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The BangsaMoro Civil Society organization (BM-CSo) Development Agenda Copyright © 2009 Local Governance Support program in ARMM (LGSpA) All rights reserved. The Local Governance Support program in ARMM (LGSpA) encourages the use, translation, adaptation and copying of this material for non-commercial use, with appropriate credit given to LGSpA.

The BangsaMoro Civil Society Organization (BM-CSO) Development Agenda

Although reasonable care has been taken in the preparation of this manual, neither the publisher nor contributor, nor writer can accept any liability for any consequences arising from the use thereof or from any information contained herein.

Printed and bound in Davao City, Philippines

ISBN: 978-971-94572-2-0

Published by: The BangsaMoro CSO Congress

printed and bound in Davao City, philippines

published by: The Local Governance Support program in ARMM (LGSpA) unit 72 Landco Corporate Centre j.p. Laurel Avenue, Bajada, 8000 Davao City, philippines Tel. No. 63 2 227 7980-81 www.lgspa.org.ph

The BangsaMoro CSO Congress encourages the use, translation, adaptation and copyThis projectfor wasnon-commercial undertaken with the financialuse, supportwith of the Government of Canada provided given through the ing of this material appropriate credit to the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). BangsaMoro CSO Congress. LGSpA was implemented by Agriteam Canada. www.agriteam.ca

Although reasonable care has been taken in the preparation of this manual, neither the publisher nor TEAM contributor, nor writer can accept liability for any consequences arisTECHNICAL Hja.any BAINoN G. KARoN president, Federation of united Mindanawan, ing from the use thereof or from any information contained herein. Lead Covenor, National Steering Committee/ Head, Technical Team Mr. GuIAMEL M. ALIM

Bangsamoro women Multi-purpose Cooperative (FuMBCw-MpC)

Executive Director, Kadtuntaya Foundation, Chair, Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS)

Executive Director, FuMBCw-MpC

public Relations Coordinator, Lupah Sug Bangsamoro women

Mr. SAMI BuAT

Ms. wAHIDA M. ABTAHI

Ms. pINKY HADjI ALI This project was Committee undertaken with support of the Government of Canada National Steering Technical Teamthe financial president, Salaam women, Inc. Ms. FATMAwATI provided throughT. SALApuDDIN the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and LGSPA. Mr. EDMuND GuMBAHALISupport Local Governance

Chair Salam-Davao del Sur

The Program in ARMM (LGSPA) Chair, panglima Hawani Foundation Content Coordinator/writer Unit 72 Landco Corporate Centre Atty. RAISSA H. jAjuRIE Mr. KIM BAGuNDANG Coordinator, Sentro ng Alternatibong Lingap panligal (SALIGAN) – Mindanaw, J.P. Laurel Avenue, Bajada Vice-Chair, Nisa ul-Haqq Fi Bangsamoro, Inc., Executive Director, Liguasan Youth Association for Sustainable Development, Inc. 8000 Davao City, Philippines Treasurer, Bangsamoro Lawyers’ Network, Inc. Ms. NoRIAM H. LADjAGAIS Tel. No. 63 2 227 7980-81 Chair, Muslim women’s Association of Basilan LGSpA pRojECT TEAM www.lgspa.org.ph Mr. MoHAMMAD NooRE H. LADjAGAIS Chair, Family planning organization-Basilan

joSE DELES jR

Atty. ANwAR A. MALANG

Editorial and Creative Direction MYN GARCIA

LGSPA was implemented by Agriteam Canada joSEpH K. pALANCA Mr. SAMMY p. MAuLANA juVYLYN C. SoBRIVEGA www.agriteam.ca Secretary-General, Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) Board Member, Kadtuntaya Foundation, Inc., Board Member, Mindanao Human Rights Action Center, Founding Member, Bangsamoro Lawyers’ Network

Ms. ARLENE S. AMING Executive Director, Tarbilang Foundation Inc.

Dr. HANNBAL H. BARA Head, waqf Foundation, Inc.

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Technical Coordination CECILIA ISuBAL MAYA VANDENBRoECK photography BoBBY TIMoNERA Art Direction, Cover Design and Layout TATA LAo

T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l s o C i e T y o r g a n i z aT i o n (BM-C so ) D e v e l o p M e n T a g e n D a


The BangsaMoro Civil Society Organization (BM-CSO) Development Agenda

T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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Contents ii

Foreword

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Preface

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I. Introduction

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II. THE BANGSAMORO STRUGGLE FOR RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION (RSD): History, Status and Perspectives

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III. THE BANGSAMORO CSO DEVELOPMENT AGENDA A. Introduction B. Agenda 1: Political System C. Agenda 1: Land Tenure D. Agenda 3: Economic Development E. Agenda 4: Education F. Agenda 5: Environment and Natural Resources G. Agenda 6: Human Rights H. Agenda 7: Peace and Security I. Agenda 8: Cultural Integrity J. Agenda 9: Relationship with other peoples K. Agenda 10: Women L. Agenda 11: Social Services M. Agenda 12: Youth and Children

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IV. CONCLUDING COMMENTS T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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Foreword The Agenda is an invitation to a common course of action. It is a valuable roadmap where a CSO can situate its current specific initiatives in the broad Agenda. Hopefully it can show the unifying links of the various CSOs in the wider effort to pursue development and self-determination in the BangsaMoro. The Agenda is an invitation to further reflection among CSOs on the situation of the BangsaMoro. Behind the Agenda implies a certain social analysis of the BangsaMoro. A deeper understanding and articulation of this analysis will be valuable in sharpening the Agenda in general but more important in developing more effective localized strategies. The Agenda is an invitation for more dialogues with other stakeholders in the BangsaMoro agenda. Convergences should be strengthened and divergences understood better. The Agenda is a work in progress. The invitations to action, reflection and dialogues offers a platform for BangsaMoro CSOs to transform itself as a distinct force in the pursuit of BangsaMoro self determination. LGSPA is privileged to have been able to support the effort of BangsaMoro CSOs led by Kadtuntaya Foundation Inc., in formulating the BangsaMoro CSO Development Agenda.

Local Governance Support Program in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (LGSPA)

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Preface In the Name of Allah, The Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate The publication of the draft CSOs’ BangsaMoro Development Agenda (BMDA) is an initial fulfillment of the BangsaMoro-led CSOs role in promoting and communicating the aspirations of the BangsaMoro to the wider public in a written form. The draft may not be a comprehensive one but a living document which presents the development paradigm of the BangsaMoro as seen by the BangsaMoro CSOs. It is a product of series of consultation among BangsaMoro-led NGOs and civil society organizations in Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan. In the pursuit of this project, we were privileged to have with us as partners the Local Government Support Program in the ARMM (LGSPA) which provided us various forms of assistance in the series of consultation including the opportunities to bring together BangsaMoro CSO leaders to form the National Steering Committee (NSC) and the holding of the National BangsaMoroCSO Congress which finally affirmed the draft. We were also grateful to UNDP-ACT for its financial assistance extended to one of the consultations. Most importantly, the draft would not have been possible without the dedication and commitment of the women and men behind the National Steering Committee who had untiringly provided directions and guidance to the whole project. Our special gratitude to Atty. Raissa H. Jajurie for taking extra time and effort in putting together the Agenda in a narrative form. The publication is coming at a time when more vigorous efforts are being exerted by the Moro fronts and the Philippine government in resolving the issue of the political status of the BangsaMoro in the Philippines. We, the BangsaMoro CSOs believe that the draft development agenda framework can serve as a modest contribution in defining the over-all development roadmap of the BangsaMoro and a reference material to those who are wandering what the BangsaMoro wants. We hope the readers would find the contents of the BMDA helpful in understanding and appreciating the aspirations of the BangsaMoro. Guiamel M. Alim Lead Convenor, National Steering Committee T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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I Introduction

T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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I.

INTRODUCTION A. About the Project On August 2007, INCITEGov and the Local Government Support Program in ARMM (LGSPA) invited key leaders of the BangsaMoro civil society organizations (CSOs) from the five provinces of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) for a focus group discussion on governance, security, right to self-determination and the peace process. Discussion on major issues about the peace process, governance, role of the CSOs in the development process and the struggle of the BangsaMoro for national self-determination highlighted the workshop. The participants shared their views and expertise on the different issues affecting the plight of the BangsaMoro people. At the same time, it was observed that debates on the issues of autonomy, peace, good governance and the BangsaMoro self-determination are amply articulated in the urban and academic circles of Mindanao. Numerous fora and conferences are held regularly expounding on the various positions on the issues. These debates find no echo among CSOs, and much less among the communities. Grassroots views on the day-to-day issues of governance and peace remain largely unarticulated in the venues where these are decided on. Community and local CSO leaders who do not have the language appropriate for academic conferences are unable to contribute in the higher level debates. Hence, the gap between the local and the regional perceptions results in the inability to form a region-wide consensus. Without the broad consensus, unity towards an Agenda for Good Governance failed to take root among the BangsaMoro. B. About the National Steering Committee (NSC) From that 2007 forum, it was recommended that there should be a special meeting among Moro CSO leaders to tackle these issues. Towards the end of the workshop, the group unanimously organized a National Steering Committee. Mr. Guiamel Alim, Chair of the Consortium of BangsaMoro Civil Society (CBCS), was chosen as convenor of the NSC. About 15-18 other Moro CSO leaders joined the NSC. After more than a year, the composition of the NSC is as follows: 1. Ms. Fatmawati T. Salapuddin Public Relations Coordinator, Lupah Sug Bangsamoro Women

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2. Mr. Edmund Gumbahali Chair, Panglima Hawani Foundation 3. Mr. Kim Bagundang Executive Director, Liguasan Youth Association for Sustainable Development, Inc. 4. Ms. Noriam H. Ladjagais Chair, Muslim Women’s Association of Basilan 5. Mr. Mohammad Noore H. Ladjagais Chair, Family Planning Organization-Basilan 6. Mr. Sammy P. Maulana Secretary-General, Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) 7. Atty. Anwar A. Malang Board Member, Kadtuntaya Foundation, Inc., Board Member, Mindanao Human Rights Action Center, Founding Member, Bangsamoro Lawyers’ Network 8. Ms. Arlene S. Aming Executive Director, Tarbilang Foundation Inc. 9. Dr. Hannbal H. Bara Head, Waqf Foundation, Inc. 10. Hja. Bainon G. Karon President, Federation of United Mindanawan Bangsamoro Women Multi-Purpose Cooperative (FUMBCW-MPC) 11. Ms. Wahida M. Abtahi Executive Director, FUMBCW-MPC 12. Ms. Pinky Hadji Ali President, Salaam Women, Inc. 13. Mr. Sami Buat Chair, Salam-Davao del Sur

T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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14. Atty. Raissa H. Jajurie Coordinator, Sentro ng Alternatibong Lingap Panligal (SALIGAN) - Mindanaw, Vice-Chair, Nisa Ul-Haqq Fi BangsaMoro, Inc., Treasurer, BangsaMoro Lawyers’ Network, Inc. In its initial meetings, the NSC agreed on the following points, among others: 1. The CSOs are an important and indispensable player in the struggle of the BangsaMoro for self-determination, and hence, should be active player; 2. The present peace and security problem in Muslim Mindanao is reinforcing socioeconomic and political difficulties for the BangsaMoro. Thus, the need for collective efforts to resolve them; 3. The CSOs can only make impact in their contribution for peace and development, the social transformation of the BangsaMoro when they have one strong voice; 4. The unsettled/unfinished MNLF-GRP peace agreement, the fragile MILF-GRP peace talks, the unpredictable and intractable hostilities, the on-going national political crises and the consequential under-development of the BangsaMoro serve as the big challenge for the CSOs in the attainment of self-determination; 5. The participants agreed to work on drafting a “development framework” for the BangsaMoro; and 6. Advocate for the implementation of the development framework. The NSC designed a program for area consultations that would ask the CSOs what their aspirations for the Moro peoples are in the context of the right to selfdetermination, how they think these aspirations can be attained (both in the present context of ARMM and the Philippine Constitution, as well as within an arrangement that is more than just autonomy), and what their roles as CSO leaders are in the attainment of the articulated aspirations. C. About the Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) Civil society organizations in the Moro-dominated areas are resources that provide programs and services for, and in partnership with, local communities, LGUs and other agencies. In relation to one another, CSOs’ mandates and interventions are diverse, sometimes converging, while at other times disjointed. They can, in fact, be competing with each other—for fund sources, geographical areas of operations, or acceptance by and legitimacy from constituents.

