large-scale question, relevant internationally, is how well are these policies being implemented and enforced? This may not be a popular question among law enforcement executives, yet it is an 287


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important one. Police and prosecutors are often frustrated when responding to DV incidents because victims regularly return to the violent relationship (Erez & Belknap, 1998, p. 251; also see Hartman & Belknap, 2003). If victims reconcile with their abusers, the reform of police practices and the implementation of DV policies are likely to have little effect. Departments could curtail discretion through reform and policies; however, in order for policies to work effectively, they need to be fully implemented and enforced. Since the 1970s and 1980s, DV and DV policy has garnered attention from the international law enforcement community (see Applegate, 2005). Police officers suggest that DV studies are practical because they encounter DV calls frequently and new information is useful. Although there have been a few studies on DV programs, there is little information on how police systematically organize to respond to DV (Townsend, Hunt, Kuck, & Baxter, 2005). This study helps fill the gap in organizational change research by exploring the process of changing strategies, procedures, and policies in a local police department in New Jersey. Trenton, New Jersey, was selected as the case site because the problems facing the city of Trenton, including DV, are not unlike other U.S. cities or international cities. Furthermore, most police departments, urban, suburban, or rural, experience obstacles with changing and implementing strategies. This research was developed with the hope that agencies will learn from the experiences of the Trenton Police Department (TPD). In 2009, the TPD created a DV unit after an increase in deadly DV incidents. The TPD recognized that although the department was following the state-regulated DV mandates, its response achievements in terms of dealing with the DV problem needed improvement. New strategies were put into practice to ensure that officers understood DV duties and responsibilities as defined in the New Jersey Code, N.J.S.Aâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;2C: 25-1. Subsequently, the TPD distributed General Order 2009-03â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Domestic Violence Policy. The content of the general order included information such as arrest responsibilities, seizure of weapons, execution of the DV offense report, distributing DV rights forms to victims, the DV complaint and the temporary restraining order process, and follow-up investigations. Summary of Research Problem Few scholars provide insight into how law enforcement organizations make decisions to change and how they implement change (Zhao, Lovrich, & Robinson, 2001). Scholars that have explored the structure of police organizations either view them as rational entities (Thompson, 2008) or as irrational entities that focus more on ritual than rationality (DiMaggio & Powell, 1991; Donaldson, 2001; Meyer & Rowan, 1977). Albeit scholars have discussed


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the structure of police departments, outside the community policing literature, there is a dearth of research that analyzes the process of changing law enforcement strategies, policies, and procedures (Maguire, 2006). This case study first suggests that implementation of new DV policies is contingent upon need. Second, a change agent, dedicated supervisors, detectives, and interagency collaboration are important during implementation stages. This chapter begins by exploring recent changes in DV policies and then transitions into a discussion on theoretical models of organizational change. Two models of organizational change, the systems theory model and the contingency theory model, are discussed as they are the most frequently applied by the criminal justice community. Finally, results of the Trenton study are discussed.

Literature Review and Theoretical Considerations Changing Domestic Violence Policies in Domestic Violence Over the past few decades, the criminal justice response to DV has changed drastically (Peterson, 2003). The womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s movement, lawsuits, and DV research led to changing police DV strategies (Jones & Belknap, 1999; Peterson, 2003). Traditionally, police, prosecutors, and judges treated DV more leniently than other crimes (Jones & Belknap, 1999; Peterson, 2003). During the 1980s, changes in police department DV policy represented some of the most significant changes in practices within the past few decades. For example, police began using mandatory arrest strategies rather than mediation tactics (Peterson, 2003). Before the 1970s, many states followed English common law, which required that police witness a misdemeanor before making an arrest (Buzawa & Buzawa, 2003). Police had little official recourse when responding to a DV call (Reuland, Morabito, Preston, & Cheney, 2006). If police did not witness the misdemeanor, they could not take any official action, including arresting the perpetrator. Police department policies appeared to change overnight in the early 1980s, after the publication of the Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment (Sherman & Berk, 1984). Sherman and Berk (1984) conducted the first true experiment on the deterrent effect of discretionary arrest for DV incidents. They drew their data from police calls for service from the Minneapolis Police Department. The treatment group included those who were arrested and the comparison groups included separation and intervention by the officer (for instance, mediating and mentoring). The results of the study indicated that 26% of offenders separated from the victim committed a future act of DV as compared to the 13% arrested. Moreover, there was little evidence of retributive action taken by the offender toward the victim once released from jail. Considering


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DV incidents as dynamic and requiring officer discretion, Sherman and Berk (1984) advocated that arrest policies refrain from mandating that officers arrest offenders, despite the findings of their study (also see Sherman, 1992). Within months of the Sherman report, police departments across the nation began implementing mandatory and presumptive arrest policies (Cohn & Sherman, 1987; Gelles, 1996), though whether or not police changed policies in order to increase deterrence or because of liability concerns is debatable (Frisch, 2003). Within days of the publication, the New York City Police Department Commissioner issued a new policy for DV arrests (Gelles, 1996). Four years later, 176 cities across the nation were using some form of mandatory arrest policy in DV (Gelles, 1996). Since Sherman and Berk (1984), subsequent reports explored whether discretionary arrest policies or mandatory arrest polices affected successive reports of DV incidents. One specific study shed doubt on the original report. Sherman et al. (1992) suggested that mandatory arrest could be counterproductive in preventing future acts of DV. Sometimes arrest increases the risk of DV, especially for people with few stakes in conformity (Maxwell, Garner, & Fagan, 2001; Paternoster, Brame, Bachman, & Sherman, 1997; Sherman et al., 1992). Sherman et al. (1992) recommended discretionary arrest rather than mandatory arrest. They also recommended the use of warrantless arrests when probable cause exists for a misdemeanor assault and mobilizing services for victims; for instance, referrals to shelters or detoxification centers (Sherman et al., 1992). Historically, the DV strategies of prosecutor’s offices were also lenient. Prosecutor’s offices were less willing to prosecute DV cases because victims were often unwilling to cooperate (Peterson, 2003). Victims were fearful that cooperation could lead to more severe battering, loss of economic support, or reduce the likelihood of repairing the relationship (Peterson, 2003). After police departments implemented pro-arrest policies, prosecutor’s offices began implementing no-drop prosecution policies and began practicing evidence-based prosecution (Peterson, 2003). Since 1977, with the passage of the Protection from Abuse Act in Pennsylvania, numerous advances were made by other states that passed DV laws. By the late 1970s, political efforts spurred reform to DV legislation and police intervention (Buzawa & Buzawa, 2003; Straus & Gelles, 1986). For example, the feminist and women’s movement accused the criminal justice system of “cavalierly” handling DV incidents, even violent incidents, and advocated for change (Buzawa & Buzawa, 1992, 2003). Women’s rights advocates claimed, for instance, that DV calls are treated by police as low priority, that police delay responses to DV calls, and that they avoid arrest in favor of restoring order (Buzawa & Buzawa, 2003; Ford, 1983; Gelles, 1996; Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980). In terms of changing policies based upon contingency, the three landmark court cases of Scott v. Hart (1976), Bruno v. Codd


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(1977), and Thurman v. City of Torrington (1984) goaded changes in their respective police department’s DV policies. Theoretical Considerations Perhaps unbeknown to law enforcement agencies, the process of change usually follows the tenets of organizational change theory. Organizational change researchers suggest that those agencies in the process of changing strategies should plan for change (Thompson, 2008; Twain, 1983). Scholars who have explored the structure of police organizations either view them as closed rational system (Thompson, 2008) or as irrational system that focus more on ritual than rationality (DiMaggio & Powell, 1991; Donaldson, 2001; Meyer & Rowan, 1977). Systems Theory Systems theory explores the relationship between organizational variables and the environment in which they exist. Agencies that follow the closed systems, a rational perspective, do not rely on input from the outside world. Instead, they are “self-contained” (Lucey, 2005). The goal of this model is efficiency through specialization and repetitiveness of job tasks, standards of operation, and control (management) (Thompson, 2008). Thus, organizational change is based on what is best for the organization in the eyes of the organization itself. Max Weber’s bureaucracy, which police agencies have historically followed, is based on closed system principles. The model includes a rigid hierarchical structure, strong centralized control, a division of labor, standard operating procedures, and unit of command (Roberg, Crank, & Kuykendall, 2000). In policing, the framework supported crime control while protecting against corrupt police practices. However, the issue with this model is that it stifled organizational change (Thompson, 1965). Bureaucracies insist that police follow rules without using discretion. In a sense, as denoted by Bittner (1970), police officers were “crime soldiers” or “soldier bureaucrats.” Community policing and problem-oriented policing, which follows an open systems perspective, challenged the principles of police bureaucracy. That said, however, bureaucracy can persist if upper management in the department is not motivated or committed to changing departmental values (Skolnick & Bayley, 1986). An open systems perspective considers the agency to be subject to environmental influences and does not close its doors to input. These institutions are their own entities but depend on a grander system for survival. The organizational environment (general environment) is anything external to the agency and could include “funding agencies, raw materials, clients, potential employees, the media, politicians, rumors, legislation, and employee unions”


