Page 1

Decoding the

of exchange Tools and tactics for designing with trade in Tema, Ghana


Decoding the colours of exchange Tools and tactics for designing with trade in Tema, Ghana Sanne Berghmans Lise Gruwez

Thesis submitted to obtain the degree of Master in Engineering: architecture Promotor: Prof. dr. ir. arch. Bruno De Meulder Co-promotor: Prof. dr. Ann Cassiman Readers: Viviana d’Auria Victor Kootin Sanwu

Academic Year 2011-2012


© Copyright by K.U.Leuven

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Voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van de promoter(en) is eveneens vereist voor het aanwenden van de in dit afstudeerwerk beschreven (originele) methoden, producten, schakelingen en programma’s voor industrieel of commercieel nut en voor de inzending van deze publicatie ter deelname aan wetenschappelijke prijzen of wedstrijden. ©Copyright by K.U.Leuven. Without written permission of the supervisor(s) and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to K.U.leuven, Faculty of Engineering- Kasteelpark Arenberg 1, B-3001 Heverlee (Belgium). Telephone +32-16-32 13 50 & Fax +32-16-32 19 88. A written permission of the supervisor(s) is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and for submitting this publication in scientific contests. All images in this booklet are, unless credits are given made or drawn by the authors.


K.U.Leuven Faculty of Engineering 2011-2012

Master’s Thesis file Students: Sanne Berghmans Lise Gruwez

Title: Decoding the colours of exchange, tools and tactics for designing with trade in Tema, Ghana UDC: 72

Content in brief:

Africa is one of the least urbanized regions in the world, but its urban population is growing faster than in any other continent. This leads to an enormous growth of informal activities and an increasing number of people seeking their livelihood in retail trade. This phenomenon forms the main socioeconomic core of urban environments in Sub-Saharan Africa today. Tema is no exception: numerous of commercial activities are spread over the city. These are violating the planning norms of the statutory bodies TDC/TMA and the original principles of expatriate architects concerning fixed locations for trade. Based on an analysis of the values as well as the defects on social and spatial level of these activities, our research will complement on-going local research on kiosk scale by developing a design- toolbox for sustainable and flexible interventions on urban scale.

Thesis submitted to obtain the degree of Master in Engineering: architecture

Supervisor(s): Prof. dr. ir. arch. Bruno De Meulder, prof. dr. Ann Cassiman


Acknowledgement

Along with two other girls, Marjolein Lyssens and Ellen Denis, we took off at the end of the Belgian summer for a two months trip to Ghana, where for us the real summer would still begin. Although during our stay the temperature kept raising and all Ghanaians searched for shade, we were very motivated to bring our fieldwork to a good end. Not only we wanted to get back home with as much information as possible, but also wanted to gain as much ‘black power’ as our new Ghanaian friends. They were so surprised by our enthusiasm and hard work that they wondered if we were using some kind of drug to keep on going all the time. Continuously working and never give up, is exactly what our education has taught us during the past years. In the end, this is what we needed to present you today the result of our fieldwork during our two month stay in Ghana, the literature research and analysis during the rest of the year in Belgium. In our aim for the best we were supported by a lot of people and therefore we want to use this space to express our gratitude. First of all we would like to thank our reader Viviana d’Auria, for convincing us to choose this topic and guiding us through the thesis with her highly appreciated motivation and her listening skills, as well for the contacts she provided us in Tema. Our promoter, Prof. Dr. Bruno de Meulder, who gave us during many times inspiring insights in our designs concepts, what kept us motivated. Our copromoter, Ann Cassiman who’s anthropological perspective offered us a wider view on the Ghanaian life. Then there are all those friendly and warm Ghanaians who were always extremely willing to help us in our fieldwork and much more. More specific, Mr. Oko Adjetey, architect and inhabitant of Tema, for the endless stories about the glorious days of Tema, his strong opinions for development, and the important contacts he made for us at the Tema Development Corporation, namely Mr. Joseph A. Abbey and Mr William Osei Aseidu.Together with Samuel Labri from the Tema Municipal Assembly, he had a lot of patience in helping us find the exact information we were looking for and to understand the complex relations between these institutes. Our special thanks goes out to Maame Boasiako for providing us with a place to stay at Linda Oparebea Odame, who became our new big sister. Her boyfriend, Philip Edem Kutsienyo, who introduced us into the life in Tema, and his mother Destina, sisters and brother for serving us every day again the most delicious food of Ghana. Also Mr. Victor Kootin Sanwu, our local promoter in Kumasi, who arranged our stay over there and greatly welcomed us at the campus where he introduced us to other interesting contacts. Finally we also owe a lot to our parents, boyfriends, brother and sister, and friends, who were always around to help us out, cheer us up and make our hard days of labour enjoyable. For all these people and everyone else who in whichever kind of way has supported us, we want to say thank you!


A typical street in Tema: wide and linded with many shops.


A typical narrow path along he sheds in the market of community one.


Trading women at the borders of the main market in community one.


The main market in community one forms the hotspot of commercial activities in Tema.


The tro-tro station near the market of community one is a busy traffic point as the tro-tro is a very popular and ingenious transportation.


The main market in community 1 spills over into adjacent streets.


Everything you can imagine is sold besides the roads of Tema.


Two traders enjoying their profession.


Ashaiman is a very overcrowded and overwhelming area.


Bargaining people at the roadside in Ashaiman.


Also children are involved in trade, as this young boy sells water bags at a tro-tro station.


Table of contents 2.

INTRODUCTION

HISTORY OF TRADE

1.

32

1.1 Preface 1.2 Problem statement 1.3 Aims and methodology

40


3.

4.

3.1 Significant role of the informal economy 3.2 Strive for a solid definition

60

4.1 Urban space 4.2 Urban space on city level 4.3 Urban space on the level of trading

TYPOLOGIES OF TRADING

48

SPATIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF INFORMALITY

DISCOURSE OF INFORMAL ECONOMY

5.

84

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7

City Traders Small-scale Traders Large-scale Traders House Traders Large- Space Traders Market Traders
 Concluding Remark


8.

6.

THE SPIRIT OF TRADING SITES

CITY DWELLERS

7.

6.1 6.2

TRADERS

98

160 Identity Habitats and ecologies

136

7.1 Age and educational level 7.2 Distance to work 7.3 Origins of products 7.4 Case studies

8.1 8.2

Purchasing habits Vision


176 10.1 10.2

186

Situation today Future developments

9.

9.

In connection with another course, an annex is written about similar and interesting projects for designing with the existing urban conditons. This will be added later as an extern document.

ANNEX

SYNTHESIS

MUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES

10.

194 List of definitions

Bibliography

Pictography


Introduction


1.1 Preface

Fig.1.1 When speaking about Tema, we do not refer to other subareas embraced by the name, like Ashaiman, New Town and Sakomono, but we focus on the twelve first built communities. These communities can be considered as the heart of the city and can be clearly distinct in aerial view and in plan.

Our thesis consists of two booklets, whereby this first booklet is an analysis of enthralling aspects around informal, commercial activities in Tema, mainly in relation with the urban space. This booklet ends with a synthesis that simultaneously links to the introduction of the second booklet. This design booklet contains the elaboration of our opinion that the – after sixty years - only sites of innovation in the city, created by the various shops and their owners, need to be used as a catalyst for the development of Tema. Moreover, the qualities of these environments combined with underlying sustainable concepts, should be the silent force behind the upcoming changes that are planned by the authorities. We converted this strong opinion into basic elements, called tools, which can be carried out into the wide range of commercial urban spaces. These can be combined in different ways, responding to the needs and the existing qualities of the areas of trade. The analysis booklet exists of eight chapters, whereby the titles are the keywords on which our analysis is

hung up. The book starts with the History of trade, to briefly introduce the development of the commercial activities through time, so that the historical situation can be compared with the contemporary one. In the second chapter, Discourse of informal economy, a framework is set up around the most important scholarly term of our analysis, namely the informal economy. This and the next chapters: Spatial characteristics of informality and Typologies of trading are related to the city scale, from which is zoomed in on a smaller scale in the subsequent chapters. In chapter 5, The spirit of trading sites, the spread of the commerce over the city is deepened, in an attempt to link it with different aspects of city life. The three last chapters deal with the most important subgroups of our story: the traders, the citizens and the authorities, to clarify their opinion about the contemporary situation in Tema. With these chapters we hope to form a good base for understanding our design interventions, which are explained in the second booklet.


Introduction

Africa

Burkina Faso Ivoorkust

Togo

Ghana

Accra

Tema C25

Ashaiman Industrial Area C9

C12

C8

C11

C7

C10

C4

C6 0.5

1

2

C5

4 km

Sakomono

Sakomono Lagoon

0

C2 C3

C1

w Ne

Harbour

wn To

36


1.2

Problem statement

Africa is one of the least urbanized regions in the world, but its urban population is growing faster than in any other continent. African cities are in crisis through failing services and inadequate local governments, severe environmental problems, widespread poverty, increasing inequalities and shortage of housing and jobs. The expanding population leads to an enormous growth of informal activities and an increasing number of people seeking their livelihood in retail trade, which becomes the largest subgroup in the informal economy; examples are a great majority of market vendors and street traders. Today, this phenomenon forms the main socio-economic core of urban environments in Sub-Saharan Africa. Tema forms no exception on these appearances: numerous commercial activities are distributed throughout the city and seem to take place almost everywhere during most hours of the day and night. The commercial space, occupied by street traders, small artisan workshops for tailoring or furniture making, wooden structures for selling lottery and prepaid cards, clothing and food shops, car repairing spots, etc. has diffused itself along the empty and residual spaces of main infrastructure lines, as well through the residential areas. A concentrated commercial hotspot can be recognized in community one, although in the meantime there are many commercial spots or houses of which one room has become a store throughout the whole city. The spread of commercial activities away from the commercial core and a fixed set of new trading spots reflect the contribution

of the many shops to the daily needs of the broad mass of people. This growing commercial sector resulted in a great diversification of economic activities and various built-up structures by the informal traders over the whole city. These conditions show how traders and micro-entrepreneurs use the city as an open field, subjected to their own interpretations. This is in strong contradiction with both the original planning principles by expatriate architects - including Fry and Drew as well as Doxiadis – to create fixed locations for trade and with current policy to keep residential and commercial areas quite separated. As the city has expanded, those informal developments give voice to the needs of the urban population in contemporary urban life and, on their turn, statuary bodies – TDC and TMA – also should adopt new attitudes. Although the informal sector creates job opportunities for great and various groups of citizens - hence not only for the poor - the government still does not always accept this kind of activities and considers them as illegal. Gradually, more and more often trading is condoned in exchange for fees from traders; while instead, it would be more logic if those in power would encourage these activities by providing basic services and helping the entrepreneurs. Today, Tema is – in its entirety (e.g. the quality of the road pavements, the open spaces…) - ready for a major transformation after it was built approximately sixty years ago as a new, fully planned city. During a halfdecade, no urban interventions were implemented; likewise as in entire


Introduction

Ghana the standard of urban planning and management by the state is very low. By consequence, the desire of the local authorities today is to skip some steps and replace the traders in one movement to new modern shopping malls far from their trusted customers, at least if they can afford these new spaces. Realistically speaking, this cannot be a progression for the urban development, neither for the living conditions of the informal vendors. So accordingly, there is an urgent need for a new approach to this issue. For our research on this scene of duality, it is first of all necessary to understand Tema not just as a static spatial structure but also as a dynamic scene and to the extent which the present distribution suits the needs of the city dwellers. Our analysis needs

to be based on values as well as defects on social and spatial level of these activities. Combining this with the visions of the urban population, petty traders and official instances about the present conditions with the lack of a more sustainable way of living, flexibility and ecology should help us to formulate some design concepts – compromising between different opinions – for improvements on urban scale, adapted to the indigenous way of living in Tema. New development proposals require taking into account environmental concerns such as protection of natural resources from depletion and degradation, by ensuring an adequate base to secure a decent standard of working and living.

Research question What forms the context around informal activities on social and urban spatial level in the daily city life of the street traders and how can these existing commercial spaces work as a generator for future developments of the city without ignoring the contemporary way of living in Tema?

38


1.3 Aims and methodology

During our two months stay in Tema, our first aim was to understand the contemporary city life with a strong focus on the commercial activities. In our attempt to read the situation in Tema, we tried to look beyond the general spatial translation of the trading concepts and in this way we also questioned ourselves with ‘What is the relation of informal economy within the city life of the inhabitants and that of the entrepreneurs?’ or ‘What depends on the activities of trading?’ and most important ‘How do these activities contribute to the inevitable urban redevelopment of Tema?’ We started our fieldwork with observing the diversity in trade through the whole city and the influence of these informal activities on the daily life. Therefore we mapped the density of commercial activities of our research field based on a suggestion of different typologies of activities we made and on photographs of different areas in the communities. With this information we tried to set up some various viewpoints. On a smaller scale we drew ground plans and sections of some, for us interesting, areas. Furthermore, we drafted cases of traders of different typologies by drawing and photographing their built-up structure and interviewing them. We were not only interested in the opinion of the informal vendors themselves, but also in the visions of the citizens, official planning instances and local architects. In addition to these oriented interviews, we also deepened our knowledge of trading activities and the metropolitan visions by our participation in the city life After a short but intensive stay, we tried to organize our information by making several maps, schemes and graphics; and setting up some taxonomies to investigate and understand informal trade. We tried to analyse trade with a focus on the ‘broad sense’ by also considering ancillary activities and relate it mainly to public space where all forms of exchange occurs. As not a lot is written about the relation of informal trading with the urban space, we hope that our thesis can form a valuable addition to the published books and articles about this subject in relation to poverty, governance, open space, informal economy, associations, extensive urban African growth, etc. The interpretations and clear views of these scholars and existing theories have been examined in our analysis, which is bundled in our first booklet. The main aim of this thesis is to complement on-going local research on kiosk scale by using a toolbox for ecologically and flexible interventions on urban scale. The goal is to compose this design-toolbox by defining some tools as basic elements, which can be implemented on different commercial spots, accompanied with several tactics to respect and upgrade the existing values of the environment. With this toolbox we want to create the possibility for flexible interventions, based on the specific characteristics of each area.


Introduction

respect the existing values taking the existing values of trading to a next level positive force behind developing Tema urban scale designing for a wide variety of commercial spots

Tools and tactics for designing with trade in Tema, Ghana applying basic elements design-toolbox

versatility vibrancy

Fig.1.2 Decomposition chart of the title.

setting up taxonomies

Decoding the colours of exchange

social activities spatial qualities sustainable potential

This toolbox is based on our personal opinions, by which we want to introduce interesting inspirations. It is absolutely not the intension of the design booklet to state that our thoughts are the right solution to the issues around informal economy. We are aware of the difficulty of planning and implementation; and the complexity of informal trading in several domains. We just want to reach out new lively concepts by using the existing realities and vibrant atmosphere of trade and exchange these as positive forces for the urgent development of the city. In this respect, every chapter in the analysis booklet contributes to our formulation of possible regards on the city in the future. Therefore, at the end of each chapter, a step by step growing scene is added, to finally reach a scene that should present both the qualities as the bottlenecks of Tema as a stage for traders. Finally our thesis is the result of a personal way of mapping, analysing and designing, that definitely will form a readable basis for our own development concerning architecture and hopefully an inspiration for others.

40


History of trade


In 1951, a fisher village was – in the context of the Volta River Project - elected to house a new port in southeastern Ghana, due to its favourable geographical conditions (Kircherr, 1968). Around this port, under colonial governance, British architects started to develop a new, industrial city and Tema was born. After the independency in 1957, they were followed up by the local planning authorities, which were assisted by a Greek firm, namely Doxiadis Associates. Important to understand the situation today, is to comprehend the way trading activities were originally planned during these past periods and how this concept differs from the real implementation or usage today. During the British period, two communities – the basic modules of the final formation of the city - were built, both containing a central market area. Their realisation was based on the idea of a self-organised community, i.e. each community should offer certain facilities to its inhabitants. Provisions were also considered as one of the elements to provide, but about the commercial function, in particular, these British planners made no statements. Later, when Doxiadis Associates entered the stage, the basic idea of the selforganised communities was kept and additional ideas were developed concerning the integration of trading activities in the city. Arriving in the new-born city, some first unplanned commercial regions were already noticeable along the roadsides or inside some neighbourhoods (Doxiadis, 1961), so the architects and planners were immediately confronted with the typical African tradition of peddlers or petty merchants with their own stalls along busy streets or operating in improvised markets. There was a deep awareness of the consequences of this; the multitude of traders along the roadsides made it difficult for one to sell something, so incomes were low. Therefore it would become too difficult to afford settlement in organised business centres, because it would lead to a fall in traders’ net profit owing to rental (Doxiadis Associates, 1962). With these aspects in mind, a plan for the further growth of the city had to be developed, taking into account the need of commercial sites and the necessity to implement low-cost stalls or trading facilities if the traders had to be convinced to group together in a planned area. In the beginning of the sixties, there were two main scales where planners focused on to evolve the commercial sector, namely the scale of a Town Centre and that of the community. From this point of view, the planners considered Tema as a city to expand northwards, by adding communities one after the other. The original master plan was drawn for twelve communities, ordered in a rectangle grid, with the possibility of further expanding to the West. To serve the new communities, from the beginning, the presence of a main town centre was desirable, so the existing centre - implemented by the British architects - would be expanded


Fig. 2.1 The residential communities and the town centre had to develop parallel and simultaneously the commercial activities could serve the residents all the time.

