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Reclaiming  Human  Rights,  Migrant  Mobility     and  Transnational  Engagement                        

June  5-­‐6  2013  in  Athens,  Greece    

Migrants  from  Europe  joining  the  demonstration  NAGKAISA  (United),  the  biggest   and  the  broadest  labor  coalition,  November  2012  

    Participants  of  European  Working  Conference  joining  the  demonstration  for  Alter   Summit  in  Athens,  June  2013  

                   

       

    Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on   Migration  &  Development,  a  process  in  Europe  led  by  the  Transnational  Migrant  Platform        


PREAMBLE       PREAMBLE  

  -­‐

  The   Universal   Declaration   of   Human   Rights   is   generally   agreed   to   be   the   foundation   of   international  human  rights  law.  Adopted  in  1948,  the   UDHR   has   inspired   a   rich   body   of   legally   binding   international  human  rights  treaties.  It  continues  to  be   an   inspiration   to   us   all   whether   in   addressing   injustices,   in   times   of   conflicts,   in   societies   suffering   repression,   and   in   our   efforts   towards   achieving   universal  enjoyment  of  human  rights.     It   represents   the   universal   recognition   that   basic   rights   and   fundamental   freedoms   are   inherent   to   all   human   beings,   inalienable   and   equally   applicable   to   everyone,   and   that   every   one   of   us   is   born   free   and   equal  in  dignity  and  rights.  Whatever  our  nationality,   place   of   residence,   gender,   national   or   ethnic   origin,   colour,   religion,   language,   or   any   other   status,   the   international  community  on  December  10  1948  made   a  commitment  to  upholding  dignity  and  justice  for  all   of  us.      

 

-­‐

-­‐

“Everyone  has  the  right  to  freedom  of  movement   and   residence   within   the   borders   of   each   state...   Everyone   has   the   right   to   leave   any   country,   including   his   own”.   Universal   Declaration   of   Human   Rights   -­‐   Article   13-­‐   December   10,   1948       “   The   right   to   development   is   an   inalienable   human   right   by   virtue   of   which   every   human   being,   person   and   all   peoples   are   entitled   to   participate  in,  contribute  to,  and  enjoy  economic,   social,   cultural   and   political   development,   in   which   all   human   rights   and   fundamental   freedoms   can   be   fully   realized.   The   human   right   to   development   also   implies   the   full   realization   of   the   right   of   peoples   to   self-­‐determination,   which   includes,   subject   to   the   relevant   provisions   of   both   International   Covenants   on   Human   Rights,   the   exercise   of   their   inalienable   right   to   full   sovereignty   over   all   their   natural   wealth   and   resources”.   UN   Declaration   on   the   Human   Right   to   Development   –   Article   1-­‐   December   4,   1986     “States   Parties   undertake,   in   accordance   with   the   international   instruments   concerning   human   rights,   to   respect   and   to   ensure   to   all   migrant   workers   and   members   of   their   families   within   their   territory   or   subject   to   their   jurisdiction   the   rights   provided   for   in   the   present   Convention   without  distinction  of  any  kind  such  as  sex,  race,   colour,   language,   religion   or   conviction,   political   or  other  opinion,  national,  ethnic  or  social  origin,   nationality,   age,   economic   position,   property,   marital   status,   birth   or   other   status”.   UN   Convention  on  the  Protection  of  the  rights  of  all   Migrant   Workers   and   members   of   their   Families   –Article   7   on   non-­‐discrimination   with   respect   to   rights  –  December  18,  1990)  

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |II  


I  HAVE  A  DREAM………     I  HAVE  A  DREAM     With  the  devastation  of  livelihoods  and  the  environment  and  unprecedented  impoverishment  in  the  South,   migrants  choose  to  move  forward  by  claiming  migration  as  a  adaptation/strategy  and  to  be  agents  to  realize  their   aspirations  and  dreams  and  transforms  not  only  their  lives  but  also  contribute  to  find  alternatives  and  create  the   necessary  human  development  conditions  that  makes  migration  into  a  choice  rather  than  a  necessity.  Hereunder   we  want  to  present  the  dream  of  Ngobi  George.    Ngobi  George  is  a  migrant  from  Uganda  residing  in  Netherlands.   He  formulated  his  dream  which  is    part  of  his  portfolio  as  a  Student  of  Integrated  Human  Rights  Education  at   Foundation  University,    in  Amsterdam.        

