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Glacial Flooding & Disaster Risk Management Knowledge Exchange and Field Training July 11-24, 2013 in Huaraz, Peru HighMountains.org/workshop/peru-2013

Climate Change  And  The  Sherpa  People  Of,  Khumbu,  Nepal:   Incorporating  History  And  Culture  Into  The  Adaptation  Process   Alton  C.  Byers,  Ph.D.   The  Mountain  Institute   Summary:  The  Sagarmatha  National  Park  has  a  permanent  population  of  approximately   3,500  people  and  is  made  up  of  the  Chaurikharka,  Namche,  and  Kunde-­‐Khumjung  Village   Development  Committees  (VDC).    The  region  is  particularly  vulnerable  to  climate  change   impacts  because  of  its  extreme  topography,  remoteness,  lack  of  transportation  facilities,   and  tourist-­‐driven  and  dependent  economies.    The  two  fundamental  climate  change   vulnerability  drivers  appear  to  be  (a)  irregular  precipitation  patterns  that  result  in   increased  water  scarcity,  loss  of  crop  productivity,  and  reduced  hydropower  generation,   and  (b)  increasing  temperatures  that  have  triggered  widespread  glacial  recession,  new  and   emerging  glacial  lakes,  and  new  crop  diseases  and  pests.    This  paper  traces  the  history  of   the  Sherpa  people  and  societal  transformations  that  they  used  to  adapt  to  political,   economic,  and  other  forms  of  change  over  the  past  500  years.    It  concludes  that  the  Sherpa,   in  fact,  have  a  long  history  of  adaptation  to  change  that  suggests  a  promising  future  in  the   face  of  new  climate-­‐related  impacts.    Climate  and  non-­‐climate  vulnerabilities,  however,  will   remain  high  so  long  as  livelihoods  in  the  Khumbu  region  are  so  heavily  dependent  on  the   tourist  trade.   Introduction:  As  a  compliment  to  its  NAPA  planning  process  (National  Adaptation   Programme  of  Action),  the  Government  of  Nepal  (GON)  has  developed  a  national   framework  for  Local  Adaptation  Plans  for  Action  (LAPA)  to  integrate  climate  change   adaptation  into  local  development  planning  and  climate-­‐smart  development  (GON  2011).   The  aim  is  to  (a)  enable  communities  to  understand  the  consequences  of  climate  change,   (b)  to  determine  adaptation  options  and  priorities,  and  to  (b)  implement  flexible  climate-­‐ resilient  adaptation  plans.  The  GON  and  U.S.  Agency  for  International  Development   (USAID)  expect  that  the  LAPAs  will  provide  a  mechanism  to  mainstream  climate  change   adaptation  into  the  development  agenda  of  local  government  bodies  (USAID  2013).    The   LAPA’s  seven-­‐step  process  to  produce  includes:   1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Community climate  change  sensitization  (inherent  to  all  steps) Climate  vulnerability  and  adaptation  assessment Prioritization  of  adaptation  options Developing  and  formulating  the  LAPA Integrating  the  LAPA  into  and  with  other  planning  processes Implementing  the  LAPA Assessing  progress  and  learning  (inherent  to  all  steps) 1  


As part  of  the  Nepal  High  Mountain  Glacial  Watershed  program  (HMGWP),  community   consultations  have  been  conducted  on  a  regular  basis  throughout  the  Sagarmatha  (Mt.   Everest)  National  Park  (Khumbu)  since  September,  2012.    Consultations  to  date  have   focused  on  the  first  two  steps  of  the  LAPA  process.    This  has  included  the  provision  of   introductory  information  to  local  communities  on  climate  change,  vulnerabilities,   adaptation  mechanisms,  and  prospective  pilot  project  opportunities.    