Black Consciousness in Azania. The major ideas to be focussed upon pertain to political consciousness, the role of white liberals in black liberation movements and the crucial question of total liberation. The Colonized Mind Partly because of his training in psychiatry and partly because of his personal involvement in revolutionary activities, Fanon was greatly preoccupied with and deeply distressed by one major legacy of colonialism and imperialism, the paralyzing inferiority complex of blacks and their abject idolization of whites as their role models. His writings were aimed principally at galvanizing the physically and mentally colonized people of the Third World to rise up and retrieve their self-esteem, dignity and freedom and thus resume their rightful place as respectable members of the World community. His major analytical focus was the mind or consciousness as the repository of crippling fears and debilitating complexes. Blacks had to realize that the fear of whites and the attendant inferiority complex were direct products of the colonized mind.
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According to Sweden and National Liberation in Southern Africa: Solidarity and Assistance by Tor Sellström Black Consciousness Before Soweto [Uprising] Largely inspired by the 1960‘s black power movement in the United States – but also by the writings of Frantz Fanon and the policies of Julius Nyerere in Tanzania – the philosophy of black consciousness was developed towards the end of the decade by Steve Biko, Barney Pityana and other young black university students of the post-Sharpeville generation. As stated by the former BCM activists Mokoape, Mtintos and Nhlapo, [t]he cornerstone of Biko‘s thinking was that black people must look inwardly at themselves, reflect on their history, examine the reasons for past failures and ask themselves […]: ‗What makes the black man fail to tick?‘ 206 Emphasising assertiveness and self-esteem, under the slogan ‗Black man, you are on your own!‘ black consciousness maintained that the oppression of blacks was both psychological and physical, respectively described as ‗Phase One‘ and ‗Phase Two‘. During an initial period, the efforts focused on the psychological aspects…… While it was relatively uncomplicated to address ‗Phase One‘, it was considerably more difficult – and in the longer term divisive – to approach ‗Phase Two‘. This required a clear strategic objective and definite tactics with regard to alliances and methods of struggle. Mokoape, Mtintso and Nhlapo have recalled how The questions relating to ‗Phase [Two]‘ went largely unanswered […] in BC[M] circles. [I]t was often stated that when the time came, ‗the people will decide‘. However, within informal sessions there was a strong recognition of the need for armed struggle. Yet, even those who agreed that this was an absolute necessity were still baffled by the ‗how‘. [Steve Biko makes numerous attempts to schedule meetings with the PAC and ANC, to give military training to BCM members] As Pityana later noted: ―Steve Biko would have come out of South Africa to try to bring some order into the situation and encourage people to have a creative relationship with the ANC.. […] [E]specially the situation among BC[M] people in Botswana was very bad. There were lots of factions and it was necessary that those who really did want to get involved in armed combat could be trusted. Steve would have explored the possibility of BCM engaging in open political struggle internally in South Africa and of letting those who wanted to be involved in armed struggle do so through ANC. Essentially that is what he was going to explore.(Interview with Barney Pityana, pp. 188-89) Finally, a third – for the apartheid regime potentially much more ominous – meeting was in utmost secrecy planned to take place in Gaborone, Botstwana, in early September 1977. It was not only to involve Biko and Tambo, but also Olof Palme, the leader of the Swedish
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Keith Mokoape, Thenjiwe Mtintso and Welile Nhlapo: ‗Towards the Armed Struggle‘ in Pityana, Ramphele, Mpumlwana and Wilson (eds) op.cit., p.138
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