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BOOK REVIEWS

MENTAL HEALTH OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER: A DETROIT STUDY. By Arthur Kornhauser. With the collaboration of Otto M. Reid. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1965. 354 pp. $7.95. This book focuses on the mental condition of workers in mass-production jobs. Interviews were conducted with 407 Detroit automobile workers in the mid-1950's. Kornhauser was interested primarily in the life adjustments of factory workers at different occupational levels, and in the factors which contributed to better or poorer mental health of these workers. The main contribution of this volume is its documentation of the many questions which have been

raised in the past several decades about the mental health of employees in unskilled versus skilled jobs. Kornhauser's data suggest that for the most part the life adjustment of automobile workers is unsatisfactory. Correspondingly, the higher the occupation the better the average mental health of the workers. (An index of mental health was established by responses to some fifty interview questions. This index correlated closely with independent judgments of several psychiatrists and psychologists who rated a subsample of the interview protocols.) To further buttress the above findings, Kornhauser appropriately and thoroughly examines the possibilities of self-selection by individuals low on mental health into unskilled jobs. It is concluded that the amount of education or other prejob characteristics of the men in different job categories does not account for the relationship between occupational level and mental health. Several problems enter into this part of the analysis, however, because data are reported which suggest a strong influence of family's income level on mental health while the respondent was in boyhood (p. 70). Those whose families had average or above average family incomes had a much higher rate of high mental health than those below average in family income. Indeed this finding introduces a whole range of questions which should be considered: such as, (a) Does Merton's theory of deprivation from achieving society's "success goals" create poor mental health; (b) do children from low family incomes find their way into the lowest skilled jobs; and (c) if so, which factor is the more influential in producing poor mental health? Similarly, in a later part of the book education is introduced as having about the same effect on mental health as occupational level. And as Kornhauser points out, the better educated tend to get more highly skilled jobs (p. 136). Thus, we are left without a clear picture of the interrelationship between the influence of occupation, family background and mental health. A similar point which is of great significance for the study of work behavior, yet which was ;ot clearly solved, is Kornhauser's finding that the more satisfied a person is with his job, regardless of occupational level, the better his mental health. This relationship suggests that a worker's relative perception of the qualities of his job are just as, if not more, influential in determining his mental health than are differences in occupational levels (p. 87). This point is considered but not as comprehensively as one would like. Kornhauser has tackled an enormous problem, analyzed an extensive amount of data in a fairly careful fashion, and attempted to account for the many possible extraneous variables which "might" have explained away his findings. The return gained by reading the volume is well worth the investment, although at times the writing is somewhat cumbersome and repetitive. GERALD D. BELL University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

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for evidence, and used it whenever possible, nevertheless, the treatment is brilliantly analytical, rather than empirical. The "art" of negotiation has been given an important systematic boost, but it is clearly far from having become a science. By remaining close to the actual negotiation situation, the discussion is quite exciting. One can read it as a practical handbook for the negotiator, if he wishes, without worrying about scientific considerations. These remarks are not intended to belittle the authors' accomplishments, but to indicate the flavor of the book. Fully aware of their analytic approach, the authors do not pretend to state speculations as facts. Indeed, they are scrupulous in identifying hypotheses. The careful reader can discover a great many more For precisely this reason, the behavioral scientist ought to be grateful. The book is bursting with possibilities for research. One could turn to any page and find enough problems for a dozen empirical studies, open to historical and field techniques as well as laboratory experimentation. Two major weaknesses must be mentioned. Although the authors clearly recognize the importance of contextual factors, such as influences from outside the bargaining situation and from historical antecedents, nevertheless, the focus is very tightly maintained upon the explicit negotiation itself. A broader perspective might engender doubts that propositions fully express the variables at work. Second, negotiation is practically always treated as an interaction between two monolithic protagonists, labor and management (one as "Party," the other as "Opponent"). There is little awareness of more complex interactions, involving additional elements, such as the "public" or the "government." (At one or two points, examples mention a mediator, but he is never specified as an active component in negotiation, although the protocols strongly suggest that he was.) Thus the very important notion of strategies associated with coalition-formation is unfortunately ignored. Such criticisms hardly detract from the book. It is a major accomplishment and capable of generating important research. W. EDGAR VINACKE State UniuersitÂť of New York at Buffalo

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