Yvonne Asiimwe Thesis

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Diversification in an Exclusive society as a result of the Heterotropic Appropriations of its Public Spaces

Yvonne Asiimwe Thesis - Arch-541 Adonis Cleanthous and Angela K. Petrou 11/01/2021

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Research question: How Can Heterotropic Appropriations of Public Spaces in Exclusive Societies trigger their diversification?

Key words: Diversity, Exclusivity, Gentrification, Heterotropia, Public Space

Abstract:

When a city burdened by monotony and segregation acknowledges the parts of it that are deviants of its social norms in manner that is not condescending, it serves as a reflection of its willingness to evolve and include. This is initiated by a mix of equally important primary uses that serve as a magnet for varied users. Nevertheless, it is not enough; societies also need to respond to the temporary needs of their inhabitants and the possibility that their presence will be ephemeral by implementing secondary flexible program. It’s a trial and error scenario and planning should adopt such a mindset that not only acknowledges that cities are subjected to atypical users and their unconventional uses but that they are and will always be prone to inconsistency and change. When societies reach a point that recognizes heterotopic places and varied uses as a significant and functional part of its socio-economic health, then inclusivity will result.

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Table of Contents: 1. Introduction

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2.Chapter 1: Can public spaces in a gentrified society be inclusive? 7 2.1. The conditions of successful neighbourhoods and their public spaces 2.2. What happens when neighbourhoods become gentrified 2.2.1. Case study: The High-Line as a pre-cursor for a gentrified Chelsea.

2.3. The nature of Public Space in a gentrified society: Understanding Privately Owned Public Spaces (POPS) 2.3.1. Exclusivity in POPS and how it occurs 2.3.2. Inclusivity in POPS and how it occurs 2.4. Conclusion

3.Chapter 2: Heterotropic appropriations of space and the influence they have on a gentrified society 21 3.1. How does ‘appropriating space’ relate to ‘informality’ 3.2. heterotopias as form of placemaking 3.2.1. Case study: skateboarding in exclusive public spaces 3.3 Squatters in gentrified cities as ‘Heterotopias of Change’ 3.3.1. Case study- Squatting in a gentrifying society as a form of rehabilitating an exclusive city: The case of ‘Køpi’ 3.3.2. Case study- Squatting in an already gentrified city as a trigger for inclusion: the case of ‘the female space invaders’ 3.4. Conclusion

4.Chapter 3: Planning for diversity and ephemerality

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4.1. The bottom-up approach as a necessity for placemaking 4.2. Time and ephemeral uses as necessity for placemaking 4.3. Case study: MUF architects and their making space in Dalston as an example for inclusive planning 4.4. Conclusion

5.Bibliography

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List of Figures: 

Fig.1: A street vendor in one of New York's business districts

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Fig.2. The high-line before renovation

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Fig 3. the high-line after renovation

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Fig.4. Changes in program on the highline over a period of 5 years

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Fig.5.Private Condos by Zaha Hadid Architects in in Chelsea's 520 West 28th Street

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Fig. 6.Conditions set up by local Authorities in New York that illustrates the newly accepted physical location of Privately Owned Public Space within the city (Luk).

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Fig. 8. Concrete spikes under a road bridge in Guangzhou city, Guangdong, China.

Photograph: Imaginechina/REX

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Fig. 9. A woman sitting on the edge of the camden bench

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Fig. 10. An illustration of the design of the Camden bench

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Fig. 10. An illustration of the design of the Camden bench

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Fig. 11.A bench in the lobby of Trump Tower that spurred a plan to crack down on the misuse of public spaces.

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Fig.12. The kiosks that replaced the bench in the trump tower

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Fig. 13. CCTV monitoring people openly in a public park

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Fig.14. Site plans of bonus spaces in five spatial types.

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Fig.15. People using the CitiGroup Atriumig

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Fig.16. Varied program in the CitiGroup Atrium

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Fig.17. An example of informal appropriations of space that became an accepted part of the community: The london Trafalgar square with spectators watching a choir sing Christmas carols under the Christmas tree

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fig.18.. children appropriating a walkway and transforming it into a playground by simply drawing lines

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Fig.19. A sign prohibiting skaters in a public park – greenport village

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Fig.20. A skater skating on handrails in a public space

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Fig.21. Squatters in the courtyard of 137 Köpenicker Straße

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Fig.22. 137 Köpenicker Straße

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.Fig. 23. An open call against eviction and demolition of the building

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Fig.24. A protest organized by kopi against demolition

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Fig.25. workers marching against exploitation demanding better legal protection from abuse

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Fig.26. A city park in hong kong with adequate lighing, sitting areas and shading

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Fig.27. Low-income Living space in hong kong. “A man eats dinner in his flat

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Fig.28.A sunday gathering in hong kong’s CBD

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Fig.29. The HSBC building, Hong Kong

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Fig.30. The HSBC atrium

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Fig.31. Filipino domestic workers' presence (grey) in the HSBC atrium compared to that of the passers-by (black) before rennovations

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Fig.32: Fillipino domestic workers occupying space under the HSBC building before renovation

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Fig.33: Filipino domestic workers' presence (grey) in the HSBC atrium compared to that of the passers-by (black) after rennovations

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Fig.34: Dr Hee Sun Choi’s interventions to further integrate Hong Kong’s ‘Little Manila’s’ into its business district

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Fig. 35. Filipino domestic workers staging a protest in ‘little manila’ over the arrest of a Hong Kong maid who they claim had a bullet planted in her luggage by corrupt staff at Manila Airport.

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Fig.36: Ten Project themes in ‘Making Space in Dalston’

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Fig. 37 : The installation in the eastern curve Garden

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Fig.38: The Eastern Curve Garden as an garden

List of Abbreviations:

Abbreviation

Definition

POPS

Privately Owned Public Spaces

TA

Temporary Appropriations

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Introduction The problem with gentrification results from failure to diversify; a trait greatly emphasized

by Jane Jacobs necessary for a neighbourhood to be successful. Post-industrial cities have exemplified this burden by how people use their public spaces. When people do not feel identified, they will not appropriate space. The successes of every city are reflected by different people appearing at different times of the day (Jacobs 152). When this does not occur, it is a result of exclusionary techniques that may happen physically through design or psychologically, for example, by the mere presence of monotonous users in spaces that are obliged to accommodate several ‘other publics’.This is discouraging and unwelcoming for those who do not ‘ fit’ into a specified clientele profile. Mixed primary uses and secondary uses are critical to diversification. When they are not implemented efficiently as man-centred responses to the needs of varied users, the socioeconomic health of a city remains at stake. But inclusion in a gentrifying society, however selfcontradictory it may seem, is not impossible. This thesis questions how valid this paradox is by looking at the case of atypical appropriations of public spaces in gentrified neighbourhoods..

