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Volume 5 – 2009


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Letter from the President

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ndergraduate research and scholarly activity has a dramatic impact on Murray State students and the entire University. Collaboration between students and faculty enhance undergraduate education by creating opportunities to explore undiscovered regions of theory and practice and helps Murray State achieve the educational goals set by the University community, as well as the Kentucky Council on Postsecondary Education (CPE) and the Legislature. Ultimately, increased undergraduate participation in faculty-mentored research and scholarly activity strengthens those engaged in research-based learning and society as a whole. As part of an effort to highlight and encourage greater undergraduate student development through academic research, we are pleased to announce Volume Five of Chrysalis: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research. I am confident you will find the selected articles on diverse scholarly topics interesting and intellectually stimulating. The work of our undergraduate students contained in this journal varies across disciplines highlighting new ideas in the sciences and adding context to the human experience. I am pleased to again be part of this volume of Chrysalis: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research and look forward to bringing future faculty-mentored experiences to the attention of a wider audience.

Randy J. Dunn President Murray State University

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Letter from the Editors

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ccording to Princeton astrophysicist J. Richard Gott, there’s a 95 percent chance that the Murray State men’s basketball team will win the NCAA tournament no later than the year 4739 but (alas) no sooner than

2011. Mind you, he did not make this prediction directly. But more than a decade ago, he advanced a somewhat whimsical probability theory that has, in the intervening years, caused something of a stir. By his so called “Copernicus method,” he might reason that since the team’s current drought of NCAA tournament championships has lasted 70 years, and since we are now likely to be in the middle 95 percent of the lifespan of this particular winless streak, then the streak should last nearly two more seasons but not more than 2,730 years. Is there hope (or despair) in this theory for other sports aficionados? Perhaps you can thank Professor Gott that the Cubs will win the World Series in not less than three years but not more than 3,900 years, given their current 100-year losing streak. So, Racer and Cub fans, not this year. But hang in there. What if we apply Professor Gott’s logic to academic endeavors? What span of years of human history would he concede to, say, the study of Southern literature? Or to the use of mathematical methods in biological research? Or to psychological investigations of mood and music? Or to understanding the mysteries of linguistic development? Or to critiques of Marie Antoinette’s media personae? Or to the memory of Marian Anderson, whose famous 1939 concert at the Lincoln Memorial presaged the momentous historical events of our most recent presidential inaugural, threescore and 10 years hence? With their work, the student authors in this volume of our journal (and their faculty mentors) have extended the life of each of these subjects, advancing our knowledge by small but, we believe, important increments. We thank them for their contributions. And what estimate would Professor Gott give to the remaining life of this journal, now five years into its existence? Not less than seven weeks, not more than 195 years. Encouraging? Sobering? Actually, we suspect that the continuing success of this journal has less to do with Professor Gott’s probabilities and more to do with the decisive efforts of the many who have supported it through the years. Once again, we thank President Randy Dunn and Provost Gary Brockway for their encouragement and financial support. We thank the MSU faculty for the countless hours they spent helping our students with their research skills. We recognize the fine work of the MSU Publications and Printing Services staff in handling production and printing. We greatly appreciate the skill and dedication of URSA program specialist Jody Cofer in managing papers from submission to publication. We look forward to the next round of submissions from young scholars who are willing to give our journal a chance.

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Kevin Binfield Department of English and Philosophy

Rob Donnelly Department of Mathematics and Statistics

John Mateja Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Activity


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

CONTENTS Letter from the President................................................................................................................................................... i

Randy J. Dunn

Letter from the Editors...................................................................................................................................................... ii

Kevin Binfield, Rob Donnelly, and John Mateja

Using Population Dynamic Models to Assess the Spread of Invasive Species, Alligator Weed.........................................1

Glenna Buford and Jona Kos

Faculty Mentors: Kate He and Maeve McCarthy

Assessing the Emotional Influence of Background Music in Media..................................................................................7

Wesley Edwards

Faculty Mentor: Alysia Ritter

Marian Anderson: A Voice for the Seemingly Silent........................................................................................................15

Rebecca Feldhaus

Faculty Mentor: Sonya Baker

Twin Language: Truth or Myth?......................................................................................................................................24

Rachel Fielder

Faculty Mentor: Kelly Kleinhans

Queen Marie Antoinette’s Pre-Revolutionary Image: A Product of Media Fabrication and Personal Flaws................32

Brittany Fiscus

Faculty Mentor: Terry Strieter

Backward Glances: Evaluations of History in Southern American Literature................................................................43

John Vaught

Faculty Mentor: Gina Claywell

Volume 5 – 2009

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Achieve Your Potential

The URSA Program Can Help Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Activity What are URSA Grants? The USRA Grants program encourages collaborative scholarly, research, and creative work between undergrauate students and faculty. Student participants may become engaged in the scholarly pursuits of MSU faculty or carry out a project of their own under the supervision of a faculty mentor. This competitive program provides undergraduates with financial support of up to $500 for supplies, equipment, operating expenses and travel. Full-time undergraduates enrolled at Murray State University are eligible to apply. Similarly, all university faculty, whatever their college, rank or nature of appointment, may serve as URSA Grant mentors. Students may work with faculty from their own colleges or from another of MSU’s five colleges or the School of Agriculture.

Opportunities provided through undergraduate research and scholarly activity: • Posters-at-the Capitol Participants persent their work to legislators at the State Capitol Building in Frankfort, Ky. • Scholars Week Includes the oral and poster sessions, exhibits, and performance opportunities for undergraduate and graduate students. • Get Published Chrysalis: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research provides an avenue for undergraduates to publish their research. • Research Scholar Fellowships Undergraduates receive support in the form of stipends paid throughout the year, a supply budget and a faculty support stipend for the purpose of conducting a scholarly project.

Call 270-809-3192 for more information about Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Activity.

http://campus.murraystate.edu/services/URSA iv


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Call for Articles Chrysalis: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research is published annually by the Office of Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Activity with support from the Office of the President, and the Office of the Provost. The purpose of Chrysalis is to celebrate the research, scholarly, and creative accomplishments of our undergraduates and ther faculty mentors. Undergraduates in all academic disciplines may submit articles to Chrysalis. Articles must be submitted electronically. Photographs, illustrations and diagrams should be submitted separately in high resolution jpg format. Authors should follow the guidelines of the professionally accepted style for their discipline. Articles may be posted on the Office of Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Activity website at Murray State University.

http://campus.murraystate.edu/services/URSA If you have questions regarding Chrysalis: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research please call 270-809-3192 or contact us electronically at ursa@murraystate.edu.

Murray State University is an institutional member of the

Council on Undergraduate Research Learning Through Research v


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

ABSTRACT Glenna Buford Class: Junior Major: Mathematics I am a junior involved in the Euclidean Mathematics Club and Pi Mu Epsilon. I am very interested in the applications of mathematics and am continuing to do research in the mathematical biology field. Doing this research has allowed me to learn more about myself and has also opened up many new opportunities for me.

Jona Kos Class: Senior Major: Biological Sciences I am a graduating senior and am actively involved in Alpha Sigma Alpha, AHT/Pre-Vet Club, Alpha Zeta Professional Fraternity, and the Agricultural Leadership Council. From my research experiences thus far, I have discovered that in the future I would like to conduct research in my chosen field, veterinary medicine.

Using Population Dynamic Models to Assess the Spread of an Invasive Species, Alligator Weed (Alternanthera philoxeroides) Alligator Weed (Alternanthera philoxeroides) is an invasive perennial plant of the Amaranthaceae family that is found in multiple climates. It was originally discovered in the Parana River region of South America, but has been studied the most in China. The concern for the invasion of alligator weed is due to the economic and environmental threats it poses. Our hypothesis is that the adaptability of populations affects the spread of the aquatic species. We looked at the population dynamics of alligator weed in three states: Mississippi, Kentucky, and Tennessee. The population dynamics were compared to see if there is a significant difference between the growth rates, suggesting adaptation. A population that has greater adaptation will be more invasive. We expect to find that the Mississippi populations have greater adaptability to different climates, because their population has been in the United States longer.

Key Terms: Population dynamics, spatial spread of invasive plant, alligator weed (Alternanthera philoxeroides)

FACULTY MENTORS Kate S. He is an assistant professor in the Department of Biological Sciences. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Western Ontario. Her research interests are in the broad areas of plant ecology with emphasis on statistical analysis of patterns and processes of plant communities in time and space. Her current research is centered on the study of the impact of invasive species on native ecosystems. She teaches courses in botany, quantitative ecology, and inquiry-based introductory biology. She also mentors graduate and undergraduate students in her research laboratory. Maeve L. McCarthy is a professor in the Department of Mathematics and Statistics and executive director of the Association for Women in Mathematics. A native of Ireland, she received her M.Sc. in mathematical sciences from the National University of Ireland, Galway. She earned a Ph.D. in computational and applied mathematics from Rice University. Her research interests include the application of eigenvalues to population dynamics and mechanical design. Her work in differential equations and inverse problems focuses on the identification of parameters in biological and physical applications.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Using Population Dynamic Models to Assess the Spread of an Invasive Species, Alligator Weed (Alternanthera philoxeroides)

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lligator weed (Alternanthera philoxeroides) is an invasive plant of the Amaranthaceae family that is found in multiple climates. It was originally discovered in the Parana River region of South America (Julien et al., 1995) but its invasiveness in introduced habitats has been studied primarily in China. Alligator weed is a perennial weed that can grow in a terrestrial or an aquatic environment (Shen et al., 2005). This plant is known as “one of the world’s worst tropical aquatic weeds … and has invaded all continents except Africa and Europe” (Ye et al., 2003). In the state of Kentucky, alligator weed grows mostly as an aquatic species; it is known to disrupt not only rivers and streams but also crop fields, orchards, and wild fields (Shen et al., 2005). The main growing season for the plant in North America is from April to June in the temperate climate zone. Alligator weed produces seeds, but they are unviable so the plant reproduces asexually by fragmentation (Julien et al., 1995). Because alligator weed reproduces asexually, in China, little genetic diversity is found within and among populations of the plant (Wang et al., 2005). Although this is true in China, since alligator weed was introduced earlier in North America, we believe there will be genetic variation due to environmental cues between populations in the United States. A few methods have been discovered to control this aquatic invasive plant including the use of chemicals and the introduction of one of its natural enemies, the flea beetle, Agaicles hygrophila (Julien et al., 1995). The concern for the adaptability of alligator weed is due to the economic and environmental threats the invasive plant poses. The terrestrial version of alligator weed invades farmlands causing a loss in crop yield and, thus, a loss of revenue. The aquatic version forms dense mats over the water surface, which prevents light from reaching other plants and animals causing a disruption in the ecosystem. These dense mats can also prevent traffic in waterways, which can cause an economic loss (Geng, 2007). We hypothesize that the adaptability of populations affects the spread of the aquatic species. Invasive plants are those that are 2

introduced to new areas through human-mediated events, survive at least 10 years and produce offspring in large numbers (Richardson and Pysek, 2006). Well adapted populations can spread faster in the introduced habitats than populations that are at an early stage of introduction. The probability of invasion increases with time since the introduction. This is true because even if the number of introduced and casual species remains stable over time, the proportion of casual species that become naturalized increases, because more species have had enough time to adapt (Richardson and Pysek, 2006). A population that has greater adaptation will be more invasive. In this study, we aim to compare the population dynamics of alligator weed in three states: Mississipi, Kentucky, and Tennessee to see if there is a significant difference between the growth rates. We expect to find that the Mississippi populations have greater adaptability to the ambient environment, because their populations have been in the United States longer.

Methods Climate Data Collection Using an internet database containing national weather data, (United States Department of Commerce, 2008) we determined the average monthly temperature by averaging the monthly average temperatures over the last 10 years from April through June for three locations in Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi. This data were used for climate settings of the environmental chambers located in Murray State University’s biology building. Field experiment In April 2008, we contacted Hancock Biological Station in Kentucky to prepare nine aquatic tubs (with a capacity greater than 340 L) with water so that the water was able to acclimate to ambient conditions. A string grid was made to fit on the containers (both at Hancock and the environmental chambers) so we could take pictures and study the spatial spread of the plant. In May, we drove to Mississippi and collected alligator weed samples from three different locations in Noxubee National Wildlife Refuge,


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research each at least 30 meters apart. The following week, we collected alligator weed samples from three different sites at Paris Landing in Tennessee, each at least 30 meters apart. Then, we collected alligator weed on Kentucky Lake, collecting 30 stems of alligator weed samples from three different sites, each at least 30 meters apart.

Data Collection For three months (May through July), we recorded the total number of nodes that appeared on each stem, internode length, overall length of the plant, number of stems in the container, and number of leaves on each stem. The tubs at Hancock station and in the environmental chambers were examined and photographed once a week. This was done because we wanted to know growth or diffusion rates that would help us measure the spread or invisibility of the plant. Mathematical Models To analyze the data for the experiment, we fit the data to a logistic model and an exponential model. Then, we compared goodnessof-fit values to determine which model best fits each population of alligator weed (Higgins et. al., 1996). Also, we fit the (spatial) data to a reaction-diffusion model (Higgins et. al. 1996). The software we used to compile this data was MATLAB R2008a.

Results

Figure 1 The county distribution of alligator weed in Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi. Shaded counties indicate alligator weed presence. Circles indicate the sites where alligator weed was collected in the summer of 2008. (United States Department of Agriculture, 2008)

After collection in the three states, we placed thirty 50 cm stems of the alligator weed in the Hancock Station tubs and fifteen 20 cm stems in the environmental control chambers. The Hancock tubs measured 1.8288 m in diameter and 0.9144 m deep and were kept about two-thirds full. The plants formed floating mats on the surface of the water. The containers in the environmental chambers measured 15.24 cm deep, 0.4572 m wide, and 0.9144 m long and were kept about two-thirds full of water. These plants also formed floating mats on the water’s surface and were kept at the temperature of their respective state, according to the climate data collected.

After examining all the data collected, we decided that the internode length was not necessary for finding population dynamics. We reasoned that internode lengths for each plant were very different and would result in showing growth rates for individual plants rather than growth rates for the population. With the rest of the data, we averaged the number of nodes and the number of leaves for each day. We also, totalled the number of nodes and the number of leaves for each day. Then, we graphed all of our data and looked at which variable we measured best fit the logistic equation. After we graphed the data, we found that the average number of nodes exhibited logistic behavior. Using the exponential and logistic growth equations, we determined the growth rates of the plants from each site (in both kinds of containers). Since the logistic growth equation is a solvable differential equation, we were able to input the average number of nodes on each day and t as time (t0= 0) into N0 (K) Nt = (N0 + (K- N0) s -rt)

(1)

where N0 is the initial average number of nodes, K is the carrying capacity of the population, r is the intrinsic rate of growth, t is the 3


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research time (in days from the start of the experiment), and Nt is the average number of nodes at time t. To do this we used Matlab software, which also returned the R2 value, which we used as a goodness-offit measure. Some of the R2 values were quite low, and some were high, so, we also graphed the data as (2) N =N t

0

where Nt is the average number of nodes at time t. After finding the fits for all of the data, we compared the R2 values for the models on each of the sites. The r (intrinsic rate of growth) value we used was the one associated with the highest R2 value for that data.

For measuring the spatial spread of alligator weed, we placed a grid on the tubs containing the plants. The reaction diffusion equation is ∂u ∂zu + ∂zu ) = ru + D ( ∂x2 + ∂y2 ∂t

(3)

where u(x,y,t) is the density of organisms at spatial coordinates x, y and at time t and D is constant diffusivity or rate of random movement of individuals in the population (Higgins and Richardson, 257). We measured D by counting the number of grid

Table 1: r values with their associated R2 values and model. The places are abbreviated as follows: the first two letters indicate the state from which the plants were collected, the number indicates different locations within the state, and the following letters indicate experiment location of the plants (e=environmental chamber, tub=Hancock Biological Station).

Average Nodes Place

r

R

KY1e

0.0369

KY2e

0.001597

KY3e

Total Nodes Model

Place

0.6413

log

0.3856

exp

0.01004

0.9707

0.1658

0.4479

KY2tub

0.03661

KY3tub

0.006388

MS1e MS2e MS3e

Total Length

r

R

Model

Place

r

R2

KY1e

0.008080

0.9689

exp

KY1e

0.003153

0.3529

exp

KY2e

89.700000

0.9083

log

KY2e

0.01047

0.9887

exp

exp

KY3e

0.012100

0.9786

exp

KY3e

0.00384

-1.544

exp

log

KY1tub

0.005250

0.4263

exp

KY1tub

-0.01053

0.7575

exp

0.8546

log

KY2tub

-0.001490

0.2061

exp

KY2tub

-0.004146

0.4928

exp

0.6889

exp

KY3tub

-0.007460

0.7411

exp

KY3tub

-0.01312

0.7728

exp

0.006428

0.9217

exp

MS1e

0.008150

0.9916

exp

MS1e

0.008005

0.9288

exp

0.008784

0.9545

exp

MS2e

0.012500

0.9919

exp

MS2e

0.01724

0.9475

exp

0.007783

0.7922

exp

MS3e

0.009860

0.7442

exp

MS3e

0.1435

0.7069

log

MS1tub

0.005170

-0.5741

exp

MS1tub

MS2tub

0.05622

0.9697

log

MS2tub

0.010200

0.589

exp

MS3tub

0.000751

0.0567

exp

MS3tub

74.600000

0.9011

log

TN1e

0.006745

0.919

exp

TN1e

74.600000

0.9011

log

TN2e

0.007168

0.9058

exp

TN2e

0.000159

-0.2252

exp

-19200.000000

0.836

0.001210

-0.5714

KY1tub

MS1tub

TN3e

2

2

Model

0.008252

0.4524

exp

-0.009363

0.7894

exp

MS2tub

0.000067

-0.2362

exp

MS3tub

-0.005486

0.8484

exp

TN1e

-0.00231

0.3069

exp

TN2e

-0.005852

0.696

exp

log

TN3e

-0.008888

0.8362

exp

exp

TN1tub

-0.01522

0.8347

exp

0.01032

0.9813

exp

TN3e

TN1tub

0.002093

0.3755

exp

TN1tub

TN2tub

0.03519

0.5848

log

TN2tub

0.006330

0.5771

exp

TN2tub

-0.01731

0.8586

exp

TN3tub

0.02456

0.9751

log

TN3tub

16.000000

0.4048

log

TN3tub

-0.03569

0.9485

exp

We wanted to test for difference in adaptation of the plants in each of the states so we did an ANOVA test on the intrinsic rates of growth in each state to test possible adaption. We found that there is no statistical difference between the growth rates of the populations in Kentucky, Mississippi, and Tennessee for the average number of nodes, total number of nodes, and total length. This suggests no adaptation and no difference in the invasiveness of the populations. 4

squares containing pieces of plant for each state on five different days. Then we used linear regression on the number of squares filled with plant vs. time (in days) to find D. A = Dt + A0

(4)

We are able to do this because dimensional analysis shows that D has units area/time.