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There are fewer Moro CSOs compared to CSOs in other places in the Philippines. There are also less opportunities for BangsaMoro CSOs to participate in local governance processes, as the democratic institutions are fragile and are not always operational in the areas where they operate. With a volatile peace and security situation, BangsaMoro CSOs have had to learn to adapt to changing contexts and conditions. The CSOs that took part in the crafting of the BangsaMoro CSO Development Agenda are likewise diverse—in their nature, programs, ideologies, and competencies. In the whole process of agenda formulation, there were more than 300 different organizations that took part in the discourses and debates. These organizations have grassroots partners in their respective areas. Hence, the “reach” of the network that was tapped for the project is not insignificant. The CSOs are considered BangsaMoro because their programs are for Moro communities, and they ascribe to themselves the identity of the Moro. D.

About the process of the development agenda formulation 1. Area Consultations. With financial and technical assistance from LGSPA and, eventually, Act for Peace, the NSC conducted eight (8) area consultations. Each consultation would have about 50 CSO leaders in attendance. The dates and covered areas of the consultations are as follows: a. b. c. d. e. f.

April 16-17, 2008 for Tawi-Tawi May 3-4, 2008 for Basilan May 14-15, 2008 for Sulu August 25-26, 2008 for Maguindanao July 28-29, 2008 for Lanao del Sur and Marawi City October 2-5, 2008 for South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Sarangani and General Santos City g. September 22-25, 2008 for Compostela Valley, North Cotabato, Davao Provinces, and Davao City h. April 12-13, 2009, for Zamboanga Sibugay, Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga del Norte and Zamboanga City

2. Focus Group Discussions (FGDs). In order to deepen the understanding of certain issues that cropped up during the area consultations, three (3) one-day FGDs were conducted with select CSO leaders with specific “expertise” on these issues. T H E B A N G S A M O R O C I V I L S O C I E T Y O R G A N I Z AT I O N (B M-C SO ) D E V E L O P M E N T A G E N D A

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About 8-10 participants joined in each of the FGDs, to wit: a. May 11, 2009 on BangsaMoro Culture b. June 30, 2009 on Women and Children c. July 28, 2009 on Islamic Governance 3. BangsaMoro Congress. More than 100 BangsaMoro CSO leaders attended the Congress entitled “Renewed Consensus and Solidarity Towards the Attainment of the BangsaMoro’s Self-Determination” on August 15-16, 2009, to discuss, revise, and ratify the draft BangsaMoro CSO agenda that had been crafted after the area consultations and the FGDs. This is the culmination of the formulation of the agenda, and signals the next phases for constituency building, and then advocacy. The Congress was also the venue for the formation of a Technical Working Group (TWG), which is now tasked to formulate an advocacy plan and oversee its implementation.

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II THE BANGSAMORO STRUGGLE FOR RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION: History, Status and Perspectives

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II. THE BangsaMoro STRUGGLE FOR RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION (RSD): History, Status and Perspectives By: Guiamel M. Alim A. Background Are we indeed a nation or a nation-in-the-making? Do we really want a nation of our own? Have we perfected the elements of a nation? Have we, in the past, been a sovereign people? Given time and space, do we have the capacity to govern ourselves effectively? Can we not achieve freedom and peace within the Philippines? In short, can we not exercise our right to self-determination within the Philippines? What should be the concrete expression of the BangsaMoro’s right to self-determination? These are some of the basic questions—there are still more—that are related to the issue of self-determination. At a glance, these questions sound too elementary that they can simply be answered by a “yes” or “no.” But the case is, that it is not so simple. It is worth to note that the struggle for self-determination of the BangsaMoro is as old as colonialism in the Philippines. What holds the government from giving the BangsaMoro back their sovereignty over their ancestral domain? This is one question that the BangsaMoro should all reflect on. This presentation is not an academic discussion of the issue of RSD but a more analytical discussion on the meaning of RSD in the present context and the experiences of the BangsaMoro in their struggle for freedom and independence. It will also invite discussion on the present status of the peace processes and the role of the civil society organizations. At the end, challenges will be posed to serve as bases for the civil society to define their priorities. B. Understanding the concept of RSD and its application to the case of the BangsaMoro Many authors, including Muslims, have written books, manuscripts and articles about the issue of RSD and its application to the BangsaMoro. Discourses, seminars and workshops on RSD were conducted to highlight people’s understanding of the issue. The relevance of the issue cannot be undermined in the light of the on-going

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efforts in bringing peace to Mindanao. 1. International Law The United Nations Charter includes the principle of self-determination. The UN General assembly has repeatedly recognized the right to self-determination in a series of resolutions adopted. The principle of right to self-determination was further codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which are collectively called the International Bill of Rights. The two covenants state, “All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status, and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.� One interpretation of RSD refers to the principle wherein a people or nation exercises the right to statehood or self-rule, and enjoys its equal right to sovereignty. Other interpretation of self-determination include: a. Decolonization, which is associated primarily with the process of occupied territories having the right to independence from their colonizers; b. Freedom from foreign domination, where sovereign states should be free from occupation by foreign troops and free from the interference by foreign governments in their domestic affairs; c. Nationalism, where rights of people, who are holders of the right to selfdetermination, to their own state, or effective control of their territory within a recognized state; d. Minority right, where minority peoples have the right to political, economic and cultural autonomy; and e. Democratic governance, where peoples have the right to determine their own destiny within an existing state through democratic processes.

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2. Concrete expressions of RSD and how these can be achieved Choices of political status as an expression of peoples’ RSD can range from a grant of special legislation to allow them a certain degree of freedom, such as autonomy and other power-sharing agreement. The other expression can be a grant of independence. This can be achieved through referendum, which still proves to be the most viable, peaceful and democratic approach. The other option is through war or military victory. 3. Holders of the right to self-determination These are people described as group of individual human beings having some or all of the following common features:

- - - - - - -

Common historical tradition Racial or ethnic identity Cultural homogeneity Linguistic unity Religious or ideological identity Territorial connection Common economic life

C. The BangsaMoro Right to Self-Determination Considering the stated principle and interpretation of self-determination and the required features, is the BangsaMoro qualified exercise of their right to selfdetermination? Are they a distinct people or nation? The BangsaMoro has the right to exercise the right to self-determination. They are a distinct people having common historical traditions, religious affinity and cultural practices. They share a contiguous territory with rich natural resources. They were already enjoying self-governance with trade and diplomatic relations with other countries. They had customary laws (adat) that governed social relationships. They had developed a well-organized political and administrative system and strong infantry and maritime forces that defended their territories from the continuing colonial intrusion.

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What are the bases of the BangsaMoro in their continuing struggle for selfdetermination? What are their grievances? As mentioned earlier, the Moro peoples were politically sovereign before the advent of colonization in their homeland. They shared contiguous territories with rich natural resources. They were economically self-sufficient, as shown by their having engaged in international trade (barter). As a distinct nation and entity, they had established diplomatic ties with neighboring countries. They had political systems and governance (sultanate): the Sulu sultanate (1450), the Maguindanao sultanate (1619) and the 4 principalities of Lanao (Pat a Pongampong) which covered large territories. They had customary laws that governed social relationships and contracts. Islam was accepted by the BangsaMoro as a religion and a system of life. All these political institutions, social structures and economic activities were the targets destruction by the colonizers. The more than 300 years of war waged by the Moros have always been part of the struggle to regain their right to self-determination. The continuing struggle of the BangsaMoro against the systematic design by colonial powers to control them and their ancestral lands, their resources and territories and to assimilate them to a foreign culture finds its extension to the present conflict in Mindanao. Concretely, these grand designs include the following: -

Use of military might against those who organized resistance against American rule (pacification, massacres); The policy of education and attraction (assimilation and integration) Declaring the entire Philippines as public land including the ancestral lands of the BangsaMoro; The national settlement programs (minoritization and depopulation) The use of divide-and rule-policy; Transfer of political powers from the Moro.

These strategies led to eventual dispossession and marginalization of the BangsaMoro, the loss of their ancestral lands, degeneration of their cultural identities and a diminished power to exercise their right to self-determination.

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Public Land Laws and Resettlement Year

Hectares Allowed For Homesteader

Hectares Allowed For Non-Christian Moro and Wild Tribes

Hectares Allowed For Corporations

1903 1919 1936

16 has 24 has 16 has

No provision 10 has 4 has

1,024 has 1,024 has 1,024 has

Population Shifts in Cotabato Census Year

Towns with Moro Majority

Towns with Lumad Majority

Towns with Settlers Majority

1918 1939 1970

20 20 10

5 9 0

0 3 38

This colonial aggression was met by armed resistance from the BangsaMoro. Throughout the history of Moro struggle, their persistent demands were the return of their right to self-determination and social justice to their people. The grievances of the BangsaMoro which have been the bases of their continuing struggle for self-determination have been summarized by Bishop Orlando Quevedo thus: •

• •

• 12

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Injustice to the Moro identity. The Moro peoples are distinct. They have different customs and traditions. They have adopted Islam as their religion and way of life. They have established identity in their homeland. To impose upon them a way of life strange to that of theirs will meet resistance. Injustice to Moro political sovereignty. The Moro peoples exercised sovereignty over what they call their homeland. They were the leaders of their people. They were eased out by colonial machinations. Injustice to Moro ancestral territory. The Moro homeland had been the source of the BangsaMoro’s source of life. Their lakes, forests, lands, marshes, minerals were resources from which their generations fed. Take these resources away and you also take the lives of the BangsaMoro. Injustice to Moro integral development. The BangsaMoro may have a different T H E B A N G S A M O R O C I V I L S O C I E T Y O R G A N I Z AT I O N (B M-C SO ) D E V E L O P M E N T A G E N D A