It does not matter how well established and financially stable a city is, it will always experience sporadic occasions of unconventional users and their uses; heterotopias also known as “other places”. These behave as pauses in the traditional dynamics of any environment. They are ‘places ‘ ,even when they do not come protected by physical boundaries, that serve as an indication that ‘other publics’ also reside within the city’s pre-defined utopian socio-norms. What they inspire ,incite and how societies respond to it is key to diversification.

The influence heterotopic appropriations of space has on a city is critical to planning for the future of its current and potential inhabitants. A society may hesitate to recognize them as vital parts of a community or choose to acknowledge them through flexible man-centred strategies that allow the possibility of change while giving them and its existing inhabitants (however varied they may be) power to participate and re-invent the tangible and intangible parts of the city. If planning can be understood as a form of ‘placemaking’ carried out by its varied users that meets their diverse needs ( and yes, including the needs of those unexpected sporadic “other places”) while keeping in mind that communities are ever influx it will serve as an indication for the city’s desire to evolve and diversify.

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Chapter 1: Can public spaces in a gentrified society be inclusive?

The conditions of successful neighbourhoods and their public spaces

Successful public spaces have to be characterized by a mix of users who appear at different times and bring with them their different uses. Public spaces are defined as “all those regions in the environment which are open to the freely chosen and spontaneous action of people” (Lynch 396); a definition supported by many scholars such as Richard Sennett who agrees adding that such spaces should be characterised by the interactions of ‘everyone’ which is synonymous with the ‘public’ (Sennett et al.). The word ‘public’ is highlighted by Mathew Carmona as an incoherent group of people made up of “a fragmented society of different socio-economic (and, today, often cultural) groups, further divided by age and gender. Each part of this fragmented society will relate to public space (and to each other) in different and complex ways” (376) therefore the spread of these different publics throughout the day is a reflection of their efficiency. This should also not occur sporadically even if each group is diversified to a certain extent (Jacobs 155). The steady mix of users on both streets and public parks is highly dependent on varied primary uses in the area, like placing a factory next to a bank building that has the same significance . A combination of such dissimilar program serves as an anchorage for differing publics giving them a reason to be in a certain place at a specific time. “When a primary use is combined, effectively, with another that puts people on the street at different times, then the effect can be economically stimulating: a fertile environment for secondary diversity.” (Jacobs 162) How the city responds to the needs of its mixed primary users is critical to keeping them within it. Secondary diversified uses serve this function. This includes specialized services such as a café on a street corner, a gym or a small kiosk within proximity of a major bank (see fig.1). When people become increasingly varied in the area, these services-if efficiently implemented- also diversify and to some extent would begin thriving as a primary use, “people come specifically for it” (Jacobs 163). The three conditions -successful mixed primary users, mixed users spread out during different times in public streets and sufficient secondary diversified uses as a response to former two - serve as driving forces for diversity; a necessity for successful cities and their public spaces. (Jacobs 164).

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Fig.1. A street vendor in one of New York's business districts Source: https://nypost.com/2019/11/03/falafel-free-for-all-bill-wouldlift-city-cap-on-street-vendor-permits/

What happens when neighbourhoods become gentrified?

Gentrified neighbourhoods usually (if not always) begin as an optimistic vision for an area that was previously characterized by urban poverty. The process first lures in wealthier people into a poorer neighbourhood that has an attractive rent-gap which is essentially a disproportion between the current property’s rental income and its potential value, usually in favour of the developer and investor (Lewyn). “When the overall rent gap in an area is determined to be great, it is suggested that the area will undergo gentrification as developers identify this difference as an economic opportunity on which to capitalize” (N. Smith). Real estate investments then focus on improvements in housing services while attracting new businesses that previously did not exist in the area. For the observer and policy -maker, this is a win-win situation between the residents and new inhabitants.

"Policymakers have been eager to promote gentrification because they often times see it as a way to alleviate issues like declining tax bases, concentrated poverty" said Lance Freeman in an article published by Rice institute’s Urban Age (Housing) which would logically reduce exposure to poverty for those who stay while serving as powerful precursor for the economic changes in large cities.

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What investors do not anticipate however, are the long-term consequences that result from improved services and rehabilitated neighbourhoods. Richer clients mean that the general costs of living can be pushed up. This is beneficial to businesses but overlooks the long-term residents and often detrimental to those who cannot afford to stay. Although gentrification on its own does not displace long-term residents, it paves the path for it (Sage). Over-time these areas become faced with a monotony of high-income users that discourage low-earning households from staying or moving into the area. This does not favour the dynamics of the neighbourhood nor its inhabitants and has been discouraged by Jane Jacobs when she stresses that “no neighbourhood or district, no matter how well established, prestigious or well heeled, and no matter how intensely populated for one purpose, can flout the necessity for spreading people through time of day without frustrating its potential for generating diversity” (Jacobs 160)

Case study: The High-Line as a pre-cursor for a gentrified Chelsea.

The high-line – a 2.3-kilometre-long public park that began as an optimistic and humble attempt to save an elevated freight rail from demolition- is located Gansevoort St. running towards 34th St. on Manhattan's West Side in New York. Prior to its renovation, it was an abandoned cargo train ( see fig 2) -that functioned between 1934 to 1980 -with access denied to outsiders due to its unappealing state of urban decay (LLC). In 1999 demolition was prevented by the area’s residents with the help of Joshua David and Robert Hammond who eventually managed to convert it into the linear park it is today (see fig 3.)

Fig.2. The high-line before renovation Source: https://blog.buildllc.com/2014/10/the-high-line-before-the-highline/

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Fig 3. the high-line after renovation Source: https://placesjournal.org/article/above-grade-on-the-highline/?cn-reloaded=1 Intervention on the bridge began with a goal to turn it into a space that allowed users to experience nature according to the “High-Line”’s history while bringing in creative entrepreneurs.

This eventually promoted a continuous mingling of people with different purposes which, as Jacobs emphasized, is essential to diversifying and improving the safety of publicly open spaces.