History

43

Fig. 2.2 The original planning and spread of functions in the town centre. apartment buildings harbour functions public/cultural shops warehouses

and was located between the harbour and the real town. Corresponding to the vertical expansion of the city, the town centre also had to grow in this direction. An axis formed by administrative, cultural and recreational areas, with on each side several functions like shops, offices and wholesalers was planned (fig. 2.1) (Doxiadis Associates, 1961). This idea was provided by the Tema Development Corporation (TDC) and Doxiadis Associates took it with them. The town centre both the main part South of the city and the vertical extension of it parallel to the residential communities - should contain an administrative and cultural zone, a commercial centre and a wholesale zone. The commercial area was considered as a zone consisting of a business area, comprising shops, offices, restaurants, cinemas, hotels, etc. and a pure shopping area including retail shops, department stores, etc. (Doxiadis Associates, 1692) (fig 2.2)


Not much of these proposals have actually been implemented. The area of the town centre still exists and is recognizable as a separated zone, but the wide variety of functions that were proposed to be located over there, have never been developed to their vision. The only functions available abundantly are banks, offices and hotels and only one shopping mall of three levels, that contradictorily attracts– especially higher income – residents of the city. The original idea of the city centre as a leisure spot, a meeting point for residents, etc. with a strong focus on pedestrians seems to be totally lost; people are not drawn to the area as there is no urban vitality at all and only cars fill up the free space. The plan for the vertical expansion of the town centre underwent a similar fade: the structural grid is implemented and still recognizable, but the flanking zones are generally empty or at least not occupied with the intended functions. In the South of the axis -adjoining to the town centre- some functions on city scale, such as the governmental offices (e.g. Tema Development Corporation), banks, phone companies, hotel, etc. are provided. In the North, a hospital is located near the vertical axis, but mainly, the zones where urban features were planned and commercial activity would be present, are occupied today by the outspreading residential community areas or still exist as open space. Consequently the axis is now only a busy street, connecting the South with the North of the city, flanked with residential zones, open spaces and informal trading.

Also on community level there had been designed a space for some commercial facilities. The idea of city planning was based on different scales of community life; called community classes, ranging from I (the scale of some houses along a small road) to V (city scale). Two of these deserve special attention, namely community class III and IV(fig. 2.3). The third class has to be seen as an area covered by 600 families, build around a central zone, existing of a primary school, some smaller churches, a welfare centre and a nursery. Within this area, some commercial functions on a small market of five to fifteen shops or stalls should be available to serve those families for their day-to-day purchases of basic food supplies. No large group of houses can operate properly unless served by these commercial centres of class III. (Doxiadis Associates, 1962) Some of these communities of class III grouped together should form a community of class IV, the basic element of which twelve were planned in the beginning. Also on this scale, some facilities were needed to cover the essential needs of an amount of 2000 families and to provide certain amenities such as workshops, restaurants, bars and petrol stations. The central area of these communities should also host a commercial zone with stalls, shops and baking houses. The planners were aware of the delicacy of the planning; based on these thoughts, they made a statement that can be seen now as a kind of prediction for the situation today.


(Doxiadis Associates, 1962)

recreation

civic

market

shops and offices

lorry parking

extension commercial

school aula primary school

kindergarten

playground

Fig 2.3 Schemes of community classes III and IV as they were developed by Doxiadis Associates.

This statement can now be seen as a kind of prediction for the situation today; they were aware of the possible ‘problems’, so they did a lot of depth investigations to avoid this. In this way, schemes were developed for both community centres of class III and IV. Nevertheless this thorough examination for the specific situation of Tema and the needs for development, which led to a very detailed and thoughtful planning, a big gap between the plans and their implementation arose over time. Different atmospheres emerged in the city. Some areas became occupied by mainly people of higher income classes of which it seemed they were not that attracted to the public and open community life. Therefore, the authorities decided to save money and time by not implementing the planned central areas of community class IV, where they anyway probably would not be used. So in those communities, for example C6 and C12, also no commercial activities were planned, because the inhabitants “all have cars, so they can drive to supermarkets themselves.” (Adjetey, 2011).

45 History

“… The question of size, number and types of shopping units and the location of the commercial centres are very important to the life of a residential community. If these questions are not dealt with properly, the actual needs of the community will force the creation of isolated shops or groups of shops in locations not always suitable for such activities, with all the adverse effects of unorganized development on both the inhabitants and the trader people.”


Fig. 2.4 Community class III: example in community 4, whereby the commercial functions are marked as well.

Fig. 2.5 Community class IV: example of the central square in community 7, whereby the commercial functions are marked.

chop and wine bars shops and oďŹƒces


History

47

But even in the other communities, the street scene today differs significantly from the plan the designers envisioned. Many of the community centres seem to be lifeless, especially on the commercial level. In some, a few stalls and commercial buildings still exist, but mostly the buildings are empty or filled up by offices. Why are these places so different today, while the sides of the streets are full of traders? Probably a lot has to do with what one wanted to avoid: people trading along the roadside, because they could not afford a place in planned trading areas. Due to this evolution, as many other Sub-Saharan cities, strictly planned Tema transformed into a matrix of informal trading. The complex relation between the two government authorities in the city namely TDC and TMA of which originally TDC was in full control until 1970 when they passed the municipal functions, the supply of utilities and the collection of taxes from traders to the Tema Metropolitan Authority – did not contributed to a correct translation of the planning ideas. Because TDC is still responsible for a small amount of shops, instead of everything belonging to the TMA, it is difficult to formulate obvious rules and a strict policy concerning the positioning of trading activities. The latter became one of the main sources for discussions.


Discourse of informal economy


3.1 Significant role of the informal economy

The urban growth (fig. 3.1; fig. 3.2; fig. 3.3) is one of the most significant aspects of the contemporary transformation of African cities and influences the national politics, economic growth and social development, what results in a great diversity of urban societies across the continent (Myer, 2010; Simone, 2010). In the process of urbanisation, different factors contribute to both an expansion of the city along the peripheries and the concentration of trade, commerce and industries. Hereby rural-urban migration appears to be the dominant factor in many African cities. Socio-economic factors, such as the expectation of higher wages and employment opportunities, as well as urban development programs, are the main pull factors for the rural poor to move to the cities. In this way, rural-urban migration robs the rural areas of their young, educated and versatile population. Other pull factors are also the modern facilities for higher education and quality health care, western industry and commerce in the regional and national capital cities. People are expelled from the countryside by the poor rural conditions. Moreover, youth does not want to be associated with the social degradation and stigma linked with rural living. The increasing pressure of the urban population growth lays a huge stress on the environment. (Bayat, 1997; Jegasothy, 1999; O’Connor, 1983).

Latin America & Caribbean

79%

Fig. 3.1 Urban population least developed countries: UN claasification 2010.

2010 246.684.508

X 3,69%

2050

530.000.000

Europe & Central Asia

70%

Sub-Saharan Africa

37%

North America

82%

East Asia & Pacific

Midle East & North Africa

62%

World

51%

South Asia

30%

49%

Fig. 3.2 Urban population 2010 (% of total).


Informality

51

As a consequence, the conditions under which African urban dwellers make a living is changing, as the growth of the formal urban economy is falling behind on the rising urban population throughout Africa. More and more people are unable to find any kind of formal work and depend for long periods on their informal networks within kin-groups, neighbourhoods, or gender and age groups. The extended family through Africa makes the city a collection of various regional economies, religions, cultural activities, etc. and plays a significant role in the struggle of the urban dwellers for survival. Many try to expand their life changes by seeking wage-employment in informal activities. But this is not as easy as is sometimes suggested; income is generally very low, even for long hours of work. (Lindell, 2010; O’Connor, 1983; Simone, 2010; Tostensen, Tvedten & Vaa, 2001; Twumasi-Ankrah,1995)

South Asia

2,50% East Asia & Pacific

2,33% Fig. 3.3 Urban population growth 2010 (annual %).

Sub-Saharan Africa

3,87%

North America

1,05%

Middle East & North Africa

2,61%

Europe & Central Asia

Latin America & Caribbean

1,58%

0,56%

World

1,98%


61%

64%

56%

61%

Early 1990

Late 1990

2000

2001

The urban employment base is transforming from employment in the public sector and in private but formal enterprises to self-employment or wage work in the unregistered economy. Nowadays the vast majority of economically active Africans rely on the variable opportunities in the informal sector for work and income (fig. 3.4). As not only the poor find job opportunities in this sector, so do citizens with all kinds of incomes, but still, the first mentioned form the majority in this sector. All the changes to an “informal city” or “Afropolis” are carried out by the urban dwellers as they have developed their own mechanisms of production and created their own urban forms and developmental norms over the years (fig. 3.5). Many reasons for the increase of informal trade are possible, ranging from the slower growth of job opportunities in the formal sector (Hart, 1973) over the nature of capitalist development (Castells & Portes, 1989) to the choice of entrepreneurs themselves to operate informally in order to avoid the costs, time and efforts of formal registration. According to de Soto (1989) micro-entrepreneurs will continue to produce informally as long as government procedures are cumbersome, costly and corrupt (Brown, 2006; Chen, 2005; de Soto, 1989). Broadly the informal workforce can be divided in some groups among the self-employed who run small unregistered enterprises; home workers who sell or produce goods from their homes and wage workers who work in insecure and unprotected jobs. Further, Chen (2005) sorts out these workers according to their visibility in the city. The most visible are those who work in open air or on the streets, like barbers, cobblers, garbage collectors and vendors of an immense variety of commodities. A large hidden workforce are the ones who work in small

Fig. 3.4 Informality in urban areas of SubSaharan Africa (relative to total employment %).

fig. 3.5 Informal versus formal city.


Public

3% 3% Private 6%

Informality

53

Informal

91%

Fig. 3.6 Urban employment in the formal and informal economy Ghana 2006 (%).

63%

84%

Fig. 3.7 Non-agriculture informal workers in Sub-Saharan Africa (% of gender)

factories or workshops, repairing cars, recycling metal and making furniture, and those who supply or transport the merchandises. The least visible are the domestic workers. (Brown, 2006; Chen, 2005) In Ghana, the informal economy remains important in terms of both employment as well as its contribution to national output (fig. 3.6). The sector is engaged in almost all the major economic activities. It is argued that the informal sector in Ghana has now become the dominant form of urban employment. (Brown, 2006) According to the ILO report (2004), women are, compared with men, in the majority of the world at a disadvantage in terms of their role and position in the economy. They are more likely to find employment in the informal economy, which leads to a situation of working outside legal and regulatory frameworks, with little – if any – social security benefits, and a high degree of vulnerability (Trang-Nguyen & Zampeti, 2004). Also in Sub-Saharan Africa, women form the majority in any form of trading and it is them who induce the high small-scale urban activity (fig. 3.7). (Marphatatia et al. , 2000; Morris & Saul, 2000) Tsikata (2009) dedicates the active involvement of women in small scale trade to “… the gendered construction of the colonial economy and society, which allowed male access to formal education and employment in the colonial bureaucracy and other forms of formal employment.” In that way, it became easy for men to leave domestic work to their wives, but in recent years those professional trained men became – increasingly – more subjected to declining real wages and a widespread unemployment among them. So women, for whom trading has always been considered more as an extension of their reproductive and domestic role, became breadwinners in many households and their role in urban areas has subsequently acquired a stronger position in contrast to their traditionally marginal roles in most of the rural societies (O’Connor, 1983; Mitullah, 2003; Moser & Peake, 1995). The multiple responsibilities of the women make it difficult for them to take full time jobs in the labor market, but also detrimental in terms of attaining education and formal higher payment employment. The few women, who however could attend higher education, mostly studied a profession they can practice in a shop, such as hairdresser, beautician, etc.


Public 12% Informal

Private 16%

72%

In addition to this, it has to be mentioned that, although women form the major social group in trading activities; also new migrants and children are well represented. The latter have, due to trading during the day, often difficulties to establish another livelihood in the future as a consequence of their lack of education (Brown, 2006). This whole unbalanced situation is quite recognizable in Tema as well (fig. 3.8). By crossing the city, most traders around are women, and if men are trading, it is mostly in largescale stuff or as a hawker. Male traders mostly invest in businesses that require high capital and also yield more profits, as opposed to women whose activities require less capital, so they make less profit (Mitullah, 2005). Brown (2006) labels the informal economy as forgotten, but as the crucial role of this sector in the national economy grows and its activities seem to be taken place almost everywhere at most hours of the day and the night; its influence cannot longer be denied. In relation with public space and urban planning, informal economy must be narrowed down to street trading that presents among the largest sub group in informal economy in developing countries (Chen, 2005). In Tema, a lot of open space along main infrastructure lines is taken in by a large variation of built-up structures of informal traders, which are with head porters and hawkers scattered through the cities.

Along with the urban growth, the cities are transforming and the activities of street trading are becoming prominent and colour up the daily street scene. However the authorities hardly tolerate such an active use of urban space and the infringing of planning regulations. This phenomenon is more and more often condoned because of the significant contributes of informal activities to the economy and sustained poverty reduction. As they collect substantial revenue from the vendors for their use of public space and at the same time frequently remove street vendors, the policy of the local authorities is full of paradoxes. The relation between traders and urban authorities is one of conflicts over licensing, taxation, site of operation, sanitation and working conditions. For example in Tema, since the disappearance of the public subsidy to TDC in 1978, their focus shifted to serve mainly the ones with an higher income level (Abbey, TDC; Aseidu, TDC). They justify these actions by dismissing the traders as untidy, illegal if not criminals, and disruptive for established business and the order in the city (Asabere, 2007; Bayat, 1997; Hansen & Vaa, 2004). Disorder is another focus on African cities, which are often regarded as chaotic. According to Rakodi (2008), in almost all authority systems, the land development does never comply with the rules of the formal political and land administration systems.

Public 9% Private 13% Informal

91%

Fig. 3.8 Male-female employment in the formal and informal economy Ghana 2006 (%).


3.2 Strive for a solid definition Informal economy is an increasing aspect of socio-economic life and a near universal phenomenon, as well in developed as developing countries. Especially in urban Africa this is a crucial feature of the contemporary developments, which need our attention. The recent recognition that this economy has come to stay along with posing problems to the urban space, conflicts with municipal authorities and forming a key in reducing poverty, brought along a lot of renewed interest in these activities (Asiedu & Agyei-Mensah, 2008; Castells & Portes,1989; Hansen & Vaa, 2004). Chen (2005, p. 10) underlines the crucial role of the informal economy, “…the informal economy needs to be seen not as a marginal or peripheral sector but as a basic component – the base, if you will – of the total economy.” Today informal economy is a complicated term that has been frequently used, however with alternating significance. Therefore the term will be specified into the research interest of this thesis for a contemporary interpretation. Hereby it will be important to understand it as “a process, rather than as an object” (Castells & Portes,1989, p. 11 ). In further sections, we will clarify informal economy by subdividing it into different typologies, which will be distinguished by their use of spaciousness and their level of density in the city of Tema.

55 Informality

Moreover the local governance has failed in providing basic services and jobs and the standard of urban planning and management is very low. But how can they adequately plan since they have no representative statistics of the sector, as there are no accurate records of the numbers and the contribution of the sector to urban economy (Mitullah, 2003). Another indication of the relevance of the informal economy is mentioned in one of the millennium development goals to reduce half the percentage of people suffering from abject poverty and starvation by the year 2015 (United Nation Development Programme, 9 April 2012). One major cause of informal economy is that citizens in the countries concerned are not adequately protected against risk exposures like illness, unemployment, fire, old age, etc. This cause approves the importance of the role of African municipal governments in the policy of the upraising informal sector and they need to encourage and help the wide range of useful activities of this sector (Hart, 1973). Although, informal economy cannot be seen as a clear solution to reduce poverty and inequality (Myers, 2010). Moreover, the International Labour Office’s conference of governments’ representatives, employers and workers’ organizations unanimously agreed that “the highest priority should be given to policies and initiatives which could bring social security to those who are not covered by existing systems” (ILO 2005).


