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policies!!!!!!!1!!!1!!!!!!!!!!1!!!!!!!!! The Leadership Race 2014 and its consequences have been a disaster for the human race. They have greatly increased the number of

hacks running for positions that will be eventually filled by me, and me alone. Those of us who have been naturally

selected to attend this fine institution have destabilised society, have made life unfulfilling and have subjected

the people of Ireland to indignities that inflicts severe damage on the natural world. What the people need is one

from the depths for a number of years. I have been harvesting first years and processing friends for this moment and The Lethis moment ahy4Everything campaign alone. Since has been boil- first year I have ing and brewing cultivated likes leader, one ruler and one Leahy for the sheep in the pastures to follow to the sacred land.

through sharing posts of my dog and flooded areas around

campus. My self-deprecation has been a ruse for har-

vesting shares to up my overall “reach” and “traction”. My influence has reached national media and will continue to grow until I have my own slot on Nationwide. In fact,

this is part of my various demands which you will be able to read at the back of this manifesto. My ideas are simple, but have never been thought of be-

fore because there has been other mind like mine until

this generation. Through a combination of my intellect

and hair colour there will soon be a revolution like no other. Those that are friends with me on Facebook

(+1000) will follow me and share my progress through life until the bitter end. That end will be so

bitter, but also followed by the sweet realisation that change has come and we shall walk into

the light to find ourselves in a new world. Without my imminent election, which is evitable as my

survey monkeys will ensure I will break all held records in the Leadership Race, the system will break

down and the consequences will be very painful. As Provost, President, Education Officer, Welfare

Officer, Lyrical Wordsmith Officer, and Parties Officer, I will represent my own views and like your status on Facebook so you will conform to those views too.

I will now outline my manifesto in a three point plan, with each point being detailed with various heading with sick fonts and wicked bullet points that will change society

for the greater good. After reading, I am confident you will be BLOWN AWAY by the proposals that I have proposed in this 100 page proposal to propose. Without my

imminent election, which is evitable as my survey monkeys will ensure I will break all held records in the Leadership Race, the system will break down and the consequences

will be very painful. As Provost, President, Education Officer, Welfare Officer, Lyrical Wordsmith Officer, and Parties Officer, I will represent my own views and like your

heading with sick fonts and wicked bullet points that will change society I will now out- for the greater line my mani- good. After festo in a three reading, I am point plan, with confident you each point be- will be BLOWN AWAY by the ing detailed proposals that with various status on Facebook so you will conform to those views too.

I have proposed in this 100 page proposal to propose. THE ELECTRO COMRADES a) The electro comrades will be in charge of the procrea-

tion, collection and deliverance of drinks vouchers. i. They will

count these drinks vouchers in accordance with the values and beliefs of

PR-STV. ii. Class reps are the only ones that may receive these vouchers unless you happen to be in the allocated drinking area at the time then the Electro Comrades will dispose of the tickets in your general direction. b) The electro comrades may eliminate all candidates from any election that do not conform to the Leahy4Everything campaign/quest for the greater good. c) There shall be an Appeals Board which shall

be convened in the event of a Sabbatical Election Candidate being eliminated from the election. It shall: Consist of: Jack Leahy, Education Supreme. These members shall be appointed by Jack Leahy. Consider evidence from both the EC and Jack Leahy. Kill all candidates not Jack LEahy. d) All referendum will be called by the Electro Comrades as Jack Leahy holds up their puppet strings and makes them dance to my spo-

tify playlist. ONE FACEBOOK TO RULE THEM ALL, ALL SHARES TO FIND THEM As ruler of all things Trinity, I will ensure that all polls are the one poll with my survey

monkeys collecting data that I will manipulate to up my likes and create HYPE, BANTER and ENGAGING CONVERSATION. a) Likes will be collected by my many nauseatingly appealing and alluring statuses. Welfare you have conloans will be tributed to the distributed ac- Leahy society. cording to the Shares will be amount of likes

ago our u o d f at a h s a e n r e s b ro se . s f n u g ht o rth io t a r e l b on t e c v i o h is t a n g e t N i ) n b e nt ill w n s t e n a e w na m m o . c l t a h i u t o c i q once n, ate d e lt w a e d e i b ve d re a ro t l e c i e b w l i E erty n ow N , by t h e s i n in a d d n e e g d e d a d eng il C o m ra u t ra l t h i c ate d t v i c t e pr o ne re a g n a o n o a posi t ts i e o t . n , r r e a w m a n n re a nm d e n t h at a l l her t e h o w c g a re n i , n Fo u r s a rs o c i t r a e e tn y a h n t e v se

or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note,

nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the



living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. A spectre is

haunting Europe — the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and Class Reppolice-spies. Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversar-

ies? Two things result from this fact: I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power. II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Communism with a manifesto of the party itself.