Stakeholders  have   also  been  kept  informed  of  the  forthcoming  UNDP  Community-­‐Based  Flood  and  Glacial   Lake  Outburst  Risk  Reduction  Project  (USAID  2013),  ensuring  that  they  are  part  of  the   glacial  lake  project  process  and  dialogue  from  the  beginning.    Results  of  recent  scientific   studies  of  Imja  Lake  (e.g.,  ground  penetrating  radar  (GPR)  surveys,  bathymetric  surveys,   flood  modeling,  and  risk  reduction  strategies)  were  also  presented  during  the   consultations.    This  sharing  of  scientific  information,  as  well  as  its  integration  into  the   overall  LAPA  design  process,  has  been  a  deliberate  effort  to  reverse  the  contemporary   trends  of  scientists  excluding  local  communities  from  their  research  activities,  and  more   specifically  in  sharing  the  results.      A  series  of  final  consultations  will  be  held  in  July-­‐August   2013,  with  completion  of  the  final  LAPA  expected  by  November  2013.     Preliminary  results  of  the  consultations  held  to  date  (i.e.,  identified  vulnerabilities  and   suggested  adaptation  options)  have  been  covered  elsewhere  (HMGWP  2012).    One   question  of  interest  that  has  been  discussed  by  the  HMGWP  team  during  the  course  of  the   consultations  concerns  the  role  of  a  people’s  history  and  culture  in  their  prospective   abilities  to  adapt  to  climate  change.    That  is,  can  an  understanding  of  a  peoples’  historical   adaptation  capacity  in  different  sectors  (e.g.,  political,  agricultural,  economic)  provide   insights  into  their  prospective  capacities  to  adapt  to  contemporary  impacts  brought  about   by  climate  change?    A  quick  review  of  the  history  of  the  Sherpa  people,  the  primary   stakeholders  in  the  Khumbu  LAPA  initiative,  is  provided  as  an  example  below.     Sherpa  of  Khumbu:    The  ancestors  of  the  Sherpa  people  are  believed  to  have  come  to  the   Khumbu  region  of  Nepal  from  Tibet  some  500  years  ago,  crossing  the  Nangpa  La  (5806  m)   into  the  Thame  valley,  from  which  the  Bhote  Kosi  (river)  flows  into  the  Dudh  Kosi  to  the   southwest.    Khumbu  is  one  of  the  many  beyuls,  or  sacred  valleys  hidden  by  the  8th  century   Buddhist  saint  Padmasmbhava,  as  refuges  for  the  devout  when  the  world  becomes  too   corrupt  for  spiritual  practice  (Bernbaum  1980;  Byers  2005,  2013a,  2013b).       The  first  several  generations  of  Sherpa  probably  stayed  in  the  upper  Thame  valley,   pursuing  an  agro-­‐pastoral  life  style  centered  on  barley-­‐buckwheat  cultivation  and  yak   breeding.    Later,  they  moved  further  down  valley  into  the  Kunde-­‐Khumjung-­‐Namche   Bazaar  region,  and  eventually  into  the  Gokyo  and  upper  Imja  valleys  further  east,  as  well  as   to  other  regions  within  highland  Nepal.    The  landscapes  they  found  upon  arrival  in  the   Khumbu  could  not  have  been  better—i.e.,  grasslands  dominated  the  south-­‐facing  slopes  of   the  valley,  created  by  generations  of  other  ethnic  groups  who  brought  their  cattle  to  the   region  each  monsoon,  year  by  year  cutting  down  the  fir-­‐birch-­‐rhododendron  cloud  forests   that  existed  on  the  region’s  south-­‐facing  slopes  at  the  time  (Byers  2005).    Remaining   forests  on  the  north  facing  slopes  provided  abundant  wood  for  fuel,  and  hundreds  of  edible   and  medicinal  wild  plants.    Certain  areas,  such  as  Pangboche,  were  already  known  to  be    