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Figure 2: The average number of nodes vs. time for the plants from location 2 in Mississippi (kept at Hancock Biological Station) fitted to the logistic growth curve with N0=112/15, K=13.43, and r=.05622. The goodness-of-fit of the curve to the data is R2=.9697.

Table 2: D values found for each state in each of the two treatments. Place Kye Tne Mse Kytub Tntub Mstub

D 0.00012 -0.00063 0.00004 -0.00141 -0.00248 0.00081

Discussion Based on our modeling results, we conclude that there is little to no difference between the adaptability of populations of alligator weed in Mississipi, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Since there is little difference in the adaptability of the populations, we also believe that there is little difference in the invasiveness of alligator weed from Mississippi, Kentucky, and Tennessee.

Figure 3: The total number of nodes vs. time for the plants from location 2 in Mississippi (kept in environmental chambers) fitted to the exponential growth curve with N0=77 and r=.01248. The goodness-of-fit of the curve to the data is R2=.9199.

Although the data and models did not suggest differences in adaptability and invasiveness, we saw that plants from Mississippi adapted better to the harsher climate than plants from Kentucky and Tennessee. We believe, from looking at climate data from previous Kentucky summers, that this summer’s climate was warmer and lasted longer. After looking at the average monthly temperature for all three states and our collected data we decided that Mississippi has a warmer climate than Kentucky and Tennessee, and that Mississippi plants survived better this past summer in Kentucky. Studies indicate that Mississippi has genetic differentiation from Kentucky and Tennessee (Jiang, 2008). According to Richardson and Pysek, “for an introduced plant species to invade a new region, two basic options are available: either the plant must possess sufficiently high levels of physiological tolerance and plasticity, or it must undergo genetic differentiation to achieve required levels of fitness.� From learning this we concluded that our findings show alligator weed from Mississippi is more diverse, since the growth and spatial data showed that Mississippi was able to survive better, and thus adapt better, to the harsh Kentucky summer. 5


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research We also found setup issues with our experiment, along with the discovery of differentiation and adaptability of the plant. We did not add nutrients or have flowing water, which is part of the aquatic plant’s natural environment (Unknown, 2003). In the future, we suggest having a circulation system and added nutrients (or a better immitation of the plants’ ecosystem). Since alligator weed is an invasive species, by discovering diversity, and therefore adaptability, in ecosystems we have helped to understand this plant better so one day it can be controlled in the environment.

Acknowledgements This research was supported by the MSU BioMaPS (Biology and Mathematics in Population Studies), which is funded by the National Science Foundation (DMS # 0531865). Logistic support received from Hancock Biological Station and the Department of Biological Sciences is very much appreciated by the authors. In particular, we thank Dr. Howard Whiteman, Karla Johnston, Gary Rice, and Russell Trites for their kind assistance throughout the experimental period.

Shen, J., Shen, M. and Wang, X. 2005. Effect of environmental factors on shoot emergence and vegetative growth of alligator weed (Alternanthera philoxeroides). Weed Science. 53: 471-478. United States Department of Agriculture, (2008, November 3). National resources conservation service: PLANTS database. Retrieved November 6, 2008, from PLANTS profile: Alternanthera philoxeroides (Mart.) Griseb. Web site: <http://plants.usda.gov/java/proflie?symbol=ALPH>. United States Department of Commerce, (2008, May 02). National climatic data center. Retrieved November 3, 2008, from NOAA Satellite and Information Web site: <http://www/ncdc.noaa.gov/oa/ncdc.html>. Unknown, (2003). Australian Cooperative Research Center (ACRC, 2003). Unknown, (2003). Weed Management Guide. Australia; CBC. Wang, B., Li, W. and Wang, J. 2005. Genetic diversity of Alternanthera philoxeroides in China. Aquatic Botany. 81: 277-283.

References Higgins, S. I. and Richardson, D. M. 1996. A review of models of alien plant spread. Ecological Modeling. 87: 249-265.

Xu, K., Ye, W., Cao, H., Deng, X., Yang, Q. and Zhang, Y. 2004. The role of diversity and functional traits of species in community invasibility. Botanical Bulletin of Academia Sinica. 45: 149-157.

Jiang, H. 2008. Unpublished data. Julien, M. H., Skarratt, B. and Maywald, G. F. 1995. Potential geographical distribution of alligator weed and its biological control by Agasicles hygrophila. J. Aquatic Plant Management. 33: 55-60. Richardson, D., M. and Pysek, P. 2006. Plant invasions: merging the concepts of species invasiveness and community invasibility. Progress in Physical Geography. 30: 409-421.

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Ye, W. H., Li, J, Cao, H. L. and Ge, X. J. 2003. Genetic uniformity of Alternanthera philoxeroides. Weed Research, 43: 297-302 Yu-Peng, G., Xiao-Yun, P., Cheng-Yuan, X., Wen-Ju, Z., Bo L., Jia-Kuan, C., Bao-Rong, L. and Zhi-Ping S. 2007. Phenotypic plasticity rather than locally adapted ecotypes allows the invasive alligator weed to colonize a wide range of habitats. Biological Invasions. 9: 245-256.


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

ABSTRACT Assessing the Emotional Influence of Background Music in Media Wesley Edwards Class: Senior Major: Biological Sciences and Psychology As a double biological sciences and psychology major, I have been fortunate enough to be able to engage in research in both fields. After graduation, I plan on pursuing a career in medicine and intend to continue my research studies.

The influence of background music and film type on emotions was investigated. Background music entailed either upbeat or downbeat music; the film types were categorized as either violent or nonviolent. Data were collected from 120 subjects on the films (violent or nonviolent paired with one of three music conditions: upbeat, downbeat, or no music) and 79 on the background music (upbeat or downbeat paired with one of two films: violent or nonviolent). Questionnaires addressed issues regarding the emotional responses to the film type and also background music. The questionnaires were based on five of the eight emotional states that Carlson et al. (1989) proposed as being â&#x20AC;&#x153;fundamental and consistent across culturesâ&#x20AC;? (p. 203). The emotions evaluated in this experiment were anger, disgust, guilt, happiness, and sadness. A series of factorial analyses of variance were performed to evaluate the data. Background music produced significant main effects (p<.00005) for all emotions assessed by both the film and music questionnaires. The music questionnaire produced a significant main effect of film type for guilt, F(1, 78) = 6.42, p<.05. The film questionnaire produced a significant main effect of film for happy F(1, 119) = 6.86, p<.05 and for disgust F(1, 119) = 10.15, p<.005. Also responses on the video questionnaire produced a significant interaction for the emotion of sadness F(2, 119) = 4.07, p < .05. Downbeat music produced significantly higher levels of sadness during the nonviolent film.

Key Terms: emotions, media, music, video

FACULTY MENTOR

Alysia D. Ritter is a professor of psychology. She earned a Ph.D. in experimental psychology from the University of Houston in 1989. She teaches general psychology and the research methods and design course. Her research interests are sensations, perceptions, attitudes, and beliefs. The undergraduates she has mentored have been authors of 16 publications and 52 presentations at national, regional, and local conferences.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Assessing the Emotional Influence of Background Music in Media

M

edia such as radio, television, newspapers, magazines, and the Internet is understood to be a means of communication. These sources reach and inform the public on news and events throughout the world. One of the objectives of these media sources should be to provide the public with accurate, factual, unbiased, objective information. However, media providers could try to persuade their audiences by using different elements of presentation to influence the public’s thoughts on a given subject. One such element is the strategic placement of background music to help educe an emotional response to a particular visual stimulus. Research has shown that various types of music can be very potent in triggering any number of emotions, positively or negatively, in listeners (McFarland, 1984; Ravaja & Kallinen, 2004; Rickard, 2004). According to Rickard, over the past few years there have been a large number of studies on physiological responses to music. However, most of this research has focused on “‘representational’ processes such as the awareness of rhythm, melody, and form in the music” (Rickard, 2004, p. 371). However, Ravaja and Kallinen (2004) focused on the influence of startling background music on emotion-related subjective and physiological responses. The subjective measures were levels of interest, and pleasure ratings. The physiological measures were facial zygomatic electromyography (EMG), and electrodermal activity using nonspecific skin conductance responses (NS-SCR). Their study evaluated 26 Finnish nonmusician men and women with an age range of 20 to 62 (mean = 32). The participants were asked to read financial news stories during the presentation of one of two kinds of background music. Hayden’s Symphony No.94 in G major unmodified (nonstartling) and another version modified by enhancing the kettledrum fortissimos (startling) were systematically manipulated. After reading the required stories, participants answered questions about their interest levels and pleasure ratings of the stories. Ravaja and Kallinen found that startling background music significantly affected subjective responses. The group in the startling music condition differed significantly from the nonstartling music condition in that they rated the news stories as less pleasant

8

but more interesting. The startling music condition also produced more pronounced NS-SCRs and higher EMG activity than the nonstartling condition. These findings demonstrate that background music can produce different emotional responses in individuals. Research by Boltz (2004) has shown that music plays a key role in the perception and assimilation of film information and it can also affect ones emotional impression of the film. A common evaluated method is to play music during a film to enhance or diminish its emotional impact. Boltz gave the example that “a technique known as ironic contrast may be used to distill the extreme negativity of a scene. The movies Bonnie and Clyde and A Clockwork Orange provide examples of violent episodes that are accompanied by incongruent music” (Boltz, 2004, p. 1194). In a study by Bolivar, Cohen, and Fentress (as cited in Boltz), participants watched films of wolves going through various social interactions either friendly or aggressive; these films were paired with mood congruent or mood incongruent music. When no music was played, the wolves’ actions were measured as friendly or aggressive. These were the control groups and baseline measures for comparison for when music was applied. When mood congruent music was used with the presentation of the aggressive wolves, the ratings of aggression increased. When friendly music was used with the friendly wolves, ratings of friendliness increased. However, when mood incongruent music was used, such responses diminished. When aggressive music was paired with friendly wolves, the rating of friendliness decreased. When friendly music was paired with aggressive wolves, the rating of aggressiveness decreased. Therefore, the background music had an affect on the evaluation and perception of the wolves’ demeanor. According to Wanamaker and Reznikoff’s (1989) research, little attention has been paid to lyrics. In Wanamaker and Rezinkoff’s study, they tested 90 students (39 women and 51 men) from introductory psychology classes at Fordham University. The participants were randomly assigned to one of three groups containing nonaggressive music with lyrics, aggressive music with nonaggressive lyrics, or aggressive music with lyrics. Each group


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research was shown a card from the standard Thematic Apperception Test and asked to write a story describing “what was going on, what led up to it, how it all came out, and what the characters were thinking and feeling” (Wanamaker & Reznikoff, 1989, p. 565). The story writing took place for 20 minutes while music was played in the background. Background music continued while the participants were given the Buss-Durkee Hostility Scale to complete. After all questions were answered, the music was removed and participants were asked the central theme of the song and whether or not they had heard that particular music prior to the study. The stories were later scored by graduate students on hostility content using Hafner and Kaplan’s hostility scale. The results of the study showed that the music, not the central theme (lyrics), was the motivating factor for the response to the hostility measures. The present study assessed the influence that background music has when paired with a visual stimulus (film type). It was hypothesized that background music affects emotional responses; film type affects emotional responses; and the effect of the music on emotional responses depends on the film type. Based on Wanamaker and Reznikoff’s (1989) findings, lyrics should not be a confounding factor in this study. Method Participants One hundred and twenty Murray State University students, 43 male and 77 female, volunteered to participate in this study. The age range of the participants was 18-57, with a mean age of 20. Before beginning the study, all were reminded of the nature of the films and were told that they could refuse to participate at any time. Volunteers were treated in accordance with the “Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct” (American Psychological Association, 2002). This research received approval through Murray State University’s Institutional Review Board. Materials and Apparatus Two 3-minute, 58-second long films were shown using a DVD player and a 21” Panasonic television on a rolling cart. The films were compiled from various clips taken from the website www. military.com. The first independent variable manipulated was two levels of film types. Film type one was violent in nature and was compiled primarily of explosions and weapons being

fired, featuring footage of the current war in Iraq. Film type two was a nonviolent video, again featuring footage from the current war in Iraq, but without explosions or weapons being fired. The second independent variable of background music entailed either a no music condition, an upbeat theme or downbeat theme. The upbeat music was presented with the song “Suffocating Under Words of Sorrow” (Bullet For My Valentine, 2006, track 5). The downbeat music condition featured the song “Hunger” (Hans Zimmer, 2002, track 1). The third condition was no music at all. As stated previously, Wanamaker and Reznikoff’s (1989) research has shown that lyrics should not be a confounding factor in this investigation. Two questionnaires were used to evaluate the participants’ levels of emotion after watching the films. The first questionnaire asked questions regarding the emotional response to the film, whereas the second questionnaire asked questions regarding the emotional response to the music. The questionnaires were based on five of the eight emotional states that Carlson et al. (1989) proposed as being “fundamental and consistent across cultures” (p. 203). The emotions evaluated in this experiment were anger, disgust, guilt, happiness, and sadness. The questionnaire contained three items for each emotion. The scores of each group of three items were then consolidated to give an overall score for that particular emotion in which the range was from 3 to 15. In both questionnaires, the items evaluating anger were 1, 6, and 11; disgust 2, 7, and 12; guilt 3, 8, and 13; happiness 4, 9, and 14; and sadness 5, 10, and 15. There were a total of 15 items and all were based on a 5 point Likert scale with 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree (see Appendices A & B). Procedure Before the testing began, all participants signed a statement of informed consent. The subjects were randomly assigned to one of six groups. The first three groups were shown the violent film clip with either a) no background music, b) upbeat music, or c) downbeat music. The last three groups were shown the nonviolent film clip paired with either a) no background music, b) upbeat music, or c) downbeat music. There were six groups with 20 participants in each group totaling 120 participants. After watching the film clip, all participants completed the two questionnaires with the exception of the groups that received no background music, who were able to only complete the 9


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research questionnaire for the film. The distribution of the questionnaires was counterbalanced. After each participant completed the two questionnaires, he/she was given a debriefing statement and thanked for his/her participation.

Table 1 Mean Responses for the Emotions Based on the Music and Film Questionnaires

Results

A series of factorial analyses was utilized to evaluate this 2x3 factorial between-subjects experimental design. Separate groups of subjects were used for each of the six conditions in the experiment. Two separate independent variables (film type and background music) were investigated. The film type factor had two levels: violent and nonviolent, and the background factor had three levels: no music, upbeat or downbeat. Also, interactions were evaluated.

Film Type

Background Music

Mean

Mean

Anger

7.84

7.61

Disgust

7.90

7.23

Guilt

8.33

7.58

Happiness

6.98

7.34

Sadness

8.43

8.44

Results on the Music Questionnaire Significant main effects for music were found for all emotions (p <.00005). Table 1 shows the mean responses for each emotion. There was a main effect for film type only for the emotion of guilt F(1,78)=6.42, p<.05. No significant interaction was produced.

Note. The possible mean score ranged from 3 to 15. The higher the score the more the emotional response the participant reported.