I have a dream..... By  Ngobi  George     I  am  not  unmindful  that  some  of  you  have  come  here  out  of  great  trials  and  tribulations.  Some  have  come  fresh   from   narrow   jail   cells;   quest   for   freedom   left   you   battered   by   storms   of   persecution,   police   brutality   and   harsh   governments.   I   have   been   a   veteran   of   creative   sufferings   as   an   immigrant   in   this   world   of   imbalance,   reality   of   human  rights  where  we  come  from.     I  have  a  dream,  to  make  any  change  in  a  democratic  world,  to  respect  human  rights,  everybody  must  participate   because   life   is   interrelated,   and   some   however   are   caught   in   an   inescapable   network.   Whatever   affects   one   directly,  affects  all  indirectly  and  this  disrupts  someone’s  dream  or  destiny.     Martin   Luther   King   said,   “When   man   is   pushed   on   the   wall,   the   only   option   for   him   is   to   move   forward.”   So,   changes   do   not   roll   in   on   the   wheels   of   inevitability   but   comes   through   continuous   struggle.   Now,   if   you   can’t   run,   walk.  I  f  you  can’t  walk,  then,  crawl.     But  whatever  you  do,  keep  moving  forward.  This  will  bring  a  great  change.     I  have  also  learned  never  to  be  afraid  of  what  is  right,  especially  if  the  well  being  of  a  person  is  at  stake  because   society’s  punishments  are  smaller  compared  to  the  wounds  we  inflict  on  our  souls  when  we  look  the  other  way.     Nothing   pains   some   people   more   than   having   to   think   of   the   impossible,   but   you   know   you   can   do   it.   You   may   not   see   the   light   at   the   end   of   the   tunnel   at   first   but   know   that   it   is   there.   So,   take   the   initiative   and   risk   to   go   through   it  because  it  can  be  fun.  This  will  help  you  out  of  your  comfort  zone.     Lastly,  people  fail  to  achieve  or  get  along  because  they  fear  each  other;  we  fear  each  other  because  we  don’t  know   each  other.  We  don’t  know  each  other  because  we  don’t  communicate  with  each  other.     So,  it  may  be  hard  to  believe  in  your  ability  to  turn  things  around,  but  keep  this  in  your  mind  “you  are  the  best   solution  who  can  make  for  fair  and  equal  rights,  respect  for  all.  Live  in  free  diversity  with  no  fear  of  aggressive  laws   and  for  lasting  peace  to  make  the  world  a  better  place  to  be.  Therefore,  I  would  like  to  be  an  actor  in  reform  to  for   and  take  responsibility,  advocate  for  equal  human  rights.    

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |III  


TABLE  OF  CONTENT    

PREAMBLE  

II  

I  HAVE  A  DREAM....................................................................................................................III   ABBREVIATIONS..................................................................................................................... V   KEY  WORKING  DIFINITIONS................................................................................................... VI   1  

1.1   1.2   1.3   1.4   1.5   1.6  

Introduction......................................................................................................1  

Building  migrant  Capacity  to  reclaim  the  agenda  of  migration  and  development ................................... 1   In  the  lead  up  to  participation  of  the  un  high  level  dialogue  2013 ................................................................ 1   Global  civil  society  7-­‐point  statement,  5-­‐year  action  plan................................................................................ 1   International  Mechanisms  for  Migrant  Rights  Protection................................................................................. 2   Entrepreneurship  and  Remittances .......................................................................................................................... 2   Migrants  as  Transnational  Social  Actors.................................................................................................................. 4  

2  

Recommendations ............................................................................................5   2.1   Principles ............................................................................................................................................................................ 5   2.2   Proposal .............................................................................................................................................................................. 5   2.2.1   In  the  area  of  governance  of  mobility.................................................................................................................. 6   2.2.2   In  the  area  of  governance  of  migration  and  development ......................................................................... 7   2.2.3   In  the  area  of  institutional  mechanisms  of  migration  governance.....................................................10   2.3   Special  Attention  to  the  Situation  of  (young)  migrants  in  Greece................................................................10   3  

3.1   3.2   3.3   3.4   3.5  

Background  and  Analysis ................................................................................11  

Development  a  co-­‐responsibility? ...........................................................................................................................11   Coherency  EU  Development  aid  and  post  2015  development  Framework  Migration..........................11   Regional  Integration  and  Mobility  in  EU................................................................................................................12   The  evolution  of  European  immigration  policy...................................................................................................12   Wide  gap  between  the  EU’s  discourse  and  practice .........................................................................................13  

4  

The  Making  of  Fortress  Europe .......................................................................14  

5  

Crisis  in  Europe ...............................................................................................18  

4.1   Selective  immigration  policy  creates  a  society  with  citizens  with  different  rights .................................14   4.1.2   Selective  labour  migration  policy ........................................................................................................................14   4.1.3   Migrant  Domestic  Workers....................................................................................................................................14   4.2   Restrictive  migration  policy  and  Human  rights  in  crisis....................................................................................15  

6  

Racism  and  Discrimination  &  rightist  political  trends ......................................20   6.1   Implementation  of  anti-­‐discrimination  policies..................................................................................................20   ANNEX  1    

THE  GREAT  european  fire  sale.........................................................................21  

ANNEX  2  

DEATH  AT  BORDERS........................................................................................22  

ANNEX  3    Déclaration  Plateforme  Euro-­‐Marocaine  «  Migration,  Développement,   Démocratie,  Citoyenneté ......................................................................................................23   ANNEX  4  

 RELEVANT  UN  AND  ILO  CONVENTIONS ..........................................................24  

Annex  5  

Campaign  Position  J4DW ................................................................................25  

 

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |IV  


ABBREVIATIONS    

ABBREVIATIONS  

  CEDAW   CERD   CRC   CSD   CSOs   ECHR   EU   Europe  2020   EPA   GAMM   GCM   GFMD   HLD   ILO  C  189   MC     MDWs   MFA   MRI   PGA     TCN   TMP  

TMP’s   UDHR   UN    

 