Informal economy? DICHOTOMY The relation between formal and informal economy: - It is a distinction based on wage earnings and self-employment (Hart, 1973) - Both have the same characteristics of products, services and perhaps the same technology (Castells & Portes, 1989; ILO, 2000; Swaminathan, 1991) - Interwoven terms that shape the discourse and depend on each other (Chen, 2005; Myers, 2010; UNHABITAT, 2006)

There are “both economic and non-economic shocks, trends and seasons that can induce poverty or even make poor people’s situation worse. It can be a vicious circle, as the fragility of livelihood can lead to the prolonged unpredictable stress of deprivation and social exclusion.” (Yeboah, 2010 p.45) VULNERABILITY

HETEROGENEOUS Informal West-African economy is highly segmented due to the wide range of forms of unregulated production, distribution and service provisions, the incomes they yield, the place of their work in relation to legal codes and law enforcement; and in addition by social group and gender. This may vary widely both between countries but also within the same city. (Abdel-Fadil, 2000; Chen, 2005; Macharia, 2007; Hansen & Vaa, 2004) Informal economy is not a euphemism for poverty and it is wrong to assume that formal employment guards the workers from poverty. (Bayat, 1997; Castell & Portes, 1989; Hansen & Vaa, 2004; Mitullah, 2003; Tostensen, Tvedten & Vaa, 2001)

POVERTY

INCOME LEVEL

It is not always true that informal sector workers earn less. Moreover an increasing number of citizens are operating part-time within the informal sector besides their formal work, referred to as “commuters” by Abdel-Fadil (2000, p.5) (Castell & Portes, 1989; Macharia, 1992)

… a situation due to the non-applicability of the existing regulations to the economic conditions of informal sector activities and secondly to the lack of knowledge of the regulations, rather than the desire to circumvent the law. … indicates predominantly on spatial use that ignores the rigidity of planning norms by penetrating space in planned industrial, commercial and residential areas. ILLEGAL (Brown, Lyons & Dankoco, 2010; Chen, 2005; Macharia, 1992; Rakodi, 2008, UN-HABITAT, 2006) set of myths that need to be breached (ILO ,2000) REGULARITY Informal economy is unregulated by the institution of society in a legal and social environment in which similar activities are regulated. So it is said that there is a lack of and an urgent need for appropriate regulation. (Castells & Portes, 1989; Chen, 2005; Hart, 1973; Hansen & Vaa, 2004; Swaminathan, 1991) COMMERCIAL In Tema, the commercial activities consist of in-and export actions of wholesaling and large-scale retailing or street hawker or vendors. Our research interest is narrowed down to the level of the micro-scale sector commercial activities.

URBAN SPACE In relation to urban space and planning, street trading will form a synonym for informal economy (Brown, 2006) in our analysis.


Fig. 3.9 The different significances of some scholars are compared to obtain a new, solid definition for our research interest. Ultimately the following definition establishes further the use of informal economy in the thesis and will form a synonym for street trading.

Informal economy

consists out of own account workers and their employees, who mainly own small built-up structures, as well of mobile vendors. Both are using open space in the urban areas to support their livelihoods and so mostly violate the zoning codes. They distribute or produce unregularly goods and services for commercial purposes, operate with small informal capital and invariably work in makeshift conditions, usually bereft of basic services or any form of tenure security.

Informality

57


CONSTELLATION

Urban framework

59

FACT 1 Informal trading has become the system.

INTERPRETATION


Spatial characteristics of informality


The spatial dimension of the commercial activities has not attracted a lot of attention by scholars so far, but forms a bottleneck between vendors and the municipal authorities, city dwellers, formal shop owners and other traders. There is a need to examine both the retail space of street traders and how these street activities affect the contemporary city operations. Further on, the focus will lie on an analysis of the streets in all their aspects to understand the integration of trading activities into these lively meeting points (Asiedu & Agyei-Mensah, 2008). A principal remark that also has to be tackled is the right of the vendors to use the public space as their working area. The increasing presence of the informal economy within the city’s public spaces, has transformed the urban landscape of Tema during the last few decades. Not only the spatial structure of the city alternated during the increasing growth of the urban residents, but as well the social interactions among these, as the reciprocity between anthropological, economic, political aspects, spaciousness and urban functions changed. It is the active use of the occupation of street pavements, crossroads and urban land which makes the street activity a political and social event. The retail space taken up by a shop penetrates urban public spaces in planned industrial, commercial and residential areas. Brown (2006) assimilates this occupied space as sites of contestation. Today, Tema is marked with many colourful kiosks, containers, wooden tables and umbrellas diffused along the residual spaces of its streets and many traders cross the city with push-carts, bicycles or with baskets on their limbs to sell a variety of merchandise, ranging from food stuff to electrical appliances (Bayat, 1997; Chen, 2005; Mitullah, 2003). One may assume that the use of public space is a common right and is considered as a logical part in the definition of the term itself. As access to public space is granted, it does not automatically mean free right to use that space. Especially putting up a structure and residing for a long period of the day is not included in the right of access. Moreover, to obtain the right to use a place as a work livelihood, you need to obtain ownership, which can only be achieved by buying or renting the land. This refers to the definition of private land and shows the complexity of the user rights for citizens. Brown (2006) describes the aspects of spatial use as access, freedom of action, claim, ownership and change whereby she describes the evolution of accessing rights. So, the right for access and use depends on the regulation of the local authorities. Therefore, good clarifications are necessary to understand the spatial relations and are important to distinguish between accesses and use; between private and public. The meaning of this dichotomy is defined differently in each country or even in several cities of the same country, what makes space occupation to a difficult phenomenon. In this aspect, many spaces would transform into urban voids while containing large potential. Brown (2006) tries to examine a clear distinction in her book by equalizing public space with social importance and blames the limited view of professionals, involved in control, management and design of such space, a lack of common understanding about the social role.


spatialilty

63

Fig. 4.1 The spread of several shops along residential road in community five.


Fig. 4.2 Shops along the dividing road between C1 and C4 .


spatialilty

65

Fig. 4.3 The spread of shops along the southern community road of C7.


Fig. 4.4 Shops along a residential road in Experimental units C4.


4.1 Urban space spatialilty

67

Streets accompanied with vacant land or verges are considered as urban public space whereby communal use is accessed. According to Brown (2006) these are important elements of the urban space. The street contains numerous of human activities and is actively used during the day as a channel of movement or as social, commercial, political and cultural space. During the night, most of these activities disappear. As the car culture dominates the city, fast movements create a characterizing dynamic sphere which also evolves out of the time dependent activities by the many street traders. These take in a lot of space with benches, tables or clothes during the day and at night they put everything together so the open space rises again. These dusty open spaces along the roadside are flexible for all types of activities, which can be cultural-, social- and economic based or a combination of all. All these human activities contribute to the identity of the street, what determines mutual relationships. The street, as a channel of movement, links different places in the city and guides citizens from one point to another. These can move on foot, on bike or with motorised vehicles,

and transport goods, individually or collectively. Vehicular circulation consists also of picking up and dropping off people and using the street as a parking lot. These activities are typical for the many tro-tro’s and taxi’s, which congest Tema with traffic and are a frequently used public transportation. Pedestrians use the streets as well as passage or meeting point as for waiting on, boarding and alighting from vehicles. Some city traders use pull or push carts to transport their wares throughout the cities. For all this ways of movement, the streets have to provide enough space to be easy accessible. In our research area most of the streets are very wide, but in a bad shape and the majority misses pavements, which are replaced by the open verges aside. Even when pavement is foreseen or when a road is exclusive for pedestrians, most of the citizens will still try to infringe these zones by car. The car culture in this city, as in many other Sub-Saharan cities, is very prominent and has generally cancelled most of the pedestrian and public life. In specific, translocation by bicycles is exceptional and is only used as a way of transportation by the hawkers of FanMilk or the garbage collectors of Zoomlion.


Having a walk and meeting other people occurs on the street, what defines it as a social space. This classification includes strolling, resting, eating, waiting, watching people, looking for information or using infrastructures of the public space. Mainly by pedestrians, the street is considered as media for social interaction as they spend more time along and so the interactions are more intense. The trading sites in Tema are spaces with a lot of social interaction -checking out goods, comparing and exchange these, bargaining and discussing whether or not to buy it between vendors and customers or customers reciprocally (fig. 4.5). These sites are made attractive due to the many shops that invite people to buy or to have a chat and can be regarded as popular meeting points, as they offer sitting areas. Particularly food stalls are hotspots for social interaction. The majority of the shops are grouped together where most of the times the vending neighbours gather underneath a tree on a bench to spend time while keeping an eye on their shops. This social gathering along the streets in the commercial areas is very present in the neighbourhoods where the social cohesion is already strong; not only during the day but also at the evening, as the necessity of shade forms no threshold anymore. At the commercial borders between a neighbourhood and the community this social interaction can be enforced more as the interaction between different neighbourhoods is not visibly present and maybe can use a space to interact. This is also the case for the mutual different communities.

Fig. 4.5 The streets house a lot of social activities.


spatialilty

69

In this manner, the many shops along the streets donate a function to the otherwise residual roadsides and transform them into commercial space to do business. Lindell(2010) refers to the street as the new locus of employment for the urban poor. The most dense commercial spots of our research area can be find near roads with a busy and crowded character, but these are spread all over the city and attracts customers from everywhere. People from the neighbourhood form fixed clients and passengers on their way to work, school, church, family will stop to buy something they urgently need. While the street forms a place to meet other people, this space also gives the opportunity to citizens for sharing their hopes, expressing their thoughts and exchanging ideas. The street is a place where personal and political life flows together and forms a stage to raise voices against injustice. So streets

can also be seen as political spaces. In relation with the commercial space, the space can be considered as a site of contestation (Brown, 2006), where the micro-entrepreneurs introduced their own way to make a living. Just by the imagination of an African street, there is the feeling of the street as cultural space. The streets mirror the African culture full of life, sultry beats, wide variety of colours and a sharp smell. They are crowded with a mixture of stray animals, exuberant people, different structures, mobile traders, rushing taxi’s and noisy trotro’s and are characterized by a lot of dynamic. As streets provide people space to gather, they can also be seen as cultural terrain for pedestrians. The main cultural events are funerals, which are celebrated with a lot of people very intensively for a couple of days, so a lot of space is required and can obstruct a whole street. Also traditional festivals can transform a whole city into revelry.


4.2

Urban space on city level Fig. 4.6 In Tema, a distinct presence of the street hierarchy is tangible. Dierent street levels can be defined in comparison to the planned ones of Doxiadis. In his master plan, every community hosted a central square, formed by two horizontal and vertical roads, which connect the community with the adjacent communities. These streets are mostly still recognizable in city plan. The lower in the hierarchy, the more roads become pedestrian routes. Although, most of the inhabitants want to get everywhere by car and succeed in it, as the car became the primary way of transportation over time. City Level City Streets Dividing Streets Community level Community Streets Neighbourhood Neighbourhood Roads House Roads Garden Roads N

Fig. 4.8 Wide street section in Tema versus crowded roads in other cities.


spatialilty

71

In the master plan of this revolutionary city, a lot of open space was and still is provided (fig. 4.7), despite the exponential growth of Tema whereby the congestion of house- and shop units raised along, stacked at different spots in the city. Although so much open space is taken in by street trading, Tema is still very spacious and the traffic or city flows are not interrupted. In general for the African context, the urban development is characterized by a low density of the built environment combined with wide streets (Brown, 2006) and is also the case for Tema, where hardly any building has more than 2 storeys. Here the occupation by the petty traders is not experienced as harassing as probably in other Sub Saharan African cities that developed spontaneously. This is due to the open design concepts of Doxiadis for Tema (fig. 4.8). However just only a part of these plans are actually implemented in the city, the thoughts of the urban planning office can still be recognized in the city plan of today. Fig. 4.7 There are still a lot of square meters open space in Tema. The roads are wide and along with the still available open sites, the perceiving of the city feels spacious. N


4.3 Urban space on the level of trading


spatialilty

73

There is a great variety of structures, creating a shop and shielding the traders; ranging from a cloth spread on the ground, over tables, racks, umbrella’s and covered stalls to kiosks, containers and house shops Even a lot of petty traders use trees, wall, fences, etc. to stall out their goods.


Most of the shops in Tema are grouped together at busy traffic spots, of both pedestrians as motorists. They are located at the open space along main roads, spread through the whole city, either in residential or industrial areas; particularly near bus or tro-tro stations, shopping streets, markets and office locations. Every open plot of land, how small it can be, will be taken if it is located near a busy traffic point. A crucial criterion for the location of a trading spot is the visibility to the passengers, because this forms a viability of their livelihood. The very strong car-culture in Ghana determines the crucial role of being seen and thusly the preference of being located besides the roads. The social process of buying small amenities quickly from out of the car is nowadays a common phenomenon. As well as the many head porters who are concentrated at busy crossings where they run from car to car to sell their products, or in residential areas where they have daily routes. (fig. 4.9) Head porters and hawkers do not have a fixed spot, although sometimes they take up some space to stall out their wares. More specific, the porters will place their baskets on a bucket, which they carry along to save their earnings of the day, or put their wares on a blanket or even just on the ground. In this way, they also occupy some urban space in the city. (Brown, 2006; Chen, 2005; Mitullah, 2003). Most street vendors in Tema claim specific parts of the public space to put up their structure. Officially they have no right to do this without permission from the authorities. Many citizens get around this by consulting owners of private

residence trading route

N

Fig. 4.9 Representation of the daily routes of some hawkers and porters, whereby their home is indicated as well.

plots in the neighbourhood or traders who have already been allocated spaces by local authorities, or they share spaces with relatives, friends and colleagues. Despite of all regulations, over the years, citizens invaded the open space to take the right of making a living into their own hands and provided their own elements to create a shop and shelter.


spatialilty

75

Many of these structures are moveable and traders take most of their merchandise home at the end of the working day, if it cannot be stored inside. With the term lock-up structures, Brown (2006) refers to the security of protecting the wares and the structures. Kiosks and containers are locked up and wares can be stored inside. Other structures, like benches and tables are secured together by a padlock (Brown, 2006; Chen, 2005; Mitullah, 2003). Some have an extra structure, like a small wooden box or an extra kiosk as storage space for their wares, so they do not have to take all their possessions home and back every day. As they choose their own working hours, traders are not always present in the urban environment and the perception of the urban environment is time dependent. Also the commodities of trade varies with a wide range of food like vegetables, fruit, meat, fish and indigenous food and non-perishable items like fabrics, clothes, shoes, cosmetics, flowers, craft work, kitchen ware, plastic products, firewood and charcoal hardware, electrical appliances and general merchandise such as office stationary, school supplies, books. Other traders offer services like assembling electronic and automobile parts, make furniture, hairdressing, barbering, etc. (Brown, 2006; Chen, 2005; Mitullah, 2003).


Many of the trading activities occur outside the shop and so enlarge the sphere of influence of the shop. The space occupation by the established traders has to be considered more than the actual dimension of their built-up structure, as they restrict an invisible border by putting their bench across the street or underneath a tree for the shadow. These additional activities show the importance of appropriate elementary facilities that the traders miss today and can form a crucial factor to improve their living standards. (fig. 4.10) As a lot of these activities, besides performing their profession, must be taking place outside, the informal sector is strongly weather dependent. Due to the tropical climate, shadow plays a crucial role in the daily life of petty traders, who most of the times try to occupy land covered with trees or make use of an umbrella or coverage for their stalls. (fig. 4.11)

Fig. 4.10 Daily habits and other activities to spend time at calm moments need to take place somewhere.


spatialilty

77

Fig. 4.11 The alignment of shops under trees near the crossing between communities eight, nine, eleven and twelve.

Fig. 4.12 The alignment of shops under trees at the dividing road between communities one and four.


spatialilty

79


The commercials space lacks facilities to improve the working environment (traders, 2011), as these sites are informal captured. Informal activities keep rising, so the need for the right facilities follows this trend. But which issues are now involved around this subject? One of the latest books of the Global Urban Economic Dialogue series categorizes facilities in economical and social infrastructures, which are both crucial for upgrading the existing working conditions of the entrepreneurs. The essential, missing subcategorizes of the first named are utilities, water and sanitation. Most of the trading sites are not equipped with electricity to store food or fresh products on the right way or to provide light. This latter has an influence on the working hours of vending and today, the few shops that are open during evening and night, use oil lamps to keep working. (fig. 4.12) The wrong storage of food can have more dramatic consequences. Because now most of the traders use cool boxes to keep their products; the duration of the goodness of these products is thus limited due to the many sunny days and hot climate. UN-HABITAT (2011) mentions the absence of sanitation in developing regions and this is also the case for Tema, the city of only twenty public toilets. (fig. 4.13) This forces the vendors to urinate in a plastic pot or in the gutters of the neighbourhoods. At least, water is a common right that needs to be provided to every citizen. In interviews, some smaller shortcomings were mentioned as there is no real social infrastructure as street furniture, or place for storage as many

00.00 01.00 02.00 03.00 04.00 05.00 06.00 07.00 08.00 09.00 10.00 11.00 12.00 13.00 14.00 15.00 16.00 17.00 18.00 sunshine without electricity with electricity

19.00 20.00 21.00

Fig. 4.13 Time schedule that shows the independency of the traders of natural light.

22.00 23.00


spatialilty

81

1 toilet 4 toilets 5-6 toilets

1 toilet 4 toilets 5-6 toilets

N

Fig. 4.14 Spread of public toilets throughout Tema.

traders take a lot of their stuff back home and forth every day. This is also a consequence of the lack of security against crime. Although during the day trading areas are in constant use and so kept safe by social management. This term refers to the helping hand that traders reach out among each other to keep an eye on each shop and protect these against theft or other crimes. Other activities besides carrying out their job would welcome some more facilities, such as for example a cooking area, benches or childcare to unburden many women who take care of their babies and toddlers during their other activities. Many shop structures are not designed for this and some children therefore need to sleep in uncomfortable conditions. But the most crucial element for work productivity is the presence of shadow. In Tema there are many trees, but still not enough to provide all the necessary shadow, so several sheds and more trees would be in place (Brown, 2006). So in general, traders try to make their work environment to a comfortable place by an independent search for a location where most of the desired conditions are available. The possibility of being on such a spot often depends on the typology of trading.