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worldview, perspective, or way of looking at things. They have their own views of what development should be. While they can appreciate other peoples’ development initiatives, they would feel at ease with their own brand of development. It makes a difference when they shape their own development. In simple terms, the grievances mentioned above constituted injustice to their right to self-determination. D. Status of the Moro struggle for self-determination The MNLF-led armed struggle that started in the later 1960s eventually paved the way to the signing of a peace agreement with the government in 1996. Earlier, as a response to the clamor for independence, the government under Cory Aquino created the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The MNLF rejected the ARMM and demanded for an expanded power. After the signing of the 1996 Final Peace Agreement (FPA), Nur Misuari conceded to run for the governor of ARMM and won. But before he could finish his term, he was accused of having led an attack against the Armed Forces of the Philippines in Sulu in 2001. He was arrested and incarcerated until his release on bail in April 2008. The MNLF has accused the government of unilaterally implementing a plebiscite in violation of the provisions of the FPA. The MNLF also accused the government of non-implementation of the peace accord. Less than five (5) years after the signing of the accord, a series of armed clashes has erupted between the AFP and MNLF forces. The Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) has initiated a tripartite review 1996 peace accord with the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the MNLF, but the end result of the process is not very clear. Meantime, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which had splintered from the MNLF, also entered into peace talks with the GRP upon the invitation of the latter in 1997. This 12-year old peace process is also marred by a series of armed violence in between, although there had been signed interim agreements on cessation of hostilities and the development and rehabilitation of conflict-ridden areas in Mindanao through the BangsaMoro Development Agency (BDA). The last contentious issue was to be on ancestral domain, which covers territories, resources and governance, and was to be concluded prior to a Comprehensive Compact. On August 4, 2008, a day prior to the signing of the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) in Kuala T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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Lumpur, Malaysia, the Supreme Court of the Philippines issued a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO), prohibiting the GRP from signing the same. The petition for a TRO was filed by local and national leaders who claimed that the MOA is unconstitutional and that there were inadequate consultations with communities and Local Government Units (LGUs) in Mindanao. In October 2008, the Supreme Court eventually issued a permanent injunction against the GRP, and declared the MOA as “contrary to the law and the Constitution�. Meanwhile, the International Monitoring Team (IMT), which had been monitoring the on-going ceasefire between the GRP and MILF, has considerably reduced its size after its mandate expired in 2008. Notwithstanding the peace agreement signed in 1996 between the GRP and the MNLF and the resources poured into the ARMM because of the peace talks between the MILF and the GRP, no substantial changes in the life of the BangsaMoro have been observed. In fact, the ARMM registers the lowest in Human Development Index (HDI), literacy rate, life expectancy, and has the highest incidence of poverty. Selected Human Development Indicators, from 1997 to 2003 (culled from Philippine Human Development report, 2005) Component Province Basilan Lanao del Sur Maguindanao** Sulu Tawi-Tawi

1997

69 73 72 77 75

HDI Rank* 2000

2003

74 72 75 77 76

74 68 76 77 75

Poverty Incidence 1997 2000 2003

30.2 40.8 24 87.5 52.1

63.0 48.1 36.2 92.0 75.3

65.6 38.8 55.8 88.8 69.9

* Out of 77 provinces, Rank 1 is the best or highest

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Selected Human Development Indicators, from 1997 to 2003 (culled from Philippine Human Development Report, 2005) Component Province

Basilan Lanao del Sur Maguindanao** Sulu Tawi-Tawi

Per Capita Income (PhPesos, yearly)

2000 13,026 15,211 15,508 7,675 11,121

2003 13,265 20,016 14,198 8,430 10,780

Life Expectancy (years)

2000 60.2 56.9 52.6 52.3 50.8

2003 60.3 57.9 52 52.8 51.2

Simple and Functional Literacy Rates Simple Literacy Rate Luzon Visayas Mindanao

95.14 91.97 88.12

Functional Literacy Rate

85.99 80.5 75.36

* 88% can read and write ** 75% are functionally literate

E. Government response to the BangsaMoro struggle for self-determination Government responses to the RSD of the BangsaMoro are varied but mostly ineffective, and at its best, only served the interest of the government. The Americans created the Moro province under a military governor for easy colonial administration. In the guise of civilizing the people of Mindanao and Sulu, the Moro province epitomized the gradual usurpation of the powers of the sultans in Mindanao and Sulu. Some Moros were also integrated into the Philippine Constabulary. During the time of Marcos, he waged a war against the Muslims in the south and later on entered into the infamous Tripoli Agreement of 1976. And while the negotiations were going on, Marcos lured the leaders of the MNLF to surrender through a variety of government programs. Also, an autonomy law was passed that created two regions with no political power except administrative. It served as a social base for Malaca単ang to effectively manage the affairs of the Moro people. During this time, the Office of T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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Muslim Affairs (OMA) was also created to look into the welfare of the Muslims in the Philippines. When Cory Aquino became the president, a new autonomy law (RA 6734) was passed that created the ARMM. The carrot and stick policy of the succeeding governments only showed their real intention in the peace process. F. Role of the CSOs The CSOs are an important sector of the BangsaMoro. Aside from being catalysts of change by empowering communities to have critical analysis of their economic, political and cultural situation, many CSOs are also into service delivery, complementing the work of local government units. In the peace process, CSOs have shown that they can also play an important role, this time as stakeholders that can contribute to and will benefit from a condition where there is sustainable peace. Being grounded on grassroots reality, and at the same time being able to communicate with decision-makers, the CSOs are in the best position to gather people, facilitate discussions, and consolidate positions, and develop a BangsaMoro CSOs’ development framework. And this is exactly what the BangsaMoro CSOs’ did. Draft a comprehensive development framework and agenda for the BangsaMoro through a more participative sectoral analysis of the socio-economic, cultural and political situation of the BangsaMoro; In addition, the CSOs can collectively play the following roles in relation to the peace processes: 1. Serve as watchdog and monitor in the on-going peace talks between the government and the MILF and the on-going tripartite review of the 1996 peace agreement; 2. Expose and oppose the spoilers and provocateurs in the peace process; 3. Engage in massive educational and information campaign about the peace processes; 4. Lobby for solidarity and support to the peace processes; 5. Engage in a more aggressive “prejudice reduction” activities through inter-faith and inter-cultural dialogues; 6. Push for the legitimate agenda of the BangsaMoro to the national government;

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7. Work for the unity of the BangsaMoro through intra-Moro dialogues and consultations; and 8. Engage in the education of the BangsaMoro of the issue of self-determination and freedom. The struggle for self-determination is not only the responsibility of the liberation fronts. It is a burden that Moro CSOs, as well as individuals, carry as a collective moral obligation. Hence, each one must contribute to struggle. It is a call for survival and a call for unified action.

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III THE BANGSAMORO CSO DEVELOPMENT AGENDA

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III. THE BangsaMoro CSO DEVELOPMENT AGENDA A. Introduction The Development Agenda in pursuit of the right to self-determination was crafted after an arduous process that involved hundreds of non-government organizations, community and sectoral organizations, cooperatives, religious groups, and the like. It was not without difficulties, especially for those who organized and facilitated the area consultations and small group discussions, and wrote down the outputs of the discourses and the debates. But the fruition of the all the efforts is not insignificant. This has been one of the more comprehensive consultations among Moro CSOs regarding their aspirations. The framework used in the formulation of the Agenda does not depart from the definition of the right to self-determination, as codified in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), i.e., “the right to freely determine [people’s] political status, and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” While the determination of the Moros’ political status is being discussed in the negotiation table between the GRP and the liberation fronts, the determination and pursuit of the BangsaMoro’s economic, social and cultural development also needs to be done. This is where the development agenda, as formulated by the Moro CSOs, come into play. The schematic framework for the agenda is as follows: THE WHEEL OF RSD

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From the framework, it can be seen that while issues of defining the BangsaMoro territories, setting the kind of relationship between the BangsaMoro and the Philippine government, apportioning shares in the resources found in the territories between them, and delineating the powers of governance, there are many other aspects of the right to self-determination that should likewise be addressed. These should be defined by the Moros themselves, as part of the core of the right to self-determination. Hence, it is imperative that the Moros are able to articulate what kind of education system they want for themselves, what principles should be adhered to in defining rights of individuals in relation to land, what economic framework they want to put in place, and so forth. This is what the whole exercise has been—consensus-building among the Moro CSOs for them to determine the economic, social and cultural development that they want to pursue.

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B. Agenda 1: Political System Two issues have emerged during the course of consultative forums and focused group discussions on the theme of political system and governance. The first issue delves on the question of the relationship between the BangsaMoro and the Philippine government. This refers to a question on whether a political settlement between the two parties from the ongoing peace process is to characterize an independent BangsaMoro state or an associative state, an autonomous state, a state within a federal system, and so forth. The second issue is far more internal to the BangsaMoro and raises the question of how the Moros should govern themselves, i.e. what political system and what form of governance can suitably be put in place for the BangsaMoro. As to the first, the prevailing sentiment is for the BangsaMoro to fully exercise political self-determination and be independent from the Philippine state. The aspiration is based on the historical claim of the BangsaMoro as unconquered nations that had been illegally annexed and placed under the political jurisdiction of the Philippines as a new nation created by colonial powers. For centuries, the Moro people have been discriminated against, marginalized and decimated. After the war against the Spaniards and the Americans, the Moros have also waged a war against the Philippine government starting in the early 1970s, making their struggle the longest-running secessionist war in Southeast Asia. Even as armed struggle—which Muslims regard as part of their obligation (jihad al-asghar)—is waged, diplomatic ways through peace negotiations have also been resorted to since the 1970s. A breakthrough agreement between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GRP-MILF) would have ushered in a new political set-up between the BangsaMoro and the Philippines but this was ultimately junked by the Philippine government through a Supreme Court decision. Hence, some of the BangsaMoro CSO leaders have often referred to the initialed Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD), as part of their aspirations which would have pushed the BangsaMoro closer to its ultimate goal of independence. The MOA-AD resonates with the BangsaMoro CSOs because it recognizes and acknowledges the existence of BangsaMoro Homeland as a territory upon which the

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Moro identity and prosperity are secured, gives them back the powers to protect their properties, rights and resources, and allows them to establish a system of governance suitable and acceptable to a distinct people experiencing a historical injustice. Whether it is an aspiration for full independence or an arrangement that allows for an associative relation between the Philippine state and a BangsaMoro Juridical Entity, the CSOs all agreed that the following courses of action are deemed necessary: 1. Constituency-building for RSD. Building and strengthening the constituency for the BangsaMoro right to self-determination (RSD)

a. Education and massive information dissemination about RSD, in formal and non-formal processes, including the use of different forms of mass media; and

b. Organizing the different sectors of the society in the Moro areas, including but not limited to, grassroots and the professionals, to achieve greater unity and consolidation of constituency.

2. Assertion of the BangsaMoro right to self-determination.

a. Continuing support for the peace process between the GRP and the MILF as b.

c.

well as the tripartite review of the 1996 GRP-Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) Final Peace Agreement; Dialogues and information drives for non-Moro groups and areas (including local governments, communities of lumads and settlers, NGOs, and interfaith groups) to generate fora of informed discussions on the aspiration of the Moros, thereby promoting a peaceful resolution of the Mindanao conflict through mutual respect, understanding and the recognition of each other’s right to selfdetermination; and Declaration of the Moro people of their aspiration for self-determination to both the Philippines and the international community.

With respect to the second issue, i.e. internal governance, the following are articulated by the CSO leaders:

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3. Islamic governance. Governance should abide by Islamic principles, integrating the following in its structures, systems and policies:

• • • • • •

Tawhid (monotheism), by recognizing the sovereignty of Allah; Risalah (Prophetic mission); Khilafa (vicegerency), by ensuring accountability of all actions to citizens and to Allah; Shura (consultation), by providing mechanisms for consultation and people’s participation; Adala (justice), by promoting social justice and ensuring equality for all regardless of creed, culture and race; and Shari’a by implementing structure, administrative and operational powers of Shari’a justice system on the basis of Divine law.