14 12

Mean Score Reported

10 8 6 4

2 0

UV

UNV

DV

DNV

NV

NNV

Experimental Conditions

Figure 1 Note. UV= Upbeat music with violent film; UNV= Upbeat music with nonviolent film; DV=Downbeat music with violent film; DNV= Downbeat music with nonviolent film; NV= No music with violent film; NNV= No music with nonviolent film. Upbeat music decreased the ratings of sadness. Downbeat music increased ratings of sadness. However, the effect of downbeat music on sadness was higher for the nonviolent film than the violent film. 10


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Results on the Video Questionnaire Once again a significant main effect for music was produced for each emotion (p<.00005). A significant main effect for film type for the emotions happy F(1,119) = 6.86, p<.05 and disgust F(1,119) =10.15, p<.005 were discovered. One significant interaction, as shown in Figure 1 between background music and film type on the emotion sad was found F(1,119) = 4.07, p<.05. The results followed a trend that was expected from this study in which the significant differences would be found in the upbeat music compared with the downbeat music and when applicable the nonmusic scores falling in between. Also, as expected the results followed the expected outcome in which negative emotions would be rated higher with downbeat music and positive emotions would be rated lower with the opposite being true when the upbeat music was used. The hypothesis that film type affects emotional responses was confirmed. The hypothesis that background music affects emotional responses was also confirmed. The hypothesis for interactions was only confirmed from the video questionnaire and only for the emotion sadness. Downbeat music produced a significantly higher level of sadness during the nonviolent film type. Discussion The findings of this study were consistent with what Ravaja and Kallinen (2004) presented, suggesting that background music can manipulate and help dictate certain emotional responses. Just as Boltz (2004) proposed through the idea of the ironic contrast technique, this experiment confirmed that media can be manipulated to increase or decrease emotional responses. One possible limitation of this study was the phrasing of the questionnaire items. Upon analysis of the scores, it became apparent that some of the participants were not consistent in some of their responses. Based on the reverse scored items, reliability was not 100 percent. Also, continuing to play the film clips and audio in the background as the participants answer the questionnaire could possibly enhance the scores in their respective directions. For future studies, a video theme other than a current highly publicized event might be preferable. For example, this study used

clips of the war in Iraq. Videos that were considered to be violent in nature produced strong negative emotions such as guilt and disgust displaying strong negative emotions toward the war. However, one of the most interesting findings was the interaction between music and film type on sadness. Downbeat music produced significantly higher levels of sadness during the nonviolent film. One plausible explanation, and a factor for further investigation, is that the nonviolent film showed more faces than the violent film. The violent film was centered on violent explosions, battles, and weapons firing. However, the nonviolent film was centered on the soldiers engaging in neutral or lively activities (napping, driving, laughing, etc â&#x20AC;Ś). Although this film did have weapons in it, no weapons or explosions were fired throughout the film. The results support the notion made that media clips can be manipulated to elicit stronger or weaker emotional responses and that background music produced significant emotional responses above and beyond the responses to the film images. References American Psychological Association. (2002). Ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct. American Psychologist, 57, 1060 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 1073. Boltz, M. G. (2004). The cognitive processing of film and musical soundtracks. Memory & Cognition, 32(7), 1194-1205. Bullet for My Valentine. (2006). Suffocating under words of sorrow. On The poison.[CD]. Trustkill Records. Carlson, C., Collins, F., Stewart, J., Porzelius, J., Nitz, A., & Lind, C. (1989). Emotional Assessment Scale (EAS). In J. Fischer & K. Corcoran (Eds.), Measures for Clinical Studies: Second edition, Vol. 2, 203-205. New York City: The Free Press. McFarland, R. A. (1984). Effects of music upon emotional content of TAT stories. Journal of Psychology: Interdisciplinary and Applied, 116(2), 227-234. Ravaja, N. & Kallinen, K. (2004). Emotional effects of startling background music during reading news reports: The moderating influence of dispositional BIS and BAS sensitivities. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 45(3), 231-238.

11


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Rickard, N. S. (2004). Intense emotional responses to music: A test of the physiological arousal hypothesis. Psychology of Music, 32(4), 371-388. Wanamaker, C. & Reznikoff, M. (1989). Effects of aggressive and nonaggressive rock songs on projective and structured

tests. Journal of Psychology: Interdisciplinary and Applied 123(6), 561-570. Zimmer, H. (2002). Hunger. On Black Hawk Down [CD]. Decca U.S.

Appendix A Age: ________

Class:

Freshman

Sophomore

Junior

Senior

Gender: Male

or Female

USING THE FOLLOWING SCALE, PLEASE ONLY CIRCLE ONE ANSWER PER STATEMENT.

1

Strongly

Disagree

2 Disagree

3 Neutral

4 Agree

5 Strongly Agree

1. This film made me feel mad.

1

2

3

4

5

2. This film did not make me feel repulsed.

1

2

3

4

5

3. This film made me feel ashamed.

1

2

3

4

5

4. This film made me feel lively.

1

2

3

4

5

5. This film did not make me feel sad.

1

2

3

4

5

6. This film made me feel resentment.

1

2

3

4

5

7. This film made me feel disgusted.

1

2

3

4

5

8. This film made me feel sorry.

1

2

3

4

5

9. This film did not make me feel upbeat.

1

2

3

4

5

10. This film made me feel low-spirited.

1

2

3

4

5

11. This film did not make me feel bitter.

1

2

3

4

5

12. This film made me feel outraged.

1

2

3

4

5

12


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Appendix A (Continued) USING THE FOLLOWING SCALE, PLEASE ONLY CIRCLE ONE ANSWER PER STATEMENT.

1

Strongly

Disagree

2

3

Disagree

4

Neutral

Agree

5 Strongly Agree

13. This film did not make me feel guilty.

1

2

3

4

5

14. This film made me feel energetic.

1

2

3

4

5

15. This film made me feel grief-stricken.

1

2

3

4

5

Appendix B Age: ________

Class:

Freshman

Sophomore

Junior

Senior

Gender: Male

or Female

USING THE FOLLOWING SCALE, PLEASE ONLY CIRCLE ONE ANSWER PER STATEMENT.

1

Strongly

Disagree

2 Disagree

3 Neutral

4 Agree

5 Strongly Agree

1. This music made me feel resentment.

1

2

3

4

5

2. This music made me feel outraged.

1

2

3

4

5

3. This music made me feel guilty.

1

2

3

4

5

4. This music did not make me feel upbeat.

1

2

3

4

5

5. This music made me feel low-spirited.

1

2

3

4

5

6. This music made me feel bitter.

1

2

3

4

5

7. This music did not make me feel repulsed.

1

2

3

4

5

8. This music made me feel ashamed.

1

2

3

4

5

13


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Appendix B (Continued) USING THE FOLLOWING SCALE, PLEASE ONLY CIRCLE ONE ANSWER PER STATEMENT.

1

Strongly

Disagree

2 Disagree

3 Neutral

4 Agree

5 Strongly Agree

9. This music made me feel energetic.

1

2

3

4

5

10. This music made me feel grief-stricken.

1

2

3

4

5

11. This music did not make me feel mad.

1

2

3

4

5

12. This music made me feel disgusted.

1

2

3

4

5

13. This music did not make me feel sorry.

1

2

3

4

5

14. This music made me feel lively.

1

2

3

4

5

15. This music did not make me feel sad.

1

2

3

4

5

14


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

ABSTRACT Marian Anderson: A Voice for the Seemingly Silent Rebecca Feldhaus Class: Senior Major: Music Hailing from Louisville, Ky., I am a senior music major working towards my Bachelor of Arts degree with a minor in journalism. This is my first major research project at Murray State University. This paper represents many months of research as well as many years of progress. I graduate in December 2009. After graduation, I intend to work in the administrative field of opera as a publications editor. Ultimately, I aim to be a music critic for a major newspaper.

In 1955, the classical singer Marian Anderson was the first AfricanAmerican to sing a lead role with the Metropolitan Opera. She was not only a pioneer for black singers, but also an advocate for composers of her time. During her performances, Anderson often sang contemporary works, particularly those of black composers, thus allowing the literature to become more mainstream. Fourteen years earlier, in 1941, Anderson won the Bok award for her role as an outstanding Philadelphia citizen. With her winnings, she established an endowment that funded a scholarship honoring exceptional musicians for many years. Those musicians who were honored to win her scholarship secured successful jobs in many fields. This project, based on research completed at the Marian Anderson Collection at the University of Pennsylvania, explores those musicians who were inspired to success by Anderson.

Key terms: young musician, American composers, social responsibility, opera

FACULTY MENTOR Dr. Sonya G. Baker, is currently associate professor of voice and assistant dean of the College of Humanities and Fine Arts at Murray State University. Additionally, she serves as Kentucky Governor for the National Association of Teachers of Singing and as board member for the Kentucky Arts Council. Her lecture recital on Marian Andersonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s historic 1939 Easter Concert has been presented nationwide. Baker is noted for her performances of American music, having been heard in concert both nationally and internationally, including recent appearances in Cape Town, South Africa; Boston, Mass.; and her city of residence, Murray, Ky.

15


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Marian Anderson: A Voice for the Seemingly Silent

T

his paper addresses how Marian Anderson, the famous African American singer of the early-mid 20th century, contributed to making contemporary classical vocal music and its composers mainstream. Because of the similarity between the seemingly silent voice of both African Americans and contemporary composers, Anderson seemed to be more of an accessible artist to those composers. She was an advocate for both contemporary composers and budding performers of her time. Anderson exhibited social responsibility by assisting those composers and musicians who were not necessarily bolstered from other colleagues. The paper answers questions about how she chose music to sing, her communications with lesser known contemporary composers, and how Anderson was received by her musical community.

life, you have set a mark toward which all of us must strive and though we may never gain that mark, we’ll be much the better for the striving.2 This quote from renowned tenor George Shirley exemplifies Anderson’s impact on others through mutual respect and consideration. As the first African American to sing a major role at the Metropolitan Opera,3 Marian Anderson was a star. She was a symbol of civil rights, an example of personal perseverance, and a source of musical inspiration. This paper focuses on the last of those roles. Anderson gave so much to so many institutions and musicians during her life that the effect she had continues today.

Marian Anderson’s Background Innumerable lives were affected by Anderson’s strength and concern for her community. Respected author Eileen Southern wrote: To the black communities that helped them to rise, the black concert artists who achieved distinction during the Black Renaissance were more than just talented and successful individuals. They became racial symbols, whose successes were shared vicariously by the great mass of blacks that could never hope to attain similar distinction. Whenever an artist succeeded in breaking down a color barrier, he inspired other talented blacks to overcome almost insurmountable difficulties in order to emulate him.1 The Marian Anderson collection at the University of Pennsylvania library, containing over 400 boxes of materials, was the primary resource for these findings. One of Anderson’s many positive contributions to the world of music is her role of artist as “promoter.” This research reveals the part played by contemporary composers and budding performers in the age of Marian Anderson. Miss Anderson, you have expressed that suffering and the beauty that has grown from it as well as any human being can ever hope to express it. Through your artistry and your 16

Marian Anderson was born in Philadelphia, on February 27, 1897, to a low income family. She was so drawn to music that she worked as a child scrubbing steps and helping with the wash to buy herself a violin.4 Anderson’s musical reputation as a singer began at the age of 6 when she joined the Union Baptist Church junior choir. She was hailed as a “baby contralto” and her name became more popular. Due to her vocal prowess, Anderson joined the senior choir at Union Baptist Church at the age of 10.5 Although her vocal talent was notable, Anderson needed training from a professional. At the age of 19, she began taking voice lessons with Giuseppe Boghetti.6 In his biography on Anderson, Allan Keiler writes, “Boghetti’s professionalism enriched Marian’s studies considerably.”7 Her performances in America started slowly. Anderson’s career did not achieve international acclaim until after her tour to Scandinavia in the 1930s. While in Scandinavia, Anderson received support from many fans. Racial tensions were not as pronounced as they were in America, and Anderson was free to enjoy her admiring audiences without worries of racial segregation. Anderson said: That first trip to the Scandinavian countries was an encouragement and an incentive. It made me realize that the time and energy invested in seeking to become an artist were worthwhile, and that what I had dared to aspire to was not impossible.8


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research While she was touring, Anderson’s name became more popular across Europe. A reviewer in Le Jour wrote:

Marian Anderson. Don’t forget this name, it will be famous before very long in Paris … The first contact of this young black artist with Paris constitutes a dazzling victory, one that calls for an even greater effect.9

Many notable people raved about Anderson. The internationally famous conductor, Arturo Toscanini, declared, “Yours is a voice such as one hears once in a hundred years.”1 When Anderson returned home to the United States, she was invited to give several more concerts than she had prior to her Scandinavian tour. This was due in part, to her high profile manager, Sol Hurok. Hurok, took Anderson as his client in 1934.11 He was a successful artistic manager who managed stars like the famous ballerina Anna Pavlova, celebrated modern dancer Isadora Duncan, violinist Isaac Stern, and renowned classical composer Alexandre Glazunov.12 Hurok writes, “I am a hero-worshipper … All my life has been devoted to the pursuit of artists.”13 Perhaps the most noteworthy event in Anderson’s growing career was in 1939 when she was denied use of Constitution Hall in Washington, D.C., by the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR), because of her race. Eleanor Roosevelt resigned from the DAR in protest and was helpful in arranging an alternate venue for Anderson’s Washington, D.C., concert. On Easter Sunday 1939, Anderson gave her most remembered performance on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. Photographs of this event show the crowd of approximately 75,000 that packed the edges of the national reflecting pool on that cold Sunday. Anderson’s post 1939 career included notable performances and awards. Anderson debuted at the Metropolitan Opera in 1955, at the age of 58. Anderson was considered, by many, to be past her prime. Nonetheless she received a standing ovation for her roll as Ulrica in Giuseppe Verdi’s Un ballo in maschera. Her farewell tour in 1965 was a great success.14

Anderson’s Awards and Honors For her astounding contribution to the music field, Anderson received numerous awards including the Spingarn Medal15 in 1939.16 The Spingarn Medal is an award for an outstanding African

Above: Anderson singing on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. Easter Sunday, 1939. Used with permission from the Rare Book and Manuscript Library at the Van Pelt library, University of Pennsylvania.

American who has shown triumph over adversity.17 Anderson also won a scholarship with the National Association of Negro Musicians (NANM), 18 a Rosenwald Fund scholarship, 19 the Presidential Medal of Freedom,20 a Congressional Gold Medal, and the Bok Award for an outstanding citizen of Philadelphia in 1941.21 It is clear that Anderson made an impact not only in her musical community, but in the world community. With the $10,000 Anderson received from the Bok award, Anderson funded an annual scholarship for future musicians. The endowment allotted $1,000 for one scholarship winner each year. In the event of a tie, the monetary prize was augmented so that each winner received a considerable amount.22 Additional funds apparently supplemented Anderson’s Bok Award winnings, because there were 57 winners of the Anderson Scholarship.

Anderson’s Interaction with Scholarship Winners Correspondence between scholarship winners and Anderson indicates that Anderson’s scholarship and the personal support she gave bolstered these artists to success. Scholarship winner Catherine Wallace Collins wrote to thank Anderson and recount her musical activities in Zurich: 17


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

I could never find the appropriate words to express how grateful I am to you for making it possible for me to continue my career and carry me this far. Since that time I have won a stipendium [sic] which enabeled me to study for one year at the Zurich International Opera Studio. 1961-1962. Where I was active in public performances of various operas.23

Later letters indicate that Anderson provided Collins with connections to a manager who assisted Collins during her time in the United States, as well. Having Anderson’s name on her resume, no doubt, gave Collins a significant advantage in the contemporary musical community. Scholarship winner Naomi Pettigrew studied not only music, but visual art as well. In her letter to Anderson, Pettigrew provided proof that Anderson aided in her career saying, “I shall never forget you, as I have so many times, the opportunity to call your name in reference to my career.”24

for the kind of position an institution of higher learning would wish to have available for the benefit of its students interested in musical endeavors.27

Soprano Leontyne Price was the most famous applicant of the Marian Anderson Scholarship. She is best known for her lead roles, especially those of Giuseppe Verdi, in every major opera house in the world.28 In letters between Price and Anderson, Price expresses gratitude for Anderson’s contributions monetarily and personally, and mentions that she also won the prestigious Spingarn Medal. “Just a note – a little late, but very sincere to thank you for the sweet wire you sent last Sunday when I received The Spingarn Medal. You always have been and continue to be a great source of inspiration to me.”29 Anderson and Price continued their correspondence throughout Price’s career. In the photograph below, the hand-written message reads, “Dearest Marian, Whoever looked more like sisters. With a heart full of love, Leontyne.”

Rawn Spearman wrote that his winning the scholarship was directly related to his success with Sol Hurok, “To be more specific, I was fortunate to win the Marian Anderson Award some years ago. This, of course, after many years of hard study, led to working under the banner of Sol Hurok.”25 Spearman later became a professor of music at the University of Lowell. Hurok was influential in Anderson’s career and in the next generation of musicians. In one of his many letters to Anderson, successful singer McHenry Boatwright mentioned his success nationally and abroad, including an operatic premiere in Hamburg and an engagement at the prestigious Tanglewood festival. Boatwright also asked Anderson for a letter of recommendation for a teaching position at Ohio State University. She fulfilled his request and Boatwright taught there for many years. 26 Another recommendation from Anderson shows her dedication to those who would carry on her creative legacy. Anderson wrote to Howard University on behalf of scholarship winner Camilla Williams, successful soprano and subsequent professor at Indiana University:

18

Miss Williams has a great deal of experience and a tremendous knowledge of her art. Thus, she is well prepared

Above: Anderson with Price at opera opening. Used with permission from the Rare Book and Manuscript Collection at the Van Pelt Library, University of Pennsylvania.

Not all of the scholarship winners had notable careers, however many did. Anderson was proud of the winners, saying: To watch what the winners have done is also a source of great pride. It is not expected that 10 percent of those who present themselves and go off with a prize or first place,


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research it is not supposed that all of them will be able to attain the heights that either they or you think that they might. But percentage wise, it seems to have worked out rather well.30 Scholarship winners became Grammy award winners, internationally renowned performers, and nationally recognized professors. Most of the winners of the Marian Anderson Scholarship were vocalists. Some were composers, teachers, pianists, and other various creative artists. Thus, Anderson’s contribution to the world of musicians touched several generations. Anderson helped to bring prestige to organizations as well as individuals. For example, in a letter on National Association of Negro Musicians letterhead, Brazeal W. Dennard, the president of NANM and an Anderson scholarship winner, wrote how much Anderson’s potential appearance at a convention would add to the affair. Dennard wrote, “Having been a former scholarship winner, and having achieved the pinnacle of success, you are our idol and model. Having you in our midst would certainly enhance our convention and be an inspiration to all.”31 Brazeal’s request to

In a letter to Anderson, composer Florence Price wrote, “Each broadcast of a composition of mine helps me to maintain and advance my rating in ASCAP.”33 Price was best known as the first black woman to compose a symphony premiered by a major orchestra. With her Symphony in E minor premiered by the Chicago Symphony, Price won the 1932 Wannamaker Award.34 The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians says, Price’s “music was taken up by other orchestras, and she won further recognition after Anderson’s regular performance of her arrangement of My Soul’s been anchored in de’ Lord and Song to the Dark Virgin.”35 Although other artists performed Price’s compositions, Anderson’s performances put these compositions before a large, often musically sophisticated audience. Frida Sarsen Buckey wrote about more concrete, monetary advances that she received from her album recorded by Anderson. For the album, Buckey composed songs about Anderson’s cat, Snoopy. Buckey’s career flourished after release of this album. The national news program, the Today Show, gave a positive review of Buckey’s album. She writes:

appear at this public gathering shows how Anderson had become a household name.