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(Maguire, 2003, p. 26). For police, the external environment includes the public, politicians, the media, legislation, other law enforcement agencies, courts, corrections, and other social agencies. In order to maintain selfregulation and control, open systems constantly evaluate environmental contingencies, and they adjust procedures based upon threats. Planning for contingencies, revamping policies, and/or procedures and subsequent transition requires planning. For example, agencies and organizations may need to plan to train employees, plan for resistance from employees, and/or plan for situations that could overtax the agency or organization. Institutional Theory There are times in law enforcement when the agency is looking for recognition or legitimacy from the community. The systems perspective relies on rationality while the institutional perspective relies on ritual (Crank & Langworthy, 1992; Donaldson, 2001). Often, this leads to the agency or organization mimicking the views of the outside environment. Consequently, this could lead to stifling of change within organizations. For example, before the 1980s, DV was considered a private issue that should be addressed in the home, not in the company of police. The police mimicked the norms of society and developed policies based upon the traditional societal beliefs. However, the police department institutional culture quickly changed when its legitimacy was questioned by the infamous Minneapolis Experiment and groundbreaking legal cases. The 1970s and 1980s highlighted the importance of criminalizing DV. However, despite this recognition, there is still need to explore how departments are implementing policies and practices. Learning how police departments change policies to deal with victimization may offer other agencies valuable information relevant to implementing policies and overcoming obstacles. Using qualitative methods, this study added to the organizational change literature by exploring how police department dynamics are involved in creating a process for changing policies and ensuring compliance with policies. The two specific questions addressed by this research are as follows: 1. Which external or internal factors have an independent influence on law enforcement changing DV strategies? 2. How are police department dynamics involved in creating a process for changing policies and ensuring compliance with policies?

Methods Because this work focused on understanding TPDâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s experience in implementing its DV unit as a â&#x20AC;&#x153;whole in its real world context,â&#x20AC;? it applied qualitative,


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rather than quantitative or mixed methods (Scholz & Tietje, 2002). Using the chain referral methodology, data were collected from voluntary interviews of Trenton police officers, Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office employees, and victim’s advocates from Womenspace, Inc. The interview protocol was tested on the first five interviewees. Sample Twenty interviews were conducted. Twelve officers from the Trenton Police Department were interviewed (see Table 15.1). Officers were of a variety of department ranks and agencies. Originally, the Trenton Police DV unit consisted of two detectives and a sergeant. Today, the unit consists of one parttime detective and a sergeant who is responsible for other tasks in addition to supervising the DV unit. Each member of the Trenton Police Department’s DV unit, prior and current, was interviewed. Within the Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office (MCPO) two assistant prosecutors, two detectives, and one victim witness advocate work together to gather evidence and bring cases to court. Each member of the DV working group at MCPO was interviewed. However, one assistant prosecutor and one detective began working at the MCPO after the TPD implemented its DV unit and strategies. Some information provided in these interviews, however, proved useful as participants shared information similar to other respondents. Three Womenspace affiliates were interviewed. Data Collection Through judgmental sampling and “chain referral,” this study identified employees who worked and experienced the changes in DV strategies at the TPD and those who were fundamentally involved in the development Table 15.1 Sample Characteristics Rank Detective Police officer Sergeant Lieutenant Acting director Detective Assistant prosecutor Victim advocate Womenspace

Agency

Number of Participants

Trenton Police Department Trenton Police Department Trenton Police Department Trenton Police Department Trenton Police Department Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office Volunteers

5 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 3


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of these strategies (Marshall, 1996; Watters & Biernacki, 1989). During the interview, employees were asked whether they could refer other employees or former employees that may be able to provide valuable information. Participants were provided with a brief description of the purposes of the research. The interviews were conducted within the individual’s work environment, in a location that they felt most comfortable. Interviews lasted between 30 minutes to an hour with an average time of 39 minutes. Police department interviews lasted longer than Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office and interviews. Interviews were facilitated via semistructured conversations to ensure reliability. The interview questions were designed to elicit information on how and why police departments change policies and the process taken to implement change. Interviews were not audio-recorded; the author transcribed all interviews. Similar to the reasons posed by other law enforcement scholars, this author chose not to record interviews as law enforcement employees tend to be more guarded when their statements are recorded (Moskas, 2008; Oliva & Compton, 2009). Data Analysis Data were developed from the interviews utilizing a comparative analysis. Coding interviews involved a hybrid approach (Brixey et al., 2007). The hybrid approach combines both inductive and deductive analysis. Literature and theory are used to develop a baseline “classification framework.” As the research progresses, new categories are developed that are inductively grounded in the data (grounded theory framework) (Brixey et  al., 2007). Tying this approach into this study, as indicated, there is little information on how police systematically organize to respond to DV (Townsend et al., 2005). Grounded theory helped develop theoretical reasons, grounded in the data, for the processes of changing law enforcement strategies, policies, and procedures. Theoretical explanations are rooted in the data collection process. More specifically, the first step in analyzing this study’s data involved coding interview transcripts and letters. Ideas for concepts and themes were developed through reviewing the literature on organizational change (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). One of the last steps of data analysis for this study involved sorting and comparing the data according to job titles to determine whether job titles influenced the response of the individual (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). Finally, checking for the truthfulness of any study’s results involved evaluating the data based on thoroughness, believability, and accurateness (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). Triangulation through multiple sources of data, in this case the interviews and letters, helped ensure internal validity of this study.


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Findings Not surprisingly, in response to the first research question, the process guiding police to change policies and practices are dependent upon both internal and external factors. In Trenton, high levels of DV homicides led to the development of new policies and practices, promoting an environment of prevention. Interviews led to two themes. First, policies were developed out of necessity. Second, respondents agreed that policies were developed to help prevent future DV incidents. Most respondents from the Trenton Police Department (supervisors, detectives, and officers alike) and prosecutors from the Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office suggested Trenton experienced an increase in DV homicides in 2009, leading to concern among criminal justice officials. This finding confirms results from previous research on organizational change in policing. Sometimes change is necessary. As Buzawa and Buzawa (1992) suggested, agencies often reach a tipping point when the rational approach is not working. Change within the TPD appears linked to contingencies external to the police department. Officers and administrators alike point to rising violent DV incidents as a cause of changing police department strategies. According to officers and administrators, the increase in violent lethal DV incidents actualized the need for intervention from the police department. Only one participant from the TPD suggested a “knee-jerk, overreaction” to rising DV homicides as a reason for change. An officer and supervisor from the TPD suggested the media helped initiate a change in police department procedures, as reflected in the following statements from respondents from various positions: First change occurred in 1994 with the O.J. Simpson case. Then an increase in homicides in Trenton in 2009 led to adding stuff to the already cumbersome policy. It was a knee jerk reaction (overall, homicides were up, so naturally, domestic violence homicides would be up). It was an overreaction (Supervisor). The O.J. Simpson trial is when we started seeing more attention to domestic violence. As for why the Trenton Police Department implemented the new strategies … I think that there was an incident in the projects that caused the department to pay more attention to victims (Officer). When there were the eight homicides, I was asked to review the cases to see whether the system failed (how the system failed). I found that there was nothing more that we could have done at the MCPO level. People recant their statements all of the time. Victims are fearful, they pity the guys. Guys manipulate the women. The parties have children in common and that makes it difficult for the victims to put the fathers in jail. The women hear the children asking for their fathers (Prosecutor).

The brain trust of these strategies, however, developed years before the DV homicide spike. Internal police department letters suggest that supervisors


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planted the seed for the DV incident tracking, in February 2006, years before the establishment of the DV unit. The following observation from an administrator illustrates Trenton’s experience: The city experienced a rash of domestic violence homicides in 2009 (eight homicides, all domestic violence related). We began looking at how things were being done in terms of domestic violence investigations and realized there was a lot more to what was going on. We did not want victims caught in a cycle of violence. There is outreach to help victims out of violent situations. We realized that after the initial report was filed, follow-ups rarely occurred. For instance, did the victim receive the proper instructions to help them out of the violent situation? Did they receive information about outreach providers, court, etc? We also realized that we should be looking at why people were repeat victims. Moreover, and just as importantly, we wanted to ensure that efforts were also focused on the offender and the domestic violence history of the offender. Moreover, what happened to the offender once he went to family court?

He continued to explain that communications between the prosecutor’s office and the TPD often caused frustration among officers. He stated, “In the past, on the prosecution side offenders would be released and the police department would receive no explanation. Officers would see the offender on the street and wondered how and why he is on the street? What happened in court? This causes frustration.” Answering the second question, the emotions during interviews and data derived from these interviews suggested that police department dynamics are involved in creating a process for changing policies and ensuring compliance with policies. Four themes emerged from the data. Implementing a DV unit involves commitment, proactivity, collaboration, and compulsion. Commitment According to the organizational change literature (Thompson, 2008; Twain, 1983) and this study’s participants, a committed change agent is crucial in terms of changing police department strategies. Almost 60% of respondents in both the TPD and the Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office suggested that a change agent, top-down directives, or “somebody pushing for change” is important in changing strategies. The impetus for change, according to most respondents, was from two administrators who were adamant change agents. Respondents from the prosecutors were a lot less sure of the proponents for change at the police department. Only one participant from Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office could answer who the proponents of change were within the police department. When asked whether a change agent should be important for other agencies implementing change, most respondents answered in the affirmative.