United  Nation  Convention  on  the  elimination  of  all  Forms  of  discrimination  against  Women   United  Nation  Convention  on  the  Elimination  of  All  Forms  of  Racism  and  Discrimination,   United  Nation  Convention  on  the  Rights  of  the  Child   Civil  Society  Days   Civil  Society  Organizations   European  Convention  on  Human  Rights   European  Union   The  EU’s  Strategy  for  Growth  and  Jobs   Economic  Partnership  Agreements     Global  Approach  on  Migration  and  Mobility   Global  Coallition  on  Migration   Global  Forum  on  Migration  and  Development   High  Level  Dialogue  (UN)   ILO  Convention  189  on  Decent  work  for  domestic  workers  or  Domestic  Workers  Convention   The   UN   International   Convention   on   the   Protection   of   the   Rights   of   All   Migrant   Workers   and   Members  of  Their  Families    or    UN  Migrants’  Convention   Migrant  Domestic  Workers   Migrant  Forum  Asia     Migrant  Rights  International   Peoples  Global  Action   Third  Country  National   Transnational  Migrant  Platform   Transnational   Migrant   Platform   Co-­‐Convenors:  Commission   For   Filipino   Migrant   Workers   (CFMW),   Platform   of   Filipino   Migrant   Organisations,   Foundation   University,   Turkish   Workers   Foundation  (HTIB),  Euro-­‐Mediterraan  Centrum  Migratie  &  Ontwikkeling  (EMCEMO),  Kromantse   Foundation   (Ghana),   Social   Development   Cooperative   (Ghana),   Africa   Roots   Movement,   RESPECT   Netherlands:   TRUSTED   Migrants,   KOOP   Natin,   Indonesian   Migrant   Workers   Union   (IMWU),  OTRADELA,  Transnational  Institute  (TNI).   Temporary  Migration  Programmes   UN  Universal  Declaration  on  Human  Rights   United  Nation    

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |V  


KEY  WORKING  DIFINITIONS   KEY  WORKING  DIFINITIONS   European   Union:   the   European   union   (Eu)   of   27   member   States   is   served   by   a   central   executive   institution,   the   European   commission,   which   has   its   own   right   of   initiative   and   the   competence   over   a   number   of   EU   policy   areas   (such   as   trade   or   fisheries)   where   it   acts   on   behalf   of   the   union.   Development   cooperation   is   a   ‘shared   competence’   with   the   commission   and   many   of   the   member   States   each   having   their   own   development   programmes   and   bilateral   aid   agencies.   These   are,   however,   guided   by   a   common   policy   document,   the   European   consensus   on   Development   (2005),   and   there   are   efforts   to   promote   joint   action   and   complementarity   among   them.   In   this   report   unless   otherwise  stated  the  term  EU  is  used  to  refer  to  the   collective  effort  of  the  whole  union,  that  is  member   States  and  the  commission.       A   transformative   agenda   aims   to   achieve   structural   transformation  while  at  the  same  time  ensuring  that   it  leads  to  a  sustained  and  inclusive  development  at   the  local,  national  and  global  levels.  a  transformative   development   path   requires   profound   changes   to   infrastructures,   production   processes,   regulation   systems  and  lifestyles.  policy  options,  such  as  green   growth,   should   be   explored   as   an   important   means   to  promote  sustainable  development  for  instance.       The  principle  of  non-­‐discrimination  is  a  cornerstone   of   international   human   rights   law.   All   of   the   core   human   rights   treaties   reflect   the   general   principle   adopted   by   the   UDHR   that   the   rights   set   out   in   the   treaties  should  be  enjoyed  without  distinction  of  any   kind.   Article   2   UDHR   sets   out   a   non-­‐exhaustive   list   of   prohibited  grounds  for  discrimination,  including  race   or   colour,   sex,   language,   religion,   political   or   other   opinion,   national   or   social   origin,   property,   birth   or   other  status.       The   general   principle   of   equality   and   non-­‐   discrimination  consist  of  a  number  of  elements:     -­‐ You  have  the  right  to  be  treated  equally  before   the   law   and   to   enjoy   equal   protection   by   the   law,  without  any  discrimination;   -­‐ You   have   the   right   to   be   protected   against   discrimination   and   any   incitement   to   discrimination;   -­‐ If  your  rights  are  violated  you  must  have  access   to  effective  remedies.      

 

Criminalisation   of   migration/migrants   refers   to   the   use  of  criminal  sanctions,  or  administrative  sanctions   which   mimic   criminal   ones   (such   as   detention),   in   respect  of  border  and  immigration  control     PARTICIPATION    Wherever   we   live   and   in   whatever   sort   of   society,   one   of   our   basic   rights   is   to   be   allowed   to   take   a   full   part   in   the   life   of   our   community.   Without   participation   we   cannot   experience   and   enjoy   the   wide   range   of   rights   and   freedoms   that   the   Universal   Declaration   of   Human   Rights   seeks   to   guarantee.   Our   participation   should   be  active,  free  and  meaningful.  Our  views  to  improve   our   lives   and   our   community   should   be   heard   and   answered.  We  can  have  a  say  in  the  decisions  of  our   local   community   and   in   national   affairs.   Article   21   explicitly  says  everyone  has  the  right  to  take  part  in   elections   and   government.   Crucially,   participation   also  means  that  the  voices  of  people  who  are  often   excluded   should   be   heard   and   heeded,   especially   when   we   are   marginalised   or   discriminated   against   because   of   our   disability,   race,   religion,   gender,   descent,   age   or   on   other   grounds.   We   should   be   in   a   position   to   influence   our   own   destiny   and   take   part   in  decisions  affecting  us.     DIGNITY   &   JUSTICE  Dignity   and   justice   for   each   and   every   human   being   is   the   promise   of   the   Universal   Declaration  of  Human  Rights.  The  concept  of  dignity   lies   at   the   heart   of   human   rights.   It   is   mentioned   in   the  first  sentence  of  the  Preamble  to  the  Declaration   and   appears   again   in   Article   1.   Yet   of   all   the   rights   to   which   everyone   is   entitled,   dignity   is   perhaps   the   most   difficult   to   express   and   to   put   into   a   tangible   form.  Put  simply,  it  means  we  must  treat  each  other   with   respect,   tolerance   and   understanding.   Governments  must  do  the  same,  in  law  as  well  as  in   practice,   for   the   individuals   who   make   up   communities,   societies   and   nations.   The   idea   of   justice   and   the   equality   of   everyone   before   the   law   appear   throughout   the   Declaration.   In   fact   the   Declaration's   core   values   of   non-­‐discrimination   and   equality   are   ultimately   a   commitment   to   universal   justice  and  recognition  of  inherent  human  dignity.        