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meditation sites,  and  the  valley  was  the  perfect  place  to  begin  building  the  monasteries,   chortens,  and  mani  walls  characteristic  of  the  Buddhist  cultural  landscape.       The  wealthy  Sherpa  migrated  south  down  the  Dudh  Kosi  to  the  better  agricultural  land  and   warmer  climate,  while  the  poorer  Sherpa  remained  up  high  in  the  more  marginal  regions   (Spoon  2013).    Regardless,  life  must  have  been  difficult  in  the  1600s,  1700s,  and  1800s,   until  about  1850,  when  the  potato  was  introduced,  probably  from  Darjeeling  (Jeffries   1991).    Suddenly,  there  was  sufficient  food  for  everyone,  a  pivotal  point  in  the  Sherpa’s   history,  and  populations  grew  as  the  state  of  general  nutrition  and  health  most  likely   improved.     Shortly  afterwards,  the  Sherpa  began  crossing  yaks  with  cows  from  the  lower  altitudes  to   produce  an  animal  known  as  the  dzopkio.    Dzopkios  have  a  better  temperament  than  the   yak,  can  carry  more  weight,  and  can  work  at  altitudes  below  3000  m  that  yaks  cannot   tolerate  (Jeffries  1991;  Byers  2013a).    This  was  another  innovative  and  pivotal  point  in   Sherpa  history,  adding  an  additional  income  generating  opportunity  to  their  portfolio  by   becoming  Himalayan  cattle  breeders.     In  the  early  1900s,  the  Sherpa  established  a  trade  system  between  Tibet  and  Nepal,   exchanging  Tibetan  salt  for  Nepalese  rice  and  other  goods.    Namche  Bazaar  became  a   bustling  trade  center  because  of  its  strategic  location  along  the  main  trading  route,  and   many  Sherpa  enjoyed  a  monopoly  and  new  wealth  as  a  result.    In  fact,  three  of  the   Khumbu’s  monasteries—Phakding,  Pangboche,  and  Thame—were  built  in  the  1930s  with   donations  and  contributions  made  by  individuals  who  had  profited  from  their  new  role  as   Himalayan  traders  (von  Fürer  Haimendorf  1975).     In  1959,  however,  China  invaded  Tibet  and  the  border  between  Nepal  and  Tibet  was  closed.     This  could  have  been  catastrophic  for  the  Sherpa  economy,  except  for  the  fact  that  Nepal   had  opened  its  borders  to  the  outside  world  in  1950,  and  Mt.  Everest  had  been  climbed  in   1953,  opening  the  doors  for  a  new  breed  of  cash  cow,  the  adventure  tourist.    Although  only   a  handful  of  expeditions  and  trekkers  are  recorded  for  the  1950s  and  1960s,  tourist   numbers  grew  dramatically  over  the  following  decades  and  reached  more  than  36,000  in   2012.    When  porters  and  support  staff  are  added,  the  total  number  of  non-­‐local  people   visiting  the  Khumbu,  and  particularly  the  Everest  basecamp  root,  is  well  over  100,000.    In   recent  years,  over  50  flights  per  day  at  the  Lukla  airstrip  have  occurred  on  a  regular  basis   during  the  peak  season,  and  as  many  as  200  climbers  have  reached  the  summit  on  a  given   day  (UK  Guardian  2013).       This  new  breed  of  adventure  tourist  ranged  from  the  hard  core  climber  to  the  group-­‐led  or   individual  teahouse  trekker,  but  they  all  brought  money,  and  year  by  year  since  the  1970s   the  cultural  landscape  has  transformed  from  the  traditional,  two  story  stone  building  into   scores  of  multi-­‐floored  lodges  with  flush  toilets,  hot  showers,  internet  service,  and  western   food.    Many  families  have  become  wealthy  as  a  result,  especially  those  owning  land  along   the  main  trekking  route  to  the  Everest  basecamp,  and  today  as  much  as  85  percent  of  the   Sherpa  population  relies  on  tourism  in  one  form  or  another  for  their  livelihoods.    The   Sherpa  had  once  again  adapted  to  change  by  transforming  themselves  into  Himalayan    