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Another means by which commitment is measured is by awareness of unit planning meetings. One of the goals of planning meetings was to discuss how to ensure compliance with New Jersey law and departmental mandates. About 50% of the TPD participants knew about these meetings. Most participants knew that some type of meeting occurred, but unless they were involved in the meetings, they were not sure of who participated. However, both Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office and the Trenton Police Department also emphasized the importance of ensuring that the right people are selected to help in putting policies into practice. The following observation highlights the roles of planning for change: (Administrator) led the initial change and sent the orders to (management). (Management) tweaked the plan a little. In terms of tweaking the plan, (management) decided that instead of looking at only indictable offenses, (the department) should go a step further than what is mandated in 2C and look at every crime … . Informal meetings were convened for discussion on how to ensure compliance with 2C and the domestic violence mandates. Management discussed (how they) were going to report (data collection). Reporting standards (data collection) have been ongoing and changing. (Management) also discussed the types of crimes (they) were going to look at … . (Management) took 2C a step further. Instead of looking at only indictable crimes, (the department) was going to focus on every crime. (The department) was going to collect statistics and use statistics to correct issues and find where the holes were in domestic violence investigations. Statistics allow the department to identify where cases are falling through the cracks and to correct the issues (TPD Supervisor).

Proactivity An important part of the process of change at the TPD involved studying the process taken in DV cases, or “how things were being done.” The review concluded there were several underlying factors involved in DV investigations. To begin, many times, the offender had a prior record of DV, second, follow-ups rarely occurred, and finally, spot checks of police reports revealed their incompleteness or inaccuracy. The TPD also began collecting statistics on a variety of measures, such as the number of calls for service, number of police reports submitted, indictable offenses, disorderly persons offenses, DV arrests, DV warrants issued, temporary restraining orders and final restraining orders, children present, DV response team callbacks, victims in headquarters, walk-in to headquarters, and victims brought into headquarters. The TPD responded by ensuring that officers understood the importance of completing detailed and accurate police reports. Administrators also recognized the importance of proactivity. They recognized that after the initial report, follow-ups rarely occurred. For instance,


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did victims receive proper instructions about help? Did they receive information about outreach providers or the court? The TPD administration designed a safeguard to ensure the accuracy of DV incident reports. To ensure the accuracy and completeness of the incident reports, DV unit detectives randomly reviewed about 10% of the DV incident reports. The review’s purpose was shedding light on whether the offender, perhaps unknown to the victim, had a prior record of domestic incidents (TPD, administrator). Administrators concluded they should be exploring why certain individuals are repeat victims. Initial spot checks revealed that some disorderly person’s cases should have been indictable. Through follow-up of indictable DV incident reports and spot checks of nonindictable cases, the department began pushing for more stringent sentences for repeat offenders (TPD, interview administrator; TPD, detective). During follow-up incident report reviews, detectives also began looking at the patterns of offenders and charging them with more serious crimes, such as stalking. The department also attempted charging offenders with endangering the welfare of a youth, if youth were present. This was a tactic used to show the Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office how serious the TPD was in terms of DV. In terms of collaborations, several respondents pointed out the usefulness of proactive meetings to bring together stakeholders (called DV Stat in Trenton). During meetings, stakeholders discussed monthly DV statistics, specific cases, and ideas for prevention and outreach. Compulsion Not surprisingly, most TPD respondents suggested that they do not know whether the strategies received support from officers. Officers historically have resisted change because DV calls are frustrating (Stanko, 1989). For example, if victims dismiss charges, this could become frustrating to officers. However, changes occurred because they were mandated by the state of New Jersey. In response to the mandate, one middle manager suggested there are noticeable changes in handling DV cases. In particular, the manager cited the thoroughness of reports, the referral of victims to advocacy groups and the dissemination of support information, and increased arrests. One supervisor suggested, “Officers began treating DV as routine… The focus was on the victim and the offender, not headhunting of officers. Once officers realized the department was not head-hunting but trying to improve investigations and curb the cycle of violence, they were more understanding of the strategies.” The departmental hurdle involved educating officers about why victims responded the way that they do, such as a reaction motivated by fear. Once officers realized that their jobs were not in jeopardy, they were more supportive of the policies. Another supervisor noted, “I’m not sure if


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the change in DV strategies ever received support from the officers. However, there have been some changes in the way that officers handle DV cases. For example, there is more thorough report writing, officers are providing victims with support information, and they are issuing restraining orders, and arresting offenders. In terms of not following mandates, some officers were made examples of (through disciplinary measures).” A detective from the TPD also offered his perception on the issue of manpower and education. He suggested: People take things differently when you are ordered. Change, however, would be easier if things were explained better. People need to see the whole picture. They need to understand what incidents can lead to in the future. People would comply better if they were educated more on the purposes of the strategies.

Later, when asked about how he felt about how the department could improve its response to DV, he highlighted education and manpower. He suggested that “Education is the key. The issue is also manpower. Domestic violence investigations take a lot of time.” It is important to note that several supervisors expressed concerns about manpower. Amid preparing for this study’s data collection, the TPD laid off a significant number of officers. Consequently, the layoffs could potentially stymie DV strategies. As a supervisor from the TPD explained: One hundred and three officers were laid off. Thirty percent of detectives were lost in the process. Today, the department cannot have a full-time officer just for domestic violence cases. I contacted the county and told them that the police department does not have the manpower to review small cases. If they have a problem with a police officer’s report, send the complaint to internal affairs (simple assault/harassment). The big cases are still reviewed by the county and police department sergeants. Before we were proactively handling cases by reviewing incident reports. Today, we’re returning to reactive policing.

Discussion The two specific questions are addressed by this research are as follows: 1. Which external or internal factors have an independent influence on law enforcement changing DV strategies? 2. How are police department dynamics involved in creating a process for changing policies and ensuring compliance with policies? (See Appendix for sample interview questions.)


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While findings suggest a web of both external and internal factors weaved together, creating reasoning for changing DV policies, another remark about compulsion is worth noting as it relates to implementation of DV policies. Roberg et al. (2000) suggested that the most common “characteristic of change” is probably people’s resistance to change. Employees may resist new interventions because they fear “economic loss, loss of status, loss of friends or associates, or job satisfaction” (Twain, 1983, p. 142). The general theme in the organizational change literature is “plan for resistance.” The respondents in this study, however, suggested the term “resistance” may not fit the character of change in all police departments. Respondents suggested there may be times when officers cannot resist because change is mandated; the change was ordered by the department. Respondents also remarked that people should keep in mind why officers resist change. First, police and prosecutors are often frustrated when responding to DV incidents because victims regularly return to the violent relationship (Erez & Belknap, 1998, p. 251; also see Hartman & Belknap, 2003). Second, miscommunication between the prosecutor’s office and police department creates frustration with DV policies. One supervisor explained, “In the past, on the prosecution side offenders would be released and the police department would receive no explanation. Officers would see the offender on the street and wondered how and why he is on the street? What happened in court? This causes frustration.” Clearly, this type of response would create confusion, frustration, and doubt of polices among officers. Answering question 1 and providing support for contingency theory, external factors resulted in a change in TPD DV policies (see Table 15.2). The TPD developed new DV strategies as a result of necessity and as a preventative tool. In terms of police department dynamics, participants agreed that strengths of the strategies included victim support, increased compliance/ accountability, and improved collaborations. Moreover, most participants suggested improving manpower could strengthen strategies. For example, one supervisor suggested: Table 15.2

External Factors Leading to Change

Factors Leading to Change Homicides/incidents External factors: O.J. Simpson (one officer and one sergeant); high-profile cases (one detective); media (one participant from Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office); state polices (one officer) Not sure

% 88% (15/17) 35% (6/17)

12% (2/17)


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The concept and the strategies are a great idea. It has the potential to exceed expectations. The department needs to become more serious about the DV Unit. At one point we had three detectives in the unit. Now the unit supports one detective who is part time. The rest of this detective’s time is spent investigating sexual assault, etc. There needs to be more manpower. Dedicate two or three detectives and that is all they do during the day. Get more serious.