Naturally I wish you would be able to give the interview on the TODAY Show, which would mean so much for the success of the album. You may recall that they found the record “TERRIFIC” and were looking forward to an interview …36

Anderson’s Contribution to Contemporary Composers Scholarship winners and organizations were not the only beneficiaries of Anderson’s generosity. Composers achieved greater recognition when she sang their works. Anderson often chose pieces by composers who were not well known. In her autobiography, she wrote: The greatest problem [in choosing songs] is in the English songs. I like to do a group by American and English composers in addition to a group of spirituals, but the choice is difficult … I have tried to have at least one new song by an unknown American composer on my programs each year, but this practice has to be suspended at times …32 Anderson supported those American and English composers that she wished to feature. Although there could be alternate reasons for these musicians’ success, Anderson’s contributions to their careers is undeniable. Proof lies again within personal correspondence.

Anderson was past her musical prime in the recording, but still gives each selection a unique liveliness. Life magazine recognized Buckey’s album as, “the best children’s record on the market.” 37 Anderson’s commitment to social responsibility is evident in her relationship with Buckey. Though Buckey’s children’s album was successfully acclaimed, it was not one that would bring a substantial monetary gain to Anderson. A lesser-known composer, Nicholas Douty, also benefited from his relationship with Anderson. Douty wrote to Anderson with the kindness and reverence of so many others:

Please let me extend to you my sincere thanks for the kind words that you expressed to the Rosenwald Scholarship People in [sic] my behalf. They have been very generous and awarded to me a scholarship that will maintain me in Germany for several months.38

19


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research The Rosenwald Scholarship, established by Chicago philanthropist Julius Rosenwald, allocates funds for promising young scholars who show outstanding leadership or prestige in the artistic world.39 As this letter states, Anderson’s recommendation in support of Douty was instrumental in Douty’s receipt of the prestigious scholarship. Douty’s letter serves as more proof that Anderson’s ties with her scholarship winners aided them in their success.

Anderson’s Legacy Numerous positive statements about Anderson’s inspiration of musicians exist in Anderson’s correspondence at the Marian Anderson Collection. The collection is the finest tool today’s public has to see the magnitude of Anderson in touching the lives of others. Both in its historical context and in the inspiration it may provide for future musicians, this collection is a national treasure. The documents contain intimate details about how Anderson cared for and nurtured her scholarship winners and composers. The collection attests to her character and power. Birthday cards, Mothers’ day greetings, and many more personal offerings of admiration for Anderson fill the files at the Anderson collection. Proof of the positive effect that she had on so many performers and composers of her time becomes increasingly evident. Many young musicians with whom Anderson had contact were successful professional musicians later in life. She exhibited compassion in both her personal life and the professional world. She was a beacon of light for African American musicians who would have otherwise remained unknown. Marian Anderson is sure to inspire musicians to success for years to come.

References Anderson, Marian. Personal Correspondence. 9 February 1971. Marian Anderson Collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, Pa. Anderson, Marian. My Lord What A Morning. New York: The Viking Press, 1956. Boatwright, McHenry. Personal Correspondence. 16 November 1953, 16 October 1955, 8 July 1966. Marian Anderson Collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, Pa. Buckey, Frida Sarsen. Personal Correspondence. 5 May 1974, 24 March, 1960, 18 August 1960, 20 August 1964, 10 December 1965, 24 March, 1974. Marian Anderson Collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, Pa. Collins, Catherine Wallace. Personal Correspondence. No date given. Marian Anderson Collection Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. Dennard, Brazeal W. Personal Correspondence. 5 August 1975. Marian Anderson Collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. Douty, Nicholas. Personal Correspondence. No date given. Marian Anderson Collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, Pa. Freedman, Russell. A Voice that Challenged a Nation: Marian Anderson, and the Struggle for Equal Rights. New York: Clarion Books, 2004. Hurok, Sol with Ruth Goode. Impresario. New York: Random House of Canada Ltd., 1946.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Pettigrew, Naomi. Personal Correspondence. 6 April 1962. Marian Anderson Collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. “Price, Florence B(eatrice nee Smith).” Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians. Centennial ed. Ed. Nicolas Slonimsky. New York: Schirmer Books, 2001. “Price [nee Smith], Florence Bea(trice).” The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed. Ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001. Price, Florence. Personal Correspondence. 2 December 1944. Marian Anderson Collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, Pa. “Price, (Mary Violet) Leontyne.” Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians. Centennial ed. Ed. Nicolas Slonimsky. New York: Schirmer Books, 2001. “Price, (Mary Violet) Leontyne.” The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd ed. Ed. Stanley Sadie. London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001. Price, Leontyne. Personal Correspondence. 9 January 1966, 6 October 1966, no date given. Marian Anderson Collection. Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.

EndNotes 1 Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Americans: A History, 2nd ed., (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1983), 400. 2 Shirley, George, interview with Marian Anderson. No date given. 3 “Anderson, Marian,” Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians (London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001). 4 Kosti Vehanen, Marian Anderson: A Portrait (New York: McGraw Hill Book Company Inc., 1941) 9. 5 Russell Freedman, A Voice that Challenged a Nation: Marian Anderson, and the Struggle for Equal Rights (New York: Clarion Books, 2004) 5-6. 6 Allan Keiler, Marian Anderson: A Singer’s Journey (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000) 45. 7 Keiler, 47. 8 Marian Anderson, My Lord What a Morning (New York: The Viking Press, 1956) 145. 9 Keiler, 133-134. 10 Freedman, 41.

Shirley, George. Telephone Interview. 12 February 2008.

11 Keiler, 137.

Spearman, Rawn. Personal Correspondence. No date given. Marian Anderson Collection Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.

12 Sol Hurok with Ruth Goode, Impresario (New York: Random House of Canada Ltd. 1946) 3. 13 Hurok, 3.

Taubman, Howard. Non-Musical Sound Recording. Rare Book and Ms. Library Library Manuscripts. Van Pelt Library at University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1955-1956. Vehanen, Kosti. Marian Anderson: A Portrait. New York: McGraw Hill Book Company Inc., 1941.

14 “Anderson, Marian,” The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001). 15 The Spingarn Medal was named after an author, critic, and co-founder of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). 21


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research 16 Freedman, 70. 17 “Spingarn Medal,” Encyclopedia Britannica Online: Student Version, 20 April 2008.<http://student.britannica. com/comptons/article-9337116>.

28 “Price, (Mary Violet) Leontyne,” Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians (New York: Schirmer Books, 2001). 29 Leontyne Price, letter to Marian Anderson. 9 January 1966.

18 Keiler, 45.

30 Taubman, 1955-1956.

19 Keiler, 91.

31 Brazeal W. Dennard, letter to Marian Anderson. 5 August 1975.

20 Freedman, 85-86. 32 Anderson, 198. 21 Freedman, 87. 33 Florence B. Price, letter to Marian Anderson. 2 December 22 “Non-musical sound recording,” narr. Howard Taubman. 1955-1956. 23 Catherine Wallace Collins, letter to Marian Anderson. No date given. 24 Naomi Pettigrew, letter to Marian Anderson. 6 April 1962. 25 Rawn Spearman, letter to Marian Anderson. No date given. 26 McHenry Boatwright, letter to Marian Anderson. 8 July 1966. 27 Marian Anderson, letter to Howard University c/o Dean Fox. 9 February 1971.

1944. 34 “Price, Florence B(eatrice nee Smith)” Bakery’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians, 2001 ed. 35 “Price (nee Smith), Florence Bea(trice),” The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2001 ed. 36 Frida Sarsen Buckey, letter to Marian Anderson. 2 August, 1964. 37 Buckey, 10 December 1965. 38 Nicholas Douty, letter to Marian Anderson. No date given. 39 Keiler, 90.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Winners of the Marian Anderson Scholarship (Listed Alphabetically) Bloecher, Charlotte Successful classical soprano who sang many cantatas and won the Concert Artists Guild award in 1952 Bumbry, Grace A. Leading mezzo soprano (and in later career soprano) of her time; sang with Placido Domingo, Shirley Verrett at Vienna Stadtsoper, and other major opera houses Burton, Miriam Broadway performer as well as composer Cass, Lee Sang professional roles on Broadway and taught voice at Carnegie Mellon University Cowie, Margaret Broadway performer Cruz, Grace de la Daniel, Billie Lynn Classical soprano and voice teacher De Valentine, William Dickerson, Nathanial Dickey, Elmer Dobbs, Mattiwilda Successful coloratura soprano who sang at La Scala and debuted at the Metropolitan Opera in 1956; would not perform for segregated audiences; taught voice at University of Texas and Howard University Evans, Edith Successful actress and Golden Globe winner Ferguson, Arnita Farris, Judith Teacher of musical theatre at Southeast Missouri State University; debuted at many regional opera houses and taught voice to many successful Hollywood actors Flowers, Martha Successful singing career in Europe Graves, Katherine Green, Goldie Theresa Grist, Reri International singing career; coloratura soprano; appeared in the original cast of West Side Story and sang at the Metropolitan and other major opera houses Hall, Lillian Hatchett, Starling Edward Henson, Robert Very active in the National Association of Negro Musicians; small ensemble performer Hinderas, Natalie L. Successful pianist; attended Juilliard; taught at Temple University Hodges, Betty Jensen, Corinne Johnson, Harold Kriese, Gladys Mezzo soprano; sang at the Metropolitan Opera; won the Liederkranz Foundation award

Lane, Betty Successful singer and teacher of voice Laster, Georgia Composer Mastrangelo, Maria Mathis, Joyce J. Mernick, Lillian Member of Harlem Philharmonic society; singer; contralto Ormond, Nelda Parker, Minnie Patterson, Willis C. Former professor of voice and associate dean at University of Michigan Perkinson, Coleridge Taylor Noted composer and conductor; co-founder of Symphony of the New World Perry, Julia Noted composer Pettigrew, Naomi Visual artist and singer Price, Leontyne *(applicant) Performed major soprano roles in all major opera houses in the world Quivar, Florence Internationally successful mezzo soprano Reid, Christina Rowe, Doris Schapp, Isobel Serryla, Sivia Simon, Joanna Sister to pop/folk singer Carly Simon Sims, Gwendolyn Snydor, Rebecca Spearman, Rawn Successful on Broadway and classical music Swift, John Thomas, Eva Marie Thompson, Arthur Toscano, Carol Verrett, Shirley Internationally successful singer; currently James Earl Jones Distinguished University Professor of Voice at University of Michigan Wagner, James Opera composer; successful in Germany Wallace, Catherine Walters, Gwendolyn Walters, Janet Warren, Elton J. Warner, Genevieve

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

ABSTRACT

Rachel Fielder

Twin Language: Truth or Myth?

While at Murray State, I have been active in several organizations including the Rotaract Club and the National Student Speech Language Hearing Association. I currently teach speech development classes at Murray State in the English as a Second Language Program. After graduation in May 2009, I plan to earn my masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s degree in SpeechLanguage Pathology.

Researchers have proposed some twin sets invent a secret language to communicate with each other. This paper reviews the existing literature of this phenomenon more commonly known as twin language. Definitions of twin language in the literature are inconsistent with one another and do not parallel conventional definitions of language. Furthermore, alternative explanations are proposed to account for the reports of the occurrence of twin language. In particular, disordered language appears to be a more suitable explanation to account for the unique linguistic output of twins.

Class: Senior Major: Communication Disorders

Key terms: twin language, disordered language, phonological processes, normal language development

FACULTY MENTOR Kelly Kleinhans is a clinical supervisor and lecturer in the Department of Wellness and Therapeutic Sciences. She is finishing her dissertation in rehabilitation sciences from the University of Kentucky. Kleinhans teaches courses in the communication disorders division and supervises graduate students at the Murray State Speech and Hearing Clinic. She earned her M.A. from Kent State University and has over 18 years of experience as a speech-language pathologist. Her research focus is in the area of augmentative and alternative communication.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Twin Language: Truth or Myth?

T

he world was stunned in 1993 by the sudden and unexplainable death of Jennifer Gibbons, a twin of a mysterious twin set from Wales. Jennifer and June Gibbons had such severe speech impairments that they were not understood by anyone outside the twin set. As children they were relentlessly harassed by classmates and eventually became socially withdrawn and began only speaking to each other. Jennifer and June were inseparable, but also each other’s enemy as they yearned for their own personalities and independence. After years of isolation and even institutionalization, the girls decided that one twin would have to die for the other to begin speaking and living her own independent life. Jennifer decided she would be the one to die. Unexplainably, she died abruptly of viral myocarditis, without any sign of murder or suicide. As June and Jennifer had predicted, June was able to begin speaking to other people after her sister died (“Jennifer Gibbons,” 1993).

Why did Jennifer and June believe that one of them had to die for the other to talk? This is unclear; however, reports of twins sharing a secret language are not uncommon. Society has become captivated by the mystery of the supposed ability of twins to communicate in their own language. This phenomenon is often referred to as twin language. Interpretations of the concept of twin language vary among parents, researchers, and society in general. This paper reviews published studies that examined twin language. From the literature review, this author then proposes twin language is not a true language. The research shows that it is not a separate language of invented symbols shared only between twins, but may actually be a convention of their native language that twins share because (a) twins are in the same environment, (b) twins are familiar with each other’s speech, and (c) twins may share a set of developmental speech errors. This paper provides a general understanding of what parents and researchers consider to be twin language. First, the definitions and classifications for reported twin language are analyzed as a true language. The methods of study and reported prevalence of twin language are compared across three studies. Second, evidence against the existence of twin language as a true separate language

is provided. Possible practical explanations for the distinctive linguistic features commonly thought to indicate twin language are given. Third, the relationship between reports of twin language and language disorders is explored. Finally, implications for classifying the distinctive communicative features among twins as twin language are discussed.

Comparisons of Twin Language Studies Bishop and Bishop (1998) investigated what parents consider to be twin language. They studied a voluntary sample of 94 sets of same gender twins and their parents who were from the United Kingdom and representative of the general population. The twins in each set were between 7 and 13 years of age. Researchers had a parent of each twin set complete a questionnaire inquiring about the twins’ past physical, social, and cognitive development. Parents were specifically asked if they thought their twins had ever used a twin language and, if they had, to describe the language. Researchers had parents generate their own unique descriptions of twin language rather than selecting from predetermined definitions so as not to bias the parents’ perceptions. Researchers then created categories of twin language based on these descriptions and other information from the questionnaires and used them to create a classification system for characterizing the twin sets. Table 1 (p 26) provides readers with descriptions of twin language found in this study and subsequent studies reviewed for this paper. Bishop and Bishop discovered 16 percent of parents reported their twins had used a twin language. These researchers identified three different types of twin language among which this 16 percent was distributed. However, the descriptions of twin language created by the researchers did not appear to reflect a true separate language. In the field of speech-language pathology, language is defined as a socially agreed upon code of invented symbols and a system of rules for how those symbols can be combined (American Speech-Language-Hearing Association, 1982). For the descriptions of twin language used in the Bishop and Bishop (1998) study to be representative of a true language 25


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Table 1: Descriptions of twin language as determined by studies reviewed in this paper. STUDY

Bishop and Bishop (1998)

Thorpe et al. (2001)

Hayashi et al. (2005)

CLASSIFICATIONS AND DEFINITIONS

REPORTED TWIN LANGUAGE (%)

AGE REPORTED

JARGON: Verbal communication articulated without effort. Not understood by anyone outside the twin set.

7.4

7 to 13 years

SELECTIVE MUTISM: At least one twin did not talk to anyone other than the co-twin.

1.1

PRIVATE LANGUAGE: A seperate language spoken only within a twin set in addition to their native language.

3.2

UNSPECIFIED: Absent or vague description provided by parent.

4.3

PRIVATE LANGUAGE: A seperate language that twins only used when speaking to each other which no one else was able to comprehend. Considered abnormal.

50 19.7

20 months 36 months

SHARED VERBAL UNDERSTANDING: A seperate language shared betweeen twins that was not only used when talking to each other. Not understood by anyone else. Considered normal.

11.8 6.6

20 months 36 months

TWIN LANGUAGE: Language invented by a twin set that no one else knew and that the twins only used at certain times.

