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Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression



Journal of the Raza Press and Media Association

Fall 2010

• La Verdad • La Calles y La Torcida • Voz del Pueblo • Venceremos • Pueblo Unido • Clavo En El Corazon • Radio Free Aztlan •

Commemorating La Indpendencia and La Revolucion: Carrying the Legacy? BY PABLO ACEVES


his year marks two important anniversaries for Mexicanos north and south of the US imposed border: the 200th (Bicentennial) anniversary of the Mexican Independence (1810-1820) and the Centennial (100 years) of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). As usual, the PRI/PAN government of president Felipe (US puppet) Calderon is taking every opportunity to “bask” in the glory of these two dates and to tell us that Mexico is independent and that his illegitimate gringo puppet government is safeguarding the legacy and the demands of the Mexican Revolution. Before we examine the true conditions and the lies of PRI/ PANismo, there must be a brief analysis of both of these historic dates, starting with the struggle for independence. MEXICAN INDEPENENCE WAS ONE OF THE FIRST ANTICOLONIAL STURGGLES IN WOLRD Without a doubt, the Mexican Independence initiated by the famous “Grito de Dolores” of September 15, 1810 culminated in one of the first republics to free itself from Spain, throwing off the imperial name of “New Spain” in exchange for the first truly Indigenous name of a country, “Mexico”. Along side of the African rebellion in Haiti against the French in 1791,

the war of Mexican independence was a manifestation of colonized people fighting against the imperial powers of Europe. It was the “Grito de Dolores” that showed the world that Raza, indigenous people, would not be silenced. The “New Spain” paradigm was overthrown, for what would become some of the most progressive

politics in the history of Mexico and the rejection of colonialism. Many historians have labeled this struggle as a “criollo revolt”, stating it was simply a struggle of the descendants of the gachupines (Spaniards) to be able to run things and reap the same colonial benefits as the “Peninsulares” (white people born in Spain as opposed to Mexico). But in fact, it was a heroic struggle led Miguel Hidalgo, who committed race

and class suicide upon throwing off his “social status” and uniting with the indigenous people ---paying the ultimate price: death; thus joining Jose Morelos y Pavon, Vicente Guerrero, and other heroes of the independence struggle. These forces were against individuals who wanted a “Mexican Monarchy” and whose goal was the betrayal of the aspirations of “las masas Mexicanas”. The fact is that whatever the plans by the criollo class to use the uprising and the new nationalist consciousness of the people, the war of independence was an authentic struggle to overturn the feudal order that would lead to the creation of a republic and build such things that we today see as elementary, including the separation of church and state and constitutions with basic guarantees of Louie H. Moreno, political rights. The independence struggle was detained before it could really transform society, However, the seeds that were planted lived during the heroic defense of Mexico when Yanqui Imperialism invaded Texas in 1836 and the gringo expansionist war of 1846 (which stole half of Mexico’s National Territory). And later (in 1862) with the heroic war against the French, and with the liberal movement headed by Don Bensee “REVOLUTION” page 8

Guerrillera/os de La Pluma

Journal of the Raza Press and Media Association

Todos Somos Los Medios!:

Voices from the U.S. Social Forum 2010

By Francisco Romero

“We understand clearly that we (as activists, artists, community organizers, media makers) are the change agents we have been waiting for.” (USSF 2010)


or this year’s U.S. Social Forum, the Raza Press and Media Association

(RPMA) , along with our allies at the Xicano Development Center’s (XDC) program Radio Free Aztlan , embarked on a tireless five day joint collaborative media project. With over 15,000 in attendance and 1,086 workshops, the U.S. Social Forum served as an organizing space for sharing of ideas, strategies, tactics and overall plans of action to build and enhance the grassroots social movements confronting “deeper and more pervasive poverty world-wide, unsustainable industrial and developmental practices that accelerate global warming, massive displacement of communities due to trade and economic RPMA CONSTITUTION

(Ratified January 24, 2008)


• Create A Movement of Progressive and Revolutionary Media Workers

• To Establish A Raza News Wire Service. • Hold On-Going Workshops And Conferences To Advance Raza Press, Media, And Popular Expression. • Establish An Editorial Board To Oversee Joint Publications. • Pool Existing Resources To Assist Publications And To Establish New Ones. • Establishment of a Collection Of Periodicals, Past, And Current.


development, and rampant speculation in speculation in financial markets” that have led the economic crisis that exist today. With so many participants, it could be very easy for a voice to be lost in the abyss of the global intertwined network of resistance. So, to that end, the RPMA and the XDC prepared and coordinated an organized effort to document and share the unique lessons voiced by those in rebellion, in resistance, in struggle, be it the f i g h t against wars of aggression and militarization, the struggle for selfLuis Moreno, RPMA determination and liberation, the on-going battle for “work, land, housing, food, health care, education, independence, freedom, democracy, justice and peace.” THE PEOPLE’S MEDIA CENTER Hundreds of media workers gathered and set up working stations at the People’s Media Center (PMC) on the second floor of the COBO Exhibition Hall and see

“USSF” page 11

Principles Of Unity :

• Must Be Raza Publications/Media Workers Who Are Independent Of Government Agencies. • Members Must Supp ort Raza Self-Determination. • Must Adhere To Democratically Reached Decisions. • Must Supp ort General Objectives Of The Association. • Must Supp ort The Struggles Of Other Indigenous People, Latino Americanos (Raza), and All Opp ressed People Within And Outside The U.S.

Membership Privile ges/benefits:

• Admission To All RPMA Events (conferences, summ its, etc.) • Membership Card and RPMA Press Card . • RPMA Reference (for emp loyment, grant purposes etc.). • Technical Assistance In Media Production.

Guerrilleros de La Pluma Guest Editor Jose G. Moreno


Ernesto Bustillos Luis Moreno

Production Luis Moreno


Antonio Velasquez Francisco Romero Raoul Contreras Dylan Miner Louie H. Moreno Pablo Aceves Tony Herrera Luis Moreno

Raza Press and Media Association Editorial Board 2010-2011

Ernesto Bustillos Francisco Romero Antonio Velasquez

Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression • Voice In The Direction of the RPMA. • Knowing That You Are Fighting for Justice, Peace, and Liberation


• Mesa Directiva/Editorial Board Will Consist Of a) Coordinator, b) Events, c) Membership, d) Publications, And e) Member at Large. • Mesa Will Serve As Coordinating Body To Insure Comm unication And Comp letion Of Tasks. • Mesa Will Also Serve As Editorial Board For All RPMA


• Standing Comm ittees Will Be Established As Needed. • Mesa Directiva Will Organize A Yearly Summ it Or Conference.

Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression

Fall 2010 Remember The Chicano Moratorium:

Celebrating The Historical Legacy Of The Chicano Movement

By Raoul Contreras

Editor Note: In Fall 1997, Dr. Raoul Contreras, Director of the Latino Studies Program at Indiana University Northwest (IUN) initiated Lectures in Race & Ethnicity series at IUN. A community outreach initiative of the IUN Department of Minority Studies, each semester the “Lectures” bring the university and Northwest Indiana communities together to address local, national, and international social justice issues and concerns. “Remember the Chicano Moratorium – Celebrating The Historical Legacy of The Chicano Movement” was the inaugural edition of Lectures in Race & Ethnicity.


ood Evening. My talk tonight is about the Chicano Moratorium. I will talk about why the Moratorium is a vital historical and political legacy of the Chicano Movement. To begin, the Chicano Moratorium was an anti-Viet Nam war demonstration and rally held in Los Angeles California on August 29th, 1970. This demonstration and rally brought together 30,000 people; and it was an event of the 1960’s Chicano social movement. . In terms of mass and broad based community participation the Moratorium was probably the largest single event of the Chicano Movement. Some in Chicano Studies have referred to the Moratorium as “the apex” of the Chicano Movement. In my classes I have found this term, “the apex,” useful to introduce my argument about the Moratorium as an important and vital legacy of the Chicano Movement. THE CHICANO MOVEMENT The Chicano Movement?


cial Equality, Self-Determination, Indigenous Origin,…that directly confronted the dominant (“American”) cultural values and ideas such as Individualism, Materialism, Profit-seeking, and Race. Most importantly, however, the Chicano Movement was organized by and around an idea about “our own history” that directly confronted the dominant myth of American history as “Progress,” “Civilization,” “Manifest Destiny,” and “White Supremacy.” These Movement ideas and values and sense of history, and the “direct action” they sparked, gave rise to a new form of social and political “cultural identity” among movement participants and adherents … it was The Chicano Movement. Structurally, The Chicano Movement’s “loose and informal” organization reflected that it was actually a political formation of multiple social movements. It was many types of social justice oriented “struggles” (protracted campaigns of mass participatory resistance and/or protagonism); and it was many individual singular political social justice oriented events like a march, demonstration, or strike; or a social event like a dance, party, or fiesta or cultural exhibit or perLos Angeles Times Photographic Archive, UCLA Library formance. The Chicano ever, the Movement varied greatly in the Movement was a political educational excharacter of its group discipline and for- perience like a study group, a conference, mality of organizational structure. or a talk like this one tonight. The Chi The Chicano Movement was cano Movement was also personal and more uniformly distinguishable and no- group experiences in “enlightenment” or table for its tactics of direct action, mass “consciousness-raising” such as the depublic demonstration, and institutional velopment of a Chicana feminism (among confrontation; and for the ideas, values, women and men), a “third worldism” (an and beliefs (The Ideology) that directed interracialism and internationalism), an its actions. It was a social movement or- indiginousism, and environmentalism ganized around ideas and values such as among many Chicano Movement adherThe Community, Social Justice and Ra- ents. see “CHICANO” page 8 analytical purposes I will historically demarcate the Movement as 1965-1975. As a “social movement,” the Chicano Movement was a change-oriented political formation that was principally centered in the Southwest region of the U.S.; but it did extend into and significantly impact the Midwest, and other parts of the country as well. In this broad regional and extra-regional sense the Movement was loose and informal in its organizational structure. In its local and specific manifestations, how-


Guerrillera/os de La Pluma

Journal of the Raza Press and Media Association

On This Hemisphere:

Raza Will Never Be Immigrants By Antonio VAlásquez


t would seem that most important in one’s life is having the freedom of movement. It is perhaps even more so than being free of economic exploitation although it would be ridiculous to compare them, as both are intricately related. While the latter for a working person is relative to a seeming progressive move from one’s former condition to a hoped-for improved situation, one that feigns a psychological mask of freedom, the former is absolute – either one is physically controlled or one is not. T h e most damning of all barriers to free movement for us are the monstrous walls that are edified by power more to show how insignificant it considers the manipulated mass that now only sees a significance of getting from south to north when the intent has always really been to set a trap to have it not see the opposite. When distinguished by its economic impact the Orwellian strategy becomes clear – that the real reason for a physical U.S. border wall is not to keep someone out but to keep someone in until such time that extreme exploitation at the created so-called illegal level is exhausted and requires the beginning of a new cycle of the same tragic charade. The economic bottom line always determines this process while also being influenced by an extended period of


exploitation that creates over time an irreversible accommodation in the insecure population currently being victimized that begins to demand security and benefits. Denying these for too long creates the potential for uncontrolled political disruption, while on the other hand, managing the timeline by creating a mixture of tension, terror, debate, and bogus solution results in support for a system that is the cause of the problem. The secret of the system’s success in this area has always been in its timing. In the U.S., we are fast approaching the end of the current cycle that will begin another. The only question left unanswered, however, is whether this new cycle will begin havManuel J. Torres, ing reinforced White privilege by the full implementation of Endgame, the plan currently underway by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to detain and deport all removable aliens (and domestic terrorists) currently living in the United States by 2012. Or on the other hand, will it dilute this privilege by bowing to cheap labor needs and the negative public opinion generated by orchestrated racist laws like Arizona’s SB1070 and implement some type of so-called immigration reform before 2012 that will result in creating gratefully submissive partisan party political slaves?

Whichever occurs, the question of freedom of movement and the problem of continued occupation will still not see “RAZA” page 12

RPMA Reading List

Aztlan and Viet Nam: Chicano and Chicana Experiences of the War by Jorge Mariscal JJJ Zapata and the Mexican Revolution by John Womack JJJ Secret War in Mexico: Europe, the United States and the Mexican Revolution by Friedrich Katz JJJ ¡Raza Sí! ¡Guerra No!: Chicano Protest and Patriotism during the Viet Nam War Era by Lorena Oropeza JJJ Stolen Revolution by Pablo Aceves JJJ Education, Chicano Studies, and Raza liberation! by Ernesto Bustillos JJJ The Mexican Revolution: A People’s History by Adolfo Gilly JJJ Brown-Eyed Children of the Sun: Lessons from the Chicano Movement, 1965-1975 by Jorge Mariscal JJJ

Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression

Fall 2010 The Dream Act Movement:

Divides Us Into Those Who Fight For All And Those Who Are Locked In A Fight That Will Only Benefit A Small-Tiny Minority Of Our Youth!