CONSTELLATION

FACT 2 High diversification and density of trading activities throughout the whole city.

FACT 1 Informal trading has become the system.

INTERPRETATION

Urban framework

83


Typologies of trading


Tema is overloaded with traders using an enormous range of structures and ways to sell their wares.


Typologies

87


Fig. 5.1 The process of upgrading a shop. budget

Before analysing the existing activities of trade, it would be helpful to decompose these into different forms of trading and set up a definition for each form to clarify the accumulation of vending actions, concentrated on Tema; in this manner the excess supply of shops can be narrowed down and the underlying parables can be distinct. Discovering these is crucial to understand the operation of the informal trade and the contribution of the shops to the public space. The

following definitions are formulated in relation to the occupied space and ranked according to the scale of the regarding activity. Before surveying the different typologies one by one, an important remark has to be made upon the upgrading process of the used builtup structures. Depending on the money that is available, there is a typical system that traders expand their shop infrastructure step by step until they reach a full shop.


City trader

89

A city trader is a trader who traverses large areas of the city - carrying merchandise on the limbs or utilizing small transportation, as compact as possible - to sell his stuff in busy pedestrian areas and mostly he announces his presence by screaming continuously or using a horn.

Fig.5.2 head-porter

Fig. 5.3 hawker

Two main groups can be distinguished in the category of city traders: as first, the porters (fig. 5.2), which are merchants who sell their wares by walking around and follow mainly fixed routes, or some have several fixed spots to sell. Goods are carried on their head, their shoulders, in their hands, etc. and vary from food over household stuff to chairs, etc. Of also handicrafts-men belong to this typology, such as cobblers or individual dirt collectors pertain to these porters. Secondly, there are hawkers (fig. 5.3), which are traders pushing or pulling a small cart and a wheel barrier or using bike-trailers, so they do not have to carry their goods on their body. Generally those merchants sell nutriments, such as Fanmilk icecream, small snacks or cold drinks. They are part of a larger wholesaleorganisation, which distributes the products to the hawkers, serving one of the establishments of the organisation. The transport elements they push are mostly equipped with a horn. Generally, men are more likely to sell as hawkers from pushcarts or bicycles, because of the weight, while women are more likely to sell from baskets on their heads or on the ground (Chen, 2005; traders, 2011).

Typologies

5.1


5.2

Small-scale trader A small-scale trader is a trader who uses very few materials to display goods and takes in very little space, whereby most of the times he sells on a fixed place, although he has a moveable construction.

In the evolution of upgrading, this typology can be considered as the beginning step. Based on above definition, different implementations of small scale trading are possible. On the lowest level, traders just put their wares on the ground, hang it on elements of the environment or place it on a small table (fig. 5.4), all under an umbrella or a tree for shade. The characterising aspect of this typology is the necessity for traders to take all their products home or lock these into a safe place in the neighbourhood when their workday ends. All the furniture or infrastructure for trading as tables, benches, etc. are collected and even in some cases secured by a padlock. A specific group of traders acting on this level are the mobile operator traders (fig. 5.5). They are mentioned separately, because they are always

recognizable by the use of a typical small, wooden box, mostly equipped with an umbrella and decorated with the Ghanaian mobile operator logos. On these boxes, sim and prepaid cards are for sale. Frequently, selling mobile cards is combined with vending some small foodstuff, such as candy for children. The next step reached by upgrading is called the commercial stall (fig.5.6), built up with a small construction in wood and corrugated sheets to cover the table or products on the ground or to close the sides of the table. In such constructions, a wide range of merchandise is sold, such as clothes, fabrics, jewelleries and foodstuff, because there is a higher degree of protection against the weather conditions. Fig. 5.6 commercial stall


Typologies

91

Fig. 5.4 table Fig. 5.5 mobile operator box

5.3

Large-scale trader

A large-scale trader is a trader who occupies some more space with his shop infrastructure, which is considered to be fixed, so it is more difficult to move the shop. In general, the built-up structure is placed on a concrete floor, which marks the boundaries.

Consulting the traders, this is the first scale where one can speak of a full shop. These constructions can be closed during closing hours and also sell a wide range of commodities. In this category a distinction is made on how the shops are constructed: there are shops which strictly spoken can be replaced - kiosks and containers- and fixed shops, made of bricks or concrete and grounded in the environment. A kiosk (fig. 5.7) which is made out of a wooden shed, has a door and a shop window or two doors that can be fold open. A kiosk is the smallest amongst the large-scale shops. Many of these are painted in the Ghanaian colours, which announce that lottery tickets can be bought there. Very similar is the container (fig. 5.8); just a larger and a firmer version

of the kiosk. Both of these constructions are – if not in Ghanaian colours frequently painted by mobile operators or other large companies such as coca cola, who in this way advertise for free. Rarely these paintings have a link with the products sold in the shop, especially when painted by mobile operators – who even paint residential houses on strategic positions. The fixed shops (fig. 5.9) do not differ a lot from the other large-scale constructions, but in general they are located in commercial and office buildings of which the highest level often serves as residential. Very often these buildings are placed around the central area of the communities and the fact of offending the zoning codes is not an issue here.


Fig. 5.7 kiosk Fig. 5.8 container

Fig. 5.9 shop in fixed building

5.4

House trader

A house trader is a trader who sells his merchandise in one or more rooms of his house. Because no open space is taken in this way, this type of trading escapes from the struggle with the authorities about taxes.

In this category (fig. 5.10), traders are frequently retired people or people with another job besides trading and in general they can count on help of their family, living in the house. This is because of the convenience of earning money while just being at home carrying out other household tasks. A consequence is that also children are frequently have to help their family to sell merchandises. Among these home based traders, also the category of hair dressers, beauticians and seamstresses or tailors are well represented. This type of trading exists especially in ‘car-free’ residential areas or along roads where many pedestrians pass by.


Large space trader

A large-space trader occupies much open space with their large merchandise as electronic devices, household appliances, building materials and furniture. Because of the size of his stuff, no constructions are large enough, so mostly, everything is simply stalled out on the ground.

The goods are mostly sheltered by trees and located near main roads (fig. 5.11). Because of the size, no real coverage is made, so these traders are very dependent on the weather (fig. 5.12). Also mechanic yards are part of this category. These are distinguished by a large open space, used as work field and storage place for motorised vehicles and are, in contrast to the other preciously mentioned typologies more located inside the neighbourhoods.

Fig. 5.11 large scale trading

Fig. 5.10 house shop

Fig. 5.12 When it rains, these traders have to cover all their wares, because they are to big to fit into or underneath a covered construction

93 Typologies

5.5


5.6

Market trader A market trader is a trader who works at a commercial hotspot, designed by a governmental institution and consisting of large, roofed stalls, referred to as sheds, or typical market buildings.

This typology is distinct from the previous ones, because market traders are grouped in established premises in formal municipal or private markets. They do not belong to the informal economy, because they do not invade areas planned for other destinations. The market areas form the model for street trading where the government recognizes the vendors as playing a key role in society and where wage employers do not need to live with the anxiety of eviction. Hence an important question that needs to be asked is to which extent trading in a market area is better than along roadsides. Not only there is a difference in spatial use but also in regulation. Regarding the markets, entrepreneurs are involved in a hierarchy of trade unions for every main group of commodities and are guided by a market queen. Despite these differences, these markets often form a base point from where the whole repertory of typologies spreads out.

Fig. 5. 13 market trading

Fig. 5.14 market trading


Typologies

95

5.7

Concluding remark

The names given above are based on own experiences and a selection of daily used terms by the traders we met. They are formulated with the intention to prove the meaningful relation between the occupation of the space and the different structures. Hence a clear taxonomy is introduced for the further analysis. Many scholars already made up other taxonomies to this wide variety of traders and even in Tema all these types were referred to with several names. It has to be clear that the distinction between all these types of trading never is as clear as described above; the distinction between market trading, street trading and home-based trading for example is mostly â€œâ€Śblurred as markets often engulf surrounding streets and home-based enterprises may spill out onto the street beyond the home.â€? (Brown, 2006). With these formulated typologies in mind, the next chapters are a zoom in on the characteristics of trading activities.


CONSTELLATION

INTERPRETATION


97

FACT 2 High diversification and density of trading activities throughout the whole city.

FACT 1 Informal trading has become the system.

Concluding scheme

FACT 3 Typologies can be distinct in the wide range of activities.


The spirit of trading sites


Spirit

101

The goal of this chapter is to give an idea of the trading activities in relation to other influencing aspects, focussed on Tema. The next schemes are based upon the fieldwork – photographs, interviews and mappings - and interpretations of the contemporary situation. As already emphasized, shops and trading activities are diffused throughout the whole city, but the specific locations depend on different factors, such as the income level of the neighbourhood, the open space along the road, the heaviness of pedestrian and car traffic, etc. The following mappings and schemes are an attempt to demonstrate these linkages. First we have to mention that the idea of an instantaneous photograph has to be kept in mind as the trading activities are time dependent; which means that shops are coming and disappearing every day. There is no guarantee that the situation today is exactly the same as showed in our mappings. The shops are also often intentionally daydependent. For example, some open spaces around churches are empty during the week, but in weekends, and especially on Sunday, many traders try to sell their food after service.


6.1

The identity of trading sites

The main research question of this chapter is why some areas are more attractive for petty traders than others (fig. 6.1). A variety of trading typologies is spread over the city, but despite of the high density of commercial activity on many spots, there are very few places where it feels really overcrowded. It is only the hotspot area at the market of community one and the surrounding sites that reached the maximum of density. The reason for this is probably that it was the first community market in the city, as community one was built first. Thus, in the beginning, this market had to serve all inhabitants and so exceeded its capacity. Many people came to live and are still living near the market, as many depend on it, what resulted in the contemporary situation of an overcrowded zone. But even inside these congested areas, shops can be found. Out of these zones, the density spread out over the whole city. Another remarkable flow of trading activities can be found along the vertical axis of the city; the density of trading activities increases parallel with the traffic, in the direction of Ashaiman or the intercity road (fig. 6.2).

Fig.6.1 The wide variety in the density of the dierent typologies of trading activities over the city. N

house trading small scale trading large scale trading large space trading market trading


Spirit

103

AN

IM

HA

AS

A

CR

AC

Fig.6.2 Two conditions in the density of trading activities: the growing density along the important vertical axis and the outspread of the community one market to the rest of the city.

R

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HA

In contradiction to other SubSaharan cities, the feeling of open space still exists in Tema and even in some areas there is a high amount of open and non-used space (fig. 6.3). Even more; there is still a high potential in developing those open areas from non-used land to engaging public zones. These open areas can often be considered as the non-high income zones, as the linkage between the income level of a neighbourhood and the density of entrepreneurs can be distinct very well (fig 6.4). In those higher income areas, it seems to be difficult to survive as a trader because inhabitants do not feel attracted to the vibrant street life of trading. This phenomenon was already clear while the city was developing, as the planning authorities did not implement the original market square in those communities (Oko Adjetey, 2011).


Fig. 6.3 The density of trading activities in relation to the open space in Tema.


Spirit

105

6.2

Habitats and ecologies

high income area middle income area low income area Fig. 6.4 The density of trading activities in relation to the income levels of residential areas.

The main question behind these mappings is off course why people are trading on specific places. To obtain a clearer view on this, four areas with totally different characteristics are selected and examined in detail. The first area: the main road of site 1 in community one is one of the overcrowded residential zones adjacent to the commercial hotspot, the main market. Two house roads, highlighted out of the experimental units in community four, form the second residential area. The third area is the dividing road between community one and community four and the last selected one is the market in community nine, formed by traders who had to move from the main market. Those areas are chosen to cover as much as possible the different atmospheres and scales of the city. Specific colours are used for the different typologies: house trading small scale trading large scale trading large space trading


Site1, community 1

Site 1 is one of the most overcrowded zones of the city which was originally planned to be temporal. It is a low-income residential area, adjacent to the market with a low standard of living as water and sanitary facilities are poor. Most of the people here earn their living with commercial activities and therefore depend on the market and the market needs them. The main road in this area is completely unpaved, and until halfway reachable for cars. Despite of the dense housing, still many residents placed a shop along the roadsides or in front of their houses, so the few open space becomes filled up with commercial activities. At the end of the road, an open square exists where social interaction is very high.

1


Spirit

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The experimental units form one of the exceptional car-free, residential areas in which originally much open space was provided as front yards and today almost every resident has expanded his house till the maximum capacity. Because no cars can enter and the roads are wide, there is an open atmosphere. Many residents started to trade inside their plot boundaries by opening a shop in one of the rooms or placing some tables in front of it. In this neighbourhood a designed public space can be found back in the play garden.

0 2,5 5

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8


Dividing road, community 1 - community 4

The dividing road between community one and four is a busy one, because it leads to the central axis of the city. The residential zones start far back behind, so large open space exists. On the side of community one, this is a stroke in front of houses, while at the side of community four, there can be spoken of a large, unpaved court. Although this area has a high density of shops, still much open space is left.

1


Spirit

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Market area, community 9


Spirit

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Contrast of vibrancy between the inner court of the orginal market, and the court at the back of the one building.


This area exists of three commercial buildings, which encloses a large, dusty open space. But this space is quite desolated today; while contradictorily on the back of one of the buildings, a whole new market arose. The market in community one became too overcrowded, so the authorities decided to replace some vendors to a new area; this of community nine. Originally, the intension was to locate them on the inner court of the building block, but quite soon, traders preferred to be along the roadside, so moved again. The area is recognizable by the many umbrellas of the vegetable sellers, and at the other side of the road, more largescale and large-space trading – as trade in charcoal and chickens – exist.

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CITY ROADS

COMMUNITY ROADS MARKET AREA

RESIDENTIAL

TRO-TRO/TAXI STATION

10

Fig. 6.1 Different typologies of trade can be on different roads types (and so reach cars - pedestrians - pedestrians/cars) and use different ways for shadow.


TREES

UMBRELLA

SHED

SHOP INFRASTRUCTURE

Conclusion

Out of all our interviews and mappings, it became clear that there are three important elements for traders to select a workspace. A first factor they have Different traders and the clients: cars - pedestrians pedestrians/cars to -deal with is to find a work place not they reach or the kindfar of from shadow they usebut this is the less their home, decisive factor and not always that easy to choose. Secondly, dealing with the tropical climate, shadow is an essential factor where traders look for and the last but most significant factor is that every trader wants to be there where there are clients. The last two factors are dealt with depending on the typology of trading (fig. 6.1).

Spirit

135


Traders


Another aspect for a better understanding of the contemporary situation is to know who traders are. There is tried to tell the human story behind the intriguing processes, based upon the numerous traders, who were interrogated; in every community peddlers were interviewed. When speaking about market traders, the information is based on interviews in both community one market of Tema, and the main market in Ashaiman as in Tema New Town. The main question that needs to be tackled is who traders are. As a great majority of the citizens earn their money in the informal economy, they really can be all kind of people, but there are some generalizations that will help to create a basic trader profile.

7.1 Age and education level

Many young people are involved in trading, while the official shop owner is one of the parents or older family members. It is not rare that those children help out during the moments they are at home or even for a whole day, what can be negative for their education (Brown, 2006). The high amount of elderly people vends to earn some extra money after retirement and practise this very often by placing a small construction in front of their house. In this regard, they combine their livelihood with their daily small talk and other social interactions in the quarter, while sitting in front of their house. Mitullah (2003, p2) quoted: “petty trade in Africa is viewed as an economic activity for those with a low level of education.” This is also true for Tema, as

many people – especially the authorities – frequently despise traders because of their ‘lower intellect’. Remarkably, our own experience and interviews show that quite a lot of surveyed people own a higher degree. The main reason for this phenomenon has probably to be sought in the lack of formal jobs, as Brown (2006) states: “Urban workers are often been pushed out of the formal sector, where they enjoyed security of employment, into the informal sector, where labour conditions are more exploitive. The dismissing of formal workers happens very often because of ‘outsourcing’ labour to the informal sector. So, corporations and businesses reduce labour costs and increase profits.” In this manner the informal sector in Tema is growing and seems to become an easy way to earn a living.


age

educational level

11-20 21-30

tertiary/university

Traders

STREET TRADERS

139

primary

50+

men 26% 41-50 SHS

JHS

31-40

primary

11-20 tertiary/university

50+

women 74% SHS

41-50 21-30

JHS 31-40

MARKET TRADERS primary

11-20

41-50

tertiary/university JHS

men 19% 21-30 SHS

31-40

50+

11-20

JHS tertiary/university

41-50

women 81% Fig. 7.1 age and education of market and street traders in Tema, based on interviews september-october 2011

31-40

21-30

SHS


7.2 Distance to work

Ashaiman

12

9

11

8

10

7

6

4

Sakomono

5 3 direction of Acrra

2

1

New Town

Fig. 7.2 Map showing the distance between traders’ residence and their place of work.