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |VI  


ACKNOWLEDGEMENT   Transnational  Migrant  Platform  would  like  to  thank  the  participants  of  the  Working  Conference.   Country   Name   Organisation   Belgium   Drisss  El  Korchi     FALDI    (Forum  des  associations  de  luttes  démocratiques  de   límmigration)   Belgium   Denmark   Denmark   Europe   France  

Sarah  Klingeberg   Jean  Gocotano   Kat  Palad   Kadri  Soova   Brice  Monnou  

France   Jamal  Lahoussain     France   Abdellah  Zniber   France   Abdellatif  Mortajine   Greece   Greece   Greece   Greece   Greece   Greece   Greece   Greece   Greece  

Debbie  Valencia   Joe  Valencia   Alex  Freris  Barolo   Andreas  Bloom   Andromachi  Papaioanou   Donald  Okhawere   Irene  Vazu   Nikos  Udubitan   Nora  I.  Ukachukwu   International   Colin  Rajah   International   Ignacio  Packer   Italy   Edda  Pando,     Italy   Romeo  Sangcap   Italy   Rosa  Jijon   Lithuania   Lina  Vosyliute   Lithuania   Vija  Plataciute   Netherlands   Abdou  Menebhi   Netherlands   Brid  Brennan   Netherlands   Brigitte  Mugiraneza   Netherlands   Frank  Slijper   Netherlands   Jille  Belisario   Netherlands   Mahdi  Attar  Semlali   Netherlands   Mustafa  Ayranci   Netherlands   Nonoi  Hacbang   Netherlands   Olusola    Elijah   Netherlands   Petra  Snelders   Netherlands   Sol  Trumbo  Villa   Netherlands/ Thomas  Moore   Ghana   Netherlands/ Coffi  Badou-­‐Bonsou   Ghana   UK   Donn  Flynn  

 WSF   Union  FOA   FCD   PICUM   Le  Forum  des  Organisations  de  Solidarité  Internationale  issues   des  Migrations  (FORIM)     MDCD   FALDI     MDCD  (Plateforme  Euromarocaine  Migration,  Développement   Citoyennetë  et  Démocratie   KASAPI  HELLAS   KASAPI  HELLAS   Greek  Council  for  Refugees   Asante   Generation  2.0   Nigerian  Community  Greece,  President   Kasapi  Hellas   Generation  2.0   Nigerian  Women  Organisation   GCM/MRI   Terre  des  Hommes   ARCI     Commission  for  Filipino  Migrant  Workers  (CFMW)  Italy   Ecuadorian  artist  and  activist   RESPECT   Vytautas  Magnus  Univeristy  /  Diversity  Development  Group   EMCEMO   Transnational  Institute   United  Wisdom  of  Africa  Foundation   Transnational  Institute   CFMW  Europe   EMCEMO   HTIB   CFMW/Platform  of  Filipino  Migrant  Organisations   Africa  Roots  Movements   RESPECT  NL   Transnational  Institute   Kromantse  Foundation   Social  Development  Cooperative   Migrant  Rights  Network  

         

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |VII  


ACKNOWLEDGEMENT   We   would   like   to   thank   Global   Coalition   on   Migration   facilitating   this   working   conference   and   mobilizing   and   bringing   Migrants'   Voices   to   the   UNHLD   on   Migration   &   Development.   Together   we   will   challenge   governments   inside  the  UNHLD  process—bringing  migrants'  voices  into  this  exclusive  forum  to  push  our  agenda  of  human  rights,   justice,  and  respect  for  all  migrant  workers  and  members  of  their  families.       TMP   was   involve   of   preparatory   for   the   Vienna+20   CSO   conference,   and   therefore   acknowledge   and   taken   on   board  some  of  the  proposals  in  formulation  of  recommendations.     Other  members  of  the  network  were  not  able  to  participate  during  the  working  conference,  but  have  sent  their   position  paper,  see  position  paper  of  Justice  4  Domestic  Workers  See  annex  5     In  Europe  beside  the  Transnational  Migrant  Platform,  other  organisations  held    their  consultations.    This  document   is  the  outcome  of  the  proces  in  Europe  that  was  led  by  the  Transnational  Migrant  Platform.      

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |VIII  


CHAPTER  ONE                

 

RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT

 