Transforming the bridge into an arts and cultural space whereby its program responded to a community that was always changing was one of the main reasons why its goals were achieved on an individual scale (see fig.4 which illustrates changes in various program over a period of five years).

Creative spaces are often “an adaptive re-use vehicle well-suited for an uncertain market, precisely because artists value the process of remaking a space as well as a finished product” (Bishop 2012).

Fig.4. Changes in program on the highline over a period of 5 years Source: https://backspace.com/notes/images/program_Phasing+Emergence.jpg

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This began as a plan to equip the railway in 2005 with user-friendly amenities such as stairways, lifts and public restrooms in exchange for its air rights under or the sides of the bridge. As a result, developers were allowed to breach their property air rights if they were willing to provide equipment necessary for the high-line's renovations (K.Jacobs). The new developments prioritized profitable and prestigious uses driving many low earning residents out while richer inhabitants moved in to the surroundings that were transformed into opportunities for well established architects with the likes of Zaha Hadid, Shigeru Ban and Jean Nouvel (see fig 5.) . Like many initiatives that lead to gentrification, the project did not anticipate the effects that its presence, its users and their uses would bring to the surrounding areas before it was built. It did however reflect public space as a part of the city that is greatly sought for even for the elite.

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Fig.5.Private Condos by Zaha Hadid Architects in in Chelsea's 520 West 28th Street Source: https://www.dezeen.com/2018/03/16/zaha-hadid-architectscompletes-520-west-28th-street-condos-in-new-york/

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The nature of Public Space in a gentrified society: Understanding Privately Owned Public Spaces (POPS)

Acquiring and managing public space in densely populated cities is an expensive luxury.

Privatisation is often a solution that transfers control over the space from a public to a private establishment which also gives away the economic burden to maintain its hygiene and security. A well-managed public space allows local authorities to profit from its users by charging for activities such as concerts or through leases (H.Smith). Both parties benefit in the form of capitalizing from the agreement (Khululekani and Sijekula). This has been explicitly evidenced by Privately Owned Public Spaces (POPS) that are established as an exchange between the local authorities and the developer who wants to by-pass regulations such as building beyond permitted air rights or exemptions from taxes. An idealized win-win situation guarantees public spaces in cities where it is limited while leaving the economic incentives that come with their management in the hands of the developer who also gets to capitalize on the breaches agreed upon.

When control becomes privatised, over-time, access and enjoyment become hindered by regulations put in place by the owner if not monitored. A report by UN habitat claimed that privately owned public spaces are often subjected to restrictions that disregard community interests (Polyák).

Maximizing capitalism is usually through tight regulations of space which tend to fall under the umbrellas of ‘providing security’ or avoiding the ‘tragedy of commons’ (a concept coined in 1833 by the British economist William Forster Lloyd) whereby people exploit what is not controlled but shared. Because the rights to exclude have legally been waived by the owner (Schindler 1129) the measures placed are frequently expressed suggestively in the of form physical barriers and/or nonphysical psychological barriers.

Exclusivity in POPS and how it occurs In order to understand whether or not public spaces in gentrifying neighbourhoods can in fact be inclusive, it is necessary to look at how exclusivity is achieved deliberately through design.

Jerald Kayden’s ‘Privately Owned Public Space: The New York City Experience’ highlights three major techniques used to abuse Privately Owned Spaces which include 1. denying public access 2. denoting them as private and 3. gradually removing the necessary amenities required for public use (Kayden et al 56). For the purpose of this chapter, these techniques will be classified generally into physical and psychological barriers that lead to the above-mentioned strategies.

Physical barriers Inaccessibility is the first parameter. POPS are required to be accessible and connected in such a way that invites people in as shown in fig 6; an evaluation condition set up by local Authorities in New York that illustrates the newly accepted physical location of Privately Owned Public Space within the city (Luk). Forms of control begin by relocating these spaces in areas that cannot be considered public. A place that cannot be seen cannot be accessed by everyone. POPS located on rooftops for example are generally not visible from the outside and require one to enter the building. The location of such hidden spaces is often complimented by a lack of signage in order to avoid denoting the space as public. Physically Barred entry is another. It includes walls, gates or

14 subtly placing boundaries in the form of security guards and entrance fees and in many cases, requiring identification before entry that would exclude several publics such as homeless people.

Inaccessibility forces the people to rely on ‘word of mouth’ from outsiders and those who do not begin perceiving a space with the obligation to serve the needs of the public as a private one (Schindler 1131).

Fig. 6.Conditions set up by local Authorities in New York that illustrates the newly accepted physical location of Privately Owned Public Space within the city (Luk).

Source: Luk, W L. “PRIVATELY OWNED PUBLIC SPACE IN HONG KONG AND NEW YORK: THE URBAN AND SPATIAL INFLUENCE OF THE POLICY.” The New Urban Question – Urbanism beyond Neo-Liberalism, 2009.

Uninviting features have also become popular in POPS and serve as means of controlling public behaviour. They are often in the form of hostile mechanisms that discourage long-term use like awkward benches or spikes in public zones that fend off the homeless (see fig. 8). Fig. 9 and 10. are examples of one of the many intentional exclusionary techniques to control behaviour in public spaces. The Camden bench- commissioned by the Camden London Borough Council was initially implemented in Camden, London around 2012. It is designed to prevent activities such as laying horizontally on it. Attempts to justify its hostility claim that the lack of flat continuous surfaces stop litter from gathering while the paint-repellent surface prevents graffiti (Adler-Gillies). In other cases, simply removing amenities is enough to deter long term use like the case of a bench (see fig. 11.) removed in the Trump Tower that served as a reflection of “decades of push and pull between public and private interests” (Kayden). Replacing the bench with kiosks (see fig.12.) also intensified the tower’s attempts to deter people from entering by limiting long-term sitting and suggesting that one had to buy something in order to use the space (a psychological technique utilized in many Privately Owned Public Spaces (Schindler 1132)).

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Fig. 8. Concrete spikes under a road bridge in Guangzhou city, Guangdong, China. Photograph: Imaginechina/REX Source: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2015/feb/18/defensivearchitecture-keeps-poverty-undeen-and-makes-us-more-hostile

Fig. 9. A woman sitting on the edge of the camden bench Source: https://tvarijonas.com/blog/camden-bench-segregation-by-design

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Fig. 10. An illustration of the design of the Camden bench Source: https://tvarijonas.com/blog/camden-bench-segregation-by-design

Fig. 11.A bench in the lobby of Trump Tower that spurred a plan to crack down on the misuse of public spaces.