This system of governance should be known and accepted by the BangsaMoro. Hence, the following should be undertaken:

a. Developing local literature and studies by Islamic and political scholars on the subject; and

b. Strengthening the ulama (learned individuals) so that they can help in educating people on the principles of Islamic governance.

4. Form of government. Different systems and structures in the BangsaMoro government shall be considered by the people in choosing what is best suited for them, such as the following:

a. Parliamentary form, rather than presidential; b. Federal system so that all nations and all tribes will have their own selfgovernance.

5. Good governance. Good governance is based on Islamic principles as well as on universally-accepted or conventional practices and should be established in the context of the BangsaMoro experience. It is characterized by the following:

a. Transparency and accountability in all transactions and aspects of governance;

b. Equality before the law; 24

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c. Full operation of the Shari’a courts to include not only personal laws, but

jurisdiction over criminal prosecutions and other aspects, including commercial laws; d. Tolerance for, or inclusion of, customs and traditions that are not contrary to Islamic principles; e. Righteousness of the leaders and of the citizenry; f. Merit system in the hiring and promotion of government personnel; g. Enhanced local conflict-resolution mechanisms; h. Value transformation program for leaders, government officials and constituencies; i. Program for human security, including review/repeal of the Human Security Act; j. Proper utilization of taxpayers’ money by giving priority to delivery of basic services; k. Availability of local government officials in their areas of jurisdiction; l. Full implementation of law (rule of law); m. Delivery of basic services; n. Adequate representation for the different nations/ethno-linguistic groups that form part of the BangsaMoro; o. Sectoral representation, notably in the decision-making process as part of the concept of “Wa amruhum shura baynahum”(consultative mandate); p. Institutionalized consultation processes; q. Full participation of CSOs in all levels of governance; and r. Appropriate processes that foster unity and solidarity among the different BangsaMoro, while respecting and recognizing their diversities. 6. Qualifications and qualities of a good leader. Leaders should be qualified for their position so that they are able to serve the BangsaMoro people in the best possible way.

a. In order to ensure competence of leaders who shall sit in positions of power, the basic qualifications that will be required of them are the following:  Knowledge: of governance, Islamic principles, world events, and the like  Skills  Wisdom

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b. Qualities that are important for a good leader are the following:  Piety/Taqwa (God-fearing)  Courage  Justice/Ad’l  Humility  Patience  Vision 7. System for choosing leaders. The existing mechanism of election as a system for selecting leaders, as well as other relevant mechanisms, shall be considered by the BangsaMoro.

a. Features of the electoral system:  A commission that oversees election to be run by people with competence, integrity and honesty;

 Prosecution of election offenses, and imposition of heavy penalties against violators;

 Intensive voters education on the right of suffrage;  Provision of equal opportunities for candidates to present their platform of government, and;

 Nomination process shall be put in place so that those who have the b.

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qualities and qualifications for leadership positions can be chosen by the community to run for public office. Appointment of public servants:  Creation of an effective independent selection board composed of ulama, elders, and community representatives that shall be in-charge of choosing and appointing public servants; and  Selection board to adopt a consultative process in keeping with the shura principle.

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C. Agenda 1: Land Tenure The displacement of the Moros from the lands that they have traditionally occupied has unfortunately marginalized and reduced the BangsaMoro peoples to a minority segment of the Philippine population. Through laws that undermined native titles, including grants of lands by the Moro datus and sultans, and policies that allowed for bigger landholdings to Filipino citizens and corporations from Luzon and the Visayas, the native inhabitants of Mindanao and Sulu found themselves with little control over the very lands that they call their homeland. By the 1960s, they had become a minority. BangsaMoro CSO leaders articulate their aspiration to regain economic and political control over territories that are part of their homeland. This goes beyond having security of tenure in the land, and is not just simply the titling of lands in the name of Moros. Moro CSOs also mention that as part of the exercise of their right to selfdetermination, the BangsaMoro nation should be allowed to exercise self-governance. At the minimum, the leaders call for the establishing of a system where an “associative relation” can effectively link the Philippine state and a BangsaMoro Juridical Entity, as provided in the initialed Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD). Restoring control over BangsaMoro territories, the Moro people hope that policies on land tenure, as well as control over resources found within such territories, will be more protective of the interest of the BangsaMoro as the “first nation.” Significantly, the historical injustice against the Moro peoples occurred through laws issued by the colonial government. The Land Registration Act of 1902 [Act 496], which institutionalized the Torrens system of land titling, worked against the illiterate native inhabitants at that time, as titling was so foreign to them that they failed to recognize the import of registration and were not able to assert their birthright ownership against the “legalized” assertion of the migrants. The Philippine Commission Act 718 of 1903 made it clear that the Regalian Doctrine that Spain had pursued was going to be the same framework that the American colonizers were going to implement. Grants of lands that the Moros and indigenous peoples got from their datus and sultans were not recognized and considered void under that law. Subsequent laws declared that all lands not registered under Act 496 were deemed public lands, and therefore, available for homesteading, sale or lease to individuals or corporations. Limitations on allowable homesteads were different for Filipinos from Luzon and the Visayas on one hand, and

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for “non-Christian tribes” on the other. Act 2874 (1919) increased to 24 hectares the allowable size of individual landholding, up from 16 hectares. At the same time, it limited the maximum landholdings of the non-Christians to only 10 hectares. The policy was amended in 1936 through Commonwealth Act 141, which withdrew the privilege of migrant settlers of owning more than one homestead of 24 hectares to only one homestead not exceeding 16 hectares, while at the same time reducing further the allowable homestead for non-Christians from 10 hectares to only 4 hectares. By mid20th century, several colonies all over Mindanao and Sulu were opened to settlers. As the Moros and other native inhabitants have become the minority, they lost control over their erstwhile territories, and with this induced process of “minoritization,” their hopes of charting their economic, political and cultural destiny vanished. Thus, regaining control over these territories is important, and further displacement will not help in any way. For this reason, tenurial security over the remaining areas that Moros inhabit is imperative. The aspirations for resolution of the problem on land tenure are articulated by BangsaMoro CSO leaders, and are expressed, thus: 1. Correct the historical injustice against the BangsaMoro people by reconstituting titles over lands which had been unjustly taken from them. a. There should be a program to allow Moros to retrieve lands that had been illegally taken from them. Create a “Task Force Titulo” to be composed of representatives from the Office of Muslim Affairs (OMA), Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR), civil society organizations, and other agencies and institutions that can look into the needs of the Moros in this regard so that land rights in favor of the Moros are restored; b. Facilitate inexpensive titling of lands of the Moros; and c. Responsible agencies should proactively address the issue of landlessness and displacement of the Moro peoples, to be led by the Office of Muslim Affairs (OMA), in coordination with the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR), Land Registration Courts, National Commission on Indigenous Peoples and other agencies and institutions.

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2. Review laws pertaining to land acquisition, and explore the adoption of other systems of recognizing rights or privileges over lands; a. Review land tenure laws, such as the ARMM Organic Act (RA 9054), Public Land Act (CA 141), Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA), the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) and the like. The review of laws should also cover how the laws are actually implemented, and the impact thereof, specifically, on the Moro people. Pending legislative proposals on land titling, such as the Land Administration Reform Act (LARA) bill, should also be reviewed and assessed; b. Look at other options in securing land tenure for the Moros. Consider the following divergent views and traditional concepts that were drawn up during the BangsaMoro CSO area consultations in coming up with options: • Customary land tenure that is dependent upon actual usage, and not on full individual ownership, so that every farmer who tills the land has “conditional” ownership over it; • Distribution of land and titling, according to the size of the family; • Use of relevant elements of customary law, and incorporating them into positive law. In the Lanao consultation, mention was made of “Kakullah” as an alternative mode of disposition, recognized under the “Taritib ago Ijma”, which refers to an ancient order of law and customs; • Ownership of, control and authority over land by the BangsaMoro state; and • Distribution of land to landless Moros, according to their needs. c. Islamic principles pertaining to agrarian must be studied and incorporated in agrarian reform program policy. Moro scholars and intellectuals should be pooled to do the study. 3. Assist Moros who have claims over lands a. Government to facilitate redemption of Moro lands that were mortgaged and forfeited in favor of Philippine commercial banks and other creditors; b. Government to take affirmative action in favor of the Moros in order “to right a historical wrong” by distributing foreclosed lands to landless Moro peoples, preferably actual tillers; c. Reconsideration of existing bank policies regarding transactions over lands within the BangsaMoro homeland; d. Assistance from Moro civil society, inter-faith organizations so that Moros in urban centers are granted home lots and adequate services therein; T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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e. Capacity-building for Moros in protecting, claiming and titling their lands; and f. Putting up a “Land Claims Commission” composed of neutral personalities to review Moro claims and compensate victims of land dispossession and displacement.

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D. Agenda 3: Economic Development Moro-dominated areas are among the poorest, and they figure lowest in human development index. This situation is attributed to many factors, including, among others, armed conflict, poor governance, underdevelopment, poor delivery of social and economic services, clan conflicts and other types of peace and security issues. As the vicious cycle of poverty and un-peace continues, these areas tend to sink further into the depth of misery. Whatever development that is infused in the BangsaMoro areas is lost when the volatile security situation shifts towards violent conflict. Besides, the Moros’ lack of control over resources in these areas, coupled by little economic or entrepreneurial skills and opportunities, pushes them back even farther into the quagmire of poverty. Moro CSO leaders say they aspire for prosperity among the people, or, at the very least, for a situation where family income is above the poverty threshold. The basic elements that should be in place for an economic framework are the following: 1. The system should be reframed so that Islamic principles guide the economic life of the community a. Islamic banking (riba-free or lariba economy and inspired by Islamic principles. b. Islamic commercial laws; and c. Islamic leadership values in governance and commercial activities among the Moro people. 2. Economic inequality should be addressed. a. Protection of economic resources against corporate encroachment and power domination in the BangsaMoro territories; b. Moros to have preferential rights in the access to and control over resources and capital; c. Equitable and just distribution of wealth and assets, for economic justice and the common good for BangsaMoro; d. Better access to economic opportunities, including employment; e. Empowerment of Moro fisherfolks, farmers, businesspersons; f. Just remuneration and humane working conditions for employees and laborers; g. Establishing a system of collection, management and distribution of zakat, to

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effectively address the level of basic needs in order for the poor to reap more economic benefits; and h. Sustainable development and utilization of agricultural, aqua-marine and other resources. 3. There should be enhanced participation of people in the planning, implementation and monitoring of the economic programs so that this will be responsive to people’s needs. a. Collaborative development planning by community members and the local government; and b. Implementation of plans by the local governments through policies promoting collective and participatory processes among communities. 4. Establish and support Moro-led business entities. a. Developing local skills and capacities that would foster Moro entrepreneurship and human resources; b. Providing support to Moro businesses and businesspersons; c. Linking quality Moro-made products to local and international markets; d. Investment in the production and marketing of halal products; and e. Institutionalizing and strengthening the Halal Certification Board 5. Natural resources should be fully and sustainably utilized for economic development that would redound to the benefit of the BangsaMoro peoples of the present and future generations. Management and control over these resources should be reverted back to the BangsaMoro. 6. International economic relations with other countries, especially Muslim-majority countries, should be fostered. a. Direct bilateral foreign relations with Muslim countries; b. Establishment of Economic Cooperation Offices in partner countries; c. Marketing of Mindanao-made products in Muslim and other countries; d. Participation in, and the conduct of, international trade exhibits; and e. Developing competitiveness of quality BangsaMoro products for the world market.