1  

INTRODUCTION  

  1.1  

BUILDING  MIGRANT  CAPACITY  TO  RECLAIM  THE  

AGENDA  OF  MIGRATION  AND  DEVELOPMENT  

In   Europe   as   migrant   networks   and  civil   society   organizations   we   respond   to   the   various   national,   European   and   global   developments   that   are   impacting   heavily   on   the   daily   lives   of   migrant   and   refugee   communities   in   Europe   in   this   era   of   unprecedented   crises.   We   mobilise   our   communities   and   intervene   actively   to   reclaim   the   agenda   of   migration  and  development,  taking  the  UN  Universal   Declaration   on   Human   Rights   (UDHR   1945),   the   UN   Migrant   Convention   (1990),   and   the   UN   Declaration   on   the   Right   to   Development   (UN   General   Assembly   1986)   as   starting   points.   From   our   perspective   as   migrants   and   refugees   we   exercise   our   role   in   various   forms   of   responsibility   –   whether   as   migrant   workers,   migrant   or   refugee   communities   or   as   citizens   in   the   Global   North   or   towards   our  countries  of  origin  in  the   Global  South.   It   is   in   this   perspective   that   as   migrant   and   refugee   communities   living   in   Europe   we   welcomed   the   United  Nations  initiative  to  hold  a  High  Level  Dialogue   on  Migration  and  Development  (UNHLD)  in  New  York,   2006   and   we   have   also   participated   in   each   subsequent   meeting   of   the   Global   Forum   on   Migration   and   Development   (GFMD)   (2007–2012)   both  inside  the  formal  government  processes—in  the   limited   space   provided   by   governments   to   raise   migrants'   rights   issues—and   outside,   together   with   Migrant   Rights   International   (MRI)   and   Migrant   Forum  Asia  (MFA)  we  have  co-­‐organised  the  Peoples   Global  Action  (PGA)  in  the  form  of  parallel  events  and   street   mobilisations.   To   maximize   the   spaces   provided   by   the   Civil   Society   Days   (CSD)/GFMD,   PGA   and   other   international   arenas   to   advocate   migrant   1 priorities,   the   Transnational   Migrant   Platform,   (TMP)   initiated   the   process   in   Europe   of   holding   an   annual   Europe   wide   Conference   on   the   substantive   agenda   of   the   GFMD,   and   at   the   same   time   to   contribute   to   the   development   of   new   social   movements   and   networks   that   go   beyond   the     CSD/GFMD   and   the   PGA.    

                                                                                                                          1

 The  Transnational  Migrant  Platform  (TMP),  was  set  up  in  2008  as   a  convergence  and  alliance  of  several  migrant  communities  from   the  Global  South  –  as  well  as  European  and  international   organisations    involved  in  solidarity,  anti-­‐racist  and  global  justice   work.  http://www.cfmw.org/transnational-­‐migrant-­‐platf/    

1.2  

IN  THE  LEAD  UP  TO  PARTICIPATION  OF  THE  UN  HIGH  

LEVEL  DIALOGUE  2013  

This   year,   the   annual   inter-­‐governmental   process   of   the  GFMD  returns  to  the  United  Nations  in  New  York   for   a   second   UN   HLD   on   Migration   &   Development   (October   3-­‐4,   2013).   In   preparation   for   this,   the   Transnational  Migrant  Platform  is  participating  in  the   2 initiative  of  the  Global  Coalition  on  Migration  (GCM) ,   “   Mobilizing   Global   Civil   Society   Action   for   the   2013   UN   High   Level   Dialogue   on   Migration   &   Development”.   It   is   an   initiative   where   migrants'   rights   organizations   and   migrant   communities   from   across   the   world   are   currently   collaborating   on   preparing   contributions   and   proposals   to   take   into   the  UNHLD  process.     This   preparatory   process   in   Europe,   led   by   the   Transnational   Migrant   Platform   has   taken   place   on   different   occasions   in   2013:   in   workshops   during   the   World   Social   Forum   in   Tunis   (26-­‐30   March,   2013);   a   national   meeting   in   Netherlands   May   25,   2013;   the   European   Working   Conference   “Reclaiming   Human   Rights,   Migrant   Mobility   and   Transnational   Engagement,   June   5-­‐6   in   Athens,   Greece   hosted   by   Kasapi   Hellas   and   during   the   Migrants   Assembly   at   the   Alter   Summit   held   on   June   7   in   Athens,   Greece.     Representatives   from   national   and   bi-­‐national   migrant   led   organizations   as   well   as   pan-­‐European   and  International  networks  participated.       1.3   GLOBAL  CIVIL  SOCIETY  7-­‐POINT  STATEMENT,  5-­‐YEAR   ACTION  PLAN   As   indicated   earlier,   the   consultation   in   Europe   was   part   of   a   global   preparatory   process   of   regional   conferences   initiated   by   the   GCM.   Each   of   the   regional   conferences   was   organised   within   the   framework   of   the   Civil   Society   proposal   on   the   7-­‐ point  statement  for  the  UNHLD  on  key  outcomes,  to   be  developed  in  a  5-­‐year  action  plan.  This  statement   was   initially   developed   during   the   WSF   Migration   in   Manila   in   December   2012   and   submitted   to   the   UN   GA   Second   Committee   and   UN   Member   States   on   3   December  2012  (see  Annex  1).    

                                                                                                                          2

 The  concept  of  the  GCM  was  born  out  of  the  collaborations  of  its   initial  member  organizations  around  the  Global  Forum  on   Migration  (GFMD)  and  the  corresponding  People’s  Global  Action   on  Migration,  Development  &  Human  Rights  (PGA)  processes.   http://gcmigration.org/  

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |1  


CHAPTER  ONE                

 

RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT

  The   Conference   and   consultations   in   Europe,   have   likewise   reflected   these   seven   topics   of   the   key   outcomes  in  the  proposed  UNHLD  action  agenda:       a)  In  the  area  of  governance  of  mobility:   1)   The   need   for   regulation   of   the   migrant   labour   recruitment  industry  as  well  as;   2)   The   need   for   assistance   and   protection   of   the   rights  of  migrants  stranded  in  distress  situations.     b)   In   the   area   of   governance   of   migration   and   development,  attention  has  been  given  to:       3)   The   integration   of   migration   into   the   post   2015   development  agenda;   4)  The  priority  of  protecting  labour  rights  for  migrant   workers  (including  migrant  domestic  workers);   5)   Models   and   frameworks   that   address   the   specific   needs  and  rights  of  migrant  women.   c)   In   the   area   of   institutional   mechanisms   of   migration  governance:   6)   Development   of   benchmarks   on   the   exchange   of   good  practice  and  enactment  and  implementation  of   national   legislation   to   comply   with   the   full   range   of   provisions   on   human   rights   in   UN   and   other   international  conventions;   7)   re-­‐definition   of   the   interaction   of   international   mechanisms   of   migrant   rights   protection   within   the   UN  normative  framework  and  including  an  evaluation   of  the  GFMD  process.     1.4   INTERNATIONAL  MECHANISMS  FOR  MIGRANT  RIGHTS   PROTECTION   While   migration   is   a   positive   and   rewarding   experience   for   many   migrant   workers,   a   significant   number  face  serious  violations  of  their  human  rights,   which  can  occur  at  each  stage  of  their  journey.     This   includes   ill   treatment   by   immigration   or   law   enforcement   authorities,   abusive   or   exploitative   working   conditions,   an   absence   of   basic   workplace   rights   and   protections,   limited   or   no   access   to   social   security,   systemic   discrimination   and   wide-­‐spread   racist,  xenophobia  and  prejudice.  Moreover,  migrants   in  an  irregular  situation  can  live  and  work  at  the  very   margins   of   basic   protections   and   safety.   In   some   cases,  especially  involving  individuals  who  have  been   trafficked  across  borders,  the  working  conditions  they   experience  can  amount  to  forced  labour.     The   UN   Convention   provides   a   legal   framework   for   the   protection   of   the   rights   of   migrants   and   their   families.   However,   many   migrants   today   do   not   benefit   from   it   because   this   and   other   core   human   rights   treaties   are   neither   universally   ratified   nor   implemented.       Furthermore,   too   often   effective   protection   is   not   available   because   the   actors   that   potentially   have   the   best  capabilities  to  offer  protection  do  not  live  up  to  

 

this   promise.   Rights   on   paper   do   not   automatically   lead   to   rights   in   practice.     For   this   to   happen   rights-­‐ holders   have   to   be   aware   of   the   fact   that   they   too   should   be   treated   with   respect   and   dignity   and   that   their   governments   can   be   held   accountable   for   the   commitments   they   have   made   under   international   law.     The  report  of  the  Global  Commission  on  International   Migration   released   in   October   2005   concludes   that   “the   international   community   has   failed   to   capitalize   on   the   opportunities   and   to   meet   the   challenges   associated   with   international   migration.”   It   also   recommends   new   approaches   to   correct   this   situation.   The   19-­‐member   independent   Commission   states   “the   establishment   of   a   coherent   approach   to   migration   requires   states   to   demonstrate   a   greater   respect  for  the  provisions  of  the  legal  and  normative   framework   affecting   international   migrants,   especially  the  seven  core  UN  human  rights  treaties.”     1.5   ENTREPRENEURSHIP  AND  REMITTANCES   As   migrants,   we   have   asserted   that   sustainable   development   needs   to   be   human   rights   based   –   putting  the  basic  human  needs  of  people  at  the  core   of   economic   and   development   policy   globally.   This   implies  a  paradigm  shift  –  where  people’s  needs  and   not  corporate  profit  would  determine  the  priorities  of   development.   This   also   implies   an   enabling   policy   environment   for   migrants   that   are   rights   based     -­‐   empowering   migrants   to   be   actors   in   development   both   in   destination   countries   and   origin   countries.   Human  history  has  demonstrated  how  migrants  have   exercised  this  dual  role.   Much   has   been   written   about   migrant   remittances   –   and  indeed  these  are  significant  in  various  countries  –   outstripping   in   some   cases   earnings   from   oil   (Mexico)   and  development  aid.       The  impact  of  these  remittances  are  over  and  above   the   provision   which   is   made   by   migrants   for   all   the   economic   and   social   needs   of   their   families   –   food,   housing,   health   and   education.   In   many   countries   such   as   the   Philippines,   still   burdened   with   huge   external   debt   since   the   Marcos   dictatorship   remittances   generate   the   foreign   currency   needed.   How   different   development   prospects   would   be   if   such   foreign   were   strategically   earmarked   for   and   alternative  development.    

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |2  


CHAPTER  ONE                

 

RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT

 

Migrants   are   also   investing   in   the   real   economy   –   enabling   their   families   to   set   up   small   productive   enterprises,   which   convert   their   remittances   into   a   more  sustainable  livelihood  for  family  members.   Increasingly,   also   migrants   are   engaging   in   community  development  projects  –  while  still  abroad   or  as  return  migrants.  Some  such  projects  are  seen  as   ‘brain   gain’   projects   where   migrants   convert   their   migrant   experience   and   expertise   into   more   viable   futures   for   themselves,   their   families   and   the   community.           Therefore   migrants   are   taking   a   keen   interest   in   the   course   of   current   development   discourse.   They   participate  in  critical  assessment  of  the  current  model   of   development,   as   well   as   being   very   keen   in   contributing   to   the   articulation   of   an   alternative   model  of  development  and  working  in  partnerships  in   the   host   country   and   country   of   origin   who   are   committed   to   a   human   rights   based   model   of   development.    