Source: https://www.wsj.com/articles/fight-over-trump-tower-bench-sparkseffort-to-crack-down-on-public-spaces-1488376802

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Fig.12. The kiosks that replaced the bench in the trump tower Source: https://www.wsj.com/articles/fight-over-trump-tower-benchsparks-effort-to-crack-down-on-public-spaces-1488376802

Psychological barriers People appropriate spaces only if they feel welcomed in them. When people do not ‘fit in’ a place, they will be discouraged to use it. Jeremy Németh describes such areas as “filtered spaces” which use several techniques to “filter or sort users to ensure an appropriate clientele” (2467). Most POPS are often located in Business centres and populated by the monotonous users who work in the area. The lack of diversity serves a psychological method of preventing people who do not look a certain way that allows them to feel included from using the space because “in cities, liveliness and variety attract more liveliness; deadness and monotony repel life.”(Jacobs 99). Implementing secondary uses (as exemplified by the Trump Tower bench scandal) that target a specific clientele also encourages monotony of use. These include simple gestures such as allowing more space for food trucks and kiosks for those who can afford them as oppose to amenities such as chairs for the general public implying that one must buy something in order to use the space (Schindler 1132).

Surveillance also serves as method of control. Ironically, people tend to feel uncomfortable when they know that they are being monitored (Schindler 1132). The use of visible cameras (see fig.13) has served a tactical exclusionary method in many public spaces. Although such systems are generally supported as methods of implementing security, their visibility becomes a form of intrusion and control of the behavioural patterns of ordinary people (Global).

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Fig. 13. CCTV monitoring people openly in a public park Source: https://www.thespec.com/news/hamilton-region/2017/11/24/cityeyes-surveillance-cameras-in-public-parks.html

Inclusivity in POPS and how it occurs The previously mentioned methods used to exclude in POPS were studied by Carmona, M., and F. M. Wunderlich systemically. The study, based on that of Kayden in his ‘Privately Owned Public Space: The New York City Experience’ looked specifically at the atria spaces that are common in New York and are more likely to be exclusive as oppose to other types of POPS in complexes. The spaces were classified into 5 categories (see fig. 14.). The cross-block atrium (1) offered a pedestrian connection between the streets and provided many sitting amenities. The second did not have a connection across the block whereas the third had a single entrance and very little amenities. The fourth was isolated from the block’s circulation but connected the two opposite streets linearly while the fifth had amenities along the circulation route (Huang and Franck 7; Kayden et al.). The cross-block atrium in the Citigroup centre was particularly interesting (see fig. 15). It evidenced a larger number of users on both weekends and weekdays and although all five categories had diversified users, many were simply occupied as circulation routes. Areas noted to have been used as gathering points such as the Cross-block atrium had ample amenities such as comfortable furniture, free WIFI, kiosks and shading. Inclusivity was also accomplished by the successful social interactions of different users. Many of these block atria had social platforms for the varied uses ( see fig.16) indicating which activities would occur and when they would in order to avoid conflicting uses in the

19 same limited space. The virtual world also served as a method to organize activities without reducing physical space. This increased the potentials of a single space and promoted diverse activities (Huang and Franck 16).

Fig.14. Site plans of bonus spaces in five spatial types.

Source : Kayden, Jerold S. Privately Owned Public Space: the New York City Experience. J. Wiley & Sons, 2000.

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Fig.15. People using the CitiGroup Atrium source: http://www.bigapplesecrets.com/2014/01/citigroupcenter-part-1-theater-beneath.html

Fig .16. Varied program in the CitiGroup Atrium Source: http://www.bigapplesecrets.com/2014/01/citigroupcenter-part-1-theater-beneath.html

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Conclusion Public space in a gentrifying neighbourhood’ -a statement that is seemingly selfcontradictory – could be a reality that serves as a driver for change and inclusivity. This is reflected by how varied users are in its public spaces which serves as indication of the society’s economic and socio-spatial health. Inclusion begins by design and as Jane Jacobs emphasises- a mix of primary uses. A city also needs to respond to the resulting diversification of users, their needs and potentials by allowing flexible yet varied secondary uses to juxtapose on its long-term primary program.

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Chapter 2: Heterotropic appropriations of space and the influence they have on a gentrified society How does ‘appropriating space’ relate to ‘informality’?

People have an inborn right to occupy space (Lefebvre 5) which is a need implicit of topophilia; a term promoted by Yi-Fu Tuan as a condition that includes “all of human being’s affective ties with the material environment” (Tuan 93). This is expressed in the form of spatial appropriations- the action of taking “exclusive possession” of a place and often without permission of the relevant authorities (“Appropriate”) which can be regarded as a long-term condition but when it becomes temporary it implies “borrowing space” (J.A. Lara-Hernandez et al. 2) and “an essential element of urban flexibility, on the one hand it grants a citizens rights as a social being living within an urban context while on the other it transforms a public space into a place with the potential to generate an additional source of income.” (J.A. Lara-Hernandez et al. 4) The term “informal” has been defined as “not according to the prescribed” as oppose to its antonym “formal” that can be expressed as “being in accordance with the usual requirements” (“informal”). TA could be a result of informal use but sometimes it is a pre-cursor for formal uses that were previously an ‘informal’ part of society. Fig 17 for example, illustrates activities that began as method of occupying space informally but became a cultural concept accepted by regulation overtime and can be seen as formal temporary appropriations of public space(Lehmann).

The subtle differences between TA and informal use of urban space boil down to a definition highlighted by ‘J.A. Lara-Hernandez et al’ who regard temporary appropriations as “an urban phenomenon that emerges as an expression of local dynamics and relations within a local context, and as something deeply rooted in our human nature”(4) rather than simply using a public space arguing that TA is provoked by sense of belonging. Appropriation is therefore a result of an individual’s motivations to either use a space deemed suitable for their immanent needs or as an act and a need to change one that, at its current state, does not appeal to them (Nochis et al.).