By Tony Herrera

Editor’s Note: The following is commentary posted on the net by Tony Herrera. It was part of a discussion that was taking place in response to debate on “Democracy NOW”, a liberal-progressive daily news TV/radio program, hosted by Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzalez, and which is aired on over 850 stations. The debate itself was described in America NOW as, “The Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act—DREAM—would allow undocumented young people a chance at citizenship provided they attend college for at least two years or enlist in the military. It’s been described as a dream come true for undocumented youth wanting a chance to stay in this country without the fear of deportation. But many antiwar activists warn that the bill will simply funnel more young people into the military. We host a debate between Camilo Mejía of Iraq Veterans Against the War and pro-DREAM activist Gaby Pacheco (August 20, 2010).” The “debate” generated dialogue among Raza, who “uncritically” were in favor of the DREAM ACT. Tony Herrera was one of the few who took a critical approach to this subject. He is a founding member of “Unidos En Arizona”.

judges who offered them a way to avoid jail by going to the military machine. These made up the bulk of the cannon fodder.

J The thinkers and analyzers. These represented a smaller segment of the population and consisted of those who were college students or self educated; readers,

them dictate their actions such as outright resisting the draft, or leaving the country, etc. While some of these found themselves in the military and even in Vietnam, many because of their composition were able to position themselves away from direct harms way such as Navy or Air Force or administrative functions, etc.

J The vast majority who live their lives mostly oblivious to their surroundings in regards to any form of activism, political movements and the confidence of selfempowerment. Most are followers, doing what they are told or what seems appropriate from a pragmatic point of view. It is this group, who in my youth readily went off to fight in Vietnam, readily obeyed the draft and/or found themselves cornered in by life’s economic realities or

J The leaders and activists. These represented the cream of the youth who took it upon themselves to LEAD the fight and resist. These were the ones who formed the anti-war or anti-recruitment forces, the counseling services and even the underground railroads to get potential cannon fodder away form the danger that the Vietnam draft represented. These were the ones who devoted their lives during those years to develop a movement to resist the war and the draft. These represented a TINY minority of the youth and were the brightest and most intelligent of our time, the most active, and who tirelessly gave of themselves for the rest of us. These exposed the economic and political forces that were profiting from the war. They talked about the military/ industrial complex and who the war machine was: a machine dedicated to facilitate the carrying out of U.S. policy abroad whose ultimate goad was to fatten corporation’s profit margins at the cost of lives and the sovereignty of nations who wanted to break away from colonial rule. They educated us as a whole so that we could understand WHY these things were happening. Santiago Uceda, Many paid the price, being persewriters, poets, creative people, those de- cuted and hunted down, jailed and othersiring to move up in the world types, more wise labeled as communist and anti-goveducated than the first group. These took ernment, anti American. Many for years the time to weigh options, were creative afterward were on permanent black lists, in finding ways to avoid going off to war, their lives a living example of how the were involved in the protests, anti-war state will exact its price for resistance. movement of their day, and in general rep- Thanks to their dedication, many resented an educated group that was able of our youth who otherwise would have to respond better than their poorer and/or come home in body bags, maimed and less educated brothers to the same reali- disfigured or mentally scarred for life did ties. These had a more developed sense not. Our generation owes them a great of political consciousness that helped see “DREAM” page 13



ost young people, like any other age group among the population consist of three basic groupings.

Guerrillera/os de La Pluma

Another World Was Possible! Another U.S. Is Necessary

Journal of the Raza Press and Media Association

All Photos Taken By Luis Moreno, RPMA


Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression

Fall 2010

Dylan A.T. Miner

Activist | Artist | Intellectual

Joe Hill + Ricardo Fl贸res Mag贸n, Relief Print

Harvester Wobbly, Relief Print

Immigration Poster, Offset Lithograph


Guerrillera/os de La Pluma “CHICANO” page 1 Some of the more well-known campaigns and events of this Chicano Movement experience were Cesar Chavez and the farmworker struggle, the land grant struggle of Reis Tijerina, struggles for political representatation, including the formation of a Chicano political party, struggles for community control, large influential Chicano student movements leading campaigns for educational reform like the Los Angeles high school “Blow-outs” and the formation of Chicano Studies programs, and antiViet Nam war activities … like the Chicano Moratorium, and many more movements, campaigns, and events. Thus the Chicano Moratorium was one of the many events, campaigns, movements that made up the Chicano Movement. from

THE CHICANO MORATORIUM AND THE CHICANO MOVEMENT The reason those of us in Chicano Studies who identify with the political trend of “Chicano Movement Chicano Studies” emphasize the historical celebration and promote the historical recognition of the Moratorium is because we see it as the event that is most emblematic, ideologically, of the Chicano Movement as a whole. That is, by looking at what the Chicano Moratorium was ideologically, we get our most clear singular image of what the ideology of the Chicano Movement was in its most broad, most far reaching, and most revolutionary sense. In a manner of speaking, Chicano Movement Chicano Studies sees in the ideology of the Moratorium an integration or a “coalition” of the ideologies of


Journal of the Raza Press and Media Association

the varied social movements, campaigns, events, etc. of the Chicano Movement. Understanding this ideology of the 1960s Chicano Movement is important to us because the political role of ideology is to frame a movement’s political agenda; to develop a conception of a Movement’s “opposition” and “allies;” and to understand what it is that unites a social movement. We celebrate, and we study as we celebrate, the Moratorium because the ideology of the Chicano Movement is a politically relevant tool for addressing contemporary questions of political agenda, “opposition and allies,” and how we construct a social movement for today’s struggles for social justice and for race, class and gender equality in this country and worldwide. THE CHICANO ANTI-VIET NAM WAR MOVEMENT A first step in “seeing” the ideology of the Chicano Moratorium, and, “emblematically,” the ideology of the Chicano Movement, is recognizing that the Moratorium was “the apex,” of a Chicano antiwar movement. While they were not on the same level as the Moratoriumin terms of mass community participation, there were numerous Chicano anti-war demonstrations, and anti-war actions, like public refusals to be drafted, that were building up in the Chicano community prior to August 29th, 1970. By 1965 individuals like Elizabeth “Betita” Martinez, Rene Nunez, and Luis Valdez , who would later be recognized for their leading roles as activists and organizers in the Chicano Movement, were sparking this incipient anti-war movement by taking individual public stances and actions of see