7.3 Origins of products

A last aspect to consider is the fact that traders sell countless products with an enormous range in variety and origin. The ones that sell small foodstuff, often make this themselves; on the location of trading or at home in the morning to sell during the afternoon and in the evening. Others sell fruits and vegetables, which they buy generally at the markets, in community one or Ashaiman. Only a few are travelling to the north to get their food; more specific those trading in yam and cassava: two regional products. The hawkers, who sell Fanmilk ice-cream, drinks or snacks, get their products from different depots which, in turn, get their goods delivered from the main companies or, make the products by themselves. Yet others sell electronic devices or clothes with an origin of mostly Accra or abroad, especially Europe. The latter is the case when some friends or relatives are living over there. Final the merchandisers selling provisions pick their commodities by wholesalers at the market or- when they are trading on a larger scale- from companies who deliver the products to the traders immediately.

141 Traders

Another element conducted by Mitullah (2005) is the fact that most street traders live close to their work place and walk to work. For our research the map with the distances between workplace and the house of the interviewees is shown (fig. 7.2), whereby each type of neighbourhood – market, residential area, busy community road, etc. - is at least once represented. In residential areas, people often trade in the environment of their residence. Traders, who live outside Tema: in the direction of Accra, Mitchell Camp, New Town and Sakomono mostly prefer to trade in the city. This because there is less potential in their neighbourhood to start a profitable shop, or they lived around before and kept their work environment, or because they are working together with family members, still living in Tema. It is striking that most of the traders at the crossing of communities eight, nine, eleven and twelve come from Ashaiman; the area just above Tema. This because the crossing is surrounded with higher income neighbourhoods, which residents are not interested in trading and while many traders find the main market of Ashaiman and its ‘spill outs’ too busy. Therefore they prefer to sell their goods at the crossing, where many people are passing by. The market of community one is composed out of vendors, coming from everywhere, as this location is a very desired trading spot. Vendors, who live close to their work place, commute by foot. Others prefer tro-tro, except when coming from communities two or three or Sakomono, where the connections are not so good. These people mostly take a taxi, as it is only an individual who has an own car. In general the situation in Tema corresponds with the judgement of Mitullah, but on a larger scale there are a lot of people of surrounding areas - where trading is much more difficult - who try to find a vending spot in Tema.


7.4

Case studies

In the next pages, certain case studies of vendors are presented in a way to demonstrate the differences between each typology and place of trading. Eight interviews are transcribed out of personal experiences to reflect the reality in the most reliable way, instead of just giving a summary of what each trader could tell us. Indeed, it are just the small personal stories based on trust, believe and openess that can help to sketch the atmosphere of the city.


City trading Traders

143

CASE 1: Kofi - Fanmilk trader

N

Kofi’s daily trading route. The spot presents his residence

It is early in the morning when we go to a local bakery nearby owned by Abiguel and ask if we could follow one of her hawkers along his path. The owner says we have to wait for Kofi and so we do. Kofi is a young man of 24 who also works for, besides this bakery, a Fanmilk depot. After receiving his meat pies for the day, he takes us to the Fanmilk distributor where the ice cream is waiting and on the way, he friendly tells us his story. Every day, except on Mondays, Kofi goes hawking through the city and leaves his house for the Fanmilk depot in the same district at 8’ o clock in the morning, where he picks up his cart. Then, he passes the bakery for meat pies in the adjacent neighbourhood. Loaded with this, Kofi returns to the depot again where he fills his cart with ice creams and cold drinks and after this, finally his workday can start. His route crosses communities one, two and the harbour, where he tries to sell every day as much as possible in the shortest possible time. Indeed, his working day ends when all the meat pies are sold, even when his Fanmilk coolbox is not empty yet. So when the pastries are sold out, Kofi has to go and bring back both his boxes and the money, he earned that day, to the bakery and the depot. He can only keep a small amount of his daily profit, which he uses to maintain himself and to provide in education for his brothers and sisters.


Ashaiman

Small-scale trading

CASE 2: Stella – trader in provisions

‘Auntie Stella’ lives in community four and calls herself the grandma of the neighbourhood, as she speaks always about her children. Sitting against her boundary wall, while filling her days by trading in front of her garden she always knows what is going on in her street and so she was very delighted to tell her life story. Stella had worked in Nigeria for many years, where she was first a cook at several companies and afterwards she became a trader. Today she is retired and still trades. For her it is a good manner to keep contact with neighbours and attend social life, as her husband lives somewhere else and also her children left the house. Simultaneously she earns some money by selling small provisions, which is a nice bonus. On a standard day, Stella goes to the front of her plot at 6 a.m. and she stays there till 6.30 p.m. When she wants to eat or need some other things during these working hours, she shortly leaves her shop while grabbing the necessities in the house. In her house she rents some additional rooms to students who help her with some tasks as for

3

example placing her stuff inside at the end of the workday. The construction Stella uses to stall out her wares is just a commercial stall and a small table, covered by a canopy. The latter is needed because the shadow of the only tree in her garden does not reach the roadside, which is the best place to be if you want to reach customers. In the beginning, Stella just traded with a small table and step-by-step, she added some small adaptions -like building the canopy for shade and placing an extra table -till she reached the contemporary situation and in the mean time her range of products extended. This process of expanding her trading infrastructure forms a good example of how traders upgrade their shop over time. The amount of wares that Stella sells in a day is not that big, but when something is finished, she can invoke some “children” in the vicinity who helps her with buying the required products in Accra. Because Stella lives without any members of her family, the money she earns is just to maintain herself.

12

9

11

8

10

7

6

4

5 2

1

New Town


Traders

145

N

0 0.5

1

2

The shop of Stella, located in the front garden of her house, and the space she uses while trading.


Ashaiman

CASE 3: Dorcas - Mobile operator trader

A very young and insecure woman stands behind a mobile operator table, holding very tight on to her purse, but immediately greeting us very friendly. The woman is named Dorcas, 22 years old. She attended tertiary school to become a journalist, but today, she is married and has two children. When they were born, her husband did not want her to work that hard anymore so he suggested her to start trading. First she worked as a city trader of Ice Kenke and now, since one month, Dorcas started to sell mobile phone-cards underneath an umbrella at a road near the Kaiser Flats. She lives at community ten, so every day she walks to her trading spot or sometimes, when she is lucky, her husband drops her off by car. Although she has to do quite a distance every day, she is convinced that she selected a good trading location, because where she lives – community ten: a higher income area – people are not that interested, while now she is located on the bank between the busy central axis of the city and a calmer road parallel on this axis. On this road it is easier for drivers to stop over. Another reason for selecting this spot is that no other citizen already sells phone-cards over there. The latter reminds her that she needs to go and buy some cards at the wholesaler a bit

3

further and asks us to watch her shop for a while, what we do not mind. A quarter later she resumes her story and another advantage of the location is proved: the wholesaler is located nearby and she just has to cross the street to the Kaiser Flats and buy some new, what she often does in one day. This shows that small-scale traders do not buy a lot in advance, but just often small amounts. The location of Dorcas’ box of trade forms a good example of the continuous struggle of traders between reaching clients and having a comfortable spot, which means having shadow. Therefore, the box is placed quite close to the street, so drivers can recognise there is a shop and easily stop to buy something. Although, Dorcas herself sits a few meters back covered by the shade of the trees planted there. To conclude, the only disadvantage on this location is the fact that she is far from home, so she does a lot of other necessary activities on this location besides the commercial one. This means she buys food from other traders passing by and for sanitation, she is luckily allowed to use the toilet of someone she knows in one of the flats just in front of her spot. Because her husband has a good job, she can keep all the money she earns for her own savings.

12

9

11

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10

7

6

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5 2

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New Town


Traders

147

N

0 0.5

1

2

The shop of Dorcas on the bank. She benefits from the trees for shadow.


Ashaiman

Large-scale trading

CASE 4: Christy - Beauty Salon: “Rasta Computer”

A big container with beautiful paintings, stands solely behind one of the Kaiser flats and so draw our attention. Christy is a 34 years old mother of two, who invited us in and started telling proudly about her children. One is living with his father at Koforidua and attends SHS over there, while the other is living with her in one of the Kaiser Flats in Community 4 and attends university. She herself only went to primary school and learned the job of seamstress from her mother, but did not like it. Then she went for six months to Togo, the country of her father where she learned to become a hairdresser. In 1990, she started to work as a beautician by putting a table in front of the Kaiser Flats. Today, since 1998, this table is replaced by a big salon in the back of the flats. This shows again the process of upgrading or as Christy herself defined it: “God opened a way to come where I am now”. She built the shop herself and also made the paintings together with some friends. Big companies ask her frequently to replace these paintings by advertisements, but she refuses because she wants to select the colours herself. In this self-built salon, she works every day along with three other girls, but the hours of work can vary as sometimes someone wants to have his hair done before they drive to the north for a funeral. As she lives in one of the flats behind the shop, it is no problem for her to start at 3 a.m. to services these people. The money she earns is to maintain herself and her children. Just across the street, there is another salon, but that forms no competition for her; she was the first hairdresser in the whole area, so people know her and keep coming, and she ends her story with the deeply religious words: “it is God who provide for us and when we need something, we just help each other”.

3

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N 0 0.5

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Beuaty salon of Christy in front of the Kaiser flats

2


Traders

149


Ashaiman

Large-scale trading

CASE 5: Inliet – Provisions, minerals, phone cards

At a big open space at the crossing between communities eight, nine, eleven and twelve, filled with taxi’s and some containers, two shops are standing separately of which one is open so a couple of tables are stalled out in front of it. The inside of the shop is not really used as shop, but more to storage the products. It is not immediately clear who is the owner as a lot of people sit underneath the overhang of the adjacent container. A woman of twenty-eight years old stands up and introduces herself as Inliet. She lives in community 22 together with her husband and two children and in 2007 she started to trade; after finishing commercial school, and having worked for different companies. She bought the container at Kpone and had it painted with advertisements of glo. In return she earns twenty cedis (ten euros) after signing a contract of one year with the promise to not overpaint it. Inliet has chosen this place to trade because she lived around before and thanks to the function of the location –taxi stop-, many people are passing by. The spot where her shop is placed has no shadow and as there is no overhang on her own container, she uses that of her neighbour. One disadvantage of the spot is the existing competition, as there are three other shops where the same products are sold. Therefore Inliet tries to make her prices always just a bit lower than those of the others. Every day, except Sunday, Inliet takes the tro-tro in community 22 to work from 6 a.m. till 5 p.m. During these days, she also has to take care of her baby. For this reason, she hired another girl who helps her in the shop. Because she lives far from the place of trade, she has to buy food of other traders around and lacks facilities, what is not easy when taking care of a baby.

3

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9

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New Town


Traders

151

0 0.5

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Inliet profits from the container next the hers.


Ashaiman

Home-based trading

CASE 6: Kate – Hairdresser 3

Walking through the narrow streets of site one near the market of community one, in a small alley our path crosses two shops of mother and daughter. The daughter asks to become our friend and so the conversation started. Kate is a young girl of eighteen, who lives with her mother and brother in site one, where the living conditions are quite poor due to the congestion of houses. Kate studied hairdressing and now she welcomes customers at a salon by putting a table in front of her house, where only a plaque with different hair styles betrays the services. Next to this table, her mother also placed a shop, which is a small commercial stall where she sells provisions. To have some shadow, Kate and her mother hanged up their own canvas as coverage between the two shops. As the shop of Kate only exist out of a table and a bench, she does not have the facility to wash the hair of her customers. They have to wash their hair themselves in the public facilities of the site and also the weave-ones they have to bring themselves. Kate trades every day from 7 a.m. till 7 p.m. A big advantage is that the table easy can be placed inside, what she does when the weather is bad or when TMA comes by to collect the taxes for trading. Then they do not see her and she thus does not have to pay, which normally is the fact. Only when she has bad luck and they pass by when she works; then she has to buy a daily ticket. By these small tricks, she tries to earn as much as possible to maintain her family.

12

9

11

8

10

7

6

4

5 2

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New Town


Traders

153

N

0 0.5

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Kate uses as a hairdresser almost the enitre alley.


Ashaiman

Home-based trading

CASE 7: Mercy - Jewellery

After a few visits to a jewellery close to our residence, it became easier to start an interview. Mercy - a woman of fifty-three - makes her own jewels. She is married, has two children and lives with those and her husband in the house at the back of the shop. Her shop occupies thus one room of the house, so for other activities-as eating, cooking, etc.-, she just can go to the back. Mercy went working in a fish company after middle school. She did that for twelve years, but became tired of it and in 2007 started to sell self-made jewels. The craft of making own jewels, she learned from a friend and, on her turn, she learned it to already a lot of people

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and today has two students helping her. From Monday till Friday, the shop is opened between 8 a.m. and 7 p.m. and all the money she earns during those opening hours is for her children and to extend her business. The materials she uses, mostly come from a shopping mall in Accra, where she goes every two weeks, except some traditional beats come from a traditional village near Kpong. There she comes once in three months. Because she trades in her own house, she does not need any permission for doing this. She still has to pay the taxes, as every other trader does.

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The jewellery of Mercy in the front of her house.

New Town


Traders

155


Ashaiman

Large-space trading

CASE 8: Ebenezer – Sofa’s

When we entered the domain filled with sofa’s and beds, we got the attention of all the sellers, but we are mainly interested in one story. The responsible of this trading spot invites us to sit down in one of the sofa’s and we are curious how this sofa’s stay clean and without any small animals, as they just stand in the open air. Ebenezer secures us that their furniture is from high quality. He is a young man of 21 who lives together with his brother in community four and is responsible for this spot at the dividing road between communities one and four. This is quite close to his house, so he just can walk to work every day. He started working in this large-space shop, where his brother was already selling since 2001, immediately after he finished SHS. In the beginning, these boys were only trading on a much smaller scale in Kumasi; the place where the seats themselves are made, but after a few years of good business, they opened a shop on a second location and they came working in this establishment. The sofa’s still come from Kumasi, something they mostly try to fix by asking trucks which should return empty to Tema, to transport these. The guys work together with ten other people on the spot in Tema; every day from 6 a.m. till 6 p.m. The large amount of furniture as sofa’s and beds take in many open space. With this large open area at the dividing road between communities one and four, the guys selected a good location for their trading. Firstly because of the presence of large space that is needed for this kind of merchandise, secondly because possible clients have many opportunities to park their car or transportation. The whole spot is covered by many trees, but still, the main disadvantage of the scale they trade is that, when it starts raining, they have to cover all the sofa’s with strong plastics; something which they have to do every night. During those nights a security man has to protect the furniture. Ebenezer is still single and only lives with his brother, so all the money he earns is for himself. It is not that easy to earn a lot, because in the close environment there are other people selling the same, as these area has a lot of large open spaces. However, in that competition, his firm has the advantage of being on the spot for a long time, which offers them a good reputation. The conversation ends right on time as it seems that the couches are not insect-free like they told us.

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New Town


Traders

157

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Trees are important elements considering how the products of Ebenezer are placed.


CONSTELLATION

FACT 1 Informal trading has become the system.

INTERPRETATION


159

FACT 3 Typologies can be distinct in the wide range of activities.

Urban framework

FACT 2 High diversification and density of trading activities throughout the whole city.

FACT 4 Citizens of all ages, mainly women, who sell a wide variety of commodities...


City dwellers


After discussing the typologies of trading and the characteristics of the traders, it is interesting to focus on the other crucial leading actors in the trading activities: the customers. Some general conclusions about purchasing habits will be put forward, based upon interviews with customers. These interviews focused on the opinion of citizens about the future development of the city, which is dealt with in the last pages of this chapter.


100% 46% supermarket

market

59%

neighbourhood

Fig. 8.1 Where do citizens of Tema go for their purchases; based on interviews october 2011.

Purchasing habits

Noteworthy is the big difference in purchasing habits, depending on income level. There is a totally different conception of trading among people of higher and lower income areas. Among one specific group, the same patterns in purchasing can be recognised. Since the people, living in higher income areas, possess – as mentioned before – a different way of living, they seem to prefer supermarkets. Rarely, when they need something small, they would visit a market instead of buying something along the roadside. In the other residential areas, there are other typical shopping habits that can be noticed. For large and the weekly purchases, inhabitants normally go to a city market; mostly in community one or Ashaiman. When people only need a small amount of products, they visit one of the shops in their neighbourhood. Just rarely, they go to supermarkets to buy larger amounts or special commodities that are – as they claim - hard to find at other places, as beverages, etc. Considering the question which market is the most popular among citizens, they all seem to have a different preference. The majority prefers the community one or Ashaiman market, where the products are cheaper than at the original market squares – if these still exist - and the road kiosks, of which traders on their turn buy their commodities in one of these markets. By speaking about quality in the markets, no general conclusion can be set up, as every citizen has his own quality criteria. Therefore the primary motive to visit Ashaiman and community one

City dwellers

8.1

market is mainly because the products there are cheaper. If now Ashaiman or community one hosts the cheapest market, citizens had different opinions about it. Although some market vendors of community one buy their products themselves in Ashaiman. There is also another, third large market on city level; in Tema New Town. Almost nobody visits this one, although it is not further than Ashaiman and also easily reachable by tro-tro and taxi. In reality, even people who live around this market prefer to go to the main market to purchase. Once again the main underlying reason is the big price difference. Traders in community one market – who eventually bought their products in Ashaiman, on their turn, frequently sell it to market traders of New Town. In this way, the respective traders have to ask higher prices, so are less attractive for the citizens. At the original planned commercial areas of every community, there are also some shops in the fixed commercial buildings; the one more profitable than the other. Only few traders persevered to have a shop there, as these are no cherished commercial spots, because inhabitants prefer to purchase in the adjacent road shops or to take trotro or taxi to one of the markets. The market of community nine forms a big exception, as you can find three big market buildings over there, with a forecourt, fully filled with small-scale traders and the market is known for the daily fresh vegetables and herbs, mainly by the citizens living in the upper communities.