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7. Rehabilitation and development of major BangsaMoro economic zones, such as, but not limited to, Lake Lanao, Sulu Sea, Liguasan, and other major areas with economic potentials 8. Establishment and rehabilitation of strategic infrastructures such as airports, seaports, and railways, in order to foster trade with other countries and develop a profitable tourism industry.

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E. Agenda 4: Education Education is one concern that is very important for the assertion of BangsaMoro right to self-determination. However, it is also one that is facing many problems. While the history of Islam shows so many contributions of Muslim scholars and scientists in the building of knowledge in the areas of arts and sciences, it is ironic that many Moros are not even able to go to school. Even with free basic education, it is still difficult to put a child through school as this entails some expenses, and even income foregone, as many children are likewise involved in livelihood activities of their families. Illiteracy is high among Moros, but even in the poorest villages, community madaris are able to operate, albeit with meager contribution from the community and without government support and recognition. Parents feel spiritually obligated to send their children to Arabic and Islamic schools, often preferring this over state-sponsored education when resources are enough for only one type of schooling. Muslims generally put primary importance to learning about Islam both as a religion and as a system, and there are sentiments among the Moros that the present education system of the government does not reflect their values and history. Secondary schools are often not accessible, especially in the remote areas. Armed conflict is another factor that prevents Moro children from earning education in these schools. When fighting erupts and there is displacement of people, schools stop operating and become makeshift homes for evacuees. The long-term aspiration is for the BangsaMoro to have its own education system that provides high-quality learning programs for the Moros’ individual development and fosters unity among the BangsaMoro and other nations. It shall help preserve and promote the BangsaMoro culture and tradition, with Islamic principles as foundation. It is hoped that such system can help the Moros become stronger and more productive followers of Islam, and gain benefits for their families and the society. Even without achieving yet the Moro people’s long-term aspiration for education, the BangsaMoro CSOs see some room for improving the present system, specifically: 1. Strengthen the Madrasah system. a. Asatidz and the madaris to be given support and recognition so as to successfully

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harmonize secular subjects with their curriculum, and be competitive with other private schools:  Training of asatidz in handling of subjects other than Arabic and Islamic, Allowing local and foreign financial support for madaris, and not subjecting transfer of funds to suspicions of money laundering;  Civil Service Commission (CSC) and the Department of Education (DepEd) shall give special Licensure Examination for Teachers (LET) for the asatidz. b. Curriculum development with full participation of the asatidz; and c. Accreditation of madaris that are capable of providing holistic education approach for Moro children, if and when these madaris opt for accreditation. 2. Schools should continue to enhance their curriculum, and for this purpose, a “Curriculum Development Board” should be formed and supported. a. Harmonization of secular subjects with Islamic teachings where it is possible to do so:  Inclusion of Arabic as a basic subject, as well as other subjects in the study of the Qur’an, ahadith, fiqh, Islamic history, and other areas of Islamic teachings;  Inclusion of Islamization of science education, particularly in the tertiary level;  Inclusion of the history of the BangsaMoro, and the BangsaMoro’s aspiration for the right to self-determination;  Observance of Muslim holidays, particularly Hariraya Eid’l Fit’r and Eid’l Adha, and including them in the school calendar;  Retaining the modern sciences and other “Western” subjects in the curriculum, to develop or establish quality education for the BangsaMoro;  Establishment of elementary and secondary science schools in Moro areas;  Support for curriculum planning and textbook writing, as well as the screening of textbooks, so that they are reflective of the BangsaMoro’s aspirations; and  Inclusion of voters’ education in the elementary and high school.

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b. Study other educational models proven effective in other countries:  Maqtaba system, whereby the child is entrusted to an Imam, who provides him/her with education;  Victoria Model adopted in Sharjah University in the United Arab Emirates (UAE); and  Moros to review the present madaris and mainstream curricula in the Philippine education system from which to formulate education policies best suited to them, thereby preserving and promoting their culture and Islamic values and principles. c. An international university should be established in Mindanao to offer quality western and Islamic education that is at par with those in other Muslim countries. 3. State-run schools that give quality education should be accessible to all Moros. a. All barangays to have elementary and madaris schools; b. Provision of scholarship to indigent but deserving students; and c. Ensuring all ethno-linguistic groups to be given an equal opportunity and access to earn quality and affordable education. 4. Ensure professionalization of the education system through bureaucratic meritocracy aimed at effectuating the education system through quality teaching. a. Recruitment and training of teachers • Based on qualification; • Giving priority to local applicants; • Transparency in the recruitment, hiring and promotion processes,including publication of open positions; • Equal opportunity in faculty development, with specialization on specific skills and fields of knowledge; and • Establishment of a BangsaMoro Education Academy, that shall provide training or teachers/asatidz b. Strengthening of teachers’ associations; c. Depoliticizing the bureaucracy so that school officials and department heads are free from all forms of influence in matters of recruitment; d. Standardization of salaries of teachers and school officials; and e. Transparency in leadership and governance, particularly in the level of human resources and financial management in administration.

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• E.g. publication of public bidding announcement on construction of school buildings. 5. Infrastructure support, as well as learning materials, for quality education should be ensured: a. Adequate school facilities; b. Sufficient books and learning materials for every student; and c. Availability of libraries/research centers. 6. Bring in stakeholders from different sectors into the planning, implementation and monitoring processes. a. Setting up of school boards, or strengthening them where they are already established; and b. Active participation of parents, teachers, and community associations. 7. Give importance and recognition to Islamic studies provided in foreign countries. a. Recognition of degrees obtained by Muslims from Islamic countries, subject to professional regulations formulated by and for the BangsaMoro 8. BangsaMoro culture, arts and heritage should be enhanced as an integral part of Moro education. a. Propagation of halal food; and b. Wearing of school and athletic uniforms that are deemed proper for male and female students. 9. Non-formal education should be encouraged as complementary program to formal education: a. Inter- and intra-faith cultural exchanges; b. Adoption of halaqat system, an indigenous learning approach in which students, in small groups meet weekly, especially during Ramadan. Children are taught how to read the Qur’an and interpret ahadith; and c. Intensive trainings on modern technologies in farming, fishing, and other livelihood activities for the out-of-school youths and jobless adults.

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F. Agenda 5: Environment and Natural Resources Issues and concerns on natural resources within the claimed territories of the BangsaMoro homeland have figured prominently in the Moro struggle for the right to self-determination. Apart from displacement of indigenous and Moro peoples, the colonial and neo-colonial annexation of the BangsaMoro territories has also brought about the destruction of the environment through aggressive and unsustainable development projects. The following are the aspirations of the BangsaMoro CSOs in the exercise of the right to self-determination in relation to the environment: 1. The BangsaMoro shall exercise control over its territories, including the realm of decision-making on the utilization, conservation, and protection of its natural resources through ways formulated to collectively benefit the Moros of the present and future generations. a. Bringing back access to and control of the natural resources to the BangsaMoro peoples; b. Recognition and implementation of the consensus points in the initialed Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD), particularly those relating to the utilization of natural resources; and c. Promotion of the human mandates as the Al-Khalifa (steward of the Earth) to develop among the Moro peoples an effective sense of responsibility for their environment, as well as the prudence in utilizing, conserving and protecting the resources therein for the next generations and in keeping with the standards set by the United Nations and international agreements, for sustainable and equitable development. 2. Solid waste management shall be given priority attention in environmental protection. a. Patronizing biodegradable materials and construction of storage for nonbiodegradable materials; b. Systematic and functional garbage collection; c. Communal septic tanks and sewerage system, as well as construction of individual homes and toilets; and d. Strengthening or systematizing information, education and communication

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(IEC) programs on solid waste management as well as on environmental protection in general. 3. Preserve marine and coastal resources through participatory coastal resource management planning. a. Putting an end to illegal fishing and all other forms of destructive fishing methods, and instilling in coastal and waterway communities the principles and knowledge of sustainable fishery. • Prohibition against catching of fingerlings and endangered species; and • Implementation of laws that prohibit fishing by use of purse seiners, wetcell battery-electrocution, dynamite fishing, cyanide poisoning, and other destructive methods. b. Massive reforestation of mangroves in coastal areas; c. Completion of participatory coastal resource assessments and community fisheries management plans; d. Strengthening inter-agency functions in enforcing fisheries laws and those pertaining to the protection of coastal and marine environment; e. Ensure integrity of BangsaMoro internal (territorial) waters by protecting them against poaching and intrusion by outsiders, such as foreign vessels; and f. Preferential use of coastal and marine resources for the local peoples. 4. The protection of forestland agricultural areas, including flora and fauna, shall be ensured by adopting sustainable practices in the utilization of resources therein. a. Massive reforestation of upland areas and critical watersheds within the BangsaMoro territory (e.g. implementation of agroforestry projects) and ban on logging; b. Prohibition on projects that are deemed destructive to natural habitats and biodiversity in Liguasan, Lake Lanao, and other critically endangered areas; c. Practice of sustainable farming system utilizing organic materials; d. Prohibition against destructive methods of farming, including genetic modification of agricultural seeds; e. Formulation of alternative policies on mining and oil exploration that are genuinely beneficial to the interests of the environment and the BangsaMoro peoples through consensus-building processes among the various stakeholders: • Cancellation of all existing mining permits in the BangsaMoro homeland; and • Mining moratorium until the alternative law is passed.

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f. Implementation of the principles of eco-governance by adopting internationally accepted sustainable development frameworks and plans. 5. Mechanisms for the implementation of environmental protection and sustainable development programs shall be established and strengthened. a. Local governments to allow only sustainable utilization of natural resources in order to ensure economic benefits for the present and future generations; b. Multi-stakeholder partnerships and initiatives in promoting environmental advocacy; c. Enactment of laws, promulgation of local ordinances and regulations for the protection of the environment; d. Promotion of community-based management schemes as an approach to economic and environmental development; e. Development of an eco-cultural tourism master development plan; f. Optimum implementation of existing laws and policies pertaining to environmental health and sanitation; g. Support for organized groups with the avowed thrust of protecting the environment; and h. Integration of environmental education in the BangsaMoro curricula, both at the elementary and secondary levels. 6. Collective sense of responsibility and awareness as stakeholders shall be fostered among the Moro peoples. a. Conduct of dialogues, and putting in place an effective IEC program on the environment, ecosystem and its importance, as well as those related to laws that seek to protect and preserve it; b. Discussion among religious leaders and formulation of provincial/regional fatwa on environment (Note: a khutba on the environment has been formulated by the Muftis); and c. Identifying, managing and monitoring of projects as a collective community mandate and responsibility. 7. Formulation, enactment and implementation of a BangsaMoro Environmental Code.

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G. Agenda 6: Human Rights The long-term aspiration among the Moro people is to regain the BangsaMoro Homeland and their right to self-determination. Towards this end, it is imperative that the war that causes displacement, destruction of lives, livelihood, and properties should be stopped. Hence, the call is for the peaceful settlement of the war—the resumption of the peace talks until the resolution of the BangsaMoro aspiration is attained and an acceptable political settlement is put bilaterally in place. Human rights violations (HRV) continue to exist in various forms, particularly in the context of un-peace and the lack of rule of law in Moro communities. While there is no political settlement reached yet, these violations need to be addressed. The Moro peoples deserve no less. Violation of rights characterizes the perennial situation of armed conflict in their midst. Human rights for the BangsaMoro should be elevated to the level of collective people’s rights. It should not only remain on the level of individual rights. Although individual rights are important, the BangsaMoro should also look at the issues that directly affect them collectively. The BangsaMoro’s collective rights have been violated on two counts: first is the denial of their right to self-determination as a people and nation; and second is the usurpation of their ancestral domain. These, too, should be addressed.