“CHICANO” page 9

from “REVOLUTION” page 1 ito Juarez who pushed forth self-determination, anti-colonialism, and the first vestiges of an independent, Indigenous (not white) identity ---arguably in the entire hemisphere. Along with Haiti, Mexico was a pioneer in abolishing slavery ---a full forty years before the so-called “democratic USA” ended slavery in the aftermath Civil War. These were some of the contributions of the independence struggle.

the colonial-capitalist powers. In the Western Hemisphere, Mexico was the most blatant victim of Yanqui Colonialism and was the place where the revolutionary struggle would come to a head. The “Huelga de Cananea” symbolized the state of Mexico and the rotten underbelly of the Porfirio Diaz puppet regime. Diaz, was beholden to the US, France, and England, for everything from the national railroad system right down to his calzones. His WORLD WIDE EXPANSION apologists to this day talk about OF CAPITALISM DEEPENS the “progress and industrialOUR STRUGGLE ization” that developed “thanks It is important for us to to him”, but never mention the understand that the struggles appalling conditions of the poor for independence were earth campesinos. shattering. But as capitalism The fact was, that the grew out of the theft of the re- Cananea mines were owned sources of most of the world lock stock and barrel by gringo in the 1800s, the struggle had companies, and the depento deepen as foreign capitalist dence of Diaz’s government monopolies began to control was in total evidence ---to Mexico in the late 1800s. the point that he was ordered This manifested itself in to put down the strike and alPorfirio Diaz, a general who lowed Gringo redneck “conbecame a dictator-president stables” and sheriffs, joined at the service of gringo impe- by deputized white people, to rialism as well as European crossed the border from none business interests. It was Diaz other than the state of Arizona who ruled from 1870s to 1910 to repress the strike with guns and was the president when and clubs. the Mexican Revolution rose This intervention, and up against foreign imperialists later the invasion by the Maand their neo-colonialist lack- rines and Navy in Tampico and eys. the “Blackjack Pershing” at The official history of tack on the heroic revolutionthe Mexican Revolution began ary army of General Francisco in November 10, of 1910; how- Villa, was a capitalist response ever there were revolutionary to a dynamic of the Mexican struggles before this date. One Revolution that was at its base such example is the mining anti-colonial, anti-capitalist, strike in Cananea of 1908. The and bent on transforming Mexfact is that the Mexican Revo- ico, Latin America, and the lution did not exist in a vacuum, World. but was part of revolutionary The official history is struggle that was in the main of course that Francisco Matrend in the world at that time. dero began the Revolution The Communist Mani- and Venustiano Carranza, and festo had been written, revolu- careerist generals like Alvaro tion was on the lips over ev- Obregon and Plutarco Elias eryone in Europe, and in many Calles (later presidents of parts of the world the masses Mexico) were the “great thinkwere organizing to overthrow see next page

Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression

Fall 2010 ers” and “statesmen” of the revolutionary state. This is a distortion that serves the official mythology and makes the Mexican Revolution look like a small struggle for land grants and some reforms. In fact these figures were not revolutionaries, but simply sectors of the Mexican neo-colonial class that thought Porfirio Diaz had outlived his use and that there was a need for a more “modern” form of capitalism. These were the forces ---principally Madero who talked about revolution and for a time was able to convince even Villa and Zapata that he was sincere. THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION OF 1910 WAS ANTI-CAPIALIST AND SOCIALIST! Madero, Carranza, and others are the so-called “middle class” that many parlor leftists often say (more now than ever) will be essential to the revolution. We know this to be false. There are sectors of the middle class that will participate in a revolution, but the revolution must be lead, if it is to be successful, by the masses (workers and poor campesinos) represented by their vanguard party. Moreover, these leftists discount the Mexican Revolution was not “truly socialist” and not a real revolution. In fact, nothing could be further from the truth. Villa and Zapata, both developed theories of economics and of the future society. In Mexico Insurgente by John Reed (author of Ten Days the Shook the World) showed that Villa far from being a wild riding, womanizing folk figure, was in fact a revolutionary and like Zapata could easily be qualified as left and socialist. Both had a strong antiimperialist foundation and both understood that the principal contradiction Mexico faced

(and still faces) was that half its national territory is under foreign military occupation. In the case of Villa, this was very much in evidence in the raids into Columbus, New Mexico and that gringo imperialism used as an excuse to send troops into Mexico to attack Villa. The famous “Blackjack” Pershing, the general who is credited with winning the First Imperialist War against the Germans in Europe, was defeated in his quest to cross the imposed border and bring Villa back “Dead or Alive.” This was due to the anti-imperialist consciousness in the masses of Mexicanos who were united to stop a foreign invader and to defend an authentic leader. It would be an injustice to not mention the vanguard role played by Ricardo Flores Magon and the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM). To anyone north of the Frontera Falsa, his example should have special resonance. Not only was Flores Magon an anarcho-communist and a strong anti-imperialist fighter, but he did a lot of his organizing work in places like Los Angeles and San Antonio. In addition, to struggling against the Porfiriato, Flores Magon organized Raza and other oppressed workers ---giving true practice to “Somos un Pueblo Sin Fronteras.” Indeed, Flores Magon who was murdered in Leavenworth Federal Prison in Kansas, had been arrested for “sedition” (a phrase that includes any dissent that was being used in the 1920s) during the Red Scare of the Twenties. In this case, the traitors to the Mexican Revolution used gringo colonialism to do their dirty work. The Mexican Revolution was hijacked and sold out by nonrevolutionaries who were puppets of foreign (mostly US) see


from “CHICANO” page 8 opposition to the war. And an anti-Viet Nam war movement aspect is clearly discernible in the emergence of the Chicano student movement in the fall of 1967. O r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y, anti-war actions in the Chicano community are formally brought together in the early summer of 1969 with the formation of the National Chicano Moratorium Committee in Los Angeles, California. This Moratorium committee would organize two large mass community demonstrations against the war in late 1969 and early 1970. And it would be recognized as the “national” Chicano anti-war organizing committee at the spring 1970 Crusade for Justice Chicano Youth Liberation Conference in Denver Colorado. That this anti-war movement had developed in the Chicano community was a historically remarkable socialcultural and political development. Recognizing the social cultural dimensions of this remarkable development implies an understanding of its historical background, minimally, to the Chicano World War II cultural experience of the 1940s and 1950s. This broader historical context unveils that the emergence of a Chicano anti-war movement in the latter part of 1960s was the most dramatic expression of a community’s ideological motion from assimilationism and political accommodationism to selfdetermination and institutional confrontationalism, and of an undeniably ascending ideological leadership of the Chicano Movement in the Chicano community. Entering the 1960s the Chicano community was proudly self-conscious of