163


Ashaiman

Ashaiman market Community one market New Town market 12

Community nine market

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Communiy five market Community two market

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Fig. 8.2 The markets used by city dwellers. In every community, the market is highlighted (if this still exist); as well the community markets as the bigger commercial hotspots in community one, Ashaiman and the market in New Town. The unfilled spots on the map are places where there are markets, but those were not used by the interviewed people.


City dwellers

8.2 Vision

Considering the influence of the widely dispersed shops in the city, it is interesting to take into account the opinion of the inhabitants about the rapidly growth and densification of commercial areas. Nowadays in many African cities these urban changes are cultivated in the daily city life and play a significant role in the experience of the contemporary city by the inhabitants (Ballard & Popke, 2003; Brown, 2006; Rakodi, 2008). In a case study of Ballard and Popke (2003, p. 104 and 105) on Durban, South Africa, it is mentioned that “Street trade has been described by inhabitants as being ‘untidy’, ‘unsightly’, and a ‘major eyesore’, and hence damages the ‘image’ of the city... They form obstacles or impediments to the comfortable flow and movement of people through downtown space.” This is unlikely to the majority of customers

in Tema, which were interviewed: they – living in both low as high income communities - find the street trading quite convenient, even if they do not use it. The occupation of the urban space by vendors is, by the largest amount of citizens, not experienced as harassing. This as a consequence that the shops fill up the vague spaces and not the small verges between the street and the private plots. And so, even when Tema is congested with shops, there is still a feeling of spaciousness. However, it is quite surprising that many of the interviewees suggested to group the shops together in central markets on every community. There are only a few people, generally living in residential areas with high income level, who described street trading as a troublesome, but even then, they still use the few shops around.

165


“It would be nice to have all the shops located at one place. However the large amount of shops here isn’t ideal, because it has to be quiet here.”

Evans Jireh is a young guy of 22 who has a varied shopping pattern. For food or toiletries he visits the market while his clothes are often bought by friends, when they travel to other countries. Jireh lives in community two and takes the taxi to the community one market. If he needs some quick stuff, he visits the shops in the neighbourhood. For the rare stuff that is often hard to find in the market, for example meat, he goes to the supermarket.

Evans is a guy of 27 years old who lives in community ten. Once a week he visits the market in community one where he normally buys all his weekly products. Sometimes for toiletries, he goes to the adjacent supermarket. If he needs just something small he just goes to a shop in the neighbourhood.

Jireh “ It is good to have small shops everywhere, but one concentrated market place in each community would be better.”


Victoria lives in community eleven and is 45 years old. She has a shop herself and both for her shop as her private purchases, she goes to the market in community one; two or three times a week, except for toiletries she visits the adjacent supermarket.

“Yesterday I came from the market in community one and I saw someone putting a container on the crossing between communities four, six, seven and ten. As this is a junction, it will be very dangerous for the traffic. Every community should have a commercial area, where I ‘d like to have my shop.�

City dwellers

Victoria

167


Mama Esther

Mama Esther is a 60 years old woman who lives in community six and takes two times a week the taxi to visit the market in community one, where she buys her food. Her toiletries come from the adjacent supermarket and her clothes she gets from other people. She rarely visit shops around, because there are none in her neighbourhood.

“ I prefer to have more shops around here, so that there is no reason for me anymore to travel to community one; in that case, I don’t need to take a taxiwhich charge a lot- everyday anymore. Every community should have its own market and supermarket.�


Celine lives in community seven and goes every week to the market in community one by tro-tro or taxi to buy food for the whole family which she stores in the market. Also other products she buys at the community one market; it rarely happens that she visits a supermarket.

“ The shops can’t be grouped together, because there is not enough space. When Tema was built, it was meant to be a small city and it turned out differently, there is not enough space designated for al these shops. There should be a guideline of where shops can be placed and where not.�

City dwellers

Celina

169


Esther

Esther lives in community eleven and one of the rooms of her house is transformed into a shop. For her purchases she both visits the markets in community one and Ashaiman. To get there, she has to use taxis. If she needs some few things, she visits the shops around and visiting the market is something she does on an almost daily base, because she has no money to buy all in once.

“ If all shops formed a market, it would be much easier for the citizens; if one shop has no milk, you’d not longer have to search for another shop in your neighbourhood that has it, because in a market you just go to a shop close to it. The most inconvenient aspect is that there are no rules at all, so they need to be drawn up.�


City dwellers

“I don’t have any problems with the street kiosks, but they don’t need to be everywhere throughout the city. It would be better to place them all at several specific spots and TMA is responsible to do that.”

Beatrice

Beatrice lives in community nine and visits the adjacent market, but once a week she still goes to the market in community one for food, clothes and to the seamstress, because it is cheaper over there. The reason she does not go to Ashaiman is because of the traffic.

IIvonne is a young woman of 36 who lives in community three and goes to do her shopping in community one or two – for vegetables – market. When she needs something small, she goes to a shop in the neighbourhood and if there is something difficult to find on the market, she visits a supermarket. To save time, she goes to the market only a few times in a month to buy in bulk.

Ivonne “ A market in every community would be interesting, but, hey, this is Africa! It does not work like that!”

171


“I don’t like the high density of road shops, even not when they are grouped together in a closed market, because I prefer the best quality. So if that is not guaranteed, I’ll not go there.”

Karim

Karim is a guy of 25 who lives in community twelve but goes three for four times in a week to the market in community one where he buys everything. Beside this, he also visits the markets in community two and nine. One or two times a week, he also goes to the supermarket to buy things like drinks, soap, etc. Nanama is 24 years old and lives in community five. From there, she takes every saturday afternoon a taxi to the market in community one. She prefers the market for larger amounts as it is cheaper, but otherwise she buys her food along the streets. For toiletries and other specific things, she goes to the adjacent supermarket in community one and for her clothes she goes back on Sunday to the community one market because then it is cheaper.

Nanama “I prefer the way shops are organized nowadays, but rather a bigger variety of products instead of the same products at one spot.”


City dwellers

Brown

Brown is a fashion designer who lives in community seven and visits every Saturday the market in community one or Ashaiman, due to the fact that it is cheaper. To get at community one he uses a taxi; for Asaiman a tro-tro. He lives in a family house, so normally his aunty buys the most and looks for food, but once in a while he buys something to eat along the street.

“The roads are too narrow; instead of shops along the road, they should be grouped together, categorized by the kind of commodities they sell; for example this street for tomato sellers and the next one another vegetable, etc. That would be much better. If every community had his own market, it would save money and travel time. In Accra one try to decrease the car usage as the main transportation and now one is trying this in Tema too. I think it is impossible to introduce this thinking.�

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CONSTELLATION

FACT 2 High diversification and density of trading activities throughout the whole city.

FACT 1 Informal trading has become the system.

INTERPRETATION


175

Urban framework

FACT 3 Typologies can be distinct in the wide range of activities.

FACT 5 all citizens buy from these. They are key players. FACT 4 Citizens of all ages, mainly women, who sell a wide variety of commodities...


Municipal authorities


With the foundation of the new city Tema in 1951, the government leased this area for 125 years to the Tema Development Corporation (TDC). The latter was established with the sole responsibility to plan and develop the land for various land cases and to manage the township that had yet been created. The corporation – funded during colonial times – was an intentionally imitation of the type of the administrative body responsible for the New Towns in the United Kingdom. Moreover, for that time, an unusual degree of autonomy and local control was granted to the TDC (Kirchher, 1968). During a period of economic decline from 1970 until 1982, the informal sector played a significant role in alleviating largescale poverty in the urban centres of Ghana and the term was acknowledged as a dominating factor in the national economy. In the next decade, certain governmental and non-governmental institutions and organizations, including the trade unions, gave a lot of attention to the sector as a consequence of the shrinking formal sector and the expansion of the informal. The process described above also took place in Tema . Since an unfortunately decay was set in and the city started to lose its prestige to gaze Ghana as a newly independent African nation, wherefore it had often been praised. Owing to the economic crisis, by 1978 the government had withdrawn all public subsidies to TDC, including loans and grants and in 1989 the TDC was, on its turn, discharged of some tasks. These were taken over by a new authority: the Tema Metropolitan Assembly (TMA), which is mainly responsible for the maintenance of the public spaces. Along with these two changes, the mission statement also amended.


Situation today: policy Authorities

9.1

Nowadays, the TDC can be considered as an estate developer, with its particular concern with land management and development, and housing management of the city. Concerning the informal economy, the TMA is the most important authority, which develops and manages the basic infrastructure, but also maintains public security, mainly in market areas. Their notable task is the collection of taxes and fees. Characteristic for Tema is the fact that every day, new smallscale units of trade appear, which colour the streets. When the TDC or TMA do not intervene in time against this random ingestion of constructions for trade, other vendors will join the initiator soon, take in the leftover space besides main roads and in this way disrupt long-established modernist norms governing the occupation and use of the public space (Adjetey, 2011). The success of an informal economy in any city depends very much on the development strategy, implemented by the local power, moreover on the help the practitioners get. However, mostly there is a more inimical relationship between municipal authorities and street traders, which has a lot to do with problems of communication and the assumption of being a oneway direction forthcoming of the inadequate governance. This in a sense that municipal officials complain that traders fail to fulfil their responsibilities. The collision between informal street traders and municipalities is renamed by Bayat (1997, p. 63) as ‘street politics’: “a set of conflicts and the attendant implications between a collective populace and the authorities,

shaped and expressed episodically in the physical and social space of the ‘streets’…” One of the responsibilities of the traders is to pay revenues to TDC or TMA, depending on the typology of trade. Vendors,trading in markets need to pay rent for their rental space to TDC, which own all the market blocks, and fees to TMA for the maintenance and security. While traders inside the markets, which not rent a stall but just sell their wares on a small box or table, only have to pay a daily ticket to the TMA. Than you also have the traders along the roadsides, where it is the general rule that everyone who places a construction on land property of the TDC, has to pay for the use of land. While for the activity of trading, every trader has to pay taxes to TMA. Therefore all city and small scale traders, which can move easily from one to another location, have to buy a daily ticket . This way they only pay on the days they are effectively trading. On the other hand all the large scale and -space traders need to pay a monthly or yearly tax and need to hand in an application form at TMA for their shop infrastructure. If traders do not pay the fee for obtaining permission to trade, they risk a fine of three times the fee and even eviction, but the latter is almost never the case. When their shop get provisionally closed and spray painted with ‘remove now by TMA’, followed by date of painting, they get a couple of days to pay the fine. If they do not, the task force of the TMA comes by and closes the shop permanently followed by removing. Curiously enough, very often these abandoned structures are

179


A warning for eviction is communicated by spray painting on the shops infrastructure and this means that the owner has several days to pay a fine. Otherwise their shop will be locked, but it rarely happens that it will be removed.

still present for several years in the streetscape. The peculiar of this story is that some containers or kiosks need to be removed both by TDC and TMA at the same time. This indicates the wretch cooperation between the two municipal authorities of Tema and probably the primary cause of the lack of an efficient policy concerning informal economy and the decaying glory of the once eminent city (Labri, 2011). In response to the revenues, a main feature, namely vulnerability of the informal sector workers by the authorities, needs to be tackled. Here, it are mostly the disenfranchised which are affected by the regulations - in which they do not have any participation - relating to urban and economic policies, labour rights, social protection and public health. The local authorities’ reactions to informal development are mostly based on ‘clean-up operations’ where traders are very vulnerable to. These operations result from conducting commercial activities in other designated areas than planned. Urban authorities often justify this crackdown in terms of ‘restoring order’

to the city and dismiss the informal workers as disruptive for established business or even as criminals. Also a few scholars mentioned the reconsiderations of the arrival of street traders as a decline and disorder of the cities based upon aesthetic concerns (Ballard & Ballard, 2003; Bayat, 2010; Macharia, 2007; Rakodi, 2008). This assumption is not completely true for our research area, moreover the cause allocates towards the bad generalship by the local authorities, as presumed by some citizens (interview customers, 2011). Contradictorily to the clean-up activities of TDC and TMA is the fact that they partly recognize informal practices by receiving fees from the entrepreneurs and at the same time, they support poverty reduction, while clearing the streets from congestion. Hereby, street clearance does not happen on regular base; the frequency of removing is strongly dependent on the reigning government. Moreover, when elections approach, votes want to be gained and therefore the informal use of urban space and trading is tolerated. Thus, street traders rarely


Authorities

achieve influence in urban policymaking, except of course in times of crisis or during elections time (Bayat, 1997; Brown, 2006; Hansen & Vaa, 2004; Lindell, 2010; Rakodi, 2008). Another responsibility of the traders is to take care of the environment of trade, but this is not really complied as the petty traders are not bounded to strict rules to put up their structures and are not fully aware of the importance of preserving the environment. As many vendors are affected by the fear of evictions, they will therefore not invest in facilities and certainly they will not maintain the environment (Brown, 2006; Erguden, 2010). Instead municipal authorities should motivate the traders, what can be received by promoting eco citizenship to improve not only the quality of living but also the working conditions and contributes to preserve the environment. (Erguden, 2010; Selman, 1996). Improving the security of tenure is a prerequisite for sustainable improvement of the shops and environmental conditions. Accordingly the informal dwellers can invest without uncertainty in their built-up structures and take care more for their work area, as they are sure of their rights. Another element in shaping street politics is the operation of an active network among street vendors, who tries

to organise themselves with constant communications and regular meetings. Traders’ associations undertake a wide variety of roles as supporting the worker rights, encouraging pro-poor policy development, improving infrastructure, and securing and managing trading spaces. Nevertheless, not many traders belong to such an organization so these are less effective - especially in contrast with market associations - which are really effective and often run by women under the leadership of a market queen. The aim of these associations is to provide welfare, credit and social support and they often establish informal rules governing the running of markets. Ghana has a long history of traders’ and market associations, which have survived despite political attempts to restrict their power and the lack recognition by the state. Nevertheless these relationships depend on the specific context in which they occur (Bayat, 1997; Lindell, 2010). Rights to the city and rights to legal work should be recognized and applied to those who work in urban public space. Moreover, traders need to obtain urban voices (Lindell, 2010). Once public space for trading is recognized as a ‘private good’, a system of property rights can be agreed between traders and municipal authorities as a basis for negotiation.

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9.2

Future development

Today, the opportunities of the informal economy are recorded enough. So the importance to acknowledge this sector is obvious and the benefits of the commercial, formal economy should be implemented in the informal one, for one can strain towards hybrid governance. This since the informal economy can be referred to as formal and reversed, whereas this way of making a living is dominant in the city life. The priority of the municipal authorities should be to recognise informal sector organizations; improve their work environment by providing decent infrastructure as electricity, sanitation and water. They should enhance worker’s social protection, legal recognition of the rights of traders to work informally in the streets and searching for a balance of competing demands on urban space between traders and other users. Importantly part of the mission statement of the authorities has to be to encourage the public awareness and participation to maintain their environment. The new demands of the urban space refer to strategic revising the master plan of African cities, taking the needs of

the informal workers into account. The current policies of keeping residential and commercial areas quite separated are now seen to be inappropriate and impracticable. Still, many small shops are infringing planning regulations, but more and more often this is condoned. Nevertheless there are still locations in the city where street trading is generally barred, so called “conflict zones� by Brown (2006), mainly in neighbourhoods with the highest income levels. A common approach is to relocate traders to specific areas; this is for example how TMA organised the displacement of traders from the edge of the main market in community one to the market area in community nine, which was specific established for this purpose (Labri, 2011). On the whole, these initiatives have proved to be unpopular among vendors, as the new designated market areas have been located far away from busy city centres and no interventions are made to transform this area into an integral new commercial hotspot. Hereby vendors are deprived of customers and easy access to suppliers, and are going broke (interview traders, 2011). It is


Authorities

an understandable fact that there is an urgent need in Tema for revising the master plan, which forms a duty point on top of the agenda of the municipal authorities. The redevelopment of the city is a pressing case, which the TDC takes on (Brown, 2010; De Boeck 2011; Hansen & Vaa; ILO, 2000; Myer, 2010). Reasons for this redevelopment are: the frequently expressed concern about informal economy – especially by the authorities - of creating disorder, disruption and chaos by the manner in which they take up space. Hawkers and porters do not have a rigid place owing to walk around the entire city, what can leave the impression that they are numbered and some refer to “encroachment�; etc. Another concern is the pollution of the fast growing African cities, even more it is a general issue in the entire urbanised world. Pollution is intimately related to normative attitudes about the proper organization and use of urban space. Therefore, street traders and their activities are thus deemed to be defiling the city. Images of urban cleanliness and order have long been associated with the activities of its residents and

the sanitation of urban space linked with the moral hygiene of its citizens. From the urban reform movements of the nineteenth century through the slum clearance programs of the 1960s, attempts to clean up the city have been linked to the spatial management or exclusion of undesirable groups, who were then removed from public space (Ballard & Popke, 2003). Nevertheless, the city belongs to everyone and no one in particular, thus it has to be shared and there must be compromised between the different parties. In this opinion, it is comprehensible that there is a need for revising the master plan of Tema. Today, there are proposals in preparation, some designed by TMA and other by several urban planning agencies, commissioned by TDC. Unfortunately notwithstanding the hope these new proposals should foresee enough commercial, urban space on neighbourhood level and dealing with the contemporary situations, the idea is to break everything considering informal trade down and replace this by new high-rise commercial shopping centres (Osei Aseidu, 2011).