48.6

2 to 4 years

shared by twins, the categories should have included references to an arbitrary symbol set as well as agreed upon rules for symbol combinations. A review of Bishop and Bishopâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s categories, based on the information gathered from parents, reveals none of the classifications of twin language necessarily qualified as a language. For instance, speech labeled as jargon had to be articulated without effort and only understood by the twins. This did not suggest that the twins had necessarily invented their own shared code. Instead, the twins might have understood each otherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s imperfections of their native language when no one else could. Private twin language referred to the speech of twins whose parents witnessed them speaking what they considered another language in addition to also speaking their native language. However, again there 26

was no evidence that the twins were using a novel system of shared symbols. Parents might have simply been witnessing random speech sounds or variations of the native language that did not represent a specific referent. Selective mutism also did not necessarily qualify as a true language because it simply described twin sets in which at least one twin only spoke to the co-twin. Because no features of the language were described, the twins could have been speaking to each other in their native language. Recognizing the inconsistencies in definitions of twin language, Thorpe, Greenwood, Eivers, and Rutter (2001) attempted to determine the validity and prevalence of twin language. They used the term secret language to validate that any such phenomenon must capture the essence of the exclusive and unique communication patterns of a particular twin set. Thorpe et al. studied 27 mixed


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research gender and 49 same gender twin sets. Researchers gathered information to study secret language in twins by interviewing caregivers and observing twin sets. Researchers first interviewed each caregiver at the twins’ home when they were 20 months of age. They asked several questions regarding the twins’ communication abilities in general, their interactions both within and outside of the twin set, and the possibility of a secret language. Next, researchers videotaped interactions between the caregiver and twins, as well as interactions only between the twins. Three different contexts were recorded: (a) as the caregiver and children participated in everyday routines, (b) as the caregiver read a new book to the children, and (c) as the caregiver shared a new toy with the children. When the twins reached 36 months, the protocol was repeated.

language was the exclusive use of the secret twin language within the twin dyad. In the discussion, researchers admitted they may have inaccurately classified younger twin sets as using private language. Twin sets at 20 months, like typically developing singletons, often used telegraphic speech. Telegraphic utterances are shortened adult forms children produce using only content words such as nouns, verbs, and adjectives. Researchers reported that the limited expressive language skills at 20 months made it difficult to reliably determine if twin sets were communicating with each other or with the caregiver. Therefore, reports of private language at 20 months in which twins used a secret language shared only with their co-twin may have more accurately been considered shared verbal understanding.

The data collected from the communication samples and parental reports were analyzed to determine if twin sets exhibited a secret language. Using the researcher created categories, twin sets were classified as using a shared verbal understanding or a private language. Twin sets were excluded if they did not meet the researchers’ criteria for a secret language. Their analysis revealed 62 percent of twins at 20 months and 22 percent of twins at 36 months used a type of secret language. Examination of the definitions used for classification in Thorpe et al., as in Bishop and Bishop (1998), reveals the definitions did not necessarily conform to conventional definitions of language. For instance in Thorpe et al. (2001), having a shared verbal understanding, which the researchers considered normal, was only defined by the pragmatic uses of language and not based on conventions associated with a lexicon or grammar. Without lexical or grammatical information, there is no evidence the twins invented their own code and system of linguistic symbols. Shared verbal understanding referred to the secret language twins used across contexts with the qualification that others could not understand what the twins were saying. The authors suggested the twins could understand each other because they were familiar with each other’s speech which allowed them to interpret each other’s incorrect speech better than anyone else. Like shared verbal understanding, private language also was only described based on language use, with the exception that private language was considered abnormal because twin sets used the secret language only with each other.

A more recent study by Hayashi et al. (2005) also recognized the inconsistent conceptualizations of twin language and used a parental questionnaire to study the supposed phenomenon. Hayashi et al. studied a much larger sample than both Bishop and Bishop (1998) and Thorpe et al. (2001). Hayashi et al. (2005) interviewed 580 mothers of the Twin Mothers’ Club of Japan whose twins were 2 to 4 years of age at the time of the study and had no concomitant physical or sensory impairments. Hayashi et al. studied 158 mixed gender twins in addition to 422 same gender twins. The mothers of the twin sets were asked if they believed their twins had an original language that was only understood by the twins. If mothers answered “yes,” this was counted as an occurrence of twin language.

Interestingly, researchers reported a greater number of twin sets at both ages exhibiting a private language than twin sets exhibiting a shared verbal understanding. Researchers cautioned readers on the accuracy of their classification of the younger twin sets. Private

Again, as with the previous two studies, the description given by Hayashi et al. for original language did not account for all the elements of conventional language. Because researchers only asked the mothers if their twins used their own original language, the vagueness of the question may have inflated the prevalence in this sample. Without the appropriate knowledge to distinguish between an original language and elements of their native language, what mothers considered an original language may have been speech errors made by the twins. The range of occurrence of twin language across the three reviewed studies of 16 to 68 percent may be attributed to several factors (Bishop & Bishop, 1998; Thorpe et al., 2001; Hayashi et al., 2005). One of the primary contributions to the range of reported occurrence was probably due to differences in study protocols. For example, Hayashi et al. (2005) and Bishop and Bishop (1998) relied only on parental reports. Thorpe et al. (2001) used parental reports, 27


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research but also used direct observations of the children. In addition, the ages of the twin sets at the time of the studies were also different across protocols. It is possible that the younger ages of the twins in Thorpe et al. (2001), combined with the real time observations and interviews, may have been more reliable than studies such as Bishop and Bishop (1998) in which parents were asked to recall perceptions of the phenomenon after a period of time had elapsed. Consider the revelations of Hayashi et al. (2005) in which they determined the average age that mothers reported the onset of twin language as 22.5 months and the cessation of twin language as 30.3 months. In Bishop and Bishop (1998), twins were between the ages of 7 and 13 years at the time their caregivers were interviewed, so perhaps these caregivers had less precise recall given the influence of time and memory. Other subject characteristics which may have contributed to the range of prevalence may be the different distributions of same gender and mixed gender twin sets as well as the different native languages. As is evident in reviewing Bishop and Bishop (1998), Thorpe et al. (2001), and Hayashi et al. (2005), studies of twin language have not given a clear and concise definition of twin language that is conventionalized and used among researchers. In addition, the different descriptions of twin language that have been used in studies do not necessarily fulfill the requirements of a true separate language. They do not necessarily indicate the existence of a socially agreed upon code of invented symbols and a system of rules for how those symbols can be combined. Thus, it is possible that the twin language phenomenon does not exist.

Evidence against Twin Language After looking at the prevalence ratings for reports of twin language, it may appear that twin language is a frequent phenomenon. However, after analyzing the various studies and definitions of twin language, it becomes clear that what some people consider to be twin language is not really a true separate language invented and shared by twins. Explanations for the distinctive communicative features often thought to indicate twin language further negates the existence of such a phenomenon. A commonly used indicator of twin language was when twins could understand each other when others could not (Bishop & Bishop, 1998; Thorpe et al., 2001; Hayashi et al., 2005; McEvoy & Dodd, 1992). McEvoy and Dodd (1992) provided a practical

28

explanation for difficulty in understanding the language spoken by twins which discredits the argument that it was because the twins shared a twin language. McEvoy and Dodd studied 17 sets of twins and two sets of triplets 2 to 4 years of age. The childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s parents were members of the South Brisbane Multiple Birth Association in Australia and volunteered for the study. The sample included same gender and mixed gender sets and the children did not have physical or mental disabilities. Singletons of similar ages and socioeconomic levels were also studied for comparative data. Information about the childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s language was collected under two conditions. All children were observed while they interacted during play with a speech-language pathologist. The twins and triplets were also observed while they interacted during play with each other. Researchers videotaped and analyzed the language spoken by the children in both situations. Researchers found the most significant difference in the language spoken by the twins and triplets, as compared to the singletons, was the use of phonological processes. Phonological processes are labels used to characterize the ways a child alters correct word forms so they are easier to pronounce (Hodson & Paden, 1981). As typically developing children acquire the sound system of their native language, it is normal for them to simplify their speech and use these phonological processes or patterns of errors. However, some children continue to use phonological processes past the typical age of termination and this is problematic because it makes their speech difficult to understand. McEvoy and Dodd (1992) further classified phonological processes into either developmental or unusual phonological processes. Developmental phonological processes were those patterns of errors that a child continued to use after the age of normal termination. Unusual phonological processes were those that were not normal for any age. McEvoy and Dodd reported that a higher percentage of multiple birth siblings as compared to singletons used at least one developmental phonological process and at least one unusual phonological process. Sixty percent of multiple birth siblings used a developmental phonological process and also had a twin or triplet who used a developmental phonological process. In these sets, siblings used at least one of the same developmental phonological processes. Forty-seven percent of twins and triplets demonstrated at least one of the same unusual phonological processes used by their sibling(s).


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research The frequent use of phonological processes makes language less intelligible because when children use developmental and unusual phonological processes, they alter the correct word pronunciations. The less intelligible speech, combined with the sharing of phonological processes, may mislead parents to believe their twins share a language. Because twins tend to use more developmental and unusual phonological processes than singletons, their language is generally more difficult for other people less familiar with the twins to understand. In addition, because twins within a twin set share many of the same developmental and unusual phonological processes, their speech sounds similar because of the same way they alter words. The twins are also able to interpret each other’s speech when other people are not because they understand what the phonological processes represent. This could either be because they share the same phonological processes or because they interact more often and are able to learn the meanings of various sound substitutions. Speech that is both understood and shared between twins, but not by anyone else, may give the false appearance of twin language. The abnormally high presence of both developmental and unusual phonological processes in twins may affect the intelligibility of twins’ speech in other ways. For instance, McEvoy and Dodd also examined utterance length. A child’s mean length of utterance (MLU) is a clinical measure of a child’s acquisition of grammatical forms. For example, when a young child adds “-s” to a word to indicate plurality, the addition of this marker adds grammatical complexity and meaning to the child’s utterance. The addition of these grammatical markers is averaged and used to assess language development. Thirty-five percent of the twins and triplets studied by McEvoy and Dodd had shorter MLUs than was considered normal for their age. Children often shorten utterances as an attempt to clarify messages when adults have difficulty understanding them. The use of shortened MLUs is consistent with the findings of Davis (1975) who explained, “The twins, on the other hand, are still struggling to make their infantile pronunciations understood and are consequently limited to the essential words which form the skeleton of a sentence” (p. 41-42). This refers to twins restricting their speech to only the major content words of a sentence, thus reducing MLU. In more recent research, Dodd and McEvoy (1994) further continued their investigation into the validity of twin language. They recognized that if twin language was a true phenomenon,

the twins would have been able to understand each other’s flawed speech better than an adult’s correct speech. Using the recorded linguistic samples of twins and triplets obtained in the McEvoy and Dodd (1992) study, Dodd and McEvoy (1994) isolated 10 words from each twin’s language sample that were spoken incorrectly but still understood by researchers. Each child’s co-twin then listened to each word while looking at four pictures. One of the pictures symbolized the recorded word and the co-twin was told to choose that picture. After listening to the 10 words and attempting to match them with the pictures, the co-twin repeated the same procedure except while listening to an adult’s correct pronunciation of each word. The multiple birth siblings generally understood the adult’s correct pronunciations better than their siblings’ incorrect pronunciations. Out of 10 words correctly produced by the adult, children chose the appropriate pictures for an average of 9.9 words. Out of 10 words incorrectly produced by their sibling, they chose the appropriate pictures for an average of 5.7 words. This was a significant difference in correctly identified words. If the twins did in fact share their own language, they would have understood the words spoken by their multiple birth siblings at least as well as those words spoken by the adult. However, because multiple birth siblings understood more words spoken by the adult than by their siblings, this is evidence that twins most likely do not share a twin language. The existence of twin language can further be disproved by evidence that singletons demonstrate linguistic features typically used to describe twin language. If twins did invent their own language, the associated features of that language would not be used between siblings that are not twins. Thorpe et al. (2001) studied this possibility by comparing a sample of 80 singleton pairs with their sample of 76 twin pairs. Each singleton pair consisted of siblings born within 30 months of each other. The singleton pairs and their mothers underwent the same methods of study as the twin pairs and their mothers. Thorpe et al. discovered that, like the twin pairs, the singleton pairs also demonstrated features of the two types of secret language, shared verbal understanding and private language (Table 1, p 26). Researchers considered 27.5 percent of singleton pairs at 20 months of age to demonstrate features of a shared verbal understanding and 2.5 percent of singleton pairs at 20 months of age to demonstrate features of a private language. Although the reported occurrence for singleton pairs was lower

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research than for twins, this nonetheless indicated that characteristics of language commonly thought to indicate twin language also appear in singleton pairs. Thus, because the assumed secret language was not exclusively a twin phenomenon, it would not be appropriate to consider it a separate language shared between twins.

Relationship between Language Problems and Twin Language The linguistic features thought to indicate twin language may actually be evidence of impaired or delayed language. Twins tend to experience more articulatory and language problems than singletons (Davis, 1975). Twins may use each other’s impaired speech as a model for their own speech (Dodd and McEvoy, 1994). Supporting this point, Davis (1975) found that boys were more likely to demonstrate errored speech if they had a male cotwin as opposed to a female co-twin because the female typically modeled more correct language forms. Thus, if twins develop the same language problems, parents may believe they are instead sharing a language. The suggestion that twins’ language difficulties may cause their parents to believe they use a twin language appears highly possible. Bishop and Bishop (1998) and Thorpe et al. (2001) both studied the correlation between twins who were reported to use a twin language and the likelihood they would develop language problems. They both found that a strong correlation existed between the two. Bishop and Bishop (1998) obtained information about their twins’ language abilities through parental questioning and language and cognitive skills testing. Twins whose parents reported them to use a twin language generally had lower language scores. The categories of twin language that were most significantly correlated to language problems were jargon and unspecified twin language (Table 1, p 26.) Thirty-six percent of twins classified in these categories were considered to have a language problem compared to only 11 percent of twins who were classified as using private twin language or no twin language at all. Researchers believed that language disorders were more strongly related to jargon than to private twin language. Thorpe et al. (2001) investigated their twins’ language abilities by interviewing parents, observing twins, and administering several language and cognitive tests to the twins. They particularly focused

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more attention on twins who had been reported to use a private language at 36 months because features of private language were considered abnormal for that age group. For example, researchers reported these twins had significantly lower vocabulary scores when they were 20 months. They interviewed the mothers of these twins for a third time when the twins were around 6 years of age. The mothers revealed that these twins had experienced language and social problems into the early school years. According to researchers, for these twins language development was an average six months slower than that of other twins not reported to have used a private language. While Bishop and Bishop (1998) and Thorpe et al. (2001) argued that people often incorrectly consider the features of language problems shared within a twin set to be twin language, Dodd and McEvoy (1994) also explained that these same features commonly associated with reported twin language may actually interfere with language development. They concluded that what parents viewed as twin language was probably the sharing of developmental and unusual phonological processes. Therefore, if a child attempts to learn two pronunciations for some of the same words, those used correctly by adults and those spoken by the co-twin using phonological processes, then the child may not learn the correct pronunciations as easily and may not be able to learn other words as quickly. Thus, the sharing of phonological processes may lead to further language problems. Furthermore, language development among twins has been reported to change over time. Interactions outside of the twin set may help develop language skills. Davis (1975) found that twins tended to demonstrate a significant increase in lengths of utterances and expansion of vocabulary during the first six months of school when their social interactions increased. In addition, the more opportunities twins had to interact with people other than their co-twins, the less likely they were to be reported to use a twin language. Twins with an older sibling and who attended preschool were significantly less likely to have been reported to use a twin language (Hayashi et al., 2005). Thus, if interactions outside of the twin set appeared to both improve language skills and also decrease the possibility of twin language, it is plausible to suggest that what was thought to be twin language was actually evidence of language delay.


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Implications of Twin Language Reports

References

The aforementioned research generally discounts the notion that twin language is a true separate language. Definitions used to define twin language have not met the criteria for a true language. McEvoy and Dodd (1992) have suggested that a shared disordered phonological system may be mistaken as a novel shared language. Bishop and Bishop (1998) and Thorpe et al. (2001) have also proposed that people may mistake impaired or delayed language as twin language. When it comes to the spoken language skills of twins, parents who consider their twins to share their own language may be brushing off certain abnormal communicative features as twin language. They may be ignoring features that are not conducive to their twins’ normal language development. It is therefore important that the notion of twin language as a true, normal aspect of twins’ language development be dismissed. Parents, researchers, speech-language pathologists, and society in general do not need to be led into believing it is acceptable for a twin set to display abnormal communicative features simply because the children are twins. While not all reports of twin language are associated with such tragic and sensationalistic outcomes, the Gibbons’ story highlights the importance of recognizing that, while a unique and interesting idea, twin language as it relates to spoken language is not a real phenomenon.

American Speech-Language-Hearing Association. (1982). Language. Available from http://www.asha.org/policy.html. Bishop, D.V., & Bishop, S.J. (1998). Twin language: A risk factor for language impairment? Journal of Speech, Language and Hearing Research, 41, 150-160. Retrieved January 27, 2008, from ERIC (EBSCOhost) Full Text database. Davis, E. A. (1975). The development of linguistic skills in twins, singletons with siblings, and only children from age five to ten years. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Dodd, B., & McEvoy, S. (1994). Twin language or phonological disorder? Journal of Child Language, 21, 273-289. Hayashi, C., Hayakawa, K., Tsuboi, C., Oda, K., Amau, Y., Kobayashi, Y., et al. (2005). Relationship between parents’ report rate. Twin Research and Human Genetics, 9, 165-174. Retrieved January 23, 2008, from http://www.atyponlink.com/ APP/doi/pdf/10.1375/twin.html. Hodson, B., & Paden, E. (1981). Phonological processes which characterize unintelligible and intelligible speech in early childhood. Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 46, 369-373. Jennifer Gibbons, 29, ‘silent twin’ of a study. (1993, March 12). The New York Times. Retrieved from New York Times database. McEvoy, S., & Dodd, B. (1992). The communication abilities of 2- to 4-year-old twins. European Journal of Disorders of Communication, 27, 73 87. Thorpe, K., Greenwood, R., Eivers, A., & Rutter, M. (2001). Prevalence and developmental course of ‘secret language.’ International Journal of Language Communication Disorders, 36, 43-62. Retrieved January 23, 2008, from ERIC (EBSCOhost) Full Text database.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

ABSTRACT

Brittany Fiscus Class: Senior Major: History I came to Murray State my junior year as a history major with a religious studies minor. I am originally from Jacksonville, Ark., and spent my first two years of college close to home, at Lyon College. Upon transferring to Murray I became completely immersed in the history department, beginning with my Marie Antoinette project. I am currently working on another research project on Japanese history. After graduating I aspire to teach English in Japan through the JET program, and want to eventually attend seminary to become a Presbyterian minister.