Mexican American participation, with “military honor,” in World War II (and early 1950s Korean conflict). It was the cultural experience surrounding World War II that had solidified the dominance of the assimilationist and accommodationist orientation of the Mexican American community that would be challenged by the Chicano Movement. This Mexican American “military tradition” presumed demonstrated patriotism, especially in time of war, as the necessary condition for “American” cultural acceptance and equality. And it implied unquestioned support for U.S. military intervention in Southeast Asia. The positive, selfaffirming, cultural experience of World War II made it a bedrock of the community’s assimilationist “Mexican American identity” as the 1960’s opened. Being a “MexicanAmerican veteran,” an ideological orientation framed by the World War II experience, was a dominant characteristic of the social base for the community’s organizational socialpolitical leadership during the 1950’s and early 1960s. The historical and cultural significance of organized anti-war activity in the Chicano community in the late 1960s is underscored in understanding that this was not simply Chicano participation in the widespread opposition to the Viet Nam war. It was a Chicano anti-war movement; it was the organization of an anti-war movement in and from the Chicano community. Indicative of this is that there were many landmark rallies, protest demonstrations, and marches to the mass social movement in the U.S. that developed against the war in Viet Nam. However, only one seepage next page see “CHICANO” 10


Guerrillera/os de La Pluma from “CHICANO” page 9 of these notable mass mobilizations was principally identified not by a date, a place, or a number but by its racial/cultural identity -- The Chicano Moratorium.

IDEOLOGY OF THE CHICANO MORATORIUM In 1965, as the Chicano Movement period begins, the U.S. attack on Viet Nam escalates to a full scale land and air war; and the Chicano community is intensely “patriotic” in relation to Viet Nam. Reflecting the ideological hegemony of the World War II “military tradition,” tens of thousands of Chicano youth are passively accepting, if not openly embracing, the draft; and tens of thousands more are “running” to join the Marines and the Army to go fight in Viet Nam, to kill communists, and allegedly fight for freedom and defend the American way; thousands of Chicanos like myself. Five years later, there is a vigorous and militant anti-war movement that is challenging and contesting the Mexican American “military tradition” for cultural dominance in the Chicano community. And, Chicano Viet Nam veterans (against the war) were a central ideological contingent of that anti war movement. It is in this way that the Chicano Moratorium manifested a historically remarkable social-cultural development in the Chicano community. The socially conservative and patriotic Mexican American community (the dominant socially constructed image of Chicanos) is out in the streets shouting opposition to the government of the U.S. … its refusal to be part of the war … “Raza Si, Guerra No !” This was a


social-cultural development led and directed by a radical transition in the way Chicano Movement Chicanos saw their world, thought about their place in the world, and therefore could plan and organize their actions in the world – a historical transition in worldview and ideology. In trying to get at the question of the Chicano Moratorium’s ideology – what was the ideology behind this radical action by the Chicano community – its necessary to recognize the limitations and inadequacy of a simple quantification and categorization of the different individual reasons that 30,000 people might give for why they were out in the street exercising participatory democracy and participatory self-determination, in East Los Angeles on August 29th 1970. As a way of thinking about this, I favor a theory of ideology that emphasizes the “coalitional” nature of a Social Movement (Ideology). This conception of ideology views the Social Movement not as a homogeneous body of “one mind,” but as a “coming together” of relatively distinct interests, groups, and sectors expressing relatively distinct “ideologies,” but in “Movement” in a common direction. In this theoretical construction of social movement ideology the relatively distinct interests, groups, and sectors “come together” through the intellectual and moral “direction” of a “leading sector” of the ideological “coalition.” (a personal reading of Gramsci and the concept of Hegemony). This theory of ideology leads me to emphasize the ideas, beliefs, and values; the motivations, goals, and reasons for acting by the Moratorium’s “organizers” in identifying the ideology of the Moratorium. No doubt, individual see “CHICANO” page 11

Journal of the Raza Press and Media Association from “REVOLUTION” page 9 capital and the bourgeoisie inside of Mexico. This hijacking, like the one the ruling class made in the independence struggle of 1810 has the profound effect of confusing the masses and making them think that we have won full independence and revolutionary change, when we have not.

PARALLELS TO THE LIBERATION MOVEMENT NORTH OF THE IMPOSED BORDER If we look both at the independence struggle and the interrupted Mexican Revolution, we can see that there are many parallels to our Movimiento north of the imposed border, especially during the Chicano Power Period (19651975). In both cases, we the lacked a revolutionary organization that could develop the ideology to unite the people, direct the blows against the enemy, and withstand the military blows of the state. Like the Mexican Revolution, the Chicano Power Movement was hijacked by elements who have tried to deceive our gente into working within the system, becoming cheerleaders for the Democratic Party, working in a liberal-safe, non-struggle “im-

migrant rights” stance vs. reclaiming the land. They try to deny that there is a liberation movement in our society. This is the same as the PRI, the PAN today. As is the case with the authentic organizations south of the imposed border, our task in the occupied territories is to reclaim our land. We must expose those who tell us that the time for militant struggle is over and that we have to find a “new discourse.” We can find a new discourse when the oppression against us ends. Until then our task is to denounce colonialism, imperialism and capitalism and fight like hell for our liberation. Finally, we can only complete these processes and fundamentally change our conditions if we have a revolutionary unity and create the revolutionary party that “la Revolucion Mexicana” was not able to consolidate. To build this party that can lead us to liberation takes struggle and sacrifice, but it is the only way we will be liberated and destroy the muro that cuts our patria in half and a system that oppresses us in our own land. J

David Alafaro Siqueiros, The Revolutionaries

Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression

Fall 2010

Radio Free Aztlan broadcasting from occupied territories from “USSF” page 2 Conference Center, the central U.S. Social Forum 2010 meeting space. The USSF 2010 stated. “The People’s Media Center (PMC) at this year’s US Social Forum in Detroit seeks to keep up with this evolving media landscape and once again break new ground in changing the relationships between media, cultural workers and the movements they cover. The People’s Media Center will serve not only as a hub for traditional, new and people’s journalists in this new media world to connect and share, but also a space for many story-telling, cultural and artistic activities to take place continuously and throughout the forum.” The Raza Press and Media Association, shared a working space alongside, TeleSur, Democracy Now, Real News Network, IndyMedia, Free Speech TV, among dozens of others. The role of grassroots, independent media was extremely important at this year’s USSF 2010, having that the mass corporate media seen the forum as “disregarded marginal and irrelevant -- that is, if they’re regarded at all?” (AlterNet) Where else was there such a mass convergence-taking place? The FIFA World Cup 2010 spectacle overshadowed the U.S. Social Forum and the protests of the G-20 in Canada. In short, if it were not for the humble efforts of a handful of committed media activist/organizers, the U.S.