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CONSTELLATION

FACT 3 Typologies can be distinct in the wide range of activities. FACT 2 High diversification and density of trading activities throughout the whole city.

FACT 1 Informal trading has become the sytem.

INTERPRETATION


FACT 5 all citizens buy from these. They are key players. FACT 4 Citizens of all ages, mainly women, who sell a wide variety of commodities...

FACT 6 The municipal authorities convict the many road kiosks and keep holding on to the original planning concepts; without being able to enforce this point of view.

Urban framework

185


Synthesis


In first instances -notwithstanding the idea we had before our departure to Tema- we were immediately temped by the vibrant atmosphere of the city which induced us to appreciate the chaotic way of trading everywhere around. Further it became soon clear that the streets, filled with vendors, are convenient for most of the citizens, for whom not much has to change and that they are an indispensable factor in the city life. We already concluded during our stay that, no matter how the city will be developed, the colourful characteristics should be treated with a lot of respect. Sixty years after implementation, still a lot of the original planning is visible and kept as a guidance for new interventions in the city, although it is obvious that the citizens use the space in a different way than intended by the governance. Everyone has to agree that Tema yearns to a thorough review of its master plan and maybe needs another fresh strategy than the one of Doxiadis. All the involved actors have their own vision of how this should happen; also all have an answer on the question of how to deal with the informal trade. While the governmental instances persist in their strive for a complete clean-up of the open space in the city and to replace the small-scale trading with shopping malls based on the western model, most of the citizens plea for a conservation of street trading, only more grouped together instead of the present sprawl. Out of our analysis and the contemporary situation where the majority of the population has to survive within the informal sector, it seems to be the moment to recognize those people and lend them their urban voice. Over the years, informal traders have become such a fixed value in the street scene and they cover a large group of the population that there is – a not to defeat – urgent distress to an adapted policy. It is both morally and practically impossible to just neglect this group and keep thwarting them. Instead, efforts should be made to give those traders a formal status, to bend the rules and to provide better working conditions. The present system of taxes and revenues should be further developed to a more correct paying system, in exchange for the promised services such as a clean environment, electricity, and security measures, etc. The option for dealing with the situation upon today and with the reliefs of both parties seems the most obvious one to respect the values of Tema and at the same time implement small interventions to increase the quality of city life, but not only for the traders. For the further development of the city, it is time for the planning authorities as TMA and TDC to become a bit more realistic to realize that ignoring the needful present of the informal traders in Tema is no longer an option. So many citizens earn their living with trade; as it became a mentality and mode of living, people’s mind cannot be changed without offering adequate alternatives. Therefore there is no way to escape from a close reading of the qualities of the contemporary trading activities and try to link those with some missing elements or highlighted some of the already innovative existing conditions to create a city that does not exclude some of its inhabitants; moreover they all need to be engaged in the day-to-day perceptions.


Synthesis

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Therefore the scale on which city life can be intensified the best is that of the urban space. Today the streetscape exists mainly out of many poor conditioned roads and walkways, followed along with an enormous amount of shops. Between those dense commercial areas, there are also a high number of spaces without destination. In residential areas with higher income level they will probably always stay vague, but the spread of commercial sites through the city has spontaneously donated a function to the otherwise vacant plots and serve a lot of potential for further development. The latter acquired over time certain vitality thanks to the activity of trading, although there are still a lot of urban voids along the roadsides and vacant plots in different communities. As mentioned, the citizens would prefer to have shops more grouped together, as the concept of street trade is very convenient and this would reduce travel time. Therefore some spots need to become more attractive for both traders as customers by extending these in denser areas. So to develop these places further into pleasant environments – what is an enormous asset for Tema-, street life need to be encouraged. Therefore the municipal authorities should turn their focus on the needs of the citizens and traders instead of creating prestige projects, which will be too clean and orderly; and will destroy the soul of this exciting African city. The most important element, both for traders as citizens to intensify social gathering is shadow, which is -dealing with the tropic climate- a necessity for all. Trees can also turn the street in a green breathing space and so are elements of great value for all inhabitants. As vendors very often stay at a fixed spot for the whole day, it would be comfortable if some more facilities were around, beside the sheds and trees for shadow, to obtain a more prosperous working environment. The majority complains about the lack of sanitary, water and electricity. Considering the large group of trading women, also nurseries could form an added value. These interventions would in this way upgrade the commercial sites into more public spaces. By exploiting the existing commercial conditions in some spots of the community, all the existing commercial fragments throughout the city can be connected. This could intensify the social interactions between neighbourhood and community. Social interaction on city level can be worked out by intensifying the traffic nodes, as the already inventive urban transport system is present. Contradictory enough Doxiadis planned the community centres as the gathering spot of every community, which today are almost desolated squares. The reason behind is still unclear -as this strikes the vision of the inhabitants-, but one of the possible answers is maybe that traders had to pay too much rent or that the central market of community one was already spread out to far. Another disturbing factor in the idea of grouping shops together is the prevailing car culture. Looking at it in a sustainable way, it would be an appropriate start to let the cars lose their dominance step by step and off course this by encouraging the public transport.


In the inevitable redevelopment of Tema, sustainable design should be considered as a logic step in contemporary urban planning processes world wide and the climate consequences for Sub-Saharan Africa can no longer be denied. In the city today, traders contribute on their own way partly to a sustainable livelihood with their own developed vicious circle of building a shop, upgrading it when money is available and sell it when they can afford another construction. Although the distributions of plastic bags and dealing with waste management in a wrong way are destroying their work environments. Another character of sustainability is that the urban space needs to respond very flexible over time and has to be easily adaptable to changing demands for the environment. As trading sites are very dynamic and the number of shops can vary everyday- as tomorrow a new shop can arise and the day after all the shops are removed by the local authorities-, destination of these areas can alter. It can be concluded that a positive view of the municipals on the contemporary situation and some efforts of the citizens should form the basis for the inevitable revision for the master plan of Tema, whereby the trading areas need to be regarded as the catalyst for future developments in a positive direction and the vital and colourful values should be treated in a respective way. If the municipals decide to keep ignoring these sites and the needs of their inhabitants, they need to take control themselves once again to develop their own sustainable habitat. Only this is possible if the traders group together and find collaboration partners and public funds, whereby every participant gets something in return. So they need to be stimulated and therefore some tactics need to be set up. Thus this conclusion of our analysis booklet forms for us the starting point to develop an urban network system to improve the trading sites, what then maybe can set an example for further development of the city. To be clear it is not our goal to touch the building standards of the trading structures, as they are part of a whole vicious process, set up by themselves. It is for that reason that we use ‘sites of innovation’ as a synonym for the trading sites. We are convinced that by adding standard facilities or elements -small interventions- the social interactions can be strengthen and can help to satisfy all actors.

“Roadside kiosks are the future of sustainable Urban Design.” (Ghanaian architect DK Osseo Asare)


Synthesis

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RE-INNOVATION Empowerment of local economy.

Low-cost

CONSTELLATION

Intensifying existing commercial areas by conceiving the space as a public space of exchange.

FACT 3 Typologies can be distinct in the wide range of activities. FACT 2 High diversification and density of trading activities throughout the whole city.

FACT 1 Informal trading has become thesystem.

INTERPRETATION

Appropriate technology.

Flexibility.


Creating spatial configurations that enable social gathering, hence inforce social relations.

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Allowing the rich diversification throughout the city.

FACT 4 Citizens of all ages, mainly women, who sell a wide variety of commodities...

Connecting the most dense trading sites to increase the system value.

Urban framework

FACT 5 All citizens buy from these. They are key players

FACT 6 The municipal authorities convict the many road kiosks and keep holding on to the original planning concepts; without being able to enforce this point of view.


List of definitions

This list of definitions consists of declarations both drafted by ourselves as by authors of who we think their formulation is consistent with our interpretation of the situation. Advertising: Many large companies in Ghana, as mobile operators and coca-cola, Unilever‌ found an easy way to promote their products by painting their logos on the walls of all visible shops or buildings along the roadside. In return, the traders have a coloured shop and also umbrellas, fridges and useful gadgets for their shop are offered by those companies. Afropolis: A name given by Mbembe and Nuttall (2011) to describe an african metropolis; an African urbanity of the greatest number. Ashaiman: An overcrowded area that existed through the expanding of Tema, just in the north of it. Ashaiman belongs to the territories of Tema, but has its own authority governing the urban aspects. Authorities: The instances that are involved in the management (planning, maintenance, etc.) of the urban space of Tema. There are two different instances in Tema, namely the Tema Development Corporation (TDC) and Tema Metropolitan Authority (TMA). Built-up structures: Infrastructures built by traders to stall out their wares or to provide a shelter. Car culture: In Tema the car is a prominent actor in the daily life. It is a typical scene that cars stop along the road side to buy something from traders who serve them at the car. Cedis: The unit of currency of Ghana. (during our stay, one cedi was the equivalent of two euros). City road: The largest type of road in the city that crosses the whole city and connects Tema with main roads leading to cities as Accra.


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City trader: A trader who traverses large areas of the city - carrying merchandise on the limbs or utilizing small transportation, as compact as possible - to sell his stuff in busy pedestrian areas and mostly announces his presence by screaming continuously or using a horn. Clean-up operation: Activities whereby the authorities remove all the commercial infrastructures besides the road. Commercial infrastructure = built-up structure Commercial stall: A construction for trade, which is constructed from wood and corrugated sheets to cover the table or the products on the ground, or close the sides of a table. Commercial space: Areas in the city where commercial activities take place. Community: Basic element of which the city of Tema is built up. They are recognizable as rotated squares in the plan of the city. The basic part of Tema is built of twelve such communities. Community class: Doxiadis formulated different classes of communities; ranging from an area at the scale of the neighbourhood to and area on city level. Community road: The main roads of each community which form the central square or connect different communities with each other. Container: A metal construction used for large scale trading. Dividing road: A horizontal road between two adjacent communities.


Domestic workers (Chen, 2005) = Home workers People or traders who work at home. Eco citizenship: A citizenship in which people has rights as a citizen but in the meantime has commitments towards the natural environment and biodiversity. Entrepreneur = trader Experimental units: Residential area developed by a concept of Doxiades. If this thesis mentions experimental units, a specific area in community four is meant. FanMilk: A brand of ice-cream and fruit juices which is very popular in Ghana. Fee: An amount of money that traders have to pay once to start trading somewhere Fixed shop: A large-scale shop, located in a commercial or office building, mostly placed along community roads. Formal economy: People work in registered institutions and businesses for wages, have employment contracts and are protected by the labour laws. (Brown, 2006) Goods = merchandise Hawker: A trader who pushes or pulls a small cart or wheel barrier or uses bike-trailers to transport his goods, mainly FanMilk products and bakeries, and so crosses the city. Head porter: A trader who sells his wares by carrying it on the head in a bowl trough the city. High income area: A residential area where especially villas are built and the life is very individualistic. Home workers = house traders


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Hotspot: A very dense, overcrowded place. House trader : A trader who sells his merchandise in one or more rooms of this house. Informal city: A city in which informal economy is strongly represented and spread troughout the city. Informal economy: Own-account workers and their employees, who mainly own small built-up structures, as well of mobile vendors. Both are using open space in the urban areas to support their livelihoods and so mostly violate zoning codes. They distribute or produce regularly goods and services for commercial purposes, operate with small informal capital and invariably work in makeshift conditions, usually bereft of basic services or any form of tenure security. Kin-groups: People where you have a special, familial relation with (kinship). Kiosk: A large-scale typology of trading which is made of wood and has a door and a shop window (as a counter), or two doors that can be fold open as an entrance of the shop. Large-scale trader: A trader who occupies some more space with his shop infrastructure, which is considered to be fixed, so it is more difficult to move the shop. Large space trader: A trader who occupies much open space with his large merchandise as electronic devices, household appliance, building materials and furniture. Because of the size of the stuff, no constructions are large enough, so mostly, everything is stalled out on the ground. Local economy: An economy in which inhabitants and traders of Tema itself are involved and profit from. Low income area: A residential area where the living conditions are quite poor and which is characterised with a high degree of social interaction.


Market queen = queen mother Market trader: A trader who works at a commercial hotspot, recognized as such as a market by a governmental institution, and consists out of large, roofed stalls or typical market buildings. Market square: The original meant market in the central square that was planned in every community by Doxiadis. Market vendor = market trader Merchandise: Range of products sold by the traders. Mobile operator trader: Small-scale trader who sells specific sim cards or products of mobile companies on a branded small wooden box. New Town: Area in the east of Tema, where the original villagers are resettled. Open space: Areas in the city which are not built and have no destination, so they can be occupied by trading or other activities. Peddler = trader Petty merchant = trader Porter: a merchant who sells his wares by walking around and follow mainly fixed routes or some have several fixed spots to sell. Goods are carried on the head, the shoulders, in his hands, etc. Provisions: a wide range of indespensable products from washing powder, over milk, to cooking oil and much more.


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Public space: All the physical space and social relation that determines the use of that space within the non-private realms of the cities; including formal squares, roads and streets, but also vacant land, verges and other ‘edge-space’ It includes all space that has accepted communal access or use rights, whether in public, private, communal or unknown ownership; a common property resource, but one whose boundaries may change over time. Thus land that is privately owned but has been left vacant and is being used by traders would be considered as urban public space. (Brown) Pull-cart: A platform on four wheels to transport or stall out goods. The cart has to be pulled to move. Push-cart: A box on wheels in, or upon, which goods are transported. This transportation is typically used by hawkers. Queen mother: One of the market traders who is elected to be the responsible for the proper function of the market. Retail space: Space where street trading of foodstuffs and manufactured goods occurs (Brown, 2006) Retail trade: Street trading of foodstuffs and manufactured goods, including newspaper distribution (Brown, 2006) Self-employed: Traders who run small unregistered enterprises (Chen, 2005) Site 1: Residential area in community one, adjacent to the market Site of contestation: The streets and spaces in cities in which traders survive, but which are disputed by many others. (Brown, 2006)


Small-scale trader: A trader who uses very few materials to display goods and takes in very little space, whereby most of the times he sells on a fixed place, although he has a mobile construction. Sub-Saharan Africa: all African countries south of the Sahara Street trading: * In the thesis street trading forms a synonym for informal economy * Economic activity that depends for its existence on access to the street or other publicly accessible spaces, although in fluid urban contexts the definitions are inevitably blurred (Brown, 2006) Task force: Special team of the TMA that is responsible for the supervision on the compliance of traders’ regulations. If traders do not, it is the task force that passes by to close or remove the shop. Tax: An amount of money that traders have to pay to open a shop on aspecific location. TDC: Tema Development Corporation The authority of Tema that is responsible to plan, layout and develop the Tema Acquisition Area. Tema New Town = New town Tema Manhean = New town TMA: Tema Metropolitan Assembly Authority of Tema that is responsible for the public services and commercial functions in the city. Trader: Citizen who sells things to provide for his livelihood Tro-tro : A privately owned minibus vehicle that stops on specific places to pick up or drop people and travels fixed routes. It is the most popular transport by people living in the city because there are so many and it’s a very easy (and affordable) way of transport.


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Upgrading: A process by which traders improve their shop bit by bit. Urbanisation: A change in the pattern of settlement by population growth and expansion of the urban area. Urban voices: The means by which communities influence decision-making on issues that afect their lives, and draws heavily on social capital; the social networks based on norms, reprocity and trust among the members (Lindell, 2010). Vacant land: Non-occupied land in the city. Vendor = trader Volta River Project: A large scale developing project in Ghana, initiated during the late fifties. By building a dam in the Volta River at Akosombo, a large amount of electricity could be aroused to provide electricity for Ghana, some neighbourhood countries and a large aluminum smelter which should be built in Tema. Due to this smelter and the need for a second harbour to serve accra; the original fisher village in Tema had to move for a new, modern city. Wage worker: Someone who is working, commissioned by someone else; so as an independent trader. Wares = merchandise = goods Wheel barrow = pull cart Zoning codes: rules for the destination of specific areas. Zoomlion: Waste management company that keeps the city clean.