Finally, based on research question 2, four themes emerged as important to other agencies developing and implementing a DV unit. To begin, implementing a DV unit involves commitment, proactivity, collaboration, and compulsion. A change agent must be advocating for change. The impetus for change must come from administrators (Johnson & Hallgarten, 2002). This finding is consistent with the organizational change literature. According to this body of research (Thompson, 2008; Twain, 1983) and this study’s participants, a change agent is important to altering police department strategies. Agencies planning for change should scan data and analyze its current policies to highlight problems and ensure compliance/accountability. The department should train/educate employees on the new strategies. Without a change agent, coordinating and implementing strategies becomes difficult. When obstacles occur, change agents should become creative. Change agents are expected to develop creative solutions, thus bringing about real reform (also see Rosebaum & Wilkinson, 2004). A related implication of this study is that agencies implementing a new DV unit may also find it useful to choose employees suitable for the job. TPD administrators selected employees for the DV unit who were “right for the job.” Choose leaders within the department that employees respect. Second, changing strategies involves training, coordination, and leadership, and cultivating relationships with support agencies (Rosebaum & Wilkinson, 2004). Agencies implementing change may find it useful to work with prosecutor’s offices and victim advocates. Collaborating with prosecutor’s offices helps ensure there is enough information to make a solid case. Keilitz, Hannaford, and Efkeman (1997) suggested that law enforcement agencies do more to assist “prosecutors in developing cases for prosecution, to arrest perpetrators, and to help victims access the civil protection order process” (Keilitz et al., 1997, p. 14). Additionally, perhaps court employees provide more information about the contempt process (Keilitz et al., 1997). Keilitz et al. (1997) found that victims rarely use the contempt process. Implementing change also involves understanding the reasons for change. Organizational theories would imply that agencies fail to carry out plans when the organization did not fully grasp the problem and/or intervention and acted too quickly to implement the new intervention and practices. When agencies fail to grasp the factors and processes involved in


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organizational change, they have to depend upon trial and error when trying to maximize change (Williams, 2003). After an increase in deadly DV incidents, some of which were high profile, the TPD recognized the need for changing policies. The department used the tenets of problem-oriented policing and studied existing protocol. The TPD concluded that there were several underlying factors involved in DV investigations. Many times, the offender had a prior record of DV, followups rarely occurred, and finally spot checks revealed the incompleteness or, in some cases, inaccuracy of police reports. The tenets of problem-oriented policing (scanning for problems, analyzing the problem, responding to the problems, and assessing the response) have important policy implications for police departments attempting to reduce DV. Reducing DV incidents involves understanding local problems and tailoring responses to fit those problems (Sampson, 2007). Moreover, departments must be familiar with other stakeholders who have an interest in DV, for example, advocacy organizations, medical providers, public health agencies, universities, and clergy (Sampson, 2007). These agencies could provide valuable information and support to police departments in the process of changing DV strategies. Clearly, aggregate data are important during this stage of investigation. As Sampson (2007) noted, data are only useful when they are properly documented and investigated. Sampson suggested, â&#x20AC;&#x153;It is important for investigating officers to understand the context and history of domestic assaults to determine if the incident is part of a series of abuse the victim has sustained and if itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s likely to recur or escalate to more serious violenceâ&#x20AC;? (Sampson, 2007, p. 16). Evidence suggests the model of problemoriented policing assisted the TPD change their DV strategies. Data suggest the TPD applied the tenets of the problem-oriented policing model when planning and implementing their DV unit. Perceptions of a rise in DV homicides, by local newspapers and the TPD, led to a change in DV strategies. The TPD began to analyze whether their responses to interpersonal violence (IPV) were not appropriate. They began by analyzing incident reports and recognized that many reports were incomplete or even inaccurate. Moreover, after the initial report was filed, follow-ups rarely occurred. For instance, did victims receive proper instructions about help? Did they receive information about outreach providers or the court? Finally, in terms of collaborations, several respondents pointed out the usefulness of DV Stat meetings.

Limitations Originally, the research plan included randomly sampling officers. Consequently, upon data collection, about 30% of the department experienced


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budgetary layoffs (approximately 103 officers). Many times, officers were not available for interviewing, as they were deployed to the streets. Therefore, officers were interviewed upon availability, causing an issue of generalizability.

Conclusions Multiple sources of data provided from numerous respondents at the TPD and Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office suggest that the process of changing policies is consistent with the organizational literature. Respondents suggested that implementation of new DV policies is contingent upon need. The interviews with police and prosecutors led to two themes. First, policies were developed out of necessity. Second, the respondents agreed that policies were developed to help prevent future DV incidents. In general, external factors, DV homicides, provided impetus for changing DV strategies. Third, the emotions during interviews and data derived from these interviews suggested that police department dynamics are involved in creating a process for changing policies and ensuring compliance with policies. Four themes emerged from the data. Implementing a DV unit involves commitment, proactivity, collaboration, and compulsion. A change agent, dedicated supervisors, detectives, and interagency collaboration are important during implementation stages. Participants suggested that victim support is increased through interagency collaborations and increased compliance/accountability. Finally, participants recommended agencies implementing a DV unit focus attention on a change agent; training and educating officers/public; and compliance and accountability. Other respondents highlighted that the “right” sergeants and the “right” detectives must be chosen for the DV unit. Those individuals should be chosen who are respected in the department and are dedicated to the unit and victims. Furthermore, departments should scan data and analyze their current policies to highlight problems and ensure compliance/accountability. An unanticipated finding was the role of compulsion. The organizational change literature consistently points to the role of resistance in impeding change within organizations. The TPD’s officers did not resist; instead they felt compelled to change. Most participants understood the reasons for changing DV strategies. Several participants pointed to the increase in DV homicides over a short period of time. From the observations of participants, the strengths of the new strategies included victim support, increased compliance/accountability, and improved collaborations. Finally, when implementing change, manpower cannot be overlooked. Several participants referenced the need for adequate manpower. Even if crime rates do not increase, departments facing serious manpower shortage will not be capable of maintaining focused proactive crime prevention strategies that are focused on specific tasks, places, and people.


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Appendix: Example Interview Questions Police Department Questions I. What led the Trenton Police Department to change its DV strategies? • Was there some kind of turning point that led the TPD to change DV strategies? • Whose idea was the new unit and new strategies? II. Providing Context • What was it like working on DV cases before the new strategies were implemented? • Did anything change with the implementation of the new strategies? • How are strategies different from previous strategies, what changed? • In your eyes, what are some of the more important components of the strategy? • In your eyes, how have DV strategies affected officer discretion? III. Implementing Change • What happened when the TPD began implementing new DV strategies? • Were you apprehensive when you heard that the TPD was changing DV strategies? • Who told you about the strategies? • Do you know if there were meetings to discuss change? (Who led meetings?) • Did the TPD have any short-term or long-term goals/objectives in terms of DV policing? • Collaborations with other agencies? • Trainings? • Who led trainings? • Memos on new strategies? • What would you say if I said that officers are always resistant to change? • Do you think officers bought into the new strategies? • What has been your experience with impediments to implementing the department’s new strategies? Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office Questions I. Was there some kind of turning point that led the TPD to change DV strategies?


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II. Providing Context • What was it like working with the TPD on DV cases before the new strategies were implemented? • How are strategies different from previous strategies, what changed? Priorities? Investigations? Are officers more proactive in securing TROs and arresting offenders? Data collection? • In your eyes, what are some of the more important components of the strategy? III. Implementing Change • What happened when the TPD began implementing new DV strategies? • Were you apprehensive when you heard that the TPD was changing DV strategies? • Who told you about the strategies? • What is the role of the TPD DV unit? • Do you know if there were meetings to discuss change? (Who led meetings, and was MCPO involved in the meetings?) • Did the TPD have any short-term or long-term goals/objectives in terms of DV policing and collaboration with MCPO? A vision for the future? • Collaborations with other agencies? • How did the department begin to implement the strategies? • Trainings? (Who led trainings, and was MCPO involved in the trainings?) • Can you describe MCPO’s role in helping implement change at the TPD. • Buy-in from officers? • Resistance to change? • What has been your experience with impediments to implementing the department’s new strategies?

References Applegate, R. J. (2005). Changing local policy and practice towards the policing of domestic violence in England and Wales. Policing and International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, 29(6), 368–383. Bittner, E. (1970). The functions of police in modern society. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Brixey, J., Robinson, D., Johnson, C., Johnson, T., Turley, J., Patel, V., & Zhang, J. (2007). Towards a hybrid method to categorize interruptions and activities in healthcare. International Journal of Medical Informatics, 76(11–12), 812–820. Bruno v. Codd, 90 Misc. 2d, 396 N.Y.S. 2d (Sup. Ct. 1977).