Social Forum 2010 could have easily been forgotten. The reality is that we exist and resist, with innovative “Up-to-theminute radio, print and video reports produced through the center and broadcasting on partnering networks; fed to local and national media outlets; and published on social networks, blogs, websites and portals all across the US and the world. With daily press briefings and a diverse speakers’ bureau, the center will also seek to connect grassroots organizers and leaders with mainstream journalists to generate widespread coverage of the ideas, events and people of the USSF” (see http://www. THE DETROIT PAPERS It was nearly seven years ago on September 20, 2003, where a handful of media activists convened at the RPMA’s Summit entitled, “Develop the Means to Wake Up the Masses-Become Part of History-Help Build an Independent Raza Media Association”, in the small community just outside of Detroit, in the town of Ypsilanti, MI, at Eastern Michigan University. At this summit, participants discussed, debated and adopted a resolution of four sections that would lead the then Raza Press Association (now Raza Press and Media Association) into the next period of struggle on the media front. Section 1 of the Detroit Papers was entitled, “A: Only Responsibility and Accountability Will Enable Us To Build and Consolidate the RPA.” The see “USSF” page 12

from “CHICANO” page 10 motivations for the great majority of the 30,000 who marched in East Los Angeles and rallied in Laguna Park, and fought police on Whittier Boulevard, were in large part similar to the dissatisfactions and concerns that had turned half of America against the war. As a broad generality, half of America, and the Chicano community as well, had become disillusioned because the U.S. was not winning the war, or because it was an “unwinnable” war without clear and worthy objectives, or because it was a war that the U.S. military (allegedly) had to fight with “one hand tied behind its back” because of insufficient political and moral support. Significantly, because these sentiments did not address(and evaded) the Viet Nam War’s historical and political origins, much less the moral and ethical basis of the war; advocates of the war, through their domination of the media and other dominant cultural institutions, could attribute these popular grievances to “politicians in Washington” (the U.S. Congress) and a general U.S. public that did not sufficiently “support the troops.” In the Chicano community, however, there were also cultural, racial, and community specific reasons for opposition to the war. For example, permeating the mass participation of the Chicano Moratorium was a community consciousness that the war was a human racial tax as the number of Chicano drafted, casualties, and killed in action greatly outnumbered their proportion of the general population. It was a developing consciousness of this racial reality about the war in Viet Nam that brought substantive representation from the Chi-

cano middle class and from “flag-waving groups” like the GI Forum under the umbrella of the Chicano Movement’s Chicano Moratorium. In general, the Chicano Moratorium mobilized mass Chicano community participation by both organizing the general public discontent with the war, and by generating and tapping into a growing community consciousness that the war and the domestic social cultural aims of the Chicano Movement were antithetical as thousands marched behind placards and banners of “Raza Si, Guerra No!” While Moratorium “organizers” also were motivated and articulated the popular conceptions of antiwar opposition in the Chicano community; they also clearly and explicitly conveyed and presented them in a “larger” historical and political context. Most importantly, Moratorium activists presented these popular grievances of the Chicano community as the historical characteristics and manifestations of a colonialist, imperialist, and racist war. While Chicano Movement activists also experienced the war as “unfair” and as a “mispriority;” the Moratorium’s mobilization of the Chicano community was organized by activists for whom the Viet Nam war’s disproportionate count of Chicano body bags was one more consequence of the racial stratification of the American social-political order. For the Chicano Movement organizers of the Moratorium the war was a manifestation of the racism, imperialism, and colonialism that had historically constructed this racial dimension of American society. The Chicano Moratorium ideology was therefore more than just its mass face see “CHICANO” page 13


Guerrillera/os de La Pluma

 As media activists, as organizers, and ultimately as Mexicano Indigenous freedom fighters, we will have to take a stand on the side of our people. This means, that we must learn the skills necessary to create media, in the form of writings, videos, audio recordings and beyond, including cultural and artistic forms of expression (paintings, creative writings, music, etc.). If we fail to write our own history, than we will have to read about our advancements and defeats

from the perspective of the oppressor. With the technological tools at our disposal, such as computers, printers, copy machines, access to the Internet and the various social webbased networking platforms (FaceBook, ListServes, etc.), there really is no excuse whatsoever to not have a weekly, if not daily, news reporting effort coming from the Chicano/ Mexicano working class perspective. There is no excuse whatsoever for not having a short written summary, a blog, a poem, an article, a song, or an audio or video piece that immediately brings attention to, analyzes or current conditions, and offers an alternative reporting to that of the corporate media. We need a People’s Media, one that is willing and able to combat the onslaught of commercial and profit-driven news and information being spewed on a daily basis. We need a People’s Media that can and will expose the

brutal realities of the capitalist economic crisis and its impact on workers, on education, on healthcare, and on society as a whole. We need a People’s Media that will report about the “deep pervasive poverty worldwide, unsustainable industrial and development practices that accelerate global warming, massive displacement of communities due to trade and economic competition, and rampant speculation in the financial markets” and other pressing issues that impact us today. So, the time is now, to be part of the solution. Pick up your pen, brush, or camera, and join our struggle to build a People’s Media to Defend the Rights and Interests of the Working Class. J

phase where power exerts itself most and the division between the colonists and the occupied becomes clearly evident. Since the original invasion of this hemisphere, the U.S. has put into practice genocide, overt slavery, a process of continued colonization to overwhelm numerically the original native populations, and has maintained an increased profit margin by the protection of white privilege in the labor force. However, as social and economic realities have evolved and the contradictions of the capitalist pyramid scheme become more acute and fast reaching its pinnacle, it is now implementing a sacking of a created false nation(al) mix of EuroAmerican colonists, ex-slave Africans and both willing and

unwilling occupied Raza. It is doing this primarily through unrepresented tax wealth expropriation, labor exploitation, and outright theft that allow it to begin or continue this same process in other lands. What cannot be denied, however, is that when one is “of” an area, due to any number reasons but mainly because of a need to provide for basic needs, one might normally migrate from one place to another. Assuming a natural belonging, one then would not be immigrating anywhere, as this would connote requesting and being granted or denied a legal permission from an external or foreign power to move about in one’s own environment. In our case, rational thinking would dictate that one does not ask permission to