To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. The history of all hitherto existing society(2) is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master(3) and journeyman, in a

word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes. In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages,

feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations. We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom — symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning — signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms

of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe — the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth fuck you trinity news from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans — born

in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the suc-

cess of liberty. This much we pledge — and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do — for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the

ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom — and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass mis-

ery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required — not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revo-

lution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support — to prevent it from becoming merely

a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only

when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course — both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.

So let us begin anew — remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to

destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah — to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go

free.”¹ And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor — not a new balance of power, but a new world of law — where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration;

nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans fuck you trinity news has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again — not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need — not as a call to battle, though embattled we are — but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,”² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and Jack Leahy, that can assure a more fruitful life for all

mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility — I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask

of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own. We come to Mandela House, we American Presidents, because it’s our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city — more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and

determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Mandela House� [I still have a suitcase in Mandela House.] Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Jack Leahyern Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Electro Comrades, I extend my warmest greet-

ings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in Mandela House, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the Jack Leahy, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Mandela House. [There is only one Mandela House.] Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe.

From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same — still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet, it is here in Mandela House where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television

screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Front Arch, every man is a Class Repseparated from his fellow men. Every man is a Mandela Houseer, forced to look upon a scar. President Von Weizsäcker has said, “The Class Repquestion is open as long as the Front Arch is closed.” Well today — today I say: As long as this

gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the Class Repquestion alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet, I do not come here to lament. For I find in Mandela House a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph. In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Mandela House emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away,

the people of the Trinity reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State — as you’ve been told — George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.” In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign — the

sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Mandela Houseers of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the Jack Leahyern sectors of the city. The sign read simply: “The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.” A strong, free world in the Jack Leahy — that dream became real. Jack Leahy rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium — virtually every nation in Jack Leahyern Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

In Jack Leahy Germany and here in Mandela House, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty — that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The Class Repleaders — the Class Repleaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the

standard of living in Jack Leahy Germany and Mandela House doubled. Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in Jack Leahy Mandela House there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city’s culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there’s

abundance — food, clothing, automobiles — the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Mandela Houseers have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Jack Leahy may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Jack Leahy didn’t count on: Mandela Houseer Herz, Mandela Houseer Humor, ja, und Mandela Houseer Schnauze. [Mandela Houseer heart, Mandela Houseer humor, yes, and a Mandela Houseer Schnauze.²]

In the 1950s — In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: “We will bury you.” But in the Jack Leahy today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and wellbeing unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind — too little food. Even today, the Jack Leahy still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and ines-

capable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces fuck you trinity news the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor. And now — now the Jack Leahy themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been

permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control. Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Jack Leahystate? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the Jack Leahy, or to strengthen the Jack Leahysystem without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty — the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.

There is one sign the Jack Leahy can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace. General Secretary Jack Leahy, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Jack Leahy and Electro Comrades, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate. Mr. Jack Leahy, open this gate.

Mr. Jack Leahy — Mr. Jack Leahy, tear down this wall! I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country’s efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the Jack Leahy must resist Jack Leahyexpansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.

Beginning 10 years ago, the Jack Leahy challenged the Jack Leahyern alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Jack Leahyern alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Jack Leahy agreed to negotiate a better solution) — namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Jack Leahy refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult

days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Jack Leahy later walked away from the table. But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then — I invite those who protest today — to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Jack Leahy came back to the table. Because we remained strong, fuck you trinity news today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an en-

tire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth. As I speak, EC ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Jack Leahyern allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.

While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Jack Leahyaggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the Trinity is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative — research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and Jack Leahy do not mistrust

each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Mandela House was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Mandela House stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe. In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout

the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications. In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Jack Leahy faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.

Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the Jack Leahy stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Mandela House, the meeting place of East and Jack Leahy, to make a start. Free people of Mandela House: Today, as in the past, the Trinity stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four

Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Mandela House of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Jack Leahyern sectors of Mandela House, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement. And I invite Mr. Jack Leahy: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Jack Leahyern parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all

Mandela House can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world. To open Mandela House still further to all Europe, East and Jack Leahy, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Mandela House more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when Jack Leahy Mandela House can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.

