Leviathan | the New Generation Some of the voices on the right of the party are calling for a return to the approach adopted by Tony Blair: a Labour party that is promarkets, pro-privatisation and pro-business. While the previous Labour governments were responsible for many great achievements in social justice and making Britain a more prosperous country,27 the people who espouse this approach are disconnected from the electorate. Throughout Labour’s time in government, it relied on deregulating the financial sector during times of high economic growth to fund public services such as health and education to benefit the middle and working classes.28 However, this did not solve the problems of the poorer communities outside of London. The Labour heartlands in the North of England and Scotland were left behind, and in these areas Labour has lost key votes to UKIP and the SNP respectively.29 It is thanks to the New Labour image that the party is seen as elitist, London centric, and out of touch with the aspirations of people in poorer parts of the country.30 So is there an alternative? Is there a middle way between embracing the markets and shunning them? A new school of thought is required, from a younger generation who understand the complexities of the problems of today, and why poorer communities feel left behind. During his time on the opposition backbenches, Chuka Umunna has been crafting a general strategy as to how Labour can become relevant to Britain’s electorate today. In an impressive 5000-word piece for The New Statesman, Umunna initially sets out the Labour mission: the party needs to bring back the reciprocal relationship of the public and the state: ‘In return for their support, our obligation is to use the power of government to protect and further their interests.’ 31 Umunna advocates boosting the ‘Foundational Economy’, which is, ‘made up of the services, production and social goods that sustain all our daily lives.’ 32 This implies that while policies and strategies surrounding industry are generally city-centric and focus on the property and technology industries, not enough is being done to help the public and private industries that all people need. Notably, there is a poor performance in certain aspects of care, education, and health, as well as low wage growth in retail and hospitality sectors, where jobs are becoming increasingly insecure. The ‘Foundational Economy’ is the brainchild of the University of Manchester’s Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change, who affirm that the Foundational Economy represents around a third of Britain’s economy.33 Citing work from other academics and think tanks across the ideological spectrum such as the Smith Institute and the Fabian Society, Umunna states that today’s society requires ‘new forms of ownership’ to resolve the problems of forgotten communities and insecure employment.34 He also suggests that despite representing a London constituency, his current role as Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Social Integration means he understands the concerns of those left behind.35 Overall Umunna’s piece shows promise. There is an optimistic middle ground; a way to make Labour relevant again. Yet, these changes may have to wait. Having won two leadership contests in a row, Jeremy Corbyn will likely retain the leadership until the time of his choosing. While, a career in long-term opposition has proved too much for some, including Umunna’s good friend and colleague Tristram Hunt who recently resigned as an MP,36 it seems that Umunna is here to stay. Since the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, Umunna has founded Vote Leave Watch, an organisation hoping to bring the Vote Leave camp to account on some of its campaign promises.37 Arguably his most important role in addition to being an MP, however, is his role on advisory board for the Centre for Progressive Capitalism,38 a crossparty group where his work with academics, such as former Business Secretary Vince Cable and others, has helped to further inform the
debate provided in the aforementioned New Statesman essay. There appears to be a long road ahead before Chuka Umunna may have a chance to change Labour policy and shape the party’s electoral change, but the ideas are there, and so is hope. As Umunna says in his lengthy calling card, where there is a way, there is a will. Harrison Caine is a second-year Social Policy and Economics student at the University of Edinburgh.
A New Generatoin of European Energy Strategies JELENA SOFRONIJEVIC explores EU’s future energy strategy and its potential move towards renewable energy.
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he European Union (EU) and Russia share a level of energy interdependency. 1, 2 However, in pursuit of energy security, sustainability and competition, the European Union is attempting to diversify its energy sources.3 Investment in renewable energy development could reduce the EU’s dependency on Russia, whilst respecting this trilemma of energy security.4 Yet, the EU faces obstacles against diversification, including rigid, long-term gas contracts,5 disparities in opinion and policy across the member states,6 and security issues of renewable energies. 7 Renewables are a potential, desirable vehicle for energy diversification, and their more widespread adoption could give rise to the new generation of a more independent European energy strategies. However, decreasing dependency on Russian energy is a long-term process, demanding greater unity within the European Union itself. Although Russia is the main exporter of oil, coal and gas to the European Union,8 this article focuses primarily on gas as an energy source because gas dependency is one of the European Union’s greatest energy security issues.9 Furthermore, gas is widely considered to be a short-term bridge fuel to the wider use of low carbon alternatives and renewable fuels.10 Hence, the possibility of a movement to renewable energies shall be posited against the current European dependency on Russian gas exports. At present, Russia is connected to Europe via three main gas corridors; Yamal, Nord Stream and the Trans-Siberian or ‘Brotherhood’ Pipeline.11 In 2016 alone, Gazprom, Russia’s largest and governmentcontrolled gas corporation, exported approximately 178.3 billion cubic metres of gas to Europe.12 Energy relations between the EU and Russia, however, are characterised by symbiosis.13, 14 In 2013, oil and natural gas sales accounted for 68 percent of Russian export revenue, whilst extraction and export taxes in the same year generated 50 percent of the federal government budget.15 Whilst the European Union is dependent on Russian energy supply, the Russian economy is sustained by European demand. Indeed, this economic relationship was both established in and endured periods of historic political turmoil.16 From 1962, the USSR exported oil to the nations of eastern and central Europe by the Druzhba (Friendship) Pipeline.17 These natural gas infrastructures were symbolic of the, ‘hidden integration,’ of Cold War Europe.18. 19 Energy relations between Russia and the European Union are hence best considered as an intricate and complex intertwining of business and political interests. Critically, Europe’s dependency on Russian energy has strengthened
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