move within one’s own land unless one is under some form of domestic or foreign subjugation. It would logically follow that if one were experiencing either of the oppressive conditions, the natural response would then be to revolt against them. If one is not willing to accept a condition of modern-day serf to be tied to the land and owned by the state, there is no other conceivable sane response.One could understand, however, if one is implementing a strategy that requires biding one’s time while an appropriate window of opportunity becomes available to put into play that deliberated reaction. Anything less would be to accommodate or surrender to that subjugation. J

from “USSF” page 11 next section was entitled, “B: Only Active, Systematic, Tactical and Consistent Dissemination of Progressive News and Information In the Community Will Allow Us to Wake Up the Masses.” The third section was entitled, “C: Building a Raza Press and Media to Defend the Rights and Interests of Our People.” The final section was entitled, “D: Journalism Is Inseparable from the Liberation Struggle.” It is important to highlight, that the major sections, goals and objectives of the Detroit Papers have been worked on consistently for the past seven years. Countless organizing meetings, dozens and dozens of writings, events, forums and book fests, as well as the on going developing of technical skills (audio, video, print, etc.) have been expanded. For the first time, in one concentrated event, the RPMA had a “Media Team”, with about six media workers,

utilizing sound recording, video, and photography to document and immediately report about the interviews, forums, actions and workshops. At the U.S. Social Forum’s People’s Media Center, RPMA media activists sat, edited, wrote, and produced articles, audio and video podcasts at the about the nearly 50 interviews that were conducted throughout the week.

from “RAZA” page 4 be addressed nor resolved. What will simply happen in either case is the clearing out of one exploited population by a process of so-called legalization or deportation to allow a completely new one to take its place. This will take place under a new set of rules that further deteriorates freedom of movement for everyone under even more restrictive ancillary actions, such as, increased militarization of the borders, a national identification program, and heightened xenophobia. However, lost in this confusing milieu of a finely tuned maze of manipulated intersecting Hegelian actions and reactions, is the undeniable historical reality of invasion, occupation, and colonization. And, it is in this last


Journal of the Raza Press and Media Association

From More Info On The USSF 2010

Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression

Fall 2010 from “CHICANO” page 11 of public demonstration of Chicano community opposition to the war. For a Chicano Movement becoming self-conscious of the relationship between its own cultural identity and a Chicano “internal colonialist” historical experience, it was also a public statement of solidarity, common cause, and racial identity with a Third World struggling against imperialism and colonialism and for selfdetermination.

CONCLUSION Chicano Movement Chicano Studies celebrates and promotes the historical recognition of the Chicano Moratorium because it was “the apex” of the Chicano Movement. That is, it was the event most emblematic of the ideology of the Chicano Movement. The Chicano Moratorium brought to the fore two overarching ideas of Chicano Movement Ideology: Imperialism/Anti-Imperialism and Chicano History. Imperialism/AntiImperialism unveiled to the Chicano Movement the true nature and design of the U.S. war against Viet Nam; and “emblematically,” the nature and design of the Chicano inequality in the U.S. social-political order. It was the imperialist nature and design of the U.S. war against Viet Nam that provided the Chicano Movement with intellectual explanation and moral definition for the historical linkage and relationship between the oppression, exploitation, and colonialist domination of “third world” people abroad, and the construction and institutionalization of the racial inequality of “third world” people in the U.S. Imperialism/Anti-Imperialism posited an unambiguous “direction” in terms of constructing a political agenda,

distinguishing opposition and allies, and building the social movement. The pursuit of imperialist war by the U.S. was not simply a (compromiseable) political-economic contradiction, as it was (and always is) for Democratic Party politicians and liberals; but more importantly, an intellectual and moral irreconcilability. Ideologically, Chicano History was a Chicano Movement self-consciousness that “our own history” fatally punctured the dominant American (U.S.) historical myth grounded in ideas and beliefs about Progress, Civilization, Free Enterprise Capitalist Development, and Democracy. It was self-consciousness that Chicano History is the history of a people colonized by the U.S. in an imperialist war fought through and for the racist ideas and values of mid 19th Century Manifest Destiny. This idea of History “directed” that our agenda, our concept[tion of the opposition and our allies, and how we build a Movement is framed by the contradiction of Imperialist and Anti-Imperialism. Tonight, September 25th, 1997, we are less than a year removed from the most recent cycle of the “political charade,” the 1996 Presidential election, that is the most important event of American “Democracy.” In that election most Chicanos actively worked for, publicly supported, and/ or voted for someone whose most significant first term accomplishments were to aggressively attack the working poor and impoverished and call it “Welfare Reform;” to extend and to institutionalize U.S. economic and imperial domination of Mexico (NAFTA) and called it bringing Mexico into the “Global Free Market;” and to bomb, terrorize, and starve the people of Iraq, and

to financially subsidize and politically and morally cover and justify Isreal’s genocidal military and political agenda for the people of Palestine and call it “Mid East Peace Policy.” Our need to learn from the Chicano Moratorium could not be more apparent. It has much to offer in terms of our need for an ideological framework for thinking about a Chicano Movement “political agenda” for today’s work; a way to think about the “opposition” and “allies” to a Chicano Movement politics for today’s world; a way to think about how we construct a social movement for today’s world. J from “DREAM” page 5 debt that still to this day has not been acknowledged much less repaid. So what does this have to do with the discussion of the DREAM ACT? Everything! Today, the DREAMERS are fighting NOT as part of a movement to prevent war and the recruitment of our finest youth as cannon fodder –they are playing into it! The leadership of the DREAMERS, like those of my youth, represent the finest, brightest and boldest of our youth’s leadership. If the DREAM ACT passes, THIS element will benefit directly as they are positioned to BEST take advantage of what it will offer. They are the most educated, creative element who will find ways and solutions to avoid having to take the military option. Many, if not most are in school, are excellent or good students, have college ahead for them once out of high school, may qualify for aid, scholarships, etc. This is NOT the case for the vast majority of our youth who just like those of my youth, will go with the program, go with the flow, go where the options seem best and not from the standpoint of what it represents politically in the grand scheme of things. The majority will not know, nor care that they may/will be used in wars of conquest or control. They do not have the sophistication, the education, the exposure to these ideas or facts like those

of our day who EVEN THEN had to make the decision to go into the Army because even though they may have known it was wrong, did not see another option, despite a full blown anti-recruitment movement right under their noses. Do you think that today’s youth stand a better chance of avoiding becoming cannon fodder then those of my day? Hardly –the deck is stacked up against them. Therefore the argument that poses “Who are we to impose our values on the rest?” as an attempt to say, let the youth decide for themselves, is not only shallow, it is hypocritical. It is like if we were back in the days of slavery and were faced with the task of enlightening our peers as to the corrupt and barbaric nature of slavery and instead chose to not “impose” our views on the rest of the population so that they could “make up their own minds” whether they should join antislavery movement or not. Or like the fascist movement of pre-WWII era that targeted Jews and other “undesirables” of their day. Should those who were against the rise of fascism in Germany have kept quiet and “not have imposed” their views on the German people trying to wake them up to the realities of the dangerous path they were taking? What kind of choice is that? How can one see