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lodge owners,  climbing  guides,  and  trekking  leaders,  characteristically  exhibiting  a   cheerfulness  and  desire  to  help  that  has  endeared  themselves  to  generations  of  foreign   clients.    However,  this  latest  transformation  and  new  dependency  on  tourism  has  come  at  a   cost,  largely  fueled  by  the  world’s  relentless  fascination  with  the  world’s  highest  mountain   (Anker  et  al.  2013),  climate  change,  and  unregulated  tourist  management.     Tourism  Impacts:    For  example,  landfills  for  solid  waste  are  now  located  outside  of  every   village  along  the  Everest  basecamp  trek,  as  well  as  within  the  Thame  and  Gokyo  valley   trekking  routes.    Referred  to  as  “burnable  garbage”  by  lodge  owners,  the  plastic,  glass,   aluminum  and  steel  cans  are  indeed  burned  at  the  end  of  the  season  and  covered  with  a   layer  of  soil,  whereupon  another  landfill  pit  is  dug  for  the  next  season’s  use  (Byers  et  al.   2011).    Although  beer  bottles  have  been  banned  for  years,  trekkers  are  assured  by  lodge   owners  that  the  aluminum  cans  containing  the  beer  they  consume  are  recycled,  when  in   fact  I  have  found  dumping  sites  just  outside  of  the  most  iconic  and  sacred  of  villages  and   monasteries,  i.e.,  Tengboche,  where  one  can  stand  knee  deep  in  beer  cans.         This  now  widespread  practice  of  landfills  is  harmful  to  the  environment  as  well  as  to   human  and  animal  health,  as  the  landfills  are  often  located  in  seasonal  water  courses  that   directly  contaminate  both  surface  and  groundwater  (Manfredi  et  al.  2010).  Open   defecation,  leaking  septic  tanks,  the  siting  of  outhouses  directly  over  flowing  streams  or   seasonal  water  courses,  and  the  dumping  of  raw  sewage  directly  into  streams  and  lakes   exacerbate  the  water  contamination  problem  (Lachappelle  1998).  Gokyo  lake,  for  example,   was  a  deep  blue  color  only  5  years  ago  that  has  now  turned  green  with  algae  blooms.     Gokyo  villagers  mentioned  that  while  they  are  aware  of  the  problems  of  burying  solid   waste,  they  have  no  idea  how  to  manage  it.         One  of  the  more  lasting  contributions  of  the  often  criticized  2000  Everest  Environmental   Expedition  was  the  development  of  a  human  waste  management  system.    Since  2000,  all   human  excrement  generated  by  the  approximately  900  people  who  live  for  months  each   climbing  season  in  the  Everest  basecamp  has  been  collected  in  large,  blue  expedition   barrels,  line  with  a  transparent  plastic  garbage  bag  and  placed  under  the  rock-­‐walled   and/or  tented  outhouses  (Kodas  2008).    What  happens  to  the  waste  once  it  leaves  the   basecamp,  however,  is    ever  discussed  in  the  now  copious,  mostly  popular,  literature   surrounding  the  impacts  of  climbers  and  trekkers  on  the  fragile  Mt.  Everest  ecosystem.         In  fact,  following  interviews  with  porters  at  basecamp  in  May  2011,  I  found  that  when  full   the  barrels  are  transported  to  large  pits  several  miles  from  the  basecamp.    The  dumping   site  in  2011  was  about  two  hours  walk  south  of  basecamp  towards  Lobuche,  due  west  of   the  trail  and  hidden  behind  a  small  lateral  moraine.    I  found  two  open  pits,  roughly  5  m  x  5   m  in  area  and  2  m  deep,  filled  to  the  top  with  large,  leaking  plastic  bags  filled  with  human   excrement—and  located  directly  within  a  seasonal  water  channel.    The  disposal  of  such  a   large  volume  of  human  waste  in  this  manner  adds  significantly  to  the  already  serious   problems  of  water  quality,  sanitation,  and  health  issues  that  now  plague  the  Pheriche  to   Gorak  Shep  trek,  where  diarrhea  and  gastrointestinal  illnesses  have  become  synonymous   with  the  trek  itself.      