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Fig.17. An example of informal appropriations of space that became an accepted part of the community: The london Trafalgar square with spectators watching a choir sing Christmas carols under the Christmas treeSource:https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/trafalgar-squarechristmas-tree.html

Heterotopias as a form of placemaking The character of place can either encourage or discourage use. Feeling identified in a space by physically being welcomed through design and/or psychologically accepted by its users plays critical to its appropriation. When this doesn’t occur, dissatisfaction is expressed through forms of ‘vandalism’ or loss of interest (Nochis et al.) in some cases while in others, people begin to conform with the existing through make-shift unconventional interventions while transforming these places into entities typical of heterotopias (Bruchansky; Foucault).

The term “heterotopia” which literally means “other places” was coined in the 1960s by Michel Foucault where he pointed out how various places “interrupt the apparent continuity and normality of ordinary everyday space” (Dehaene and De Cauter 4) because they introduce deviations into the normal functioning of an everyday society. In today’s societies, variations of heterotopias which Foucault regards to as ‘heterotopias of deviation’ (Foucault and Miskowiec 5) exist in complex ways that follow six principles: 1. The behavioural characteristics of such places must be atypical of the accepted societal norm.

2. Changes in the surroundings can affect and cause them to function differently.

“Each heterotropia has a precise and determined function within a society and the

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3.

4.

5.

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same heteropia can, according to the synchrony of the culture in which it occurs, have one function or another.” (5) . The heteropia can juxtapose conflicting spaces in a single place.(5) Heterotopias are fragments of time yet pauses in what Foucault refers to as “traditional time” and function fully only when used during these intervals. (6) They are an entity that can be penetrated but at the same time behave as a closed system in the context of their societies.(6) Their function is also strongly tied to the spaces that are left unused (8).

Heterotopias are founded on a sense of ‘place’ that could come in many forms depending entirely on the occupiers. They may persevere through time or behave as an ephemeral system ( Bruchansky 2). For a ‘non-place’ to become a ‘place’ it must be easily appropriated. Identity is ever changing and the possibility of changing locations are higher now because people are more nomadic than ever before as result of technologies such as the internet (2). Christophe Bruchansky uses the example of designing for a playground for a child. Planners do not write narratives for how children should utilize it but place concrete objects that not intricately defined and allow the child to evoke their own narratives such as placing simple lines on a concrete ground and giving one the freedom to associate it with activities such as soccer and hopscotch converting it into their very on heteropia(see fig.18).

fig.18.. children appropriating a walkway and transforming it into a playground by simply drawing lines source: https://secondlineblog.org/2018/06/all-summer-18/

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Case study: skateboarding in exclusive public spaces

Another good example of a heterotopic sense of place is one of skaters. Skateboarding has been regarded as “illegal” (see fig. 19.) by many who claim that this activity is a form of vandalism and trespassing (Vee) with many owners claiming that the activity’s hazardous nature is harmful to both the skaters and other users. Landowners are also most likely to be held liable for any injuries that result if they occur on their property. The negative connotations associated with the sport have resulted in small nomadic communities that serve as deviations of the accepted norm in public spaces.

Fig.19. A sign prohibiting skaters in a public park – greenport village Source:https://suffolktimes.timesreview.com/2014/08/ greenport-village-considering-no-skateboarding-code/

A study done by Karsten Lia and Eva Pel illustrated the unconventional appropriations of a public space that was burden by regulations in Amsterdam after observing a group of skaters who regularly occupied public spaces that prohibited the activity. It was noted that skaters brought temporary life to public spaces that were less likely to be occupied and used. Their preference seemed to be towards inner-city spaces during the times they weren't used which were most of time privately owned. It seemed “that many 'skate travellers' concede to the demands of residents, shopkeepers or police and look for a place or a time that others have little interest “(Karsten and Pel ). The study was further conducted in Rotterdam where it showed how barriers such as railings that were ignorantly placed did in fact make the space more suitable for skaters (see fig. 20.). The

26 nomadic nature of their community allowed them to occupy space only temporarily in sporadic periods of time that did not interfere directly with the other users but served as a significant element of that park.

Fig.20. A skater skating on handrails in a public space.Source: https://www.redbull.com/us-en/athlete/gustavoribeiro

27

Squatters in gentrified cities as ‘Heterotopias of Change’ An introduction to Squatting and its relation to gentrification In chapter one, changes in gentrifying neighbourhoods were noted to result in a dilemma that either pushes away low-income residents due to a rise in the cost of living or by indirect displacement by discouraging them from moving in. Areas prone to gentrification are often poor but depict an attractive ratio between their actual and potential value if used to their maximum also known as the rent- gap theory.

A response by dissatisfied citizens, especially in industrialized countries, expressed through housing protests such as occupying private land as a form of activism but also as a necessary reaction by the marginalized who cannot afford to property due to high rents is known as squatting. It is the action of occupying land that is not being used without owning, renting or acquiring any form of permission for it . It usually occurs in (but not limited to) abandoned residentials and/or public spaces in general. In some countries such as Wales, England and the Netherlands (“Squatters”)- before public properties became increasingly privatised- if a piece of land/residential could be proven by the squatter to lack use during a specific period of time, their actions were not unlawful (Dadusc). The law also required them to avoid general crimes associated with squatting such as: 1 . vandalism 2. theft which included consuming any commodities associated with the property 3.failing to evacuate the property if ordered by the court to do so.

Squatting however does not necessarily result from a gentrifying society nor does it lead to it. Both ideas involve people moving into new neighbourhoods (Vasudevan) . In some cases they share similarities when it comes to regeneration. Regardless of the negative connotations associated with gentrifying neighbourhoods, they brought along some form of urban regeneration that allowed the current low-income residents to indulge in services that previously did not exist such as schools, hospitals and security. On a smaller scale- squatters achieve a similar dynamic. In areas such as the abandoned stevedoring companies in Amsterdam the only difference was that the changes in the architecture were “a hands-on affair – experimental, makeshift and subversive.” (Vasudevan) And interview done by Alexander of a long time squatter in new york once noted that The hands on process also allows many to engage with the building process.

Case study- Squatting in a gentrifying society as a form of rehabilitating an exclusive city: The case of ‘Køpi’ In west berlin during the 1980s, repairing and rehabilitating spaces was done collectively by squatters. Their efforts were later legalized and recognized such as ‘ Køpi ‘ - an autonomous housing project located in Mitte, Berlin.(“Køpi”). The project started as a squatter camp with people living in cars in the courtyard of an abandoned building that was bombed at the end of world war 2 (see fig.21 and 22.). By re-appropriating and re-rehabilitating the building it became it into a cultural centre that hosts various cultural activities such as concerts, dance performances while incorporating community-based

28 actions such as soup kitchens. For around 30 years, they have offered affordable living space temporarily for those who need it while hosting self-organized projects by locals that bring together and exchange ideas from a diverse range of people. The organizations efforts also remain devoid of profit while thriving as independent entities such as self-established businesses allowing them to remain a detached yet functional entity in a gentrifying society. (“Demo KØPI & Wagenplatz Bleibt.”)