“DREAM” page 14


Guerrillera/os de La Pluma from “DREAM” page 4 stay “neutral” on questions of such social and global magnitude? I agree that we should engage in the fight for workers rights so that people do not have to face economic hardships and fight to help our youth stay in school and not have to take the military option. FINE! But the fact is that our country is poised on the brink of military expansion and is deadlocked in a life and death struggle with other competing nations for the world’s resources. This is why we are in Iraq and Afghanistan. We (our military) desperately need soldiers. Soldiers are not for making peace; they are for making war, make no mistake. Therefore to say, “let our youth make up its own mind” about joining the military or not –is saying to them: it’s OK to join the military!!! It’s like saying, “We don’t like it. You will be used to invade and conquer other countries or even to control our own population if we get out of line with the program. Your language skills sure will come in handy to help when

Journal of the Raza Press and Media Association

we have to invade Mexico or Venezuela or send troops to Colombia as a jumping off point for any number of South American countries who step out of line with our program. But that’s your choice and we support you every step of the way.” This is hypocrisy straight up and down; I don’t care how you paint it. Is that what you are saying?? Sure sounds like it! There is ONE movement to save our undocumented community from extinction. The DREAM movement divides us into two fronts, taking with it our most aggressive elements who are locked in a fight that will only benefit a small minority of our youth. How can we, in all good conscious support an effort that divides us and if successful will throw the rest of our undocumented community under the bus? I think part of the problem is that there seems to be an extreme paternalistic side to our older generation leadership. They say, “It’s great to support the DREAMERS. Yet these people know what I am saying, yet they unquestionably and uncritically stand

behind their efforts instead of telling them like it is. The DREAMERS, like it or not, under the present strategy have effectively driven a wedge in the movement under the banner of “better a few, than none”. This way, the thinking goes, at least some of us can squeeze under the wire and THEN we can fight for the rest. When they get around to joining the fight for the “rest”, they may find that they are no longer here, having fallen victim to the pervasive anti-immigrant movement, policies and laws that have already driven hundreds of thousands out of states and or back to their home countries, broken families and all. The analogies to the Vietnam area are valid and should be used as a gauge to measure the DREAM movement. The movement of the past had a clearly defined progressive, anti-war, anti-aggression, pro-peace, pro-democracy character to it. In any way it is measured by progressive standards, it represented a positive effort on the part of our youth. The progressive “air” that is lent to the DREAM effort

vanishes when you peel back the hype and get the essence of the effort. It boils down to an effort to save a tiny minority (compared to the entire undocumented community) from being deported and allowed legalization in exchange for offering our entire undocumented young generation before the alter of war mongers. Of the 60,000 or so yearly that graduate high school, 5,000 to 10,000 may get off the hook. But what about the 50,000 to 55,000 left? Again, look at the Vietnam era youth; there is a historical precedence set. I haven’t even allowed for the fact that the 60’s era was a highly political period where there was a relatively high level of political sophistication among the general population. That is NOT the case today where we have a more conservative population unable to connect even the most basic dots than those of my youth. In my assessment the DREAM ACT makes a deal with the devil. “Sign with me and I’ll save you” he says, “but it will cost your soul.” Are you in or are you out? Just my two cents. J

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Raza Press, Media, and Popular Expression

Fall 2010

Check Out Our Coverage Of The USSF 2010 On:

Radio Free Aztlan All Photos Taken By Luis Moreno, RPMA


Raza Press And Media Association P.O. Box 620095 San Diego, CA 92162

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A Call For Articles On Raza Press, Media, And Popular Expression For The Upcoming Issue... Statement Of Purpose:

The Raza Press and Media Association is the only national group of progressive journalists working towards winning justice, peace, and freedom for all Mexicano-Latinos (Raza). We meet on a regular basis, have an organizational structure, principles of unity, objectives, and we consistently published journal, Guerrilleros de La Pluma. In response to the continuing and growing assaults on the right to information and freedom of expression, especially as it relates to Raza and other oppressed nationalities and peoples within the current borders of the United States, the Raza Press Association (formerly known as the Chicano Press Association) is making another call on Raza (students, journalists, community activists, and academicians) active in the field of media (journalism, radio, TV, popular art, spoken word, computer information, etc.) to submit articles related to the question of The Role of Raza Press, Media, And Popular Expression In Our Struggle For Democracy, Justice, And Self-determination.

The articles must address the historical/current onslaught on progressive and alternative thought. We see this fascist-racist attack coming down both “within the belly of the beast” from FBI, Police, Mainstream Media, Christian Right, Vendidos, etc., and externally from the CIA, Military Industrial Complex, Global Capitalism, and so forth. A major objective of these attacks on progressive thought is a conscious racist-capitalist effort to eliminate all programs which were initially developed for the purpose of advancing the educational and cultural development of the Raza community; for example: Chicano Studies, Ethnic Studies, Progressive Publications and Programs at Colleges and Universities, Raza Cultural Celebrations at elementary and high schools, Centro Culturales, and Bilingual/ Multicultural Education. Selected articles will be published in the Guerrilleros de la Pluma. Issues of Guerrilleros de La Pluma are distributed widely. Copies are circulated at political actions, colleges, libraries, and conferences; they are mailed Raza

prisoners and a subscribers list; the journal is also posted online (Internet). Literally thousands of people read the journal.

Criteria For Articles:

(1) articles must be between 3 and 5 pages (no longer please), typed and doubled space (Fonts 10 or 12 points). If you submit a research type working paper, when quoting, or referring to data, use footnotes or endnotes and a bibliography for documentation purposes. Writing styles that could be use are the following; Chicago, APA, and MLA. (2) send your articles via e-mail (newswire@ or on a floppy disk/ CD (i.e. MS Words, etc.) to the following address:


Raza Press and Media Association Attn: Guerrilleros de la Pluma P.O. Box 620095 San Diego, CA 92162

Guerrillera/os de la Pluma, Fall 2010  

Guerrillera/os de la Pluma, Fall 2010

Guerrillera/os de la Pluma, Fall 2010  

Guerrillera/os de la Pluma, Fall 2010