Specific aspirations for individual rights are as follows: 1. The arrests of Moros as “usual suspects” of terror attacks should be stopped and exposed as a form of discrimination against them: a. Government authorities to clarify reports on identities of suspected Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) members; b. Adherence to the requirements of warrants for arrests, searches, and seizures; and c. Amnesty Program for, and purchase of, loose firearms. 2. Structures to prevent or address HRVs should be put in place or strengthened, where they already exist: a. Adequate and capacitated police complement, which is civilian in character, to respond to community needs; b. Lawyers from the Public Attorney’s Office (PAO) as well as those in private

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practice to provide legal assistance to accused; c. The Regional Legislative Assembly (RLA) to create an ARMM Commission on Human Rights (CHR); d. LGUs to seriously address HRVs through regional, provincial human rights offices as well as the Barangay Human Rights Office (BHRAO); and e. Intensifying documentation of cases of human rights violation, the monitoring of such cases, and suBangsaMoroission of these documentations to appropriate agencies for action. 3. Rule of law should be established, and court system should be strengthened. a. Adequate number of courts and judges; a regular court in every municipality; b. Expanding the jurisdiction of Shari’a courts to include criminal cases; and the establishment of a Shari’a appellate court; c. State authorities, including government employees, local government units (LGUs), and the military should recognize and abide by human rights standards in the implementation of state security measures: • Only suspects should be arrested; not their unwitting relatives or suspected “supporters”; and • LGU to provide legal and other assistance to their constituents who are the subject of illegal arrests to ensure that human rights standards are observed; d. Prosecution of human rights violations to ensure that punishment is meted on perpetrators; e. A stronger witness protection program that would encourage prosecution of violations; and f. State and non-state actors’ adherence to the principles and standards of human rights. 4. There should be a review of laws in relation to protection of human rights. a. Impact of the Human Security Act on the Moros; and b. Enhancement of policies and programs on peace, and pushing for a National Peace Policy 5. Empower people so that they become vigilant in the protection of human rights. a. Conduct of paralegal training programs and other capacity-building activities; b. Mass education on the laws and the legal system to equip ordinary civilians with appropriate knowledge on their rights especially in case of arrests, and

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prosecution of criminal cases; c. Inclusion of human rights in existing mechanisms, such as school curriculum, khutba, and the like; d. Provision of support services for victims of human rights violations, including legal, financial, medical services and psycho-social intervention/therapy; e. Advocacy activities that are also spearheaded by CSO; f. Inclusion of culture of peace and values transformation in training programs; g. Re-education and continuing education of the Moro and non-Moro people on the BangsaMoro history, as well as the present struggle for the right to selfdetermination; h. Continuing articulation and assertion of BangsaMoro right to self- determination, even in non-Moro communities, government bodies, local and international levels, through solidarity, interfaith dialogues, and other activities; i. Creation of more human rights groups that can be mobilized especially in the grassroots level; j. Active involvement and representation of women; and k. Nurturing peaceful co-existence and harmonious relations between and among peoples of different faiths and cultures based on trust and respect. 6. Ensure that systems and processes are in place for good governance to uphold the protection of human rights and the fulfillment its goals for the welfare of the people. a. Reforming and strengthening the electoral process as a reliable, honest and transparent mechanism in choosing leaders, so that this process can be part of the collective effort in attaining what is good for the community, and chosen officials are not indebted to the military and other patrons for their positions; b. Needs of the people are addressed by LGUs, while the military and the PNP provide security; c. Development framework formulated and implemented; d. Strict implementation of laws, including total gun ban and apprehension and prosecution of violations thereof on the basis of evidence; e. Government to fulfill its mandates to respect, protect, and fulfill human rights standards, such as the following: • Mobility of people, freedom of movement; • No discrimination between rich and poor, tribes, and among followers of different religions; • No illegal arrests, extra-judicial killing, illegal search, and torture in all T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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forms; • No rape and other forms of gender-based violence; • Equal treatment shall be accorded of citizens and there should be no discrimination by law enforcement officers in implementing operations, and arrests as well as in running the affairs of the justice system as a whole; and • Freedom of the press, and access to public information, as well as fair media reporting; f. The State to release all Moro political detainees and indemnify all victims of human rights; g. Recognition and promotion of people’s genuine and meaningful participation in governance; and h. Promotion and protection of the rights and welfare of Moro OFWs and migrants.

7. Strengthen local governments and the police, while demilitarizing Moro areas. a. There should be stronger LGU/police vis-à-vis the military in peacekeeping. AFP units should be reduced in number and power. • Strengthening of police resources and facilities; and • Recruitment of more police personnel in the province, relaxing stringent requirements in terms of qualification, without sacrificing minimum standards; b. Pull-out of the military and US forces in Moro territories; c. Re-training/schooling of men and women in uniform to make them more culture-sensitive, and to be cognizant of human rights standards; d. Elimination of civilian volunteer organizations (CVOs) and the paramilitary groups, such as the Ilaga; e. Regulation of the operation of Barangay Tanods, CVOs and Citizens’ Armed Forces Geographical Units (CAFGUs); f. Concreting of road network to effectuate pursuit of lawless elements by enforcers to interior areas; and g. Demilitarization; use of local troops. 8. Attitude among Moros should be attuned to human rights protection for them to be adherent to Islamic teachings and principles. a. Spirituality and moral recovery so that the people do not succumb to corruption or lured by money into complacence; b. Women’s leadership should be recognized and encouraged; and c. Implement Islamic law

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H. Agenda 7: Peace and Security The struggle for the right to self-determination and decolonization has not been peaceful, just as the displacement, decimation, and discrimination against the Moros have destroyed lives and properties. In the contemporary phase of the struggle (since 1960s), there had been thousands of deaths and injuries from both sides, massive displacements of peoples running to the millions, not to mention the cost of properties and livelihoods that have been destroyed. For peace and security, the BangsaMoro CSOs look forward to not just the absence of war, but more importantly, for the resolution of the root cause of the armed conflict. Without addressing the injustice that brought about the conflict in the first place, there can never be sustainable peace. Righting the wrongs that had been inflicted upon the BangsaMoro peoples since the period of colonization, and restoring relations that have been deeply damaged by decades of fighting should be preferential in the quest for peace and security. Thus, central to the aspiration of the BangsaMoro CSOs would be a just resolution of the historical injustice that the Moro peoples have experienced. The following details the aspirations of the BangsaMoro on peace and security: 1. A conclusion of the peace process should resolve the root cause of the conflict between the BangsaMoro and the Philippine state. a. Support for the GRP-MILF peace process; b. Full implementation of the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement of 1996; and c. Involvement and participation of all major stakeholders. 2. Revive and strengthen values and mechanisms that are supportive of peacebuilding. a. Inclusion of lessons that foster culture of peace into all levels of education offered by both secular and Islamic institutions, as well as into non-formal education programs; b. Values transformation trainings; c. Support for interfaith activities; and d. Strengthening of indigenous systems of conflict-resolution

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3. The military institution must respect BangsaMoro rights, including sovereignty over its territories. a. Demilitarization of the BangsaMoro Homeland; b. Non-implementation of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) within the BangsaMoro Homeland; and c. Protection against human rights abuses. 4. Empower the BangsaMoro people (ummah raayat) so that they become conduits of peace. a. Support for Moro organizations by LGUs: • Recognition of CSO contributions and their initiatives in the community; • Institutionalization of meaningful CSO participation in local governance; • Fostering community-based Islamic education and cultural values for sustainable peace; and • Establishing opportunities for CSOs’ “vertical and horizontal” involvement in peace-building; b. Promotion of Muslim women’s representation in peace-building activities, as well as in negotiations; and c. Strengthening the traditional structures and organizations among elders/ulama on conflict-resolution and peace advocacy. 5. Guarantee that the rule of law shall prevail through mechanisms and processes that effectively administer justice. a. Establishment and expansion of Shari’a courts, as mandated under the Code on Muslim Personal Laws or PD 1083; and b. Restoration and strengthening of “Ruma Bitchara” to effectively administer taritib, ijma, adat laws. 6. Strengthen the ARMM for better governance within its territories. a. Full Implementation of the 1996 Final Peace Agreement, and amendment of the RA 9054 as mutually defined by both parties • Review the implementation (or lack thereof) of the Regional Security Force, as well as the integration program of MNLF combatants into the AFP and PNP; b. Support for ARMM leadership and administration • Leadership to be given back to the MNLF; • Freeing the ARMM from manipulation and control of the Philippine Central

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Government; and • Reorganizing the structure so that a Regional Armed Forces is placed under the ARMM governor as the Regional Commander-In-Chief. c. Total pull out of the Philippine Armed Forces, as well as the US Forces, from the ARMM areas. 7. Establish mechanisms and strengthen initiatives for reconciliation and unification. a. Dropping of spurious criminal cases and reward money filed against MNLF and MILF forces brought about by the series of clashes between MNLF and the AFP, and between MILF and the AFP; b. Politicians and local leaders to support the peace process with sincerity and respect; and c. Involvement of CSOs in the unification and reconciliation process. 8. Place human security on the security agenda of the state, such that public security, including the safety of women and children and other vulnerable sectors, are primordial. a. Prevention of conflict and advancement of human security; b. Collaboration and cooperation between and among stakeholders to peace; and c. Support for proactive prevention of organized crimes such as the arms trade, kidnapping, terrorism and drug trafficking, among others. 9. Strengthen humanitarian protection. a. Use of rights-based approaches in humanitarian protection; b. Humanitarian and development agencies to strengthen cooperation for a more integrated approach to helping civilians; c. Observance of ceasefire (SOMO and SOMA) between the GRP and the MILF; d. Proactive prevention of displacement, particularly on account of war; and e. In case of displacement, ensure maximum protection of IDPs; • Continuing presence of the International Monitoring Team (IMT); and, • Intervention of the UN, when necessary; and • State as well as non-state parties to ensure that humanitarian laws are observed.

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10. Uphold human rights. a. Strengthen initiatives and mechanisms for human rights education; b. Realization of individual and collective rights; and c. National and regional organizations to be strengthened, with support of the international community, including that of UN High Commissioner on Human Rights. 11. Promote good governance and active citizenship. a. Strengthen people’s participation so as to avoid creating discord and discrimination among the citizenry that could trigger renewed conflicts; b. Enhancing policies and programs meant to address the needs of the people such as, but not limited to, livelihood, infrastructures (e.g., schools, farm-tomarket roads) health and sanitation, and agricultural extension; c. Enhancement of transparency, accountability and responsibility in governance; d. Curbing the proliferation of illegal firearms and promotion of responsible gun ownership; and e. Providing employment to MNLF combatants, as well as education and other protective measure to young soldiers.

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I.