Fig.21. Squatters in the courtyard of 137 Köpenicker Straße.

Source: https://www.discogs.com/label/360380-Kopi-Squat

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Fig.22. 137 Köpenicker Straße.

Source:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K%C3%B8pi

Acceptance into an industrialized society however is a painstakingly slow process for marginalized communities. Even with efforts done to promote diversity and inclusiveness their unconventional ways of life remained a liability. This was illustrated by a statement recently posted on their online platform that read: “...With the very recent eviction of Syndikat, a space not only vital for our community but a beloved neighbourhood fixture for 35 years, the threat looms larger. None of us are safe from the ugly profiteering of landlords backed up by cops and officials as vicious enforcers of their well-oiled machine. These bullies have and will use any means necessary to silence us...” (“Demo KØPI & Wagenplatz Bleibt.”)

The letter not only indicated their dissatisfactions towards the real-estate developer’s disregard of the overall efforts put it by squatters in order to re-rehabilitate and bring about inclusivity but also as 1. an indication of their disapproval of a gentrified and exclusive society and 2. a request to be acknowledged as significant and functional part of this society even though it deviates from its norms. The evoked protests were also a significant indication of how influential these communities can become over-time. and serve as means to voice those who aren't recognized as a vital part of society without changing them to suit the society’s utopian narratives.

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Fig. 23. An open call against eviction and demolition of the building source:https://koepi137.net/welcome.html

31

Fig.24. An protest organized by kopi against demolition Source: https://en.squat.net/tag/koepi/

Case study- Squatting in an already gentrified city as a trigger for inclusion: the case of ‘the female space invaders’

Another related example of a heterotopic entity is a testimonial curated by Marisa Gonzalez- ‘female open space invaders/ them Philippines’. It is particularly interesting in that it occurs centrally in an already established, already gentrified business district with a particular set of rules, clientele and expected behavioural patterns. The project explores the lives of Filipino migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong (Castillo) while looking at Hong Kong's capitalist crisis and more specifically at how major financial centres have adapted to its economic boom and influx of migrant domestic workers.

32 Context: Hong Kong’s space dilemma and domestic workers 1. Domestic workers in Hong Kong The 336,000 +/- foreign domestic workers (Ernst) in Hong Kong are a marginalized and exploited part of its developed business district. The increasing numbers began as an initiative implemented by the Hong Kong government that allowed its citizens to hire foreign domestic workers only if they could provide accommodation, allowances and reimburse mandatory expenses such visa processing fees (Siu). Some rules however were not concretely set by the Hong Kong government such as working hours with a justification that claimed that determining the work done by a domestic worker is subjective and falls in the hands of their employer. Extremely long working hours and low wages became common; “many domestic helpers work anywhere from twelve to sixteen hours a day with only one day off a week”(Ernst).

Fig.25. workers marching against exploitation demanding better legal protection from abuse Source:https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/economy/article/212468 9/hong-kong-domestic-helpers-march-demand-stronger-legal 2.the space in Hong Kong Public spaces in Hong Kong such as parks, public plazas and playgrounds make up 40% of its total land. They have amenities that encourage use by multiple publics such as Wi-Fi, sitting areas and shading (see fig.26.) Spaces like that have been noted in chapter two to have an inclusive nature where people use them during different times for different uses. Ironically, this is usually not the case in Hong Kong. A closer look at the dynamics of the city observes that one-fourth of its land is

33 used as residential areas leaving the less populated sections for these parks. Access is a major problem for most city-dwellers.” It takes on average up to an hour for a resident to reach a large country park, according to Carine Lai, a senior researcher at a Hong Kong think tank Civic Exchange.”

(Lee). As oppose to many large cities, accessible public space is extremely small. According to a study from Civic Exchange conducted in 2017, city-dwellers have 2.7 square meters of accessible recreational space- the approximate size of a toilet cubicle (Lee). Living space (see fig.27.) is as limited as its accessible public space but still the cheap labour force offered by foreign domestic workers outweighs the burden that comes with accommodating them (Moss) .

Fig.26. A city park in hong kong with adequate lighing, sitting areas and shading source: https://thehoneycombers.com/hong-kong/parks-in-hongkong-city-gardens/

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Fig.27. Low-income Living space in hong kong. “A man eats dinner in his flat.”

Source:https://www.theguardian.com/world/gallery/2013/feb/22/hon g-kong-flats-tiny-cubicles

An introduction to the “little Manila”s in Hong Kong For Hong Kong's Filipino domestic workers , Sunday is the only day-off given by their Chinese employers. It’s a day that allows them to congregate in areas widely known as “little Manila” (see fig. ) (which in many cities serve as form of squatting) within the city’s CBD as oppose to the larger green spaces outside. For the observer these places are weekly disruptions of a local routine that host “a disorderly crowd of unruly foreign women” however when observed from within they become a comfort zone for migrant workers where they meet and reminisce (law 283). These enclaves also allow them to “recover from more subtle forms of sensory reculturation that occur in Chinese homes” while encouraging these women to express their creative potentials and lead to new ways of engaging with local urban dynamics (law 266). They stretch back to the 1980s where thousands of women would gather and sit on make-shift card-box mats amidst luxurious buildings in Hong Kong's central business district (CBD). (guardian cite) Women do mundane activities that they usually cannot do at their jobs such as dancing, packaging items to to their relatives, sharing local delicacies and/or hosting prayer groups.

35

Fig.28.A sunday gathering in hong kong’s CBD Source:https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/mar/10/sun day-sit-in-inside-hong-kong-weekly-domestic-worker-resistance

The ‘little Manila’ under the Hsbc Building: Hong Kong's female space invaders The HSBC building (see fig.29.) in Hong Kong is one of the most significant gathering points.

The tower was designed with Hong Kong’s public space dilemma in mind. The building’s elevation from the ground ensured a pedestrian-flow across its atrium (fig.30.) which constantly allows light through (see fig). (Saieh). Although it was intended as a thoroughfare and urban shortcut for Hong Kong’s bustling pedestrians (see fig), on Sundays, from 5:30 to 11pm , it becomes a gathering point for a group of Fillipino domestic workers who transform it temporarily into a social space that accommodates their habits and traditions (Gonzalez) .