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Books Brown, A. (2006). Contested space: street trading, public space, and livelihoods in developing cities. Rugby : ITDG. Birkeland, J. (2002). Design for sustainability. London: Earthscan Publications LITD. De Soto, H. (1989). The other path: the invisible revolution in the third world. London: Tauris. Doxiadis Associates (1962). Commercial Centres in residential communities. DOX-GHA 41, Athene: Doxiadis Archives. Doxiadis Associates (1961). Tema Town Centre. DOX-GHA 7, Athene: Doxiadis Archives. Hansen, K. and Vaa, M. (eds.) (2004). Reconsidering Informality: Perspectives from Urban Africa. Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute Press. Lindell, I. (2010). Africa’s informal workers: collective agency, alliances and transnational organizing in urban Africa. London: Zed Books. O’Connor ,A. (1983). The African city. Hutchinson university library for Africa. Tostensen, A., Tvedten, I., Vaa, M. (2001). Associational life in african cities, Popular Responses to the Urban Crisis. Sweden: Elanders Gotab. Selman, P. (1996). Local Sustainability: Managing and planning ecologically sound places. London: Paul Chapman Publishing LTD. Tran-Nguyen, A.,& Beviglia Zampeti, A. (2004). Trade and Gender: Opportunities and Challenges for Developing Countries. Geneva and New York: United Nations. UNCHS (HABITAT). (2001). Cities in a Globalizing World: Global Report on Human Settlements. London: Earthscan/UNCHS (Habitat). UN-HABITAT. (2010). State of the World’s Cities 2010/2011: Bridging The Urban Divide. London: Earthscan,Sterling. [Digital editions version]. Retrieved from http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3047


UN-HABITAT. (2010). The State of African Cities. Governance, inequality and urban land Markets. United Nations Human Settlement Programme, Nairobi. [Digital editions version]. Retrieved from http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3034 UN-HABITAT. (2011). Infrastructure for Economic Development and Poverty Reduction in Africa. United Nations Human Settlements Programme, Nairobi 2011. [Digital editions version]. Retrieved from http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3074

Lectures Cassiman, A. and Imbrechts, L. (3 november 2011). Culture, ecology and development: lecture 5: Guest lecture “Dominant paradigms in the environment: development debate. Knuijt, M. (17 November 2011). Guest lecture “Shared Space 2.0”, Okra Landscape Architects, Utrecht, NL. Stange, R. (21 November 2011). Guest lecture “Tree Urbanisms”, Dronningalandskap, Norway.

Sites Dronninga Landskap. (6 january 2011). Retrieved from http://www.dronninga-landskap.com/ Okra. (6 january 2011). Retrieved from http://www.okra.nl/ United Nations Development Programme. (9 april 2012). Retrieved from http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/mdgoverview.html United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. (9 april 2012). Retrieved from http://unfccc.int/2860.php TDC (21 may 2012). Retrieved from http://tdctema.org TMA (21 may 2012). Retrieved from http://tema.ghanadistricts.gov.gh/ http://www.tma.gov.gh/

Reports ILO. (1995). Structural adjustment programmes and the urban informal sector in Ghana. Issues in development, discussion paper 3. Retrieved from http://www.ilo.org/employment/Whatwedo/Publications/WCMS_123422/lang-en/index.htm (1999). Trade unions in the informal sector: Finding their bearings. Nine country papers. Labour Education, 3 (116). Retrieved from http://www.ilo.org/actrav/what/pubs/WCMS_111494/lang--en/index.htm

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(2000). Employment and social protection in the informal sector: ILO activities concerning the urban informal sector: Thematic evaluation. Retrieved from http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/relm/gb/docs/gb277/pdf/esp-1-1.pdf (2004). Global Employment Trends for Women 2004. Retrieved from: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_emp/---emp_elm/ trends/documents/publication/wcms_114289.pdf Oketey, O.; Osei, K. and Gemengah, A. (2011), The demand for micro insurance in Ghana. The Journal of Risk Finance, 12 (3), 182-194. doi: 10.1108/15265941111136932 (2009). Youth Employment Network and
The International Youth Foundation Private Sector Demand for Youth Labour in Ghana and Senegal: Ghana and Senegal study findings. Retrieved from http://www.ilo.org/public/english/employment/yen/downloads/psi/psi_study.pdf UN-HABITAT. (2006). Innovative policies for the urban informal economy. United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT). Retrieved from http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/getElectronicVersion.aspx?nr=2559&alt=1

Interviews Many of the interviews took place spread over several dates. Because some people were interviewed so often, we present the date of these interviews as the period September – October 2011. Labri, Samuel. (September – October 2011). Planner at the TMA. Musha, Sulemana. (October 2011). TMA, Estate officer worker. Abbey, Joe. (September – October 2011). Head of the TDC. Adjetey, Oko. (September – October 2011). Architect. Entwi, Bismark. (14th of October 2011). Head of the municipal revenue in Ashaiman main market.

There are done a lot of interviews with traders and customers in Tema, to receive enough information about the general characteristics of traders, interests of traders and citizens, and other information used in the schemes of the analysis booklet. This large amount of interviews is just presented here to clarify where all the information comes from. Interviews with traders are represented by the date and location of the interview, followed by the name of the trader (age), gender, product of trade, residence. Interviews with customer are represented by the date of the interview, followed by the name of the customer (age), gender, residence. Traders. (30 september 2011). Interviews at community one market. Seth Asiamah (27), man, shoes, Community one. Sampson (17), man, shoes, Community one. Anonymous, man, provisions, Community three. Richmond (20), man, shoes, New Town. Dorothy (18), woman, fruits, Community one. Hannah, woman, tomatoes and pepper, Ashaiman.


(October 2011). Interviews at tro-tro station near community one market. Happy (21), woman, biscuits, candies and towels, Ashaiman. Olivia Awlavi (17), woman, drink water, New Town. Dorkas (22), woman, bread, butter and cheese, New Town . Liesbeth Afu (47), woman, vegetables, Ashaiman. Jawa (36), man, Kenke, Community one. (October 2011). Interviews in fixed market building of community nine. Veronica (55), woman, fabrics, Mitchell Camp. Dwawioh Kece, man, shoes. Ben Entwi, man, drinks and clothes, Community nine. Barbara Ocansey, woman, laundry shop, Community eight . Yaw Ofosi, man, electrical goods, Community nine. (October 2011). Interviews at night market in community seven. Phyllis Antoe-Mensah (25), woman, bread, Community seven. Catharina Quarew (70), woman, fruits, Community seven . Esther Larbeah, woman, tea, eggs and bread, Community seven. Gifty, woman (38), fish and banku, Community seven. (October 2011). Interviews at the crossing between communities eight, nine, eleven and twelve. Ajiku Mattew (35), man, carpets, Ashaiman. Vaida (35), woman, plantain and water, Ashaiman . Mabel (24), woman, water, community nine. Joyce Kette (21), woman, tomatoes, pepper, onion and garlic, Ashaiman. Destina, woman, minerals, Ashaiman . Esther, woman, plantain chips, Ashaiman. Regina Nate (36), woman, vegetables, eggs, oil, Ashaiman . Inliet Frempong (28), woman, provisions, minerals and phone cards, Community twenty-two. Frank Boatieng, man, self-made pillars, Community eleven. Viviane (22), woman, phonecards and candies.

(October, 2011). Interviews at the experimental units in community four. Airene (38), woman, bags, purses and water, Experimental units community four. Ruth (42), woman, pots and pans, Experimental units community four. Marilyn (46), woman, biscuits, Experimental units community four. Stella (70), woman, provisions, Experimental units community four. XalomĂŠ (58), woman, provisions, Experimental units community four. Mercy (53), woman, jewels Experimental units community four. Eugene onco, man, provisions Experimental units community four. Madine (16), woman, toiletries and cosmetics Experimental units community four. Grace (56), woman, vegetables, Experimental units community four.

207


Foustina (51), woman, fabrics, Experimental units community four. Charity, woman, provisions, Experimental units community four. Georgina (28), woman, fruits, Community one. Abiguel, woman, bakery, Experimental units community four.

(October, 2011). Interviews at the market in community nine. Anokye (25), man, mobile phones, Community nine. Solomon Alera, man, charcoal and chickens, Community nine . Anonymous, woman, vegetables, Ashaiman. Boady Rony, woman, rice, Community nine. Grace Mesah, woman, peppers, Mitchell camp. (22 september, 2011). Interviews at the market in community one. Nana Ama Twimasi, woman, fabrics, Community eleven. Hannah Narh Korlekai (32), woman, fish, Community four. Emmanuel Wilson, man, fabrics, Community one. (29 september, 2011). Interviews at the market in community one. Vivian Owusu, woman, bookshop, Sakomono. Rosemary Tetteh, woman, travels bags, Mitchell camp. Mensah, woman, onions and garlic, Community one. Grace, woman, cereals, Sakomono. Maltheh, woman, provisions, Accra. (23 september, 2011). Interviews at site one in community one. Joyce, woman, drinks and hairdresser, Sakomono. Bright Aqyemang, man, game center, Site 1 community one. Kate Yalley, woman, hairdresser, Site 1 community one. David Smith, man, copyshop, Site 1 community one. Mohammed, man, tailor, Site 1 community one. Lewis Kwame, man, pharmacy, Site 1 community one. Balaraba, woman, fried plantain, Site 1 community one. Prince Asante, man, provisions, Ashaiman. (October, 2011). Interviews at the Kaiser flats in community four. Christy (34), woman, beauty salon, Kaiser flats community four. Vida (54), woman, plantain and beans, Kaiser flats community four. Dorinda, woman, provisions, Kaiser flats community four. Alice (53), woman, provisions, Kaiser flats community four. Nicolas (24), man, shoes, Kaiser flats community four. Bertha (18), woman, provisions and jewelries, Kaiser flats community four. Hilda (46), woman, seamstress, Community seven. Dorcas (22), woman, phone cards, Community ten. Samuel (24), man, windows and doors, Ashaiman.


Josef (23), man, computer repairing, Sakomono. Steven (21), man, coconuts, Community one.

(October, 2011). Interviews at the dividing road between communities one and four. Ebenezer Ohema (21), man, sofas, Community four. Akwa Ablod, woman, clothes and shoes, Mitchell camp. Erik (25), man, purses, shoes, electronics, Ashaiman. Ailene (22), woman, jewelries, Community eight. Patrick Yaw (31), man, sofas, Community seven. William (29), man, purses and shoes, Community one. Samuel Marty (30), man, lotto forms, Community one. Rebecca Asmah (26), woman, provisions and oranges, Community one. Antoinette Ayonyo (22), woman, gifts, Community one. (October, 2011). Interviews at the experimental units in community five. Sara-Anna, woman, plantain, Experimental units community five. Frederik, man, hairdresser, Community twenty-two. Hephribah Otu (18), woman, drinks and rice, Experimental units community five. Gloria, woman, clothes, Experimental units community five. Gifty Kinsley, woman, provisions, Experimental units community five. Georgina, woman, seamstress, Experimental units community five. Peace Owusu, woman, seamstress, Experimental units community five. Anita, woman, hairdresser, Experimental units community five. Ellen Akwah, woman, food, Experimental units community five. Solomon Mensah, man, fried yam and fish, Experimental units community five. (October, 2011). Interviews at the community roads in community seven. Anonymous (40), woman, big pots, Community eight. Mary Dakwa, woman, provisions, Community seven. Benedicte (17), woman, pub, Community nine. Davis (18), woman, pub Community nine. Paintel (47), woman, cosmetics, Accra. Nae Hamond (23), woman, shoes and clothes, Community seven. Reta Lomotey, woman, plantain and water. (October, 2011). Interviews with hawkers Jussef (25), man, Fanmilk, Community five. Kofi, man, Fanmilk, Community four. Anonymous, man, Fanmilk, Community two. Kofi Ata (26), man, Fanmilk, Community four. Richmond (18), man, Fanmilk, Community four. (October, 2011). Interviews at the main market in Ashaiman. Elisabeth (18), woman, tomatoes, Ashaiman. Monica (18), woman, clothes, Romandown: Ashaiman.

209


Gladis (18), woman, tomatoes, Ashaiman. Glaida (40), woman, tomatoes, Ashaiman. Agata, woman, yam, Romandown: Ashaiman. Jerry (35), man, spoons, Accra.

(14 October 2011). Interviews at the main market in Ashaiman. Michael, man, coconuts, Ashaiman. Helen (18), woman, garlic, Ashaiman. Adisa, woman, cow meat, Ashaiman. Kozo (26), woman, provisions, Ashaiman. (October 2011). Interviews at the main market in New Town. Felicia (40), woman, meat, New Town. Sarah (32), woman, meat, New Town. Agi (47), woman, meat, New Town. Destina (37), woman, plastics, New Town. Liesbeth (30), woman, vegetables, New Town. Anonymous (36), woman, biscuits and drinks, Community four. Sarah (23), woman, vegetables and provisions, New Town. Paulia (21), woman, plantain and cassava, New Town. Joyce (42), woman, clothes, New Town.

Customers. (16 october 2011). Joe (25), man, Community twelve Erik (46), man, Community twelve Karim, man, Community twelve Christiana (17), woman, Community twelve Elisabeth, woman, Community eleven Victoria (45), woman, Community eleven Esther, woman, Community eleven Evans (27), man, Community ten Geena (26), woman, Community ten Adua, woman, Community ten Peter, man, Community six Rita (21), woman, Community six Esther (60), woman, Community six Liesbeth (61), woman, Community three Dasy (59), woman, Community three Ivonne (36), woman, Community three Jireh, man, Community two Peace (53), woman, Community two Dansoa (24), woman, Community two


(18 october 2011). Tina (45), woman, Community four. Mercy (50), woman, Community four. Bridget (20), woman, Community four. Richard (23), man, Ashaiman. Bilkys (22), woman, Community one. Ama (47), woman, Kpone. Margaret (56) woman, Community four. Mikael (25), man, Community one. Namoni (35), woman, Sakomono. Comfort (42), woman, Ashaiman. Georgina (50), woman, Ashaiman. Ben (30), man, Ashaiman. Younes (23), man, Community eight. Brown (32), man, Community seven. Celina (40), woman, Community seven. Mohammed (27), man, Community five. Emmanuel (30), man, Community eight. Mercy (35), woman, Community nine. Liesbeth (27), woman, Industrial area. Beatrice (45), woman, Community nine. Wilfred (51), man, Ashaiman. Nanama (24), woman, Community five. Asare (69), man, Community five.

211


Pictography

All images in this design booklet are made or taken by ourselves, expect those listed below.

Introduction p. 35 Fig.1.1

Map based on Google Maps 2012 and maps of the geographical department of the university of Ghana at Legon, Accra.

History p. 43 Fig.2.1 Scheme redrawn from Doxiadis Associates (1961). Tema Town Centre,report, (4) P. 43 Fig2.2 Scheme redrawn from Doxiadis Associates (1961). Tema Town Centre, report, (4) p. 45 Fig.2.3 Scheme redrawn from Doxiadis Associates (1962) Commercial centres, preliminary report, (20) p. 45 Fig.2.4 Scheme redrawn from Doxiadis Associates (1962) Commercial centres, preliminary report, (20) p. 46Fig.2.5 Scheme redrawn from Doxiadis Associates (1962) Commercial centres, preliminary report, (20)

Discourse of informal economy p. 50 Fig.3.1 Data from World databank (6 April 2012). Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/topic and UN-Habitat (2010) P. 50 Fig3.2 Data from World databank (6 April 2012). Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/topic and UN-Habitat (2010) p. 51 Fig.3.3 Data from World databank (6 April 2012). Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/topic and UN-Habitat (2010) p. 52 Fig.3.4 Data from Chen(2001) and ILO (2009) p. 52 Fig.3.6 ILO(2001) p. 53 Fig.3.7 ILO(2002) p. 53 Fig.3.8 ILO(2011)


213

Spatial characteristics of informality p. 70 Fig.4.6 Map based on Google Earth 2011/2009 and maps of the geographical department of the university of Ghana at Legon, Accra. p. 71 Fig.4.7 Map based on Google Earth 2011/2009 and maps of the geographical department of the university of Ghana at Legon, Accra. p. 70 Fig.4.8 Map based on Google Earth 2011/2009 and maps of the geographical department of the university of Ghana at Legon, Accra. p. 77 Fig.4.11 Map based on Google Earth 2011/2009. p. 77 Fig. 4.12 Map based on Google Earth 2011/2009. p. 81 Fig.4.14 Data from NGA (21st November 2010). TMA appeal to landlords to provide tenants with toilet facilities Retrieved from http://www.ghananewsagency.org/details/Social/TMA-appeal to-landlords-to-provide-tenants-with-toilet facilities/?ci=4&ai=22771

The spirit of trading sites All maps, plans and sections of this chapter are based upon Google Earth 2011/2009 and maps of the geographical department of the university of Ghana at Legon, Accra.


Decoding The Colours of Exchange  

Thesis to obtain a degree in Master of Science and Engineering: Architecture Analysis booklet

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