Queen Marie Antoinette’s Pre-Revolutionary Image: A Product of Media Fabrication and Personal Flaws This project examines Queen Marie Antoinette and her relationship with the Pre-Revolutionary libertine press, in an attempt to determine how accurate the media’s depictions of her were. Several primary sources including Revolutionary cartoons, songs, pamphlets, letters between Antoinette and her mother, and the memoirs of Antoinette’s close friends and ladies in waiting were used to get the most accurate accounts of Antoinette’s life. The thesis of the project is that the accusations made against Antoinette were both exaggerated and completely fabricated. However, because of several factors including her nationality and personal flaws, she was an easy target for the press as well as her angry subjects. Ultimately, Antoinette’s negative image, whether it was her fault or not, played a key role in the French population’s lack of faith in their monarchy. This article looks at how Antoinette got her reputation, how this affected the monarchy, and how this was a factor that led to the French Revolution.

Key terms: Marie Antoinette, French Revolution Libertine Press, The French Monarchy, Historical Reputation

FACULTY MENTOR Dr. Terry Strieter is chair and professor of history.  He received his Ph.D. from the University of California, Santa Barbara, in 1977 and has been teaching at Murray State since that date.  While teaching a wide variety of history courses, his specialization is France.  Strieter’s research is in French and European social history; besides a book on 19th-century European art (published in 1999), he has published over 20 articles and given over 40 papers at professional conferences. Strieter was elected twice by the Murray State faculty as the Faculty Regent to serve on the Board of Regents.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Queen Marie Antoinette’s Pre-Revolutionary Image: A Product of Media Fabrication and Personal Flaws

I

n the years preceding the French Revolution, Queen Marie Antoinette was attacked by the press for her questionable habits, lavish spending, nationality, and overall disregard for France, which ultimately affected the French population’s view of their monarchy during these pivotal years. While some of the accusations made against this excessive Queen held some merit and were a result of her own bad behavior, others were completely outrageous and fabricated by the press. Antoinette’s life, and her relationship with the press throughout it, illustrates how she got the reputation she did, as well as how the pamphlets, gazettes, songs, and political cartoons played on this reputation further. This reputation ultimately diminished the faith the people of France had in their Queen, and thus the monarchy as a whole. As Jeanne Louise Henriette Campan, one of Antoinette’s waiting women who later wrote her memoirs stated, “the blows aimed at her [Antoinette] equally tended to shake the throne itself.” From the time that Marie Antoinette arrived in France at the age of 14, her reputation among the French was already less than pristine merely because she was Austrian. France and the Hapsburg Holy Roman Empire had been long time enemies, and though an alliance came with Antoinette’s and Louis XVI’s marriage proposal, a feeling of mistrust, and the tendency to stereotype existed among the nobles and Parisians. The Mesdames Tantes, King Louis XV’s daughters, who became Antoinette’s in-laws, made sure she remembered she was beneath the French, by labeling the young girl “l’Autrichienne,” which literally meant “the Austrian woman,” but could also be a play on the words “ostrich” and “bitch.”2 This phrase was later taken advantage of by contemporary cartoonists in a cartoon labeled La Poulle D’ Autruyche (1789), which featured an ostrich with the Queen’s face and her signature pouf hairstyle. In her mouth she was drawn holding a document labeled “The Constitution of the People.” (see picture in next column) Though this particular cartoon was produced later on in Antoinette’s life, it came out of this early negative nickname given to her by her own new “family members.” The name itself, as well as the libelle it inspired, illustrated the prejudice of the French toward her. Not only did her aunts and other members at court view her as inferior

Anonymous. “La Poulle D'Autryuyche (1789).” In Queen of Fashion: What Marie Antoinette Wore to the Revolution, by Caroline Weber, 211. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006.

because of her nationality, but they also distrusted her.3 According to Catherin Hyde, who was in the service of Antoinette’s closest friend, Marie Therese Louise de Savoie-Carignan, Princess de Lamballe, “the hostile feeling against Austria was too strong in France to be overcome by State policy.”4 The fact that Antoinette was a foreign princess from Austria made her an easy target from the time of her arrival. She was viewed as an infiltrating power. The Princess de Lamballe herself described the situation in her memoirs, stating that from the moment Antoinette arrived in France she was “beset on all sides by enemies … who never slackened their 33


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research persecutions” because of “ … their hatred to Austria.”5 Throughout her life, Antoinette was continuously accused of having Austria’s best interests at heart, over France’s. The revolutionary press took advantage of this French sentiment as a way of discrediting her, such as in the case of the pamphlet La Poulle D’ Autruyche.6 Though Antoinette, upon coming to France, strived to prove that she only wanted “the happiness of France,” she never defeated her reputation as some sort of Austrian spy.7 During her early years at the French court, Antoinette was influenced by her mother, whom she kept correspondence with, as well as the Austrian Ambassador Florimond Claude, the Count Mercy-Argenteau. However, despite her reputation for meddling in politics, Antoinette did little of this during the early years of her reign. The Princess de Lamballe stated that in reality Antoinette did just the opposite, and actually hated having to be involved in politics. Lamballe argued that Antoinette actually “neglect[ed] her German connections,” often resulting in her mother’s disappointment, because of her “attachment to France … [and] feeling of the impropriety of feminine interference in masculine duties.”8 Even when it looked as though the alliance between France and Austria might be broken in 1772, when Austria took possession of a Polish territory which had previously been under French influence, Antoinette did not get involved and instead focused on maintaining her marriage. She did this by making sure that fellow members at court did not keep her and Louis separated, as she thought several of them were trying to do.9 Despite Lamballe’s insistence that Antoinette hated meddling, Antoinette soon took a more active role in politics. Lamballe argued that Antoinette only took this role because she was forced to, and could find no alternative; however, this sympathetic view was not shared by the rest of the nobles or the Parisians.10 As early as 1778 Antoinette attempted to wield some political influence to persuade Louis XVI to come to Austria’s aid when Joseph II, Antoinette’s brother, needed French support in his Bavarian invasion. Louis refused. The incident was known throughout court, and was then spread to Parisians by visiting nobles and talk at salons. This first instance of Antoinette’s attempts to wield some power at court, to many, confirmed that her loyalties were with Austria, and began shaping her reputation as a meddler in Louis’ politics. This sentiment was not merely felt by her fellow members of the aristocracy, but also by many Parisians who also opposed the Austrian-French alliance.11 This reputation worsened as Antoinette, willingly or not, became more involved in politics,

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and took a chair in Louis’ cabinet council. Even at the Queen’s trial by the Revolutionary Tribunal, one of the things she was tried for was secretly giving money to her brother and Austria in the years preceding the Revolution.12 Though Antoinette was rarely successful in securing Austrian interests, and according to her friends, hated her political duties, when the French people started to distrust their monarchy, it was easy to blame its faults on the influence of a foreigner.13 Antoinette’s flawed reputation from the beginning was exacerbated in the years following her marriage, by her and Louis’ inability to produce an heir. The couple was married in 1770, but it was years before their marriage was even consummated, and a little over seven years before Antoinette bore her first child. Though giving France an heir may have redeemed Antoinette’s original negative image, the longer this was left undone, the worse her reputation grew. Why Louis and Antoinette did not consummate their marriage caused scandal. Most people thought the fault was Antoinette’s, and she was accused of being a bad, uncaring, and preoccupied wife. More likely causes for the lack of intimacy, however, were the influence Louis’ aunts still had over him in the early years of his marriage, the general distrust of Antoinette that was felt at court, and Louis’ own awkwardness and preoccupation.14 Antoinette was receiving constant pressure from her mother, the Empress, and knew the importance of consummating the marriage, thus it must have been Louis that was weary of intimacy. Despite whatever attempts Antoinette made to be close to her husband, she was seen as not fulfilling her duty as Queen. It was during these years that pamphlets against the Queen started to become popular. Even though these libelles were banned under the censorship of France, because they were mostly imported from other countries, such as England and Holland, it was hard to stop their circulation. The fact that the authors were often anonymous made it even harder to stop them from being produced outside of France.15 Also, according to Lamballe, many libertine authors, instead of being punished were “hushed into silence … by large sums of money and pensions, which encouraged numbers to commit the same enormity in the hope of obtaining the same recompense.”16 Libertine press was very popular among the bourgeoisie and other commoners, and had been even before Antoinette, as previous pamphlets similarly attacked other individuals in power, such as Jeanne Becu, the Comptesse du Barry. Because of their popularity, they were fairly wide-spread throughout more urban areas. 17


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Though the pamphlets did not always reach into rural areas, and were read most often by the bourgeoisie of Paris, they were still very effective as these urbanite’s opinions were key to the upcoming Revolution.18 By 1784, certain pamphlets pertaining to Antoinette’s involvement in the Diamond Necklace Affair, reached “at least 100,000 readers,” and throughout her life as many as 126 of these negative pamphlets were written about her. 19 The fact that many of these pamphlets were cartoons and images (which could be understood among the illiterate), and others had catchy songs to accompany them, only made these forms of media, and the public opinion that accompanied them, spread more easily among the commoners of Paris.20 The first pamphlet to become popular that directly attacked the Queen’s behavior, Le Lever d’Aurore (1774), criticized Antoinette for an all night party she hosted. Though the event was planned merely as a party to stay awake to appreciate the sunrise, was approved by the King and was watched over by bodyguards and the Mistress of the Household, Anne Claude Louise d’Arpajon, the Comptesse de Noailles, it was depicted by the libelles as an all night orgy.21 From this, one of the very first pamphlets against the Queen, she was attacked for her promiscuity and unfaithfulness to the King. She was accused of participating in an orgy. This gross view most likely stemmed from the fact that Antoinette had yet to provide Louis with an heir. If Antoinette was not sleeping with her husband, it was easy to insinuate that she must be sleeping with other men instead. Once this view of Antoinette had been planted, she was never able to destroy it. The all night events and parties that Antoinette threw, such as this one, however innocent they may have been, fed the already circulating rumors that inspired the press. Antoinette’s reputation as an adulteress soon became the biggest focus of the libelles. Some of them depicted seemingly realistic liaisons between Antoinette and various lovers, while others described her as a ridiculously crude sex addict who would seduce anyone. Regardless of how completely outrageous and fabricated some of these pamphlets were, because Antoinette had already gained a reputation for being promiscuous, it gave credit to even some of the most unbelievable accusations. Her supposed lovers included a list of plausible men; the most frequently accused was the King’s own brother Charles Philippe, the Compte de Artois.22

The suspicion that Antoinette and Artois were lovers surfaced in the libelles for a number of reasons. One likely reason was that Artois was seen as far more handsome and fun loving than his older brother the King, and thus to many it “made sense” that the young, beautiful, and flirtatious Queen would be more inclined to be attracted to him. Artois was also more willing to participate in Antoinette’s games and parties, and enjoyed similar past times as the Queen. However, while Antoinette was very flirtatious with him, as she was with most young men at court, there is little evidence to suggest they were actually lovers. As Antoinia Fraser and other scholars suggest, it is more likely that the pair merely enjoyed each others’ company because they had similar interests and habits, such as gambling, partying, and spending money, and thus spent a lot of time together doing these things.23 Madame Campan, Antoinette’s first lady-in-waiting, defended the Queen in her memoirs by stating that she could “affirm that I always saw that the Prince maintain[ed] the most respectful demeanour towards the Queen … which attends only the purest sentiments,” and that the “infamous accusations with which libelers have dared to swell their envenomed volumes” were “unworthy suspicions.”24 Despite what Campan saw as “unworthy suspicion,” Artois continued to be libelers’ favorite choice as Antoinette’s lover. One pamphlet, the Essai Historique (1781) was viewed by many contemporaries as an accurate depiction of the goings on and everyday life at Versailles. The various publications of the Essai Historique sure la vie de Marie-Antoinette (1781, 1789) proved to be particularly damning, as they were written to appear as an actual biography of the Queen, and were accepted as such. In this “biography,” its subject was described as a “barbarous queen, adulterous spouse, [and] woman without morals, polluted with crimes and debaucheries.”25 Another famous pamphlet that pinned Artois as Antoinette’s lover was the extremely tasteless Les Amours de Charlot et Toinette (1779). This pamphlet was presented in the form of a play about Antoinette and her “secret lover,” Artois. However, under the title of the play a sub-note saying that it was stolen from Versailles implied that the play was based on actual occurrences. The libertine play described a secret meeting between Antoinette and Artois, during which they have sexual relations.26 The libelles did not merely accuse Artois. Often Antoinette was featured with numerous partners, sometimes all at once. In The Royal Bordello, which like Les Amours was written as a play, Antoinette invited a knight, a bishop, a baron, a marquis, and finally

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research the Cardinal de Rohan, into her private rooms.27 In another play, L’Autrichienne en Goguettes ou L’Orgie Royale, or “The Austrian Woman on the Rampage: the Royal Orgy,” Antoinette tricked Louis into drinking and falling asleep, so that she may have her orgies in secret.28 Both pamphlets described the scenes and actions of these orgies explicitly, which may have been a factor in why they proved to be so popular. Though the scenes described in these more pornographic pamphlets were very unrealistic, because they were so popular they still harmed Antoinette’s image. The pamphlets took a new twist, when they accused Antoinette of not only having affairs with various men at court, but of also having liaisons with her female friends, including the Princess de Lamballe, Gabrielle de Polastron, the Comptesse de Polignac, and Rose Bertin.29 These rumors became popular when Antoinette began spending frequent time alone with these women at her personal getaway, Le Petit Trianon, which was given to her by Louis as a place for her to escape the confinements of court life.30 Antoinette frequently kept her time at Trianon in the company of “women only.” These visits would usually last overnight. Besides inviting them to private weekends in her personal home, Antoinette also showered these favorites with her constant attention and extravagant gifts. These actions, plus the known lack of sexual interaction between Antoinette and her husband, ultimately led to accusations by the libelles that Antoinette was a lesbian.31 One such contemporary cartoon, Marie Antoinette Embracing the Duchesse Jules de Polignac, showed the Queen holding her friend Polignac in a kiss, with a caption of “I live only for you … a kiss, my angel” (1780s).32 Lamballe, one of the women accused of being Antoinette’s lover, discredited these charges in her memoirs. Though she admits that she, Antoinette, and Polignac were very close and confided in one another often, she states that their love was merely a “boundless friendship,” and nothing more.33 Even after Antoinette announced her first pregnancy in 1778, and her new position as mother showed promise in helping her reputation, almost immediately pamphlets questioning the child’s father appeared. These pamphlets charged several different men, including Francis Henry de Franquetot, the Duke de Coigny, and the Comte d’Artois, of being Maria Therese’s real father.34 When her second child, Louis-Joseph, and her third child, Louis-Charles, were born in 1781 and 1785 similar pamphlets were released, again questioning the children’s legitimacy.35 Most of the new pamphlets, including Naissance du Dauphin (1780s), charged

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Unknown. Coeffure a l'Indepenance ou le Triomphe de la liberte. In Queen of Fashion: What Marie Antoinette Wore to the Revolution, by Caroline Weber, plate 9. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006.

Artois as Antoinette’s lover and father of the Dauphin.36 Others played up her reputation for sleeping with numerous men. One such song with a line of “Who the Devil produced him?” accused Antoinette of having so many various lovers, it would be hard to tell who the father of her children were.37 While providing heirs for France should have saved Antoinette from the judgment of her people, this was a lost cause. Her reputation had already been so destroyed by the libertine media that it could not be saved. The probability of Antoinette actually having had a lover has long been debated. While Antoinette often preferred the company of other men, there is no evidence that points to her having had a


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research physical affair, and not merely flirtations. Many scholars name the most likely candidate for Antoinette’s lover as the Swiss soldier, Axel von Ferson, because they were known to be friends. Even the evidence of this affair is shaky however, as there is little to prove that he was more than merely both the Queen’s and King’s trusted friend. Ironically, the pamphlets never attacked this man who, more than any other men, did have a close relationship with the Queen, whether or not it was as lover or friend.38 Also, despite Louis’ and Antoinette’s difference in personalities, and the awkwardness and mistrust in the beginning of their relationship, Antoinette was described by her close friends as very loving and close with Louis, especially after their children were born. Campan and Lamballe both attest to Antoinette’s closeness, faithfulness, and love for the King.39 Whether or not an affair actually occurred, had little effect on Antoinette’s reputation. It was already irreversibly tarnished by the false accusations made about her. Besides criticizing Antoinette’s supposed sexual exploits, the press also condemned her for several other frivolous activities. One particular habit that caused Antoinette grief with her husband, as well as the press, was her gambling, which she began to participate in with Louis’ brothers. These card games often landed her in debt.40 In 1777 Antoinette had a debt of 487,272 livres from the past year alone, however, the King paid for these out of his own allotted expenses (1.2 million livres a year).41 Though other members at court, such as the King’s brother Artois, were in far more debt than Antoinette, to the people of Paris, the idea of a Queen wasting away large sums of money, when they could not even afford bread, was unforgivable.42 Antoinette’s spending alone made a small dent in France’s overall debt; however, she did not help her already tarnished reputation by attending almost every horse race, or by playing, and often losing at cards, into all hours of the night.43 By 1787, when French statesman, Charles Alexander de Calonne publicly released a statement on the national budget, showing France’s immense debt, the people placed almost all the blame with Antoinette. This inspired even more negative pamphlets, now labeling the Queen, as “Madame Deficit.”44 Along with gambling, Antoinette also spent a large sum of money on clothing, most of which went to Rose Bertin, her personal dressmaker who visited Versailles at least twice a week.45 In 1776 alone Antoinette had a “dress allowance” of 150,000 livres, but had spent 500,000 livres, which the King would then have to cover for her. 46 These extremes made Antoinette both popular,

for her much copied innovations and advertisement of the latest fashions, but also ridiculed, for the outrageousness and expense of it all. When Antoinette cut back on the extravagantness of her clothes, by introducing loosely fitting chemise dresses more suitable to the time she spent outdoors at Le Petit Trianon, she was ridiculed yet again.47 Though this style was much cheaper, and became popular very quickly, the fabrics used for it were mostly imported from England, and hurt French silk makers’ business.48 More traditional aristocrats and even commoners also took offense to this new fashion because they thought it made their Queen look too much like a peasant.49 Most Parisians saw Antoinette’s earlier styles as too extravagant, and her later ones as inappropriate, and all of them as far too expensive. Even Lamballe and Campan commented on the immense amount of money Antoinette spent on her dress collection. This was just one more extravagance the libelles could accuse her of, furthering her reputation as a Queen who squandered away her money while Paris was starving. Antoinette’s radical fashions went far beyond her clothing. She was even better known for her signature hairstyles, including the pouf, which she made popular in France, with the help of Rose Bertin.50 The pouf was a hairstyle that piled one’s real and fake hair to be as much as a few feet high; it was then powdered, and adorned with every decoration, feather, and ribbon imaginable. (see picture in other column) Though these elaborate hairstyles became instantly popular at court, and in the early 1770s were seen in several fashion pamphlets, because of their unnecessary amount of ornamentation and expense, their popularity was shortlived. Pamphlets that came out in the later 1770s made fun of the eccentric hairstyle.51 One such pamphlet, Servants Standing on a Ladder, Preparing a Pouf for Bed (1778), showed how one servant would have to ascend a ladder, just to cover the hairstyle for bed.52 Other similar pamphlets showing women getting their hair stuck in various embarrassing ways were published around this time as well. Many of these depicted characters remarkably similar to the Queen.53 Even Antoinette’s mother commented on the ridiculousness of a Queen wearing “these follies,” as she should have no need for them.54 When Antoinette only piled her hair higher and included even more over-the-top decorations for it, the Gazettes made sure to express their negative feeling.55 Antoinette spent absurd amounts of money on the latest fashions and hairstyles, and far exceeded her 150,000 livre budget on these things at a time when her country was already in debt and the people