36

Fig.29. The HSBC building, Hong Kong Source: http://dragageshk.com/project/hsbc-mainbuilding/

Fig.30. The HSBC atrium Source: https://theforeignarchitect.com/blog/hsbcbuilding-hong-kong/

37 Their unexpected presence was initially shunned upon. Letters such as chulani’s, written on july 8 1998, were regularly sent to public new papers. The letter(brought forward by Lisa Law) regarded them as an eyesore in the city and went as follows: “ I used to enjoy going for a stroll around Statue Square and the neighbouring Charter Garden on Sundays. Thanks to the Filipino maids who practically monopolise all the open areas and roads in Central, I now hate to come down to Central on Sundays ... I would suggest that the Government immediately implement the following measures: prohibit squatting, hawking and eating in public areas; open normal traffic on all roads in Central so that the Filipino maids have no place to sit, squat and sleep . . . The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank should erect barriers round its headquarters, to prevent crowds of Filipinos from gathering” (law 272).

Dissatisfaction expressed by the locals also presented them as an obstruction for passers-by (law 272) illustrated in Fig. 31 and 32 by Dr Hee Sun Choi. The figure shows their presence within the atrium that justifies the obstructiveness complained about . Passers-by (represented by the black figures) used to be restricted towards the peripherals with access into the building (see diagram B) deterred by the presence of these women (represented by the grey figures). Their weekly congregations on the other hand were perceived by Abbas (highlighted by Lisa Law) as a romanticized concept where “diversions of a space of power “become “ a space of pleasure” yet could be "an example of the fascination that the symbolic spaces of power exert on those excluded from them. The powerless are allowed to see Central - like looking at so many goods through a shop window - but not to touch it.” th

38

Fig.31. Filipino domestic workers' presence (grey) in the HSBC atrium compared to that of the passers-by (black) before renovations Source: https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk/HK_Public_Space

39

Fig.32: Fillipino domestic workers occupying space under the HSBC building before renovation Source:https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk/HK_Public_Space

The HSBC renovations however seemed to counteract the negative perceptions of these women. Although many regulations were established after its renovation, the area began to acknowledge their ephemeral gatherings in such a way that would also allow others to use the space they occupied as a thoroughfare.(see fig.). They were allowed to utilize the side-walks within proximity in order to clear the central space which hosts the main entrance allowing pedestrians to walk directly towards the major circulations leading into the building with ease. The design proposal

by Dr Hee Sun choi also went further by proposing ways in which their new uses of space could become properly integrated into the Hong KOng’s urban fabric (see fig.x ) as a response to the evolution of this cultural phenomenon. On an urban scale,their activities were also recognized as a significant part of hong kong’s financial district . An interview done by Marisa Gonzales revealed that cars for example are prohibited from the area with traffic lights remaining red (Rhine).

40

Fig.33: Filipino domestic workers' presence (grey) in the HSBC atrium compared to that of the passers-by (black) after rennovations Source:https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk/HK_Public_Space

41

Fig.34: Dr Hee Sun Choi’s interventions to further integrate Hong Kong’s ‘Little Manila’s’ into its business district Source:https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk/HK_Public_Space

The female space invaders and protest Efforts placed to recognize these congregations as a significant part of Hong Kong’s society played a vital role that allowed them gather and empower their marginalized community. Their Sundays during recent times have served as spaces where protests could be organized and hosted by labour unions against the injustices that foreign domestic workers face in the community (Joles and Chu) . The overwhelming hours domestic workers have to work do not allow them to meet therefore the day-off becomes an important part of their everyday lives that allows them to speak out about their unfair treatments. These unconventional informal appropriations of a formal space and acceptance as an integral, adaptable and temporary yet different part of the city’s dynamics has allowed them to face the difficulties that come with their marginalized condition as domestic workers in Hong Kong.

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Fig. 35. Filipino domestic workers staging a protest in ‘little manila’ over the arrest of a Hong Kong maid who they claim had a bullet planted in her luggage by corrupt staff at Manila Airport.

Source: https://coconuts.co/hongkong/news/hk-domestic-workers-protestfilipino-maid-arrested-when-bullet-planted-bag-airport/

Conclusion It’s evident how significant the influence heterotopic entities have on post-industrial cities is, especially when their presence becomes a visible intrusion of its socio-norms. This has been especially exemplified by the’ female space invaders’ who have become a predecessor for the recognition of marginalized domestic workers after being somewhat acknowledged as a significant ‘place’ and ‘time’ in Hong Kong’s capitalist era even with their atypical ways of life unchanged. The Berlin squatters also reveal how these heterotopias can be a functional part of a gentrifying society benefiting both the marginalized and the included. Acknowledgement of such places of course remains suggestive and slow but by implementing small interventions such as simply re-routing traffic it signifies hope not only for these atypical interruptions of everyday life but for the society’s socio-economic health as well. How a city and its inhabitants respond to this phenomenal through future designs now becomes critical.

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Chapter 3: Planning for diversity and ephemerality The bottom-up approach as a necessity for placemaking Those who live in democracies that, ideally, are determined by the people, composed of the people and serve the needs of the people should expect the places that accommodate them to follow a similar narrative. This is not always the case. Often cities leave planning decisions to the developers who do not understand the needs of its inhabitants this is a a top-down approach that comes from “the city staff telling people what should go where”(Lagoutte and Schindler) .

Life is messy, unhomogenized and follows a non-linear narrative. Cities are subjected to this incoherency. The successes of such a city are reflected by the mingling of different users and their ephemeral uses during different hours and how its physical design reacts to such diversities because acity belongs to the people and so should its planning. A bottom-up approach when planning begins from the needs of the citizens and serves as a reflection of democratic space. Collaborative planning implies a strategy that meets the needs of the users and can only occur through small-scale interventions (Bishop and Williams 185) which are strategies that usually allow the community to engage in policy making allowing for better allocation of resources and services. So why is this decentralized participatory approach avoided by urban planners? Needless to say, it is easy to romanticize community-oriented planning processes and neglect the politics behind decision making. Pal Anirban ‘s study of Kolkata’s decentralized planning brings forward generalizable lessons that shed light on some of the flaws that come with a bottom-up approach. Participatory planning is rooted in community-based groups which are often composed of individuals with little influence in the decisions made while those with the power to impact tend to be closely tied to political powers.