 

Migrants   have   seen   first   hand   the   haphazard   outcomes   from   an   extractive   development   model   whose  benefits  accrue  only  to  local  elites,  leading  to   increases   in   inequality   in   both   sending   and   receiving   countries.   These   local   elites   become   the   willing   partners   in   the   design   of   “migration-­‐development”   partnerships   –   the   so-­‐called  cooperation  agreements.   These   agreements   require   migration   flows   to   be   policed   in   accordance   with   the   requirements   of   the   receiving  countries  (such  as  visa  system,  readmission   policies)   in   return   for   privileged   access   to   trade   agreements   and   development   aid.   In   this   way,   European   states   externalize   their   borders   by   using   bilateral   agreements   to   create   outside   borders.   The   sending   countries   cater   to   the   interests   of   the   EU’s   development   model   -­‐   access   to   raw   materials,   agreements   on   investor   to   state   privileges,   low   taxation   on   corporations.   This   is   essentially   an   economic   paradigm   where   out-­‐migration   and   the   international  division  of  labour  comes  into  place.      

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |3  


CHAPTER  ONE                

 

RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT

  1.6   MIGRANTS  AS  TRANSNATIONAL  SOCIAL  ACTORS   It  is  within  this  context  that  migration  mobility  needs   to   be   viewed   as   a   demonstration   of   agency   by   migrants/adaptation   strategy   motivated   by   the   impoverishment  of  their  families  and  communities  to   seek   alternative   development   opportunities.     The   complex   realities   and   considerations   leading   to   the   decision  to  migrate  cannot  be  captured  by  one  story   or  approach  alone.  People,  in  spite  of  hardship,  show   great   amounts   of   courage,   resourcefulness   and   resilience  in  their  efforts  to  find  ways  to  exercise  their   rights  –  including  the  right  to  development.  To  a  large   extent,   the   ultimate   aim   of   those   who   migrate   is   to   improve   their   own   and   family   economic   situation,   and   escape   political,   social   and   overpopulation   problems,   in   their   country   of   origin   and   to   be   an   agents  and  stakeholders  of  developments.         We   believe   that   for   development   to   work   is   it   essential   to   focus   on   human   development   and   to   integrate  the  interests  and  needs  of  migrants  as  well   as  other  basic  sectors  into  policy  responses  aimed  at   economic  recovery.  There  is  a  new  trend  of  migration   emerging   in   Europe   itself   –   from   the   southern   European   crisis   countries   to   northern   Europe   and   to   former   colonies   in   Latin   America.   This   is   an   additional   consideration   for   being   decisive   in   placing   Human   mobility   under   a   human   rights   regime   –   making   migration   to   be   part   of   the   solution   and   not   the   problem.     Governments   have   adopted   restrictive   immigration   policy  and  legislation  in  the  following:     -­‐ Restrictive   immigration   policies   based   on   national  security;   -­‐ Migration   measures   that   privilege   the   movement   of   “skilled”   over”   unskilled”   and   predominantly   female  labour;  and   -­‐ Protectionist   laws   and   policies   that   close   EU   borders   and   limit   freedom   of   movement   in   the   name   of   protecting   citizens   from   the   harms   of   migration.     These   restrictive   immigration   laws   have   generated   repression   and   violation   of   migrant   rights   and   the   selective   immigration   policies   also   generate   increasing   racism   against   migrants.   These   also   generate   tension   and   divisiveness   among   migrant   communities.   To   date,   the   EU   policy   response   in   addressing   informal   migration   flows   has   resulted   in   the  criminalisation  of  migrant  communities.          

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |4  


CHAPTER  TWO  

2    

                       RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

RECOMMENDATIONS    

2.1   PRINCIPLES   The   primacy   of   human   rights   defines   our   starting   point  in  elaborating  the  nexus  relationship  between   Migration   and   Development.   The   failure   of   the   current  corporate  led  development  model  is  a  failure   to   achieve   basic   human   rights   –   that   could   ensure   adequacy   of   livelihood   and   work,   food   and   nutrition,   access  to  clean  water,  housing,  health  and  education   -­‐   and   is   frequently   a   root   cause   of   migration.   The   migration   process   if   undertaken   in   a   human   rights   framework,  can  lead  to  the  enlargement  not  only  of   people’s  individual  capabilities  (defined  as  what  they   3 are   able   to   do   and   be   in   life   but   also   to   the   enhancement   of   development   both   in   the   receiving   and  sending  countries.  In  this  context,  migrants  and   refugees   can   become   protagonists   and   architects   of   a   just   and   more   sustainable   people-­‐led   development.   The   goals   and   the   means   of   development   are   therefore,   to   enhance   peoples’   intrinsic   capacities   (e.g.   dignity,   knowledge,   well-­‐ being,   self-­‐   respect),   as   well   as   the   opportunities   (e.g.   access   to   education,   employment,   and   participative   decision-­‐making   processes)   that   make   them   ‘capable’   of   shaping   their   own   destiny.   This   would   mean   achieving   a   stage   of   development   where  migration  would  be  a  choice  not  a  necessity.       “Migration   and   Development”   are   grounded   in   our   understanding   of   the   changing   nature   of   inequality   and   its   nexus   with   sustainability.   Addressing   structural   inequality   which   we   see   as   a   pillar   for   achieving   universal   human   rights,   means   more   than   addressing   income,   poverty   and   remittance   mechanisms,  it  must  fundamentally;   -­‐ Address  equitable  access  towards  civil,  political,   economic,  social  and  cultural  rights;   -­‐ Address   discrimination   of   migrants   and   refugees   (with  a  particular  focus  on  the  more  vulnerable   groups);   -­‐ Provide   equitable   access   to   services   for   all   –   independent   of   the   migration/administrative   status.  