Agenda 8: Cultural Integrity While the peoples who are now called Moros have never been a part of a single state or any unitary political structure aside from that of the Philippines, there are commonalities in their cultures. These commonalities proceed from a common religion, Islam, which defines much of their ways of life, as well as from Malay influences that have survived through centuries of struggle against colonial powers. There are slightly differing norms, values and traditions among the ethno-linguistic groups comprising the BangsaMoro. But, as mentioned, the commonalities among them are more pronounced. Islam brought to Mindanao by Arabs and Malay traders and missionaries not only introduced common religious rituals to the people, but more importantly, it brought with it a common belief system and values, as one encompassing “way of life.� Common words and practices used by the Moro peoples can also be traced to Arab and Malay languages. In fact, some Arab and Malay traditions ­still remain as integral part of the common Moro practices. Similarly, words, ways of doing things, practices, and even culinary traditions, are some of the common influences that have survived colonialism and thus, still exist among the Moro ethno-linguistic groups to date. But in the same way that there are commonalities, there are likewise cultural distinctiveness among the BangsaMoro peoples. Some values, although seemingly common, have different dimensions to different peoples. Moro anthropologists and other leaders are quick to point out that there are small differences in traditional practices, such as in wedding ceremonies, courtship, roles of women, to name some. Geography also seems to play an important role in defining the distinctiveness. For example, many Tausug, Sama, Yakan, who are native to the island provinces do not eat freshwater fishes, unlike their Meranao, Iranun, and Maguindanaon brothers and sisters. Geography also influences the designs in their material culture such as the malong (a tubular piece of cloth worn in many Moro communities), their livelihoods, and skills. As in all other societies, culture evolves as different influences occur in the historical contexts that these societies have gone through. The BangsaMoro peoples are not isolated from the changing contexts and influences. To make sure that the

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core culture of the Moros remains intact even with the influx of these influences, CSO leaders articulate their aspiration for:  The preservation and promotion of their belief systems, values, arts, sports and recreational activities, Islamic and/or cultural rituals, leadership principles and practices, adat or traditional laws, material cultural artifacts, and symbols. To attain this, they put forward the following steps: 1. Establishing of museums to collect, showcase, preserve, and promote cultural artifacts and other material culture; 2. Identification, restoration, preservation and promotion of cultural and religious sites and historical landmarks; 3. Teaching Moro cultures and history in all levels of the educational system; 4. Recognition of Moro heroes in the history of the BangsaMoro struggle; 5. Establishing and strengthening “schools of living traditions” to nurture among them indigenous knowledge, systems and practices and pass them on to the next generation, such as, but not limited to, music and oral traditions, dances, musical instruments, rituals, culinary arts, weaving and textiles, and languages; 6. Formulation and enactment of laws and policies for the preservation, promotion and development of the BangsaMoro culture; and 7. Addressing social menaces that are becoming cultural practices, i.e. rido or clan wars.

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J. Agenda 9: Relationship with other peoples The influx of settlers from Luzon and the Visayas has reduced Moros to minorities in the places they call home. Some live in communities with “mixed” population, i.e., political units with substantial number of Moros and non-Moros living together. Many Moros have likewise been forced out of their native places, and have migrated to non-Moro areas, such as Metro Manila, Cebu, Baguio, and the like, because of war, communal conflicts, or to look for better economic or educational opportunities in the more developed but “non-Moro” urban centers. Also, even in “Moro areas”, i.e., where they are a majority, there are other peoples who live therein—the settlers or migrants from Luzon and the Visayas, as well as nonIslamized native inhabitants who do not ascribe to the Moro identity. And if and when a BangsaMoro entity is recognized in the future, and areas are delineated to constitute its territory, there would always be non-Moros who shall live within it. Hence, it is imperative for the Moros to define their relations with other peoples. BangsaMoro CSO leaders have thus articulated the following aspirations in this regard: 1. Respect for diversity and tolerance for others shall be guiding principles in the relationship of Moros with other peoples. a. Promotion of liberating Islam that is inclusive of all creations (peoples); b. Sharing of cultural traditions among peoples; and c. Constant dialogue for better knowledge and understanding about one another’s histories, aspirations, faiths, values, and cultures, among others. 2. Build solidarity in causes that cut across faiths and cultures. a. Developing a common vision among all peoples for a just societal order, including universal issues related to peace, environmental protection, access to social services, human rights protection, justice and social change, among others; b. Working together towards materializing the shared vision; and

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c. Strengthening of existing mechanisms, as well as developing new ones, that forge understanding and common courses of action among different peoples.

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K. Agenda 10: Women At a time when women were not considered deserving of rights and freedoms – sometimes including life itself – Islam liberated them from marginalization and oppression. When women were treated like chattels inherited by their deceased husbands’ kindred, and when baby girls were killed by their parents, and when polygyny was practiced without limit or inhibition, the Qur’an was revealed to the Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.). The concept of tawheed (monotheism) is essentially about there being only one God, and human beings being all equal in God’s eyes. Tawheed taught humankind about the basic equality among humans, their equal rights and responsibilities. It also taught people that human excellence is measured not it terms of one’s sex, but in terms of one’s devotion to Allah. It has brought with it the principles of justice, humanity, solidarity, and equality. Women and men should therefore be treated equally. It is likewise necessary that women are made aware about their rights and how these are to be exercised. Muslim religious leaders should also be involved in teaching them about these rights. Parents, as the child’s first teachers, should be good examples of how they treat each other with justice and kindness, and how rights and responsibilities are carried out with fairness and non-discrimination. The agenda drafted below are based on the present pressing issues of BangsaMoro women. Moro CSOs have enumerated their aspirations concerning women, to wit: On governance and administration 1. Women are recognized for their contributions in political processes and are given spaces for greater political participation and leadership, both in government, and civil society work. a. Empowering women so that there are more Muslim women leaders who know and exercise their rights and perform their responsibilities and duties. • Establishing and strengthening mechanisms for women’s participation in governance - Making women’s representation in national and local councils mandatory

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• Leadership training, capability building and values formation programs for women - E.g., Voters’ education • Support for women who opt to run for political position - Assistance in agenda-formulation (so that the agenda can work for women and the community in general) - Training for political exercises b. Organizing women from village to national levels so that they can consolidate their resources and positions on issues: • Participation of women in all stages of program and project implementation, i.e., from planning to implementation, monitoring, and evaluation; and • Peer support by women for women. c. Ensuring that local and national policies and institutions address the needs of women and children; and d. Shared decision-making between women and men at all levels-- at home, in the community, and in the larger political sphere. 2. Women are contributing in the propagation and building of religious knowledge. a. Increasing Islamic consciousness among Muslim women; and b. Training more young women as aleemat. 3. Formulation and implementation of policies protecting and promoting the rights of Moro women so that their unique needs are addressed, including but not limited to, the wearing of hijab, the complexities in contemporary society such as premarital sex among young women, and the like. On social services 4. Women are educated in both Islamic and secular systems. a. Equal access for women to be educated in Islamic and secular systems  Support by the government to madaris, so that women can continue being educated in Islamic and Arabic studies; and  More scholarship grants for women. b. Initiatives to reach out to unschooled women through alternative/non-formal adult learning programs to address functional literacy; c. Establishing and maintenance of well-equipped libraries or resource centers on

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Islamic and secular subjects; and d. Education of, and promotion by, women of BangsaMoro cultural and traditional norms and practices that are supportive of women’s rights. 5. Health-related illnesses and other concerns of women are addressed by adequate health and other relevant services. a. Accessibility of well-equipped health centers to all women; b. Advocacy for breastfeeding; c. Comprehensive and extensive health education, particularly in far-flung rural areas, including areas of armed conflict; d. Strengthening the advocacy on water sanitation and hygiene; and e. Institution building for services that address violence against women, such as, but not limited to, free/affordable legal services, shelter, psychological counseling, on cases like domestic violence, rape, trafficking. 6. Better access to basic necessities for women and the rest of the BangsaMoro, so that they can live their lives to the fullest. a. Delivery of social services, such as potable water supply, sanitary toilets, schools and other facilities to women, children and the rest of the population in all the villages; b. Institutionalization of marriage counseling for Muslim couples. c. Optimal use of the five-percent (5%) budgetary provisions from local government units (LGUs) and line agencies for women’s development and other related activities; and d. Equitable distribution of basic services to the people, regardless of political affiliation and other considerations. Peace and Security 7. Women are protected from the effects of the war and other community conflicts and lawlessness. a. Putting an end to the war by pursuing ways to permanently resolve the BangsaMoro claim to right to self-determination; b. Rehabilitation projects and services for IDPs, especially the women and children in conflict-affected areas; c. Prosecuting human rights violations to end impunity;

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d. Stronger campaigns against illegal drugs; e. Protection for Moro women against exploitation and human trafficking; and f. Advocacy for a just and equitable gender relation that prohibits violence and discrimination against women. Economic 8. Women should have access to and control over resources and enjoy the fruits of economic development. a. Economic independence for women, i.e. having the skills and opportunities to earn a living, without having to depend on anyone and without needing to go abroad for work: • More opportunities for stable and legal employment for women in the places where they live; and • Enhanced skills in entrepreneurship among women so that they are able to earn income. b. Modern agricultural technology is accessible to women; c. No discrimination in employment/workplace of women; and d. Building of cooperatives and other forms of self-help organizations that tap on the skills and knowledge of women so that they can increase their income. Environment 9. Maximize the participation of BangsaMoro women in the protection of the environment. a. Strict enforcement of the environmental health and sanitation laws; and b. Women as advocates for halal-compliant practices.

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L. Agenda 11: Social Services The aspiration of BangsaMoro for its people to lead peaceful and prosperous lives, builds upon the Moro peoples’ skills and talents to establish a productive, self-reliant and pious ummah. In order to do this, people have to be able to access all the services necessary for them to be the best that they could be. Thus, they need to be able to access services in programs related to shelter, health, education, livelihood, potable water, sanitation, food, infrastructure, and the like. The state should be able to respond with these services, towards improved quality of life for the BangsaMoro, living with all peoples in tranquility and harmony. The government’s role is so vital, as most of these services are within the sphere of its means and mandates. Hence, part of the aspiration is to establish an accountable, transparent and efficient government. In addition, the development programs put forward by the civil society organizations are needed to complement social services, especially where they have to be strengthened. The community must likewise be organized and empowered so that the capacities—in terms of physical, human, natural and other resources—are enhanced and mobilized towards attaining better services and good governance for the benefit of all. Participation of the people is imperative in the formulation of social development policies and mechanisms for services that are responsive to the needs of the people. Community members should be part of all planning, implementation, and monitoring activities related to these services. Specific aspirations with respect to social services are the following: 1. Water system should be accessible to all. a. Functional community water system which provides sufficient, cheap potable water supply down to the barangay level; • Organization and capacitation of barangay water supply associations (BWSA); b. Infrastructure and facilities: • Disinfection/sampling and treatment; • Water tank; and • Water pipes

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a. Community awareness-raising about water conservation, utilization and

b. c.

treatment:  Water exploration and production should benefit the community wherever water sources are tapped and developed; Improved and enhanced water systems for community income-generation; and Project planning management for the people’s organizations in managing water systems.

2. Comprehensive health services that are responsive to the needs of the Moros should be made available to all. a. Provision of basic, secondary and tertiary health services and facilities;  Government hospitals with complete facilities and well-compensated medical staff; in the long term, health services in hospitals should be delivered in accordance with Islamic principles;  Hiring of additional health workers;  Municipal health personnel should serve in their places of assignment;  All barangays to have health centers, “botica sa barangay” with medical profiles/facilities; b. Provision of affordable medicine, as well as intensified education on the use of alternative medicines;  Education on, and propagation of, planting and use of herbal medicines;  Formation and capability-building for Moro health workers who are active in the promotion of health programs and awareness;  Awareness-raising towards health promotion in the grassroots level, including, but not limited to, nutrition education in the household level;  Health insurance that is affordable and available, even to the poorest of families; and  Mobilization of CSOs and even non-practicing Moro health professionals in the communities to complement the delivery of health services by the national and local governments. - CSOs, including grassroots community, to participate in government programs on health awareness and organizing committees and other mechanisms that focus on health issues.