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Buzawa, E. S., & Buzawa, C. G. (1992). Domestic violence, the changing criminal justice response. Westport, CT: Auburn House Publications. Buzawa, E. S., & Buzawa, C. G. (2003). Domestic violence: The criminal justice response (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Crank, J. P., & Langworthy, R. (1992). Criminology: An institutional perspective of policing. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 83, 338–363. Cohn, E. G., & Sherman, L. W. (1987). Police policy on domestic violence, 1986: A national survey, crime control reports (Vol. 5). Washington, DC: Crime Control Institute. DiMaggio, P., & Powell, W. (1991). The iron cage revisited: Institutional isomorphism and collective rationality in organizational fields. In P. DiMaggio & W. Powell (Eds.), The new institutionalism in organizational analysis (pp. 63–82). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Donaldson, L. (2001). The contingency theory of organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Erez, E., & Belknap, J. (1998). In their own words: Battered women’s assessment of systemic responses. Violence and Victims, 1(3), 3–20. Ford, D. A. (1983). Wife battery and criminal justice: A study of victim decisionmaking. Family Relations, 32(4), 463–475. Frisch, L. (2003). The justice response to woman battering: The evolution of change. In A. Roberts (Ed.), Critical issues in crime and justice (pp. 161–175). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Gelles, R. J. (1996). Constraints against family violence: How well do they work? In E. S. Buzawa & C. G. Buzawa (Eds.), Do arrests and restraining orders work? (pp. 30–42). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Hartman, J., & Belknap, J. (2003). Beyond the gatekeepers: Court professionals’ self-reported attitudes about and experiences with domestic violence cases. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 30(3), 349–373. Johnson, M., & Hallgarten, J. (2002). From victims of change to agents of change: The future of the teaching profession. London, England: Institute of Public Policy Research. Jones, D., & Belknap, J. (1999). Police responses to battering in a progressive proarrest jurisdiction. Justice Quarterly, 16(2), 249–273. Keilitz, S., Hannaford, P., & Efkeman, H. (1997). Civil protection orders: The benefits and limitations for victims of domestic violence (Publication No. R-201). Williamsburg, VA: National Center for State Courts Research. Lucey, T. (2005). Management information systems. London: Thompson. Maguire, E. R. (2003). Organizational structure in American police agencies, context, complexity, and control. New York, NY: State University of New York. Maguire, E. (2006). Structural change in large municipal police organizations during the community policing era. Justice Quarterly, 14(3), 547–576. Marshall, M. N. (1996). Sampling for qualitative research. Family Practice, 13, 522–525. Maxwell, C. D., Garner, J. H., & Fagan, J. (2001). The effects of arrest on intimate partner violence: New evidence from the spouse assault replication program [Research in Brief]. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice. Meyer, J., & Rowan, B. (1977). Institutionalized organizations: Formal structure as myth and ceremony. American Journal of Sociology, 8, 340–363.


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Moskos, P. (2008). Cop in the hood: My year policing Baltimore’s eastern district. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Oliva, J. R., & Compton, M. T. (2010). What do police officers value in the classroom?: A qualitative study of the classroom social environment in law enforcement education. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 33, 321–338. Paternoster, R., Brame, R., Bachman, R., & Sherman, L. (1997). Do fair procedures matter? The effect of procedural justice on spouse assault. Law and Society Review, 31(1), 165–204. Peterson, R. (2003). The impact of case processing on re-arrests among domestic violence offenders in New York City. New York, NY: NYC Criminal Justice Agency. Reuland, M., Morabito, M. S., Preston, C., & Cheney, J. (2006). Police community partnerships to address domestic violence [Police Executive Research Forum]. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing. Roberg, R., Crank, J., & Kuykendall, J. (2000). Police and society (2nd ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury Publishing Company. Rosebaum, D. P., & Wilkinson, D. (2004). Can police adapt? Tracking the effects of organizational reform over six years. In W. G. Skogan (Ed.), Community policing: Can it work? Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Rubin, H. J., & Rubin, I. S. (2005). Qualitative interviewing, the art of hearing data (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Sampson, R. (2007). Domestic violence (Problem Oriented Guides for Police ProblemSpecific Guides Series No. 45). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. Scholz, R. W., & Tietje, O. (2002). Embedded case study methods: Integrating quantitative and qualitative knowledge. London: Sage Publications Inc. Scott v. Hart, No. C-76-2395 (N.D. Cal. Filed Oct. 28, 1976). Sherman, L., Schmidt, J., Rogan, D., Smith, D., Gartin, P., Cohn, E., ... Bacich, A. (1992). The variable effects of arrest on criminal careers: The Milwaukee Domestic Violence Experiment. The Journal of Crime and Criminology, 83(1), 137–169. Sherman, L. W. (1992). Policing domestic violence: Experiments and dilemmas. New York, NY: Free Press. Sherman, L. W., & Berk, R. A. (1984). The specific deterrent effects of arrest for domestic assault. American Sociological Review, 49(2), 261–272. Skolnick, J., & Bayley, D. H. (1986). The new blue line: Police innovation in six American cities. New York, NY: The Free Press. Stanko, E. A. (1989). Missing the mark? Policing battering. In J. Hanmer, J. Radford, & E. A. Stanko (Eds.), Women, policing, and male violence: International perspectives (pp. 46–69). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Straus, M. A., & Gelles, R. J. (1986). Societal change and change in family violence from 1975 to 1985 as revealed by two national surveys. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 48, 465–479. Straus, M. A., Gelles, R. J., & Steinmetz, S. K. (1980). Behind closed doors: Violence in the American family. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Thompson, J. D. (2008). Organizations in action, social science bases of administrative theory. New Brunswick, NJ: McGraw-Hill Book Company.


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Thompson, V. A. (1965). Bureaucracy and innovation. Administrative Science Quarterly, 10(1), 1–20. Thurman v. City of Torrington, 595 F. Supp. (Dist. Conn. 1984). Townsend, M., Hunt, D., Kuck, S., & Baxter, C. (2005). Law enforcement response to domestic violence calls for service. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice. Twain, D. (1983). Creating change in social settings, planned program development. New York, NY: Praeger. Watters, J. K., & Biernacki, P. (1989). Targeted sampling: Options for the study of hidden populations. Social Problems, 36, 416–430. Williams, E. J. (2003). Structuring in community policing: Institutionalizing innovative change. Police Practice and Research, 4, 119–129. Zhao, J., Lovrich, N., & Robinson, T. H. (2001). Community policing: Is it changing the base functions of policing? Findings from a longitudinal study of 200+ municipal police agencies. Journal of Criminal Justice, 29, 365–377.


16

Conclusion SCOTT W. PHILLIPS Contents

References .............................................................................................................311 Policing programs, policies, innovations, and ideas, from the most well known (e.g., community policing and COMPSTAT) to the seemingly minor and unique, have a place in the discussions and debates on the bests ways to improve policing. Discussions and debates, however, are hindered by poor or inadequate dissemination of the new or existing innovations. This book provides one avenue for communicating different ideas to policing students, professionals, and other academics. Many of the chapters in this book can be applied to policing across the globe, and their contributions to the discussion should be clearly understood. For example, while there was a body of scholarship dealing with education and policing, the topic seems to have waned. Yet, the chapters reexamining education in policing provided by Hallenberg and Kunjappan demonstrate the continued importance of higher education in policing. In addition, Walsh’s idea that police agencies should take advantage of the economic downturn to cultivate more police officers with higher levels of education seems a particularly interesting method for solving a problem. Police–community interactions have been an important consideration in policing since the development of community policing programs in the 1970s. Nevertheless, the importance of this relationship continues, as demonstrated in the book. The notion of establishing “trust” and “accountability” between the police and citizens of developing countries, with a history of extra-democratic policing, has implications beyond the chapters by Shaw and Boateng. There are, unfortunately, many locations in the United States where the police and the public simply do not trust each other, and there are accusations that the police are not transparent or accountable. Thus, some of the concepts identified in the work of Shaw and Boateng might be applied to the examination of local police agencies in the United States. Their work, however, must be considered in light of the work of Lavery and his colleagues. Their research found that there are times when the public expects their police agency to demonstrate an aggressive stance toward crime and criminals. Within the area of police–community relations can also be found the need for both broad change in policing and police organizations, as well as focused attention on innovative methods for reaching out to individual 309


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street-level officers. For example, Lumb and Rogers argued that a complete reengineering of policing may, on occasion, be needed. Whether it was the shift toward community policing in the 1980s or the need to engage in homeland security issues at the local level, the officer a model for future revisions in police organizations. On the other hand, LaMagdeleine and DeMeester provided information on the methods of training that may be needed if street-level officers are expected to make substantive changes in how they perform their roles as police officers. The work of Lumb and Rogers, and LaMagdeleine and DeMeester, complement each other. That is, there is little hope of changing a police organization without involving the street officers to perform the work. Finally, the section that deals with specific types of changes in policing is more than a “catch all” section. Each chapter contributes to a better understanding of change in different areas of policing. While some issues have been addressed in prior research, it is hard to argue that the research is “complete and closed” in any of the topic areas. For example, issues associated with women in policing continue to be mentioned in the literature on police culture; thus Garcia’s chapter revisits the debate from a contemporary perspective. Further, the downsizing of police agencies is a constant topic of debate during economic downturns, and the work of Gilbert and his colleagues examine the views of the officers who feel the direct impact of any shifts in employment levels. Also, police agency accountability for the behavior of their officers, particularly corruption, is a perennial topic in policing. But Tucker and Larson’s examining of “form” as it relates to corruption also provides us a way to examine many other types of behaviors and beliefs in policing. The “newer” policing issues discussed in the final section of the book are quite unique, and may not have the reach or crossover depth of the other topics explored here. Still, their inclusion in this book makes a substantial contribution to a slim body of research in these areas. Ortiz adds to the conversation of policing and terrorism by focusing on the link between the local police and the federal government’s antiterrorism agencies. Finally, as social media become prominent in everyday society, it has also entered the realm of policing. The research of Aiello and Gumbhir, as well as Kilburn and her colleagues, provide some of the earliest empirical examinations of the use of social media by police agencies. It is expected that further research and evaluations examining the use of social media by the police will only grow. Finally, Muni provides an overall examination of policy implementation in policing. While her work used domestic violence as to policy issue, her work offers a reasonable summary of the goal of this book: change based on need. The introduction to this book offered the axiom “change or die.” The chapters contained here provide a broad discussion of policy, programs, innovations, and ideas that are intended to improve policing. Despite the


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suggestion that public sector agencies have a level of immunity from the business requirements of being effective and efficient (Crank & Langworthy, 1992), there is a growing expectation that these agencies identify and reach specific goals. In the early 1990s, Osborne and Gaebler (1992) argued that the American public is demanding a less bureaucratic and more flexible government. Recently, Nussle and Orszag (2014) contended that public policy and programs be evaluated using data and empirical evidence. Thus, the trend is for public service agencies to demonstrate improvement, and they must enact some level of change to be successful. The chapters in this book contribute to the scholarship necessary to demonstrate improved policing.