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Stressors to  Climate  Change  Impacts:    The  water  contamination  practices  described   above  are  of  particular  concern  because  they  represent  non-­‐climate  stressors  to  one  of  the   most  serious  climate  change  impacts  in  the  Everest  region,  i.e.,  a  lack  of  freshwater.     Changing  and  irregular  precipitation  patterns  have  resulted  in  reduced  access  to   freshwater  for  household  use,  for  tourist  lodges  (exacerbated  by  the  added  demands   imposed  by  flush  toilets  and  hot  showers),  reduced  agricultural  activity,  and  reduced   hydropower  generation  (McDowell  et  al.  2012).       For  example,  Namche  Bazaar’s  spring  water  has  become  contaminated  by  the  leaking  septic   tanks  of  the  dozens  of  lodges  now  present,  the  tanks  being  constructed  of  rocks  instead  of   non-­‐porous  cement  (potable  water  is  now  pumped  up  from  a  spring  below  the  village  to   two  distribution  tanks).  As  part  of  a  joint  initiative  funded  by  the  Government  of  India,  a   new  water  source  has  been  located  at  the  Kyalo  glacier  to  the  northwest,  about  8  km  from   Namche,  over  and  across  sometimes  vertical  landscapes.    HDP  pipe,  presently  stockpiled  at   the  Syangboche  airstrip,  will  be  used  to  bring  freshwater  from  the  glacier  to  Namche,   Kunde,  and  Khumjung,  in  some  cases  strung  across  rock  cliffs  using  steel  cable,  but  in  most   cases  buried.    The  project  illustrates  the  fact  that  people  are  already  taking  measures  to   adapt  to  climate  change,  but  that  the  adaptation  measures  are  comparatively  extreme   compared  to  traditional  systems  employed  only  a  decade  ago.    The  lack  of  freshwater  was   prominently  mentioned  in  all  other  villages  and  consultations  held  as  well.       A  second  driver  of  climate  change  impacts  in  the  Khumbu  is  rising  temperatures.     Hundreds  of  small  glaciers  at  the  lower  altitudes  (<5000  m)  have  disappeared  since  the   1970s.    Many  larger,  debris-­‐covered  glaciers  have  receded,  leaving  behind  glacial  lakes  that   have  recently  been  the  center  of  considerable  international  attention  because  of  the   increased  possibility  of  damaging  glacial  lake  outburst  floods  (Byers  2007;  Byers  et  al.   2013a).    Imja  glacial  lake,  perhaps  the  most  studied  and  controversial  glacial  lake  in  the   Himalayas  if  not  the  world,  has  recently  been  targeted  by  the  UNDP  as  a  pilot  community   based  risk  reduction  project  (UNDP  2013).   Of  growing  concern  to  many  Sherpa  people  is  the  fact  that  new,  and  at  some  point   potentially  dangerous,  glacial  lakes  are  forming  before  their  very  eyes  in  what  only  five   years  ago  were  debris  covered  glaciers.    For  example,  clusters  of  three  or  more  new   meltwater  ponds  have  appeared  within  the  entire  length  of  the  Ngozompa  glacier  near   Gokyo  village,  following  the  same  pattern  of  Imja  lake  in  the  1960s,  where  the  ponds   merged  into  a  small  lake  by  the  1980s  that  grew  in  size  with  each  passing  year  (Benn  et  al.   2012).    Although  the  Ngozompa  glacier  has  been  largely  buffered  against  contemporary   warming  trends  by  its  thick  layer  of  debris,  areas  with  comparatively  thinner  debris  cover   (and  thus  greater  vulnerability  to  heat  absorption)  appear  to  be  melting  first  and  forming   the  new  meltwater  ponds,  which  in  turn  creates  a  domino  effect  of  accelerated  calving  that   impacts  all  adjacent  ice,  even  if  covered  with  a  thick  layer  of  debris.  These  processes  appear   to  be  happening  so  rapidly  that,  as  an  example,  the  trail  that  I  used  two  years  ago  to  cross   the  glacier  to  Tagnag,  gateway  to  the  Cho  La  pass,  has  now  disappeared,  and  the  new  trail   has  been  re-­‐routed  to  the  north.    Villagers  were  quick  to  point  out  that  control  mechanisms   are  needed  now  before  the  lake  reaches  a  dangerous  size;  that  the  mechanisms  could  be  as  