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3. Adequate housing services should be provided to the BangsaMoro. a. Provision of shelter programs for constituents through affordable housing projects, so that no one needs to squat on another person’s land.  Tapping local and international funding resources for the social housing projects;  Ensuring that location for housing projects are free from potential sources of disputes, and that basic services are made available in such project areas;  Pursuit of land donations for housing projects; and  Compliance with safety standards in the construction of housing projects, so as to avoid human-made disasters such as landslides and other hazards. b. Effective enforcement by the LGU of zoning and land use management laws, through the formulation of the appropriate land use and zoning plans; 4. Road networks, bridges, public building and other facilities for better communication, travel, and delivery of social services must be established and maintained. a. Road networks, including farm-to-market roads, municipal, provincial and national roads to be built and maintained for better communication as well as easier transport of goods and mobilization among the people.  Access roads to remote and hard-to-reach areas;  Availability of transportation for inter/intra islands;  Upgrading of earth roads; and  Sufficient farm-to-market roads, buildings and facilities for the public;

b. Identification of sites for, and establishment of, public cemeteries.  All areas should have their own community cemetery that is ideally situated for the purpose, with grants/donation from local governments,

 Encourage Moros to donate lands; and  Management planning for the established cemetery.

5. All households within the BangsaMoro territories should have access to affordable power supply. a. Tap renewable sources of energy for power supply in the community; b. Investing in infrastructure that would pave the way to potential energy sources and broader and uninterrupted distribution of power supply; c. Electric companies to be more service-oriented, transparent; and d. Affordable cost of electricity, so that all households would have access to it. T h e B a n g s a M o r o C i v i l S o c i e t y O r g a n i z at i o n ( B M - C SO ) D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n d a

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6. Islamic emphasis on cleanliness and sanitation is understood and being practiced. a. Operational and effective solid waste management  Mobilizing local governments and communities for solid waste management councils; and  Proper garbage disposal and identifying/setting up of waste disposal areas/facilities; b. Information dissemination and awareness-raising on waste management, based on Islamic values and principles; c. Sanitary toilet facilities in households and in strategic public areas; and d. Lobby with national and local leaders for the formulation of awareness programs on community sanitation, health and nutrition, both as individual and collective responsibilities. 7. Communities maintain sanitary standards in public markets where trading agricultural and other products, including food and raw materials, takes place. a. Well-organized, sanitary and well-maintained public markets; and b. Regular sanitary inspection. 8. Communities and local government are prepared for human-made and natural disasters. a. Disaster preparedness plans drawn up; and b. Set up disaster coordinating committees and other mechanisms with strong support and participation of CSOs. 9. Other services a. Facilitate of travel for Moros who go abroad to work or study (e.g., support for passport/visa processing); b. Provide appropriate services to strengthen the Moro family, such as, but not limited to, marriage counseling, values formation for children; and c. Social preparation for development initiatives.

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M. Agenda 12: Youth and Children BangsaMoro CSO leaders recognize the important role of the succeeding generations in the continuing assertion of the right to self-determination. Corollary to this, a political settlement with the Philippine government becomes essential to the BangsaMoro in resolving the root causes of the Mindanao conflict. In the meantime, the youth should be given all opportunities to have a better understanding of the struggle for the right to self-determination. Increasing the youth’s level of awareness of, involvement in and commitment to the situation of the Moros, enriching them with knowledge of history and of their role in the continuing struggle for the right to self-determination, should be priority agenda in terms of capability-building and education for the youth. Other matters in the agenda are the following: 1. Build a strong foundation for the youth on the basis of sheer iman (faith) which includes adherence to Islamic values and principles: a. Increase the level of Islamic consciousness among Muslim children through awareness-raising sessions on Islamic values; and b. Inculcate taqwa (piety) on the youth as well as strong love of the ummah. 2. Work on peace, especially for the sake of the next generation. a. Strengthen the advocacy for peace in Mindanao through trainings, fora, and use of media in the massive information campaign on the real and factual Mindanao situation; and b. Participation of the youth in policy formulation and decision-making for the peace process through the conduct of youth assemblies and consultations. 3. Make relevant and quality education accessible to the youth. a. Schools to be made accessible to all children and the youth so that they are able to enter and finish their studies up to college; b. Intensify non-formal education, including skills training, for out-of-school youth (OSY); c. Establish facilities for the youth, including rehabilitation centers, educational centers, libraries that have Islamic as well as secular books;

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d. Strengthening the Daycare Program down to barangay level as it should be in all political units;

e. More opportunities for scholarship/study grants for the youth; f. Private and public sectors to strengthen and support the madaris education g. h. i. j. k. l.

in all levels (from kindergarten onwards) and in all barangays where there is significant Moro population; Representation of the youth in the administration of the education system; Education for Moro youth in both Islamic and secular programs; Establishing an International Islamic University in Mindanao that will be accessible to deserving Moro youth; Non-discrimination against Moros in schools through the promotion of culture of peace, intra-faith and inter-faith dialogue, as well as implementation of antidiscrimination policies; Inclusion of BangsaMoro and Mindanao histories in the curriculum; and Promotion of sports among the youth as a means for developing discipline, camaraderie and sportsmanship.

4. Local governments should seriously engage the youth. a. Youth involvement in the policy formulation and decision—making; and b. Support from LGUs for youth empowerment. 5. Strengthen Moro youth organizations. a. Strengthen and unify already established youth organizations that can be agents of change; b. Capability-building for organizations so that they become self-reliant and confident in the conduct of their affairs; and c. Giving recognition to contributions of youth groups to the society. 6. Prioritize health program packages for children and youth. a. Health education for parents and children, so that they are physically, mentally and spiritually well; b. Access to health centers and provision of health services to the children and the young; c. Stronger advocacy against the proliferation of illegal drugs and pre-marital sex; and d. Ensure the meaningful participation of the youth in reproductive health programs.

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7. In situations where the youth work, there should be protection against exploitation and harassment, and they should be provided with broad range of opportunities. a. More employment opportunities for youth, particularly those who are out-ofschool; b. Training of youth on entrepreneurial skills; c. Non-discrimination in the employment of Moro youth, including adoption of affirmative actions in employing young people from the Moro communities; and d. Enactment of law prohibiting and penalizing discrimination against the Moro, including the youth, in employment and in other aspects. 8. Youth participation in governance and other leadership functions. a. Leadership training, capability-building and values formation programs for the youth; b. Active participation of the youth in governance and other decision-making functions; c. Social awareness programs for the youth; d. Support for youth advocacies on matters affecting their well-being; e. Enact and implement policies protective of the rights of children and the youth; and f. Strengthen and operationalize youth affairs mechanisms in the local government units level 9. Support the youth in their participation in sports and recreational activities. a. Recognize children’s and youth’s rights to play and enjoy; and b. Provide area for recreational facilities that are accessible to the children and the youth. The whole exercise that brought about the BangsaMoro CSO Development Agenda provided an opportunity for the Moro CSO leaders to engage in dialogues (shura), consensus-building (ijma), and discernment (ijtihad) with their peers. The end product was then presented to other stakeholders of the peace process, such as the liberation fronts, the Philippine government (through the Office of the Presidential Assistant on the Peace Process or OPAPP), local and international NGOs, and funding donors. All the steps undertaken, although seemingly cumbersome at times, are important requisites for constituency-building and solidarity work.

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While the Moro fronts are engrossed in pursuing the peace talks with the end in view of attaining a political status that would define the BangsaMoro’s political relationship with the Philippine state, the BangsaMoro CSOs find their niche in drafting the BangsaMoro Development Agenda. This is on top of their continued efforts to provide support to, and engage in, the peace talks in many different ways. The development agenda covers 12 thematic development areas, and these contain both general and specific strategies towards the identified goals. The efforts at articulating the BangsaMoro’s Agenda are as important as the struggle to achieve a certain political status. The latter serves to enforce the former. The articulation of the agenda will allow the Moro people, as well as the non-Moros, to better appreciate the context and justification of the continuing assertion of the BangsaMoro of their right to self-determination. Yet, there are some preliminary tasks that need to be done. The agenda needs to be popularized, among the Moro communities, in the broad sectors of Mindanao, and the rest of the Philippines. As shown in the aftermath of the MOA-AD debacle in August 2008, decisions regarding the peace talks are not just done when the peace panels negotiate. Also, the “ordinary Filipino” in Luzon or the Visayas was suddenly confronted with the question of why the Philippine government was “giving away” part of the Philippine territory. This reaction was common, and in post-911 era, the Muslims’ reputation has become suspect. Articulating the Moros’ aspirations is one step at educating different peoples and sectors comprising the Philippines what the BangsaMoro is fighting for, and what is at stake war and peace. For the Moro CSOs, the development agenda provides another use. It does not only articulate the aspirations of the BangsaMoro but also provides a readily available advocacy material to guide their action.

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IV CONCLUDING COMMENTS

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IV

C O N C LU D I N G C O M M E N T S

IV. CONCLUDING COMMENTS The whole exercise that brought about the BangsaMoro CSO Development Agenda provided an opportunity for the Moro CSO leaders to engage in dialogues (shura), consensus-building (ijma), and discernment (ijtihad) with their peers. The end product was then presented to other stakeholders of the peace process, such as the liberation fronts, the Philippine government (through the Office of the Presidential Assistant on the Peace Process or OPAPP), local and international NGOs, and funding donors. All the steps undertaken, although seemingly cumbersome at times, are important requisites for constituency-building and solidarity work. While the Moro fronts are engrossed in pursuing the peace talks with the end in view of attaining a political status that would define the BangsaMoro’s political relationship with the Philippine state, the BangsaMoro CSOs find their niche in drafting the BangsaMoro Development Agenda. This is on top of their continued efforts to provide support to, and engage in, the peace talks in many different ways. The development agenda covers 12 thematic development areas, and these contain both general and specific strategies towards the identified goals. The efforts at articulating the BangsaMoro’s agenda are as important as the struggle to achieve a certain political status. The latter serves to enforce the former. The articulation of the agenda will allow the Moro people, as well as the non-Moros. to better appreciate the context and justification of the continuing assertion of the BangsaMoro of their right to self-determination. Yet, there are some preliminary tasks that need to be done. The agenda needs to be popularized, among the Moro communities, in the broad sectors of Mindanao, and the rest of the Philippines. As shown in the aftermath of the MOA-AD debacle in August 2008, decisions regarding the peace talks are not just done when the peace panels negotiate. Also, the “ordinary Filipino” in Luzon or the Visayas was suddenly confronted with the question of why the Philippine government was “giving away” part of the Philippine territory. This reaction was common, and in post-911 era, the Muslims’ reputation has become suspect. Articulating the Moros’ aspirations is one step at educating different peoples and sectors comprising the Philippines what the BangsaMoro is fighting for, and what is at stake war and peace.

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C O N C LU D I N G C O M M E N T S

For the Moro CSOs, the Development Agenda provides another use. It does not only articulate the aspirations of the BangsaMoro but also provides a readily available advocacy material to guide their action.

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The BangsaMoro CSO Development Agenda