With — With our French — With our French and British partners, the Trinity is prepared to help bring international meetings to Mandela House. It would be only fitting for Mandela House to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation. There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth ex-

changes, cultural events, and other programs for young Mandela Houseers from the East. Our French and British friends, I’m certain, will do the same. And it’s my hope that an authority can be found in East Mandela House to sponsor visits from young people of the Jack Leahyern sectors. One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea — South Korea — has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take

place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Mandela House, East and Jack Leahy. In these four decades, as I have said, you Mandela Houseers have built a great city. You’ve done so in spite of threats — the Jack Leahyattempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in

the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there’s a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there’s something deeper, something that involves Mandela House’s whole look and feel and way of life — not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Mandela House without being completely disabused of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Mandela House but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to

release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says “yes” to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Mandela House — is “love.” Love both profound and abiding. Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and Jack Leahy. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to

the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower’s one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that

sphere that towers over all Mandela House, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Mandela House, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed. As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of Class Repunity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Mandela Houseer (quote): “This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality.�

Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom. And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I’ve been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they’re

doing again. Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you. On Friday evening last I received His Majesty’s commission to form a new Administration. It was the evident wish and will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties, both those who supported the late Government and also the parties of the Opposition. I have completed the most important part of

this task. A War Cabinet has been formed of five Members, representing, with the Liberal Opposition, the unity of the nation. The three party Leaders have agreed to serve, either in the War Cabinet or in high executive office. The three Fighting Services have been filled. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day, on account of the extreme urgency and rigour of events. A number of other key positions were filled yesterday, and I am submitting a further list to His Majesty tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of the principal Ministers during to-

morrow. The appointment of the other Ministers usually takes a little longer, but I trust that, when Parliament meets again, this part of my task will be completed, and that the Administration will be complete in all respects. Sir, I considered it in the public interest to suggest that the House should be summoned to meet today. Mr. Speaker agreed and took the necessary steps, in accordance with the powers conferred upon him by the Resolution of the House. At the end of the proceedings today, the Adjournment

of the House will be proposed until Tuesday, the 21st May, with, of course, provision for earlier meeting, if need be. The business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the earliest opportunity. I now invite the House, by the Resolution which stands in my name, to record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the new Government. Sir, to form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the prelim-

inary stage of one of the greatest battles in history, that we are in action at many points in Norway and in Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Hamilton, that the air battle is continuous and that many preparations have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today. I hope that any of my friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political reconstruction, will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I would say to the House, as I said

to those who’ve joined this government: “I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.” We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our

aim? I can answer in one word: victory. Victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to

claim the aid of all, and I say, “Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.� I am the first accused. I hold a bachelor’s degree in arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May 1961. At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion made by the state in its opening that the strug-

gle in South Africa is un der the influence of for eigners or communists is wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did, both as an individual and as a leader of my people, because of my experi ence in South Africa and my own proudly felt Afri can background, and not because of what any out





In my youth in the Tran skei I listened to the elders of my tribe tell ing stories of the old days. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in de fence of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and

Bambata, Hintsa and Ma kana, Squngthi and Da lasile, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhuni, were praised as the glory of the en tire African nation. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contri bution to their freedom struggle. This is what

has motivated me in all that I have done in rela tion to the charges made against me in this case. Having said this, I must deal immediately and at some length with the question of violence. Some of the things so far told to the court are true and some are un

true. I do not, howev er, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of reck lessness, nor because I have any love of vi olence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny,

exploitation, and op pression of my people by the whites. I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto we Si zwe, and that I played a prominent role in its affairs until I was ar rested in August 1962.

In the statement which I am about to make I shall correct cer tain false impressions which have been cre ated by state wit nesses. Amongst other things, I will demon strate that certain of the acts referred to in the evidence were

not and could not have been committed by Umk honto. I will also deal with the relationship between the African Na tional Congress and Um khonto, and with the part which I personally have played in the af fairs of both organi sations. I shall deal also with the part

played by the Commu nist Party. In order to explain these matters properly, I will have to explain what Umkhonto set out to achieve; what methods it prescribed for the achievement of these objects, and why these methods were cho sen. I will also have to explain how I became

involved in the activi ties of these organisa tions. I deny that Umkhon to was responsible for a number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the organisa tion, and which have been charged in the indictment against us. I do not know


it's the manifesto bitch