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research were starving in the streets of Paris. It is also arguable though, that as Queen of France, the fashion capital of the world, she saw it as her duty to head these innovations in style, and that she even helped some traders profit from them economically (such as traders of the feathers Antoinette wore in her hair and made very popular).56 Ultimately, the libelle’s attacks on Antoinette’s fashions and what she spent on them were justified. However, her spending habits, bad though they were, were no worse than those of Jeanne Becu, the Comptesse du Barry, and other members at court, and in no way affected the already immense national debt, like the libelles that labeled her “Madame Defecit” described.57 The final blow to Antoinette’s reputation came in the form of the Affair of the Diamond Necklace, or as it was known at the time the affaire du Cardinal. This scandal resulted when the Cardinal de Rohan, eager to gain the favors of the Queen, was tricked by the Jeanne de Valois, the Comptesse de la Motte, into purchasing and secretly delivering a 1.6 million livre necklace to a fake Antoinette look-alike, Nicole Le Guay. When Antoinette was later contacted about receiving the necklace, and admitted that she had never received it, or even agreed to purchase it, the scandal came to light. Rohan was arrested, even though he had been tricked into thinking he had spoken to the real Queen.58 The whole incident received a great deal of press from “trial briefs, newspapers, and pamphlets,” and many people actually sided with Rohan because they found his confusion on the matter very believable.59 Though Antoinette was proven by witnesses to have absolutely nothing to do with the events surrounding the necklace, it appeared as just one more scandal to her name, at a time when public opinion of her was already at its worst. Because the ordeal also placed two extremely important figures, a Cardinal and the Queen herself, against each others’ word, it created more doubt in the monarchy as a whole, if such “corruption” could take place that high up. 60 By the time of the “Affair of the Necklace,” the public’s opinion of Antoinette was irreversibly damaged. However, it cannot be said that Antoinette did not try to gain back the love and approval of her people, with her own sort of propaganda. A 1785 painting by Adolf Ulrik featured the Queen in very conservative dress. The painting made sure to show her as a mother, accompanying her two eldest children on a walk. Another painting by Madam Elizabeth Louise Vigee Le Brun related a similar message. It featured Antoinette with her youngest son on her lap, her oldest son the dauphin pointing to an open crib (symbolic of her fourth

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daughter Sophie that died at the age of one), and her oldest daughter lovingly holding on to her arm.61 These paintings were one way in which Antoinette attempted to defend herself. Antoinette’s attempts to change the public’s mind came too late. Even after Antoinette’s habits at court calmed (she gambled and partied less, dressed more conservatively, and became the mother of three children), pamphlets about her continued to circulate illegally. Though Antoinette attempted to address the accusations made against her, the press had already developed a more lasting image of her. Antoinette’s reputation for being a brainless, selfish, and promiscuous ruler would last for over two centuries.62 Even later historians and scholars have accused the Queen of the same bad behaviors and attitudes that the press charged her of. The assumptions these historians make however, are based in large part on libertine press, rumor, and popular belief, all of which are very unreliable sources. It is presumptuous to conclude things such as “Antoinette took lovers” or “she did not care about her people’s well-being,” merely because the libertine press accused her of such. As has been already proven, many of the things the libellers accused Antoinette of were completely outrageous and without substantial merit. One historian in particular, Stefen Zweig, author of Marie Antoinette: Portrait of an Average Woman, took a very negative view of the Queen. He stated in his work that Antoinette “did not think she would have to pay a price. She simply accepted the rights of her royal position and performed no duties in exchange … she wanted in fact to have it both ways, wanted her new position to double without drawback.”63 Earlier in his book he stated that Antoinette was overcome by “the stupidest of all devils, the devil of pleasure held her captive.” He went on to say that “not once in almost a fifth of a century did the Queen of France wish, or at any rate, desire to make acquaintance with her own realm … not once did she steal an hour … even to think about her subjects at all … she never knew that millions upon millions of the French people toiled and hungered.”64 Zweig was also a big supporter of the myth that Count Ferson and Antoinette were lovers.65 Zweig’s image of a pleasure driven Antoinette, who did not care about her people or was too preoccupied and stupid to realize their plight, is not much different from the Antoinette described by the libelles. Though this view of Antoinette has survived, it is not the most accurate portrayal of her. Sources closer to the Queen, such as the writings of Lamballe and Campan, describe her as a character of


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research deep emotion and concern for her country and its people, a faithful wife, and a Queen distraught with the negative and untrue rumors that had been attributed to her. Pre-revolutionary pamphlets against Antoinette tarnished the way the public saw her, and affected the way she would be viewed by later generations. However, the destruction of Antoinette’s image had consequences far greater than one person’s reputation and memory. Antoinette’s bad image ultimately affected France’s view of their monarchy as a whole, at a time when this monarchy could not afford to look any worse.66 For some time before the Revolution everyone from commoners to nobles had drifted away from following their “absolute” monarchy blindly, especially toward the end of Louis XV’s reign when the people in Paris began to doubt their leader. During his reign, pamphlets similar to those about Antoinette were released about the King’s various mistresses, and he was also admonished for the lavish spending that took place at Versailles.67 Louis XVI and Antoinette had been given the chance to redeem this monarchy, as well as become up-to-date with the Enlightenment views of the time, however, when Louis’ reign proved to be just as unchanging as ever, and Antoinette filled Du Barry’s role as the spoiled, spending mistress, it only depreciated the views of the monarchy even more. Instances such as the Affair of the Necklace involved not only Antoinette, but another high ranking official, a Cardinal, which pointed to corruption elsewhere in the system. In the years leading up to 1789, a number of factors led to the French population’s want for reforms, and then ultimately revolution. Though things could have been different if a strong monarchy was willing to embrace such reforms and establish control, France instead possessed what was popularly viewed as a weak-willed and indecisive King controlled by his hated foreign wife. This increasing lack of faith in the King, and the system as a whole, was thus, directly aided by the French population’s continually worsening view of their Queen. This view, though it was fueled by the exaggerated and sometimes even fabricated stories of the press, often did hold some reasoning behind it. This makes it difficult to determine how much fault can actually be placed with Antoinette for her bad reputation. Those close to her, such as Lamballe and Campan paint Antoinette as a complete victim in the situation. Though these sources were from those who had the most insight into the Queen’s life and personal

views, it must also be taken into consideration that these people were nobles and friends of the Queen, and were thus very biased. When they do mention Antoinette’s faults, it is in a very forgiving manner, blaming them on influence from others and the Queen’s own naivety. However, Antoinette has also been portrayed as the exact opposite of this innocent and naïve young Queen, by both contemporaries and later scholars. After the Revolution, Antoinette was remembered by many Enlightenment thinkers as well as later historians in two very negative ways. Some portrayed her as calculating and influential in Louis’ bad politics, while others, like Zweig, claimed she was completely thoughtless, selfish, and spoiled. While Antoinette did possess some of these negative qualities, and was probably not as saintly as her friends describe her, most of this negative image is based solely on the accusations of the libertine press. Seldom, was Antoinette viewed negatively in contemporary descriptions other than in the pamphlets attempting to slander her. Queen Marie Antoinette can in no way be seen as the horrible woman that the libelles made her out to be, and in no way contributed to France’s horrible situation as much as she was blamed. However, she did possess a number of bad habits, and a slight air of disregard that would give the press reason enough to accuse her, and her people reason enough to doubt her position as Queen, and thus the monarchy as a whole.

References Anonymous. “La Poulle D’Autryuyche (1789).” In Queen of Fashion: What Marie Antoinette Wore to the Revolution, by Caroline Weber, 211. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006. Campan, Jeanne-Louise Henriette. Memoirs of the Court of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France. Paris, Mclean: IndyPublish.com, rpt. 1823. Cronin, Vincent. Louis and Antoinette. London: Harvill Press, 1974. Fraser, Antoinia. Marie Antoinette: The Journey. New York: Random House, Inc., 2001.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Hunt, Lynn. “The Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette.” In The French Revolution: Recent Debates and New Controversies, by Gary Kates, 201-215. New York: Taylor and Francis Group, 1998. Hyde, Catherine. In Secret Memoirs of Princess Lamballe, by Princess de Lamballe Marie Therese Louise de SavoieCarignan. Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, rpt. 1901, 2003. Lever, Evelyne. Marie Antoinette: The Last Queen of France. Translated by Catherine Temerson. New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2000.

Thomas, Chantal. The Wicked Queen: The Origins of the Myth of Marie Antoinette. New York: Zone Books, 1999. Unknown. Coeffure a l’Indepenance ou le Triomphe de la liberte. In Queen of Fashion: What Marie Antoinette Wore to the Revolution, by Caroline Weber, plate 9. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006. Unknown. “L’Autrichienne en Goguettes ou L’Orgie Royale.” In The Wicked Queen: The Origins of the Myth of Marie Antoinette, by Chantal Thomas. New York: Zone Books, 1999.

Loomis, Stanley. The Fatal Friendship. New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1972.

Unknown. “Les Amours de Charlot et Toinette.” In The Wicked Queen: The Origins of the Myth of Marie Antoinette, by Chantal Thomas. New York: Zone Books, 1999.

Louis-Stanislas-Xavier, The Comte de Provence. “Let Them Eat Cake.” Tea at Trianon. <http://teaattrianon.blogspot. com/2007/09/let-them-eat-cake.html>. (accessed March 30, 2008).

Unknown. “Standing on a Ladder Preparing a Pouf for Bed (1778).” In Queen of Fashion: What Marie Antoinette Wore to the Revolution, by Caroline Weber, 112. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006.

Marie Antoinette Online. November 2004. http://www.marieantoinette.org (accessed September 20, 2007).

Unknown. “The Royal Bordello.” In The Wicked Queen: The Origins of the Myth of Marie Antoinette, by Chantal Thomas. New York: Zone Books, 1999.

Marie Therese Louise de Savoie-Carignan, Princess de Lamballe. Secret Memoirs of Princess Lamballe. Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, rpt. 1901, 2003.

Weber, Caroline. Queen of Fashion. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006.

Mayer, Dorothy Moulton. Marie Antoinette: The Tragic Queen. New York: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1968.

Zweig, Stefan. Marie Antoinette. New York: The Viking Press, 1933.

Popkin, Jeremy. “Pamphlet Journalism at the End of the Old Regime.” Eighteenth Century Studies, 1989: 351-367.

Endnotes

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. “The Confessions.” 1782. <http:// oregonstate.edu/instruct/phl302/texts/confessions/confessions. html>. (accessed March 30, 2008). Saint-Amand, Pierre. “Terrorizing Marie Antoinette.” Critical Inquiry, 1994: 379-400. Segur, The Marquis De. Marie Antoinette. New York: E.P. Dutton and Company, 1928.

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1 Jeanne-Louise Henriette Campan, Memoirs of the Court of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France. (Paris, Mclean: IndyPublish.com, rpt. 1823), 94. 2 Antoinia Fraser, Marie Antoinette: The Journey (New York: Random House, Inc., 2001), 47. 3 Anonymous, “La Poulle D’Autruyche,” in Caroline Weber, Queen of Fashion (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006), 211.


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research 4 Catherine, Hyde, Annotations in Secret Memoirs of Princess Lamballe (rpt 1901 Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, 2003), 22.

21 Campan, Memoirs, 68-69.

5 Marie Thérèse Louise of Savoy-Carignan, Princess de Lamballe, Secret Memoirs of Princess Lamballe (rpt 1901 Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, 2003), 28.

23 Fraser, Marie Antoinette.

6 “La Poulle D’Autruyche.”

25 Hunt, “The Many Bodies,” 208-209.

7 Vincent Cronin, Louis and Antoinette (London: The Harvill Press, 1974), 47.

26 “Les Amours de Charlot et Toinette,” in Chantal Thomas, The Wicked Queen, (New York: Zone Books, 2001), 184190.

22 Campan, Memoirs, 110-111.

24 Campan, Memoirs, 110.

8 Lamballe, Memoirs, 43. 27 “The Royal Bordello,” in Thomas, Wicked Queen, 216-227. 9 Lamballe, Memoirs, 68. 10 Lamballe, Memoirs, 43.

28 “L’Autrichienne en Goguettes ou L’Orgie Royale,” in Thomas, Wicked Queen, 202-215.

11 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, 160.

29 Campan, Memoirs, 110-111.

12 Lynn Hunt, “The Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette.” In The French Revolution: Recent Debates and New Controversies, ed. Gary Kates (New York: Taylor and Francis Group, 1998), 202.

30 Mayer, Marie Antoinette, 92.

13 Lamballe, Memoirs, 43-44.

31 Weber, Queen of Fashion, 143. 32 Anonymous, “Marie Antoinette Embracing the Duchesse Jules de Polignac,” in Caroline Weber, Queen of Fashion (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006), 154.

14 Campan, Memoirs, 56-57. 33 Lamballe, Memoirs, 83. 15 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, 147. 34 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, 161. 16 Lamballe, Memoirs, 125. 35 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, 193. 17 Hunt, “Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette,” 202. 36 Hunt, “Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette,” 208. 18 Dorothy Moulton Mayer, Marie Antoinette: The Tragic Queen (New York: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1969), 176. 19 Caroline Weber, Queen of Fashion: What Marie Antoinette Wore to the Revolution (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006), 167.

37 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, 193. 38 Stanley Loomis, The Fatal Friendship, (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1972). 39 Campan, Memoirs, 88-89.

20 Hunt, “Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette,” 207.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research 40 Cronin, Louis and Antoinette, 130.

54 Mayer, Marie Antoinette, 71.

41 Cronin, Louis and Antoinette, 130.

55 Unknown, “Coeffure a l’independence ou le Triomphe de la liberte,” in Caroline Weber, Queen of Fashion (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006), plate 9.

42 Stefan Zweig, Marie Antoinette: The Portrait of an Average Woman, (New York: Viking Press, 1933), 118.

56 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, 148. 43 Zweig, Marie Antoinette, 125. 57 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, 149. 44 Zweig, Marie Antoinette, 201. 58 Weber, Queen of Fashion, 167. 45 Campan, Memoirs, 77. 59 Weber, Queen of Fashion, 168. 46 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, 149. 60 Lamballe, Memoirs, 134-149. 47 Campan, Memoirs, 137. 61 Fraser, Marie Antoinette, images. 48 Weber, Queen of Fashion, 157. 62 Hunt, “Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette,” 209. 49 Lamballe, Memoirs, 110. 63 Zweig, Marie Antoinette, 104. 50 Weber, Queen of Fashion, 5. 64 Zweig, Marie Antoinette, 91. 51 Zweig, Marie Antoinette, 97. 65 Zweig, Marie Antoinette, 471. 52 Unknown, “Servants Standing on a Ladder Preparing a Pouf for Bed,” in Caroline Weber, Queen of Fashion (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006), 112.

66 Campan, Memoirs, 94. 67 Hunt, “Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette,” 202.

53 Weber, Queen of Fashion, 112.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

ABSTRACT Backward Glances: Evaluations of History in Southern American Literature

John Vaught Class: Junior Major: Creative Writing

I am a creative writing major from Central City, Ky. I love writing literary fiction and poetry, relaxing with friends, traveling, having a relationship with God, and learning about the world every day. I am a contributing editor and author of Notations, the undergraduate literary journal at Murray State, and I am also a member of the Honors Program, the Baptist Campus Ministry, and the Alpha Lambda Delta honors society. After graduation, I hope to pursue master’s and Ph.D. degrees, and work as editor of a literary publication.