A purely bottom-up approach has also proven to lead to chaotic spatial land-use patterns inciting other forms of social problems while obstructing long-term development in the long-run (Anirban 81). Nevertheless, it is not impossible.

In order to comprehend the term “open-city” one needs to look not only at Jane Jacobs emphasis on the social aspects of a space but also at Richard Sennett’s ideas on permeable physical design. Although the term is somewhat utopian it brings up both the tangible and intangible qualities of an inclusive space. There are 3 physical aspects of an open system coined by Sennett: ambiguous edges, incomplete form and an unresolved narrative. “When the city operates as an open system – incorporating principles of porosity of territory, narrative indeterminacy and incomplete form – it becomes democratic not in a legal sense, but as physical experience” (Sennett 4).

It was noted in chapter two that a ‘non-place’ can only become a ‘place’ if it can be easily appropriated, re-imagined and reinvented by multiple publics and for this to occur effectively, it needs to be incomplete and penetrable. Allowing people to collectively reinvent space is also known as ‘placemaking’ which is “ a multi-faceted approach to the planning, design and management of public spaces” (“placemaking”). It is a collaborative process that prioritizes the needs of the

44 community and their identities in order to generate and accommodate vast narratives of use. (“What Is Placemaking?”)

Time and ephemeral uses as necessity for placemaking People are ever in flux so when planning puts a community’s needs first, it also needs to keep in mind impermanency. Jane Jacob’s emphasis on how mixed primary permanent uses should result in responsive and flexible secondary uses in order to create an environment in favour of varied users indicates that time is also a priority in planning. Taking into consideration the unresolved realities that occur within cities is vital because master planning works when it is implemented in layers that keep in mind loose narratives while allowing development to occur gradually (Bishop and Williams 182). In Peter Bishop’s ‘The temporary city’, long-term planning was suggested to be detached from both time and scale and tended overlook the unexpected. Jacobs is also critical of this noting that successful civilisations should be a result of trial and error adding that cities are and should be “the laboratory in which city planning should have been learning and forming and testing its theories”.

(Jacobs 6).

Loose visions and fundamental part of flexible master-planning. When the length of time composing, seeking approval and implementing a master plan it implies a strategy that does not permit for the possibility of changes ( Bishop 182). A plan needs to be intricately phased out alongside the physical parts of the cities in order to satisfy the ephemeral nature of cities. This would result in an “emergence of four-dimensional design that seeks to understand and plan the temporal as well as the physical element” The existing social and physical elements should also be key to a city’s plan in order to achieve commoning in a cities prone to exclusion (182;184).

Case study: MUF architects and their making space in Dalston as an example for inclusive planning The strategies proposed by Muf architects in their ‘Making Space in Dalston’ illustrates how responding to the diversified needs of the community and its impermanent nature is necessary for a successful neighbourhood . It focuses on ten small fragmented interventions that serve as a response to the needs of the Dalston’s residents (see fig.36). One particular initiative namely “Temporary enhancements” does not overlook the politics that come with collaborative planning.

The study begins by identifying opportunities to implement projects now while keeping in mind that the community is ever in flux. The implementations are on a small scale and respond to the immediate needs of their users but the impact of their presence over a large period of time is equally as important. This intervention further delves into the financial politics that come with implementing man-centred solutions. These projects serve as precursors for developments in the overall plan therefore can be implemented faster because they do not require the same level of investment as they would have if they had been planned as long-term developments.

45

Fig.36: Ten Project themes in ‘Making Space in Dalston’ Source: “Making Space in Dalston 2009.” Muf Architecture/Art, 1 Feb. 2019, muf.co.uk/portfolio/making-space-in-dalston-2/.

Dalston, fifty-one years ago was a place in need of green public space and naturally, an urban planner’s response would be ‘a public park’. There’s a tendency to underestimate how volatile public parks can become. They can either benefit the community or serve as a spatial vacuum. “A generalized neighbourhood park that is stuck with functional monotony of surroundings in any form is inexorably a vacuum for a significant part of the day “(Jacobs 99). Thus, the need for a mixture of users becomes an inevitable factor when planning for green public spaces. The eastern curve Garden considered this and as part of the “temporary enhancements” initiative, it started with a temporary installation in an abandoned spatial pocket (see fig 37). It not only served as a statement for collaborative planning and reappropriating spatial vacuums but also became a functional part of the community by producing flour for a local bakery. This demonstrated that minor changes are positive and proved that small interventions can promote social interactions and change how unpleasant spaces are viewed and used by the community (Buckle). The project later moved forward (perhaps after its welcoming into the community) becoming an eco-garden (see fig. 38) governed by the community’s contributions and their needs. Involving the residents in its planning and construction incited an unanticipated diversification of people. This was further complimented by the temporary Pop-up events established by the residents. The experimental nature of their projects prioritizes the inhabitants and the nature of a changing neighbourhood which is a strategy critical to the future of inclusive planning.

46

Fig. 37 : The installation in the eastern curve Garden Source: Buckle, Helen. “Getting Lost in London: The Eastern Curve Garden.” Land8, 1 Nov. 2017, land8.com/getting-lost-in-london-theeastern-curve-garden/.

Fig.38: The Eastern Curve Garden as an garden Source: Buckle, Helen. “Getting Lost in London: The Eastern Curve Garden.” Land8, 1 Nov. 2017, land8.com/getting-lost-in-london-the-eastern-curve-garden/.

47

Conclusion

A city planned on a human scale with its varied inhabitants as priority is capable of diversifying even when it is eventually weighed down by sameness. How this happens depends on how it responds to its unorthodox users through design. Inspirations towards change may come in the form of temporary, sporadic and heterotopic appropriations of its formal spaces as exemplified by the ‘female space invaders’ or perhaps as long-term unconventional occupations such as west Berlin’s Køpi that served as an indication that the marginalized do indeed have the potential to serve as critical functional parts of a gentrifying society. It is unfortunate that many of these heterotopias are incited by a need for inclusion from a society burdened by a monotony and segregation however they begin serving as an indication for potential re-inventions of planning. Those exemplified by the MUF architects have served as a starting point of trial and error as a response to not only the existing community but as indication that communities are composed of individuals with their individual needs and they change so planning should acknowledge this through design.

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