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simple as  digging  a  ditch  for  drainage;  and  that  the  water  could  possibly  be  used  for   hydropower  generation.       Climate  change  is  also  having  a  serious  impact  on  the  now  cash-­‐based,  tourist-­‐driven   economy  that  is  largely  dependent  on  the  flights  from  Kathmandu  to  Lukla  that  can  bring   hundreds  of  tourists  in  per  day  during  the  peak  fall  and  spring  seasons.    Especially  during   the  past  5-­‐10  years,  an  increase  in  the  number  of  cloudy  days  has  cancelled  hundreds  of   flights  each  season,  meaning  that  lodges  are  empty,  profits  are  lost,  and  porters  and  other   service  providers  are  out  of  jobs.    In  this  case,  the  Sherpa’s  transformation  to  a  society  so   heavily  dependent  on  tourism  has  made  them  particularly  vulnerable  to  climate  change   impacts,  in  a  region  that  is  already  vulnerable  because  of  its  extreme  topography,   remoteness,  and  lack  of  transportation  facilities.    Building  a  road  from  Jiri  to  the  Lukla   airstrip  is  being  increasingly  discussed,  another  adaptation  strategy  that  could,  if  properly   designed  and  constructed,  help  to  mitigate  the  almost  exclusive  dependency  on  flights  as   tourist  transportation.       Finally,  one  particularly  serious  non-­‐climate  vulnerability  of  the  Khumbu  is  the  political   instability  of  Nepal.    The  Maoist  insurgency  of  1996-­‐2006  crippled  Nepal’s  tourist  industry   while  severely  reducing  the  number  of  tourists  visiting  the  Khumbu  for  years,  and  similar   situations  could  again  emerge.    Some  travel  consultants  in  the  US,  in  fact,  have   recommended  that  people  visit  Nepal  sooner  than  later,  as  the  possibility  of  a  complete   country  shut  down  cannot  be  entirely  discounted.   Conclusion:    Challenging  as  the  scenarios  above  may  be,  it  is  clear  that  the  Sherpa  have  a   long  history  of  adaptation  to  change,  resourcefulness,  and  good  luck  that  suggests  a   promising  future  in  the  face  of  climate  and  other  forms  of  change.    More  attention,   however,  will  need  to  be  paid  to  the  reduction  or  elimination  of  non-­‐climate  stressors  on   climate  change  impacts,  such  as  water  contamination  from  improper  sewage  system   practices,  particularly  during  a  time  when  freshwater  is  becoming  increasingly  scarce.     Other  climate  and  non-­‐climate  vulnerabilities  will  remain  high  so  long  as  the  economy  is  so   heavily  dependent  on  tourism,  such  as  the  increasing  number  of  cloudy  days  at  the  Lukla   airstrip,  and  the  instability  of  the  Government  of  Nepal.    In  some  cases,  the  Sherpa  have   already  and  proactively  taken  steps  to  adapt  to  climate  change  impacts,  such  as  the   building  of  the  new  Namche-­‐Kunde-­‐Khumjung  water  system  in  the  face  of  decreasing   freshwater  supplies.    The  completion  of  the  Khumbu  LAPA  should  provide  additional   insights  into  how  an  historically  adaptive,  yet  now  highly  vulnerable,  population  of   mountain  people  can  successfully  confront  the  new  challenges  of  climate  change.     References       Benn,  D.,  Bolch,  T.,  Hands,  K.,  Gulley,  J.,  Luckman,  A.,  Nicholson,  L.,  Quincey,  D.,  Thompson,  R.   and  Wiseman,  S.  2012.    Response  of  debris-­‐covered  glaciers  in  the  Mount  Everest  region  to   recent  warming,  and  implications  for  outburst  flood  hazards.    Earth  Science  Reviews  114   (2012),  156-­‐174.     Bernbaum,  E.  1980.    The  Way  to  Shambala:  A  Search  for  the  Mythical  Kingdom  beyond  the   Himalayas.    New  York:  Anchor  Books.      