References Crank, J. P., & Langworthy, R. (1992). An institutional perspective on policing. The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 83(2), 338–363. Nussle, J., & Orszag, P. (2014). Let’s play moneyball. In J. Nussle & P. Orszag (Eds.), Moneyball for government (pp. 2–11). Austin/New York: Disruption Books. Osborne, D., & Gaebler, T. (1992). Reinventing government: How the entrepreneurial spirit is transforming the public sector. New York, NY: Penguin Books.


IPES Story

The International Police Executive Symposium was founded in 1994. It enjoys a Special Consultative status with the United Nations. The aims and objectives of the IPES are to provide a forum to foster closer relationships among police researchers and practitioners globally, to facilitate crosscultural, international and interdisciplinary exchanges for the enrichment of the law enforcement profession, and to encourage discussion and published research on challenging and contemporary topics related to the profession. One of the most important activities of the IPES is the organization of an annual meeting under the auspices of a police agency or an educational institution. Every year since 1994, annual meetings have been hosted by such agencies and institutions all over the world. Past hosts have included the Canton Police of Geneva, Switzerland; the International Institute of the Sociology of Law, Onati, Spain; Kanagawa University, Yokohama, Japan; the Federal Police, Vienna, Austria; the Dutch Police and Europol, The Hague, The Netherlands; the Andhra Pradesh Police, India; the Center for Public Safety, Northwestern University, USA; the Polish Police Academy, Szczytno, Poland; the Police of Turkey (twice); the Kingdom of Bahrain Police; a group of institutions in Canada (consisting of the University of the Fraser Valley, Abbotsford Police Department, Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the Vancouver Police Department, the Justice Institute of British Columbia, Canadian Police College, and the International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy); the Czech Police Academy, Prague; the Dubai Police; the Ohio Association of Chiefs of Police and the Cincinnati Police Department, Ohio, USA; the Republic of Macedonia and the Police of Malta. An annual meeting on the theme of â&#x20AC;&#x153;Policing Violence, Crime, 313


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Disorder and Discontent: International Perspectives” was hosted in Buenos Aires, Argentina on June 26–30, 2011. The 2012 annual meeting was hosted at United Nations in New York on the theme of “Economic Development, Armed Violence and Public Safety” on August 5–10. The Ministry of the Interior of Hungary and the Hungarian National Police hosted the meeting in 2013 in Budapest on August 4–9 on the theme of “Contemporary Global Issues in Policing”. The 2014 meeting on “Crime Prevention and Community Resilience” will take place in Sofia, Bulgaria on July 27–31. There have been also occasional special meetings of the IPES. A special meeting was cohosted by the Bavarian Police Academy of Continuing Education in Ainring, Germany, University of Passau, Germany, and State University of New York, Plattsburgh, USA in 2000. The second special meeting was hosted by the police in the Indian state of Kerala. The third special meeting on the theme of “Contemporary Issues in Public Safety and Security” was hosted by the commissioner of police of the Blekinge region of Sweden and the president of the University of Technology on August 10–14, 2011. The most recent special meeting was held in Trivandrum (Kerala, India) on “Policing by Consent” on March 16–20, 2014. The majority of participants of the annual meetings are usually directly involved in the police profession. In addition, scholars and researchers in the field also participate. The meetings comprise both structured and informal sessions to maximize dialogue and exchange of views and information. The executive summary of each meeting is distributed to participants as well as to a wide range of other interested police professionals and scholars. In addition, a book of selected papers from each annual meeting is published through CRC Press/Taylor & Francis Group, Prentice Hall, Lexington Books and other reputed publishers. A special issue of Police Practice and Research: An International Journal is also published with the most thematically relevant papers after the usual blind review process.

IPES Board of Directors The IPES is directed by a board of directors representing various countries of the world (listed below). The registered business office is located at Norman Vale, 6030 Nott Road, Guilderland, NY 12064 and the registered agent is National Registered Agents, 200 West Adams Street, Chicago, IL 60606. President Dilip Das, Norman Vale, 6030 Nott Road, Guilderland, NY 12084. Tel: 802-5983680. Fax: 410-951-3045. E-mail: dilipkd@aol.com.


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Vice President Etienne Elion, Case J-354-V, OCH Moungali 3, Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. Tel: 242-662-1683. Fax: 242-682-0293. E-mail: ejeej2003@yahoo.fr.

Treasurer/Secretary Paul Moore, 125 Kenny Lane, West Monroe, LA 21294. Tel: 318-512-1500. Paul@ ipes.info.

Directors Rick Sarre, GPO Box 2471, Adelaide, 5001, South Australia. Tel: 61-8-83020889. Fax: 61-8-83020512. E-mail: rick.sarre@unisa.edu.au. Tonita Murray, 73 Murphy Street, Carleton Place, Ontario K7C 2B7 Canada. Tel: 613-998-0883. E-mail: Tonita_Murray@hotmail.com. Snezana (Ana) Mijovic-Das, Norman Vale, 6030 Nott Road, Guilderland, NY 12084. Tel: 518-452-7845. Fax: 518-456-6790. E-mail: anamijovic@yahoo.com. Andrew Carpenter, The Pier, 1 Harborside Place. Apt 658, Jersey City, NJ 07311. Tel: 917-367-2205. Fax: 917-367-2222. E-mail: carpentera@un.org. Paulo R. Lino, 111 Das Garcas St., Canoas, RS, 92320-830, Brazil. Tel: 55-51-81111357. Fax: 55-51-466-2425. E-mail: paulino2@terra.com.br. Rune Glomseth, Slemdalsveien 5, Oslo, 0369, Norway. E-mail: Rune.Glomseth@ phs.no. Maximilian Edelbacher, Riemersgasse 16/E/3, A-1190 Vienna, Austria. Tel: 43-160174/5710. Fax: 43-1-601 74/5727. E-mail: edelmax@magnet.at. A.B. Dambazau, P.O. Box 3733, Kaduna, Kaduna State, Nigeria. Tel: 234-8035012743. Fax: 234-70-36359118. E-mail: adambazau@yahoo.com.


IPES Institutional Supporters

IPES is guided and helped in all the activities by a group of Institutional Supporters around the world. These supporters are police agencies, universities, research organizations, and similar instiutions. African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum (APCOF; Sean Tait), 2nd floor, The Armoury, Buchanan Square, 160 Sir Lowry Road, Woodstock, Cape Town 8000, South Africa. E-mail: sean@apcof.org.za. Australian Institute of Police Management, Collins Beach Road, Manly, NSW 2095, Australia (Connie Coniglio). E-mail: cconiglio@aipm.gov.au. Baker College of Jackson, 2800 Springport Road, Jackson, MI 49202 (Blaine Goodrich) Tel: 517-841-4522. E-mail: blaine.goodrich@baker.edu. Cyber Defense & Research Initiatives, LLC (James Lewis), P.O. Box 86, Leslie, MI 49251. Tel: 517 242 6730. E-mail: lewisja@cyberdefenseresearch.com. Defendology Center for Security, Sociology and Criminology Research (Valibor Lalic), Srpska Street 63, 78000 Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Tel and Fax: 387-51-308-914. E-mail: lalicv@teol.net. Fayetteville State University (Dr. David E. Barlow, Professor and Dean), College of Basic and Applied Sciences, 130 Chick Building, 1200 Murchison Road, Fayetteville, North Carolina, 28301. Tel: 910-672-1659. Fax: 910-672-1083. E-mail: dbarlow@uncfsu.edu. Kerala Police (Mr. Balasubramanian, Director General of Police), Police Headquarters, Trivandrum, Kerala, India. E-mail: JPunnoose@gmail.com. Molloy College, The Department of Criminal Justice (contact Dr. John A. Eterno, NYPD Captain-Retired), 1000 Hempstead Avenue, P.O. Box 5002, Rockville Center, NY 11571-5002. Tel: 516-678-5000, Ext. 6135. Fax: 516-256-2289. E-mail: jeterno@molloy.edu. Mount Saint Vincent University, Department of Psychology (Stephen Perrott), 166 Bedford Highway, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada. E-mail: Stephen.perrott@ mvsu.ca. National Institute of Criminology and Forensic Science (Kamalendra Prasad, Inspector General of Police), MHA, Outer Ring Road, Sector 3, Rohini, Delhi 110085, India. Tel: 91-11-275-2-5095. Fax: 91-11-275-1-0586. E-mail: director. nicfs@nic.in. National Police Academy, Police Policy Research Center (Naoya Oyaizu, Deputy Director), Zip 183-8558: 3- 12- 1 Asahi-cho Fuchu-city, Tokyo, Japan. Tel: 81-42-354-3550. Fax: 81-42-330-1308. E-mail: PPRC@npa.go.jp.