Romantic authors portray the American South as a quaint, idyllic land filled with God-fearing citizens. Modernist authors, however, cast the South as a land of corruption and tarnished reputation. This essay explores the divergence of Romantic and Modernist perceptions of the South from a historical and literary movement perspective. The movements evaluate the same primary Southern experiences (such as the Civil War, the plantation legend, and slavery) differently, both with the goal of manifesting the regional identity of the South. While Romantics attempted to preserve the dignity of the pre-Civil War South, Modernists, employing the “backward glance” theory, sought to understand the influence of the past on the present. What authors of both movements concluded in their writings reshaped the history and identity of a region once fractured from and decidedly unlike the rest of America.

Key terms: Southern literature, history, Civil War, backward glance theory

FACULTY MENTOR Dr. Gina Claywell is a professor in the Department of English and Philosophy at Murray State University in Murray, Ky. Claywell holds a Ph.D. from the University of Tennessee. She has taught a full range of composition courses, graduate-level theory courses in composition, usage, and the history of the English language, among other courses. She is the author of The Allyn & Bacon Guide to Writing Portfolios (2001) and the forthcoming The Rhetorical Process: Strategies for Effective College Writing.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research

Backward Glances: Evaluations of History in Southern American Literature

T

he American South, for decades, has remained a literary entity of profound significance. After the Civil War, Romantic authors used the South as an idyllic setting for encapsulating the quaint tradition of a pastoral culture. During the Modernist era, the South became the literary breadwinning region of the United States, producing classic authors such as William Faulkner, Tennessee Williams, Robert Penn Warren, and others, and becoming largely responsible for ushering the country into an unprecedented age of literary prestige. However, although authors from both periods may have written about the same land, with the same history, people, and tradition, it was not the same literature. Romantics envisioned the South as a land of noble heritage, filled with righteous people leading humble, Christian lives. Modernists, on the other hand, established the South as a land of corruption, like a fallen Eden, filled with self-righteous, morally backward individuals. This dissension of perception has confounded readers for as long as such conflict has existed. How could authors write about the same thing in two different ways? And, more importantly, why? Essentially, this literary feud wobbles on a decisive fulcrum: two eras’ differing evaluations of Southern history—the history of plantations, of slaves, and of the Civil War. The age of Southern Romanticism, generally thought to fall between the years of 1865 and 1900, with some pre-war origins, brought an unsuspectingly cheerful turn to Southern literature. In these Romantic authors’ depictions, the South was exemplified for its spirit of endurance, its noble reticence, its union with nature, and its humble compassion, among other qualities. Scenes of pleasantly-faced, sweating laborers in fields of crops and barefoot kids with tattered knickers and cane poles became characteristic of Southern lifestyle. The natural beauty of the landscape, combined with its primitive dwellers, distanced from the disorder of urban chaos, seemed to beckon to a return to the simple, modest, and tranquil parts of our lives. As Richard H. King says, “At the center of this popular image of the South was the plantation legend, which expressed a yearning for intellectual distinction, genteel taste, private and public decorum” (p. 251). Nearly every cliché about Southern culture emerged from these reserved observations

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of the region. In these Romantic stories, the South appeared to capture the American spirit of purity and fecklessness, in spite of its participation in and instigation of the American Civil War. Naturally, the Civil War is the South’s most significant and influential historical event. Like never before in history, the United States, still an infant in its nationhood, experienced the catastrophe of a country in inner turmoil. The contrasting interests of the two regions spurred a cataclysmic rift between states, cities, neighbors, and brothers. Because the country was still young in its diplomacy, the bloodiest war in American history caused seemingly irreparable destruction on its leaders and residents. Ultimately, however, the South as a whole suffered the greatest devastation of all: defeat. In a country that has never seen loss in any military engagement, the South labored on after the Civil War with the only shadow of defeat in our country’s history. As C. Vann Woodward says, “For the South had undergone an experience that it could share with no other part of America—though it is shared by nearly all the peoples of Europe and Asia—the experience of military defeat, occupation, and reconstruction” (p. 241). Following this defeat, Northerners and an increasing amount of progressive Southerners viewed the South with an air of disdain and disappointment. The institutions of the plantation and slavery were shunned as examples of the barbaric degeneration of humanity, and the country lost all sympathy for Southern tradition and people. Forever stigmatized as insurrectionists and rebels, plantation owners and ordinary citizens felt rejected from the rest of society, simply for attempting to defend their regional identity. Post-war reconstruction was a struggle for many. In light of these overwhelming criticisms, it seems antithetical that the Romantic image of the South could emerge. Southern writers known under the label of Apologists soon appeared to incite the period most associated with Romanticism. Although their label suggests a kind of informal plea for forgiveness, the Apologists’ works actually defended the value of Southern institutions with some enmity. Hostile to Northern opinion, which


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research sought to defame the traditions of the South, the Apologists desired to dismiss the accusations of the ignorant Yankees and prove their culture as valuable. At the same time, the South became increasingly dependent on the North for supplies, support, and aid during Reconstruction, so further isolation from the rest of the country could only bring more distress and disgrace to the South. As a result, authors such as Joel Chandler Harris, Thomas Nelson Page, and William Gilmore Simms (as spokespersons for the South) found a way to kill two birds with one stone; they provided a literature that not only protected the dignity of Southern tradition but also prevented offending their Northern counterparts.

were determined by family relationships” (250). Fundamentally, the plantation served as a symbol for the entire South. Just as everyone who lived and worked on the plantations was considered part of the family, the social network of the entire region was viewed as a huge family, falling under similar interests and values. This familial structure of society was crucial in characterizing Southern identity, and according to Romantic literature, even the slaves enjoyed this family bond.

However, the Apologists’ stories became more than a covert act of Southern patriotism; their actions foreshadowed an even larger goal of the South and the motivation behind Southern Romantic literature. As Michael Kreyling puts it, “Southern literature became at first, and remained for decades, a colorful adjunct to the cause of national unity” (p. 84). As mentioned earlier, the disgrace that followed the Civil War placed the South at a hierarchical disadvantage in its inclusion in the Union. American society was wary of allowing rebels back into the whole, and the concept of sectionalism survived as the South became the national scapegoat. As a result, Southern writers attempted to restore positive impressions of the South, as a way for the North to regard them once again with acceptance and appreciation. In order to do this, Southern writers had to fashion a South that was never corrupt in the first place. In what Kreyling calls “reconciliation romance” (p. 88), authors could improve relations with the North, resolve issues that surfaced during the war, and justify a regional identity that separated them from the rest of the country.

Slavery, then, was the other major institution that underwent radical adjustment in Romantic literature. King says, “The plantation legend also existed to justify slavery or at least minimize its malevolence” (p. 251). During and after the war, slavery was possibly the most controversial issue. The North fought for the liberation of the slaves; the South fought to keep the slaves. After the war, when the South was expected to own up to the horrendous tradition of slavery, authors instead portrayed slavery as humanizing rather than demeaning, inclusive rather than oppressive. As Mackethan says, these authors wrote by “combining romance and history, sometimes as a way to deal with their region without confronting increasingly controversial questions concerning the plantation” (p. 210). In their vision, Negro slaves became a welcome addition to the plantation family; they worked willingly and cheerfully, and their masters regarded them as adopted children. In retrospect, we know these accounts to be false; slaves were normally horribly exploited and mistreated by their masters, and they were certainly excluded from any family comforts. However, as aforementioned, this clever re-telling of history encouraged Northerners to rethink their Southern counterparts—that perhaps slavery, and thus the South, was not so bad after all.

While the Romantic period, on the surface, arose from an interest in national unity and cohesion, the deeper implications of the literature reveals the influence of the Southern ego. Essentially, post-war Southern authors evaluated their history with an air of optimism, defining their traditions, namely the plantation and slavery, as invaluable and justifiable additions to their society. As Lucinda H. Mackethan says, “It was solely the newness of those lines that encouraged post-bellum admirers of the plantation to turn a defeated way of life into a substantial legend” (p. 209). The plantation legend encapsulated everything that Southerners believed the South was about: the connection of the people to the land, the nobility of aristocracy, and most importantly, the central vision of the family as the unifying institution of the South. As King says, “Individual and regional identity, self-worth, and status

For decades, up until the turn of the century, Romantic ideology dominated literature of the South. The Southerners’ failure to take responsibility for the cruelty of their former traditions evolved into a collective evaluation of history where wrongs had never been committed and Romantic literature portrayed veritable accounts. Even the literature of Mark Twain, who many believe inched toward the Modernist rising, maintains many of the Romantic creeds. According to Louis D. Rubin, Jr., “Tom Sawyer, which Clemens later described as a ‘hymn to boyhood,’ was in subject matter not unlike many other works of Southern local-color fiction of the day” (p. 236). The plantation still exists as the foundation of Southern decency, slavery is still perceived to be a righteous institution, and images of the South remain quaint and picturesque. While many of his works begin to explore the corruption of the South, like the

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Modernists, “Mark Twain is present to assure us that everything is bound to end happily” (Rubin, p. 236). Modernists, however, promulgated an intensely differing perception of Southern history. In their literature, Modernists envisioned the South as a region rank with aristocratic corruption, a disregard for progressive thought, and an idle attachment to foregone traditions. The land, instead of picturesque, is muddy and dirty. Southern homes, instead of arrayed with dignified splendor, are dilapidated and collecting dust. The people, no longer warm, friendly, and receptive, are introverted, malcontented, and questioning. Often called the Renaissance (or Renascence) of Southern literature, this time period displayed a South that few had ever seen or even remembered. As King says, “The Renaissance was the product of the creative tension between the Southern past and the pressures of the modern world” (p. 247). The critical ideologies of the Modernist movement began, naturally, from the ashes of a war. World War I had a profound effect on writers around the world, as they attempted to come to grips with a humanity that carelessly slaughtered hundreds of thousands of people, needlessly and unproductively. The bloodiest war in the world’s history collapsed any Romantic notion that the world was inherently peaceful or beautiful, so writers needed to understand where this violence had surfaced, where humanity was headed, and where humanity stood in the present time. With this need to discover the origins of evil, authors took a scrutinizing “backward glance,” as the theory came to be called, at history. According to the “backward glance” theory, the past is largely responsible for the present, so the violence that exploded during World War I must have inherently existed somewhere in the recesses of our history. What authors found buried in our history disturbed and horrified them, and thus, the critical age of literary Modernism began. Authors around the world simultaneously adopted the “backward glance” theory, so it makes little sense that the history of the American South would go uninspected. If the goal of Southern Romantic literature was “to combine the best of the Old South with the spirit of modern industrial capitalism” (King, p. 252), then the goal of Modernist writers was to elucidate the corruption of the Old South against the backdrop of contemporary post-World War I society. At the same time, the 1920s and 30s of the Renaissance felt the cruelty of the Great Depression. For the first time in its history, America understood the injustice of poverty, the longing for basic needs, and the inability to thrive. As a result, writers evaluated American history 46

not only critically, but bleakly. Again, Modernists believed that the source of humanity’s present condition lay somewhere in the actions of the past, and history was somehow responsible for causing the calamity visible in American society. The two destructive forces of World War I and the Great Depression resulted in a need for American artists to re-explore the historical “truths” of the country. Up until that point, America had existed as a country that had never known internal pain or defeat, with the exception of the Civil War, so it only makes sense that modern Southern authors would begin at that focal point. Thomas Daniel Young mentions, “The Southern writers whose best work began to appear in the period between the two wars attempted to find, . . . ‘the meaning of the past’” (p. 263). The critical re-evaluation of Southern history, namely the Civil War, enlightened many things about the traditions of the Old South. By analyzing the literature of the Romantics and Apologists, Modernists discovered a feeble culture, disillusioned by their attempts to remain a valuable part of the country. At the crux, they discovered that the Civil War had been more painful and demeaning than Southern authors initially projected. The Civil War essentially stripped the South of every major tradition that they had valued for decades, and the humiliation that followed defeat darkened a once vibrant culture. Romantic literature became a way for Southerners to hold onto those traditions in spite of the rest of the country’s repulsion. As aforementioned, this allowed the South to skate by certain criticisms and narrowly escape the disintegration of their entire culture. However, Southerners never realized what harm relying on this literature could bring to them. By refusing to take responsibility for their actions, Southerners entered a state of disillusionment and refused to address certain inevitable changes. The result was a culture that changed but a people that did not. Sixty years later, Modernists entered the literary scene to pick up the pieces of the post-Civil War South. The work of the Modernists was considerably more difficult than that of the Romantics, as they became accountable not only for explaining the events of the past, but also the state of the present. As King says, The writers and intellectuals of the South after the late 1920s were engaged in an attempt to come to terms not only with the inherited values of the Southern tradition but also with a certain way of perceiving and dealing with the past, what Nietzsche called ‘monumental’ historical consciousness. (p. 248) The focus of this consciousness was a Southern tradition structured


CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research around the plantation family. Modernists could not argue that history had not happened. The plantation existed, the aristocrats dominated, the slaves toiled, and the Civil War took place. History had indeed happened. As Olga W. Vickery describes,

History itself is a record of events and changes in the life of the individual, of society, and of the very land as the wilderness slowly retreats, as cotton and tobacco replace corn, as the scars of the Civil War are annealed. But beneath such surface changes the land nevertheless preserves its own identity. (p. 240)

Instead, what Modernists sought to discover was the extent to which this identity had become tarnished. Critics consider William Faulkner, the South’s most well-known Modernist author, the fulcrum between Southern Romanticism and Modernism. His perceptions on the corruption of the South are often thought to present the most accurate portrayal of true post-World War I life, especially as affected by post-Civil War disillusionment. While other Modernists share his interpretations, Faulkner’s contributions laid a foundation for Southern Modernism. His classic works expose the shivering bones of a fallen culture, the fragmented remnants of the Old South, and he severely scorns the lost society for falling into such poor condition, based solely on a failure to accept defeat, as it were. Like other Modernists, Faulkner “shared … the belief that the war had been a powerful catalyst in the decline of Southern aristocratic families” (Pilkington, p. 360). For example, Faulkner’s short story “A Rose for Emily” focuses on a single female aristocrat’s failed attempts to cling to the ways of the Old South and the horrifying lengths she wills herself to go. As the rest of the town industrializes around her, Emily’s plantation-style home grows dusty and dilapidated; she dies having lived her life in protest of the unstoppable change around her. In his novel As I Lay Dying, Faulkner particularly concentrates on the uselessness of Southern traditions, customs, and duties, namely motherhood, pious religion, family, and love. One of the characters, Addie Bundren, discusses her disdain for such ideals, declaring that words no longer fit the ideas they are assumed to represent. To Faulkner, the entire concept of the communal plantation family no longer existed, and poor farmers replaced aristocracy as the primary characters of the land in Modernist literature. The dysfunctional family in the novel gives testament to Faulkner’s argument that rituals and traditions

mean nothing when performed obligatorily, and have little more meaning than arbitrary combinations of letters written on a page. These two works summarize Faulkner’s (and other Modernists’) judgments on the state of the South after the Civil War. Because Southerners defiantly refused to consent to the changes that surfaced after the Civil War, choosing instead to clutch desperately to their history and identity, the South emerged as a culture distinctively behind the rest of the country, both industrially and psychologically. The South failed to realize that history and time both affect cultural identity, and as time passes, identity changes. The South became stuck in a static era of history, anxiously trying to resurrect traditions that had long since been sacrificed to the cause of much needed change. The war had happened. The damage had been done. According to the “backward glance” theory, then, the modern South continued to suffer from this inhibiting nostalgia. Southern Modernist literature portrayed a people still engaged in meaningless traditions, blinded by their disdain for change and senselessly waiting for a Southern splendor that would never return. The stories and poems of the modern Southerners not only depicted but embodied the powerful currents of change, and of resistance to change, that have so strikingly and sometimes so violently characterized the social experience of the twentieth-century South. (“Introduction,” p. 5) The process of evaluating Southern history is bittersweet. On one hand, it means condemning the South’s valiant tries to retain stability; on the other, it means finally coming to terms with the pain, anguish, and despair that followed a conflict nearly a century and a half ago. Southern Romantics and Modernists, binary opposites, ultimately share the same history. They differ in the way they chose to interpret that history and their response to the change that history produced. Romanticism tried to subvert change; Modernism tried to embrace it. While one bases its interpretation in illusion and the other in harsh reality, both do so for a common end: to discover the identity of the South. While the identity of the Old South can only return to us through images proffered in literature, film, and filtered-down memory, the region can take pride in a new identity—one receptive to change and ambitiously looking ahead.

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CHRYSALIS: The Murray State University Journal of Undergraduate Research Acknowledgements I acknowledge and greatly appreciate Dr. Peter Murphy and Dr. Laura Dawkins for their support and contribution of books, articles, journals, and interviews on Southern literature and its history.

References King, Richard H. “A Southern Renaissance.” The Sound and the Fury: A Norton Critical Edition. Ed. David Minter. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1994. 246-255.

Southern Literature. Ed. Louis D. Rubin, Jr. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1985. 356-362. Rubin Jr., Louis D., ed. “Introduction.” The History of Southern Literature. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1985. 1-6. Rubin Jr., Louis D. “Samuel Langhorne Clemens (Mark Twain).” The History of Southern Literature. Ed. Louis D. Rubin Jr. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1985. 233-240. Vickery, Olga W. The Novels of William Faulkner. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 964. 240-254.

Kreyling, Michael. “Southern Literature: Consensus and Dissensus.” American Literature. 60 (1988): 83-95. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Murray State University Lib., Murray, KY. 31 Mar. 2008.

Woodward, C V. “The Irony of Southern History.” The Sound and the Fury: A Norton Critical Edition. Ed. David Minter. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1994. 241-243.

Mackethan, Lucinda H. “Plantation Fiction, 1865-1900.” The History of Southern Literature. Ed. Louis D. Rubin Jr. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1985. 209-218.

Young, Thomas D. “Introduction to Part III.” The History of Southern Literature. Ed. Louis D. Rubin Jr. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1985. 261-263.

Pilkington, John. “The Memory of the War.” The History of

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Chrysalis 2009  

Chrysalis 2009

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