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Byers, A.C.  2005.    Contemporary  human  impacts  on  alpine  landscapes  in  the  Sagarmatha   (Mt.  Everest)  National  Park,  Khumbu,  Nepal.    Annals  of  the  Association  of  American   Geographers  Vol.  95(1),  March,  2005.    pp.112-­‐140.       Byers,  A.C.  2007.    An  assessment  of  contemporary  glacier  fluctuations  in  Nepal's  Khumbu   Himal  using  repeat  photography.    Himalayan  Journal  of  Sciences  Vol.  4,  No.  6:  21-­‐26.     Byers,  A.C.,  Culhane,  T.,  Marcinkowski,  D.,  Vaidya,  S.,  and  Howe,  C.  2011.  Protecting  and   Restoring  the  World's  Alpine  Ecosystems  through  NGS  Explorer  Collaboration  and     Exchange:  The  Role  of  Awareness  Building,  Improved  Conservation  Practices,  and  High   Altitude  Alternative  Energy  Development.    Interim  Report  to  the  National  Geographic   Society-­‐Blackstone  Challenge  Grant  Program.    Report.    Washington,  DC:  The  Mountain   Institute.       Byers,  A.C.    2013a.    The  Nature  of  Everest.    In:    Anker,  C.,  MacDonald,  B.,  Coburn,  B.  and   Breshears,  D.  2013.    The  Call  of  Everest.    Washington,  DC:    National  Geographic  Society.       Byers,  A.C.  2013b.    Three  sides  of  Everest:  there’s  more  to  a  mountain  than  its  summit.     Natural  History  Magazine,  April  2013.       Byers,  A.C.,  McKinney,  D.C.,  Somos-­‐Valenzuela,  M.A.,  Watanabe,  T.,  Lamsal,  D.  2013.  Glacial   Lakes  of  the  Hongu  Valley,  Makalu-­‐Barun  National  Park  and  Buffer  Zone,  Nepal.    Natural   Hazards,  April  (DOI:  10.1007/s11069-­‐013-­‐0689-­‐8).     Fürer-­‐Haimendorf,  C.  von  1975.    Himalayan  Traders:  Life  in  Highland  Nepal.    London:  John   Murray.         Government  of  Nepal  2011.    LAPA  Manuel:  Local  Adaptation  Plans  for  Action  (LAPA).     Kathmandu:  Ministry  of  Environment.     Kodas,  M.    2008.    High  Crimes:  The  Fate  of  Everest  in  an  Age  of  Greed.    New  York:  Hyperion.     Jeffries,  M.    1991.    Mount  Everest  National  Park:    Sagarmatha,  Mother  of  the  Universe.     Seattle:  Mountaineers  Books.     Lachapelle,  P.  1998.    Managing  sanitation  in  protected  areas:  Problems  and  challenges  in   Sagarmatha  (Mt.  Everest)  National  Park,  Nepal.    Himalayan  Research  Bulletin  XVIII  (1):  53-­‐   57.       Manfredi,  C.,  Flury,  B.,  Vivlano,  G.,  Thakuir,  S.,  Khanal,  S.,  Jha,  R.,  Maskey,  R.,  Kayastha,  R.,   Kafle,  K.,  Bhochhlbhoya,  S.,  Ghimire,  N.,  Shrestha,  B.,  Chaudhary,  G.,  Giannino,  F.,  Carteni,  F.,   Mazzoleni,  S.,  Salerno,  F.  2010.    Solid  waste  and  water  quality  management  models  for   Sagarmatha  National  Park  and  Buffer  Zone.    Mountain  Research  and  Development  (30):  2,   127-­‐142.        

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McDowell, G.,  Ford,  J.,  Lehner,  B.,  Berrang-­‐Ford,  L.,  and  Sherpa,  A.  2012.    Climate-­‐related   hydrological  change  and  human  vulnerability  in  remote  mountain  regions:  a  case  study   from  Khumbu,  Nepal.    Springer-­‐Verlag:  Reg  Environ  Change.       Spoon,  J.    2013.    From  yaks  to  tourists:  Sherpa  livelihood  adaptations  in  Sagarmatha  (Mount   Everest)  National  Park  and  Buffer  Zone,  Nepal.    In:  Lonzy,  L.R.  (ed.)  2013.    Continuity  and   Change  in  Cultural  Adaptation  in  Mountain  Environments,  Studies  in  Human  Ecology  and   Adaptation  7.    New  York:  Springer  Science-­‐Business  Media.       UK  Guardian  2013.    Everest:  Tourism  and  Climate  Change  Provide  New  Challenges.  24  May,   2013.     United  Nations  Development  Programme  2013.    Project  Document:  Community  Based   Flood  and  Glacial  Lake  Outburst  Risk  Reduction  Project.    Kathmandu:  UNDP.       U.S.  Agency  for  International  Development  (USAID)  2013.    Climate  Resilient  Development:   A  Guide  to  Understanding  and  Addressing  Climate  Change.    Washington,  DC:  USAID.    

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Alton Byers: Climate change and Sherpa people of Khumbu, Nepal. Culture in adaptive process.  

The Sagarmatha National Park has a permanent population of approximately 3,500 people and is made up of the Chaurikharka, Namche, and Kunde-...

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