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North Carolina Central University, Department of Criminal Justice (Dr. Harvey L. McMurray, Chair), 301 Whiting Criminal Justice Building, Durham, NC 27707. Tel: 919-530-5204/919-530-7909; Fax: 919-530-5195. E-mail: hmcmurray@nccu.edu. Royal Canadian Mounted Police (Helen Darbyshire, Executive Assistant), 657 West 37th Avenue, Vancouver, BC V5Z 1K6, Canada. Tel: 604-264 2003. Fax: 604264-3547. E-mail: helen.darbyshire@rcmp-grc.gc.ca. Edith Cowan University, School of Psychology and Social Science, Social Justice Research Centre (Prof S. Caroline Taylor, Foundation Chair in Social Justice), 270 Joondalup Drive, Joondalup, WA 6027, Australia. E-mail: c.taylor@ecu. edu.au. South Australia Police, Office of the Commissioner (Commissioner Mal Hyde), 30 Flinders Street, Adelaide, SA 5000, Australia. E-mail: mal.hyde@police.sa.gov.au. University of the Fraser Valley, Department of Criminology & Criminal Justice (Dr. Irwin Cohen), 33844 King Road, Abbotsford, British Columbia V2 S7 M9, Canada. Tel: 604-853-7441. Fax: 604-853-9990. E-mail: Irwin.Cohen@ufv.ca. University of Maribor, Faculty of Criminal Justice and Security, (Dr. Gorazd Mesko), Kotnikova 8, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia. Tel: 386-1-300-83-39. Fax: 386-1-2302687. E-mail: gorazd.mesko@fvv.uni-mb.si. University of Maine at Augusta, College of Natural and Social Sciences (Mary Louis Davitt, Professor of Legal Technology), 46 University Drive, Augusta, ME 04330-9410. E-mail: mldavitt@maine.edu. University of New Haven, School of Criminal Justice and Forensic Science (Dr. Richard Ward), 300 Boston Post Road, West Haven, CT 06516. Tel: 203932-7260. E-mail: rward@newhaven.edu. University of South Africa, College of Law, School of Criminal Justice (Prof. Kris Pillay, Director), Preller Street, Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa. E-mail: cpillay@unisa.ac.za. University of South Africa, Department of Police Practice, Florida Campus (Setlhomamaru Dintwe), Christiaan De Wet and Pioneer Avenues, Private Bag X6, Florida, 1710 South Africa. Tel: 011-471-2116. Fax: 011-471-2255. E-mail: Dintwsi@unisa.ac.za.


Index

A Academic police education, 3; see also Women in policing acceptance, engagement, and support, 15 BBC documentary, 5 benefits, 13–14, 17, 18 career flexibility, 12 college of policing, 19 competing demands, 14–15 control and management, 16, 20 diversity, 16–17 equality, 16–17 government, 13 impact and drivers, 6–9 methodology, 10–11 officers and staff roles and functions, 9 personal development, 12–13 plurality of options, 15–16 police organization, 18–19 police training landscape, 4 pre-employment training model, 21 professions, 13 qualifications, 12 relationships with public, 13 self-image, 12–13 standardization, 11–12 university-based policing programs, 5–6 Accountability, see Police—accountability ACPO, see Association of Chief Police Officers Afro-barometer, 71 Aggressive policing, 128 citizen survey component, 129 community characteristics, 130–132 community crime prevention, 136 comparing police typologies, 140–141 crime victim, 138 demographics, 138 dependent variables, 134–135 hypotheses, 133 independent variables, 135 institutional legitimacy, 135–136

least-squares regression, 138 methods, 133–134 neighborhood disorder, 137 police effectiveness, 135–136 police legitimacy, 132–133 police visibility, 137 procedural justice, 135–136 strength of demographic effects, 129–130 support, 138–140 Antiracism training, 95 Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO), 6, 199 Australian policing, 211

B Bramshill Scholarship Scheme, 4 Branding management, 251–252 Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPRD), 40

C Capability approach of police training, 31, 32; see also Diversity training challenges, 34 consideration, 33 COPS, 35 demands and role of police, 34 impact, 32–33 in-service training, 33–34 reasons, 32 skills-based approach, 38 social system, 31 types of skills, 37 CCTV, see Closed-circuit television Certificate of Knowledge in Policing (CKP), 4, 6, 18, 19 CFA, see Confirmatory factor analysis CHRI, see Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative

319


320 Civilian oversight, 212, 220 Civilian servants, 149–150 CKP, see Certificate of Knowledge in Policing Closed-circuit television (CCTV), 216 CMC, see Corruption and Misconduct Commission Coding and measurement, 269 community post characteristics, 270–271, 272 department Facebook page characteristics, 270 department post characteristics, 270, 271 replies and comments characteristics to posts, 271–272, 273 College-educated police force, 43 benefits, 46–49 past efforts to educate policing, 44–46 police and municipal budgets, 51 police leaders, 52 resistance, 49–51 Command accountability, 215 Commitment, 111, 122, 296–297 Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI), 151, 154 Community characteristics, 130–132 comments to department posts, 279–280, 281 crime prevention, 136 engagement, 253–255 first establishment, vision of, 118 outreach, 253–255 posts, 270–271, 272, 279, 280 Community-Oriented Policing (COP), 111, 253 Community-Oriented Policing Services (COPS), 41, 45, 89, 118 Community policing, 45, 46, 111, 115 orientation impact, 88–89 Community Problem-Oriented Policing (CPOP), 111 Compulsion, 298–299, 301, 303 Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), 67 Conflict theory, 66, 72, 79 Contextual learning, 35 Contingency theory model, 289 Control variables, 74–75 COP, see Community-Oriented Policing COPS, see Community-Oriented Policing Services

Index Core elements of city law enforcement websites, 249–250 Corruption and Misconduct Commission (CMC), 222 CPOP, see Community Problem-Oriented Policing Crime soldiers, 291 technology beyond crime fighting, 246–247 victim, 138 Crime and Corruption Commission, see Corruption and Misconduct Commission (CMC) Criminal justice system, 63

D Data analysis, 237, 294 findings, 238 information sharing, 239–240 participation in JTTF program, 238–239 relations with FBI, 239 Data collection, 236–237, 293–294 DCC, see Deputy Chief Constable Demand management, 252 Demographics, 138 Departmental anti-diversity training animus, 95 Department Facebook page characteristics, 270 Department post characteristics, 270, 271 Department social media activity characteristics, 273–278 Dependent variable, 72–73 Deputy Chief Constable (DCC), 194, 198 District Police Commission, 160 Divergent policing, 160–162 Diversity, 16–17 Diversity training, 87; see also Capability approach of police training analytic theory, 91–92 barriers to effectiveness of police, 89–90 community policing orientation impact, 88–89 factors contributing to failure, 88 mandated diversity training, 94–98 methods, 92–94 police organizations, 85–86 post-training developments, 100–102 programs, 87


Index understanding of white male culture, 90–91 WMAD, 98–100 Domestic violence (DV), 287, 292 cases, 299 changing policies in, 289–291 DV Stat in Trenton, 298 Dramaturgy, Goffman’s theory of, 91 DV, see Domestic violence

E Economic status, 71, 73–74 Electronic communications, 216–217 Emergency medical technician (EMT), 110 Employee resistance, 114 EMT, see Emergency medical technician Equality, 8, 16–17

F Facebook role in policing, 262 coding and measurement, 269–272 community comments to department posts, 279–280, 281 community posts, 279, 280 department social media activity characteristics, 273, 277 department social media characteristics, 274–276 Facebook and social media considerations, 266–269 Facebook page administrators, 271 methodology, 269 police department posts, 277–279 prevalence of Facebook and social media, 263–264 results, 272 social media presence, 272–273, 274–276 use of Facebook and social media, 264–266, 267 Fear of crime hypothesis, 76 Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), 232, 234, 237, 239, 248, 267 Full Time Reserve officer (FTR officer), 194

G General educational development (GED), 45 GFA, see Good Friday Agreement Ghanaian police control variables, 74–75

321 dependent variable, 72–73 empirically examining factors, 65 empirical studies, 64–65 factors influencing trust in, 67–68 hypotheses, 71–72 independent variables, 73–74 policing in Ghana and public trust, 69–71 results, 76 study participants and sampling technique, 72 theoretical perspectives, 65–66 trust, 63–64 Ghana Labour Act, 74 Glass ceiling, 175 Goffman’s theory of dramaturgy, 91 Good Friday Agreement (GFA), 189–190 Google Docs spreadsheet, 269 Gore Committee, 36 Governmentalized State, 29 “Grounded theory” approach, 92 Group position theory, 66

H Hausas, 69 Higher education (HE), 8 Higher education institutions (HEIs), 4 Homeland security efforts, 233 Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), 151 Hybrid approach, 294

I IACP, see International Association of Chiefs of Police ICG, see International Crisis Group Identity management, 251–252 IG, see Inspector General of Police Image-management policing, 111 Independent variables, 73–74 Indian police, 27; see also Policing in Pakistan capability approach, 31–38 development, 28–31 matrix model, 38–41 police training, 28–31 welfare state, 28–31 Information sharing, 239–240 “Inherently” feminine, 173


322

Index

Initial Police Learning and Development Program (IPLDP), 4 Inspector General of Police (IG), 153 Institutional legitimacy, 135–136 Institutional theory, 292 International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP), 44, 88, 263, 265, 268 International Crisis Group (ICG), 149, 159 IPLDP, see Initial Police Learning and Development Program

Max Weber’s bureaucracy, 291 Mercer County Prosecutor’s Office (MCPO), 293, 294, 296, 304–305 Metropolitan Police College, 4 Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment, 289 Moral reform movement, 173 Multilingual capacity, 253 Multivariate test, 76

J

National Center for Education Statistics, 52 National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives (NOBLE), 88 National Police Improvement Agency (NPIA), 10 National Public Safety Commission (NPSC), 158 National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB), 156 National Sheriffs’ Association (NSA), 88 Neighborhood disorder, 137 New Jersey State Police (NJSP), 233 New York Police Department (NYPD), 233 NIO, see Northern Ireland Office NIRPOA, see Northern Ireland Retired Police Officers Association NJSP, see New Jersey State Police NOBLE, see National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives Non-reactive instrument, 255 Nontraditional policing, 171–172 Northern Ireland Office (NIO), 189 Northern Ireland Retired Police Officers Association (NIRPOA), 199 NPIA, see National Police Improvement Agency NPSC, see National Public Safety Commission NRB, see National Reconstruction Bureau NSA, see National Sheriffs’ Association NYPD, see New York Police Department

Jail cell, 47 Joint Terrorism Task Force program (JTTF program), 232, 234–235, 237 participation in, 238–239

L Law enforcement, 45, 265, 287 changing domestic violence policies in DV, 289–291 commitment, 296–297 compulsion, 298–299 data analysis, 294 data collection, 293–294 example interview questions, 304–305 external factors leading to change, 300 findings, 295–296 institutional theory, 292 limitations, 302–303 methods, 292 proactivity, 297–298 sample, 293 summary of research problem, 288–289 systems theory, 291–292 theoretical considerations, 291 Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics survey (LEMAS survey), 247 Least-squares regression, 138 Local law enforcement, 237 agents, 235, 239

M Mandated diversity training, 94–98 Matrix model, 38–41 Matrix organizations, 41

N

O Office of Law Enforcement Coordination (OLEC), 234 One-way communication, 268 Ordinary least-squares regression analysis, 76, 77–78


Index P PACE, see Police Association for College Education PANI, see Police Authority for Northern Ireland Patten Report, 190–191, 193–197 impressions of, 201–202 PBNI, see Policing Board for Northern Ireland Peace process, 192 Pedagogical action, 92 PERF, see Police Executive Research Forum Permanently employed person, 74 PFNI, see Police Federation for Northern Ireland PIC, see Police Integrity Commission “Pioneers,” 175 Police accountability, 32, 38, 46, 124, 152, 155, 158, 161, 165, 191, 215, 222 control and management, 16 force, 48 legitimacy, 64, 132–133 mandate, 191, 214 organizations, 18–19, 109, 119, 120 past efforts to educate policing, 44–46 professionalization, 5, 8, 9 typologies comparison, 140–141 visibility, 137 Police Association for College Education (PACE), 43–44 Police Authority for Northern Ireland (PANI), 194 Police–community interaction component, 134–135 Police corruption, 71, 211–212 and accountability processes, 215 and corruption systems, 218–220 distrust and trust, 215–216 external regulation, 220–224 forms and distinctions, 212–213 instruction on job/training, 217 internal regulation, 220–224 police oversight, 224–226 public interest, 213–214 self-interest, 213–214 targetting for attention, 217–218 written records/electronic communications, 216–217 Police department posts, 277–279

323 Police diversity training effectiveness, barriers to, 89–90 Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), 44, 88 Police Federation for Northern Ireland (PFNI), 198 Police Integrity Commission (PIC), 225 Police order (2002), 157–159, 161 Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI), 193–195, 198, 207 Police services, reengineering delivery of crime-fighting occupation, 110 law enforcement, 110 path to changing, 117 police organizations, 109 policing eras, 111–113 reengineering organization, 113–114 reengineering tools, 114–116 seven-step model to changing, 117–124 working model, 116–117 Police web presence (PWP), 246 branding and identity management, 251–252 community outreach and engagement, 253–255 core elements of city law enforcement websites, 249–250 managing public demand online, 252–253 prevalence of city law enforcement websites in United States, 247–249 taking technology beyond crime fighting, 246–247 Policing Board for Northern Ireland (PBNI), 194 Policing by consent, 192 Policing in Ghana, 65, 69–71 Policing in Northern Ireland, 189 analysis, 199 data collection, 198–199 downsizing and organizational change in police, 197–198 GFA, 189–190 impressions of Patten Report, 201–202 information regarding respondents, 199–201 partition of Ireland, 190 impact of Patten, 202–204 Patten Report, 190–191, 193–197 policing, 191–193 policy makers, 190 severance information, 193–197 supports, 204–206


324 Policing in Pakistan; see also Indian police civilian rule, 155 divergent policing, 160–162 legislation, 152–153 methodology, 151–152 nature of police, 153–154 police order (2002), 157–158 politicians and civilian servants, 149–150 public perceptions of police, 162–164 reform, 150, 155–156, 158–160 reversal, 155–156 Policing terrorism data analysis, 237–240 data collection, 236–237 FBI’s JTTF program, 234–235 method, 235 robust policing strategies, 232–233 sample and sample descriptions, 235–236 Political affiliation variable, 74 Politicians, 149–150 Post-training developments, 100–102 Pre-employment training model, 21 Prevalence, 238 of city law enforcement websites in United States, 247–249 of Facebook and social media, 263–264 of municipal police websites, 247 of police social networking, 255 Proactive enforcement, 119 Proactivity, 297–298 Problem-solving response team (PSRT), 123, 124 Prosecutor’s office, 296 Provincial policing, see Divergent policing PSNI, see Police Service of Northern Ireland PSRT, see Problem-solving response team Public interest, 213–214 satisfaction, 73 trust, 63, 69–71 Public demand online, 252–253 Punjab Police Act, 161 PWP, see Police web presence

Q Quasi-military management model, 173, 219 Quebec skills-based approach, 38

Index R Racial diversity within police organization, 182–183 Rational choice theory, 66 RCPD, see River City Police Department Reengineering importance of supervisor, 123 organization, 113–114 service model development, 122 team membership, 123–124 tools, 114–116 Relational sociology, 91 Replies and comments characteristics to posts, 271–272, 273 Resistance, 49–51, 54, 115 changing face, 180–182 employee, 114 of participants, 88 perceptions by male coworkers and public, 178, 181, 183 to women in policing, 178–180 RIC, see Royal Irish Constabulary River City Police Department (RCPD), 93, 94, 102 diversity training, 96 leitmotif, 98 organizational experience, 94 performance team, 97 Robust policing strategies, 232–233 Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), 191 Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), 190–192

S Sampling technique, 72 Satisfaction hypothesis, 76 Scholars, 288 Self-employed worker, 74 Self-interest, 213–214 SEM, see Structural equation modeling Sensitive research environments, 192 Service style, 45 Seven-step model to change department’s strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats, 118–121 developing reengineered service model, 122–124 restructuring of personnel and function, 121–122 vision of community first establishment, 118


Index willingness to change, 117–118 Severance package documentation, 196–197 scheme documents, 196 Sexual harassment, 175, 176, 179–182, 185 Social media, 262, 266–269 department social media activity characteristics, 273–278 presence, 272–273 prevalence, 263–264 uses, 264–266, 267 websites, 255 Social networking tools, 264 Social work cell, 40 Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS), 176, 199 Structural equation modeling (SEM), 67 Substantive freedom, 31, 32 Sworn police officer, 174 Symbolic violence, 92, 96 Systems theory, 291–292 model, 289

T Temporary employed person, 74 Trenton Police Department (TPD), 288, 293, 295, 297, 298, 304 “Troubles, The,” 192, 193 Trust, 63–64, 215–216 factors influencing trust in police, 67–68 in police, 72 policing in Ghana and public trust, 69–71

U UCR, see Uniform Crime Reporting

325 Unemployed person, 74 Unfreeze–change–refreeze model, 116–117 Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR), 248 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), 151, 157

V Virtual mirror, 255 Voluntary early retirement and severance scheme (VERSS), 194 Voluntary severance support unit (VSSU), 194

W Watchman style, 45 Welfare state, Indian police, 28–31 White Maleness, see Diversity training White Men Against Discrimination (WMAD), 93, 98 Women in policing, 171; see also Academic police education changing face of resistance, 180–181 male counterparts, 182 methodology, 176 nontraditional policing, 171–172 participants, 177–178 quick response dataset, 176 racial diversity within police organization, 182–183 resistance to, 178–180 status, 174–175 women’s entry, 172–174 workforce, 175 Written records, 216–217

Change and reform in law enforcement old and new efforts from across the globe  
Change and reform in law enforcement old and new efforts from across the globe  
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