Respect,   protection,   promotion   and   fulfilment   of   all   human   rights   are   the   first   responsibilities   of   States.     The   acceptance   and   implementation   of   extraterritorial   obligations,   human   rights   cannot   be   universally  realized,  nor  can  they  play  a  determining   role   in   the   regulation   of   globalization,   in   laying   the   basis   for   an   equitable   and   just   development   or   in   clarifying  differentiated  State  responsibilities.       Adequate   international   governance   of   labour   mobility  is  to  the  advantage  of  migrants  and  can  help   bridge   labour   market   gaps,   provide   labour   to   fuel   structural   economic   transformation,   drive   innovation   through   migrants’   dynamism,   and   contribute   to   social   security   systems.   Migration   and   mobility   may   pose   challenges   for   managing   urbanisation,   but   they   are   also   vital   for   the   functioning   of   cities   as   centres   of   growth.   In   the   absence   of   effective   governance,   the   costs   of   migration   may   be   significant,   and   can   include   social   tensions   with   host   populations   –   often   exploited   by   populist  forces  –  and  pressure  on  scarce  resources.       2.2   Proposal     Convinced  that  the  High  Level  Dialogue  (HLD)  should   produce  “a  succinct  negotiated  outcome  document¨   that   can   address   critical   issues   of   global   migration   governance  and  propose  concrete  actions  for  strong   rights  based  HLD  outcomes;       Understanding  that  this  is  to  be  an  ongoing  process   of   dialogue   with   member   states   and   that   the   negotiated  outcome  document  should,  however,  be   in   the   form   of   a   five-­‐year   action   agenda,   framed   around   a   maximum   of   seven   important   issues   where   there   is   a   broad   sense   that   progress   is   politically   achievable  during  that  period  and  can  be  measured;       Anticipating   that   the   action   agenda   will   contain   measurable   benchmarks   and   timelines   for   action   at   the   national,   regional   and   global   levels,   with   appropriate   engagement   of   all   stakeholders.   We   recognise   the   importance   of   a   facility   or   process   within   the   UN   system   taking   lead   responsibility   to   promote   action—and   measuring   progress—among   stakeholders   in   the   implementation   of   this   5-­‐year   action  agenda,  modestly  resourced.      

                                                                                                                           

3 In  what  has  become  known  as  the  ‘capabilities  approach’  (1999),  Sen  suggests   that  development  is  concerned  both  with  the  processes  through  which  a  given  state   of  wellbeing  can  be  achieved  and  with  the  results  achieved,  or  outcomes  

 

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |5  


CHAPTER  TWO

                       RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

 

Recognising   that   the   possibilities   include   a   joint   working   group   of   states   and   civil   society   together   with   a   reporting   function   incorporated   within   the   existing   annual   Coordination   meeting   organized   by   UN  DESA.     We   propose   that   the   action   agenda’s   seven   key   outcomes,  be  achieved  over  five  years  and  comprise:       2.2.1   In  the  area  of  governance  of  mobility     The  role  of  migration  and  mobility  first  and  foremost   shall   be   considered   in   a   language   of   human   rights   and   entitlements   –   as   human   beings,   workers,   residents  and,  consequently,  as  fully  pledged  citizens   of   the   EU,   not   only   in   the   language   of   highly   skilled   human  capital,  but  with  contributions  for  society  and   added  value  for  improving  other  dimensions  of  well   being  at  large  social  cohesion  of  society.  It  is  within   this   understanding   that   States   are   urged   to   take   upon   themselves   the   responsibility   to   guarantee   a   human   rights   based   regime   for   all   stages   of   the   migration  process  –  preparation,  transit,  destination   and  return:     1)   The   need   for   regulation   of   the   migrant   labour  recruitment  industry   States  need  to  ensure  that  migrants  enjoy  the  same   treatment   in   matters   of   social   security,   access   to   health   and   welfare   granted   to   nationals,   the   portability   of   pensions,   and   paths   to   citizenship,   guaranteed   in   the   legislation   of   the   State   as   well   as   in   bilateral   and   multilateral   treaties.   States   must   ensure  the  elimination  of  slavery  and  forced  labour,   and  enact  specific  legislation  guaranteeing  the  rights   of   migrant   domestic   workers   (who   often   work   in   slave  like  conditions)  to  ensure  decent  conditions  of   work  and  protection  from  human  rights  violations:     Proposals   States   need   to   ensure   effective   implementation   of   standards   and   mechanisms   to   regulate   and   monitor   the  migrant  labour  recruitment  industry.       States   need   to   place   frameworks   where   labour   and   jobs   are   streamlined,   wherein   not   only   the   costs   of   migration   are   lessen   but   also   contribute   to   decent   and  productive  employment  for  the  migrants      

 

2)   Migrants  in  structural  distress  in  Europe   The   lack   of   legal   avenues   for   migration   and   the   disproportionate   administrative   criteria’s   for   acquiring  regular  migration  status  to  migrant  women   and   men   working   and   living   in   the   EU   is   a   major   factor,  which  pushes  migrant  into  an  irregular  status.   Besides   that   today,   in   EU   the   increasing   trend   towards   criminalization   of   migrants   –   particularly   those   in   an   irregular   situation   –   are   more   likely   to   face   discrimination,   exclusion,   exploitation   and   violation  of  their  rights  at  all  stages  of  the  migration   process.   Of   immediate   and   urgent   concern   is   the   recent   rise   of   intolerance,   racism,   xenophobia,   and   Islamophobia   against   migrants   and   their   communities,  sometimes  manifested  itself  in  acts  of   extreme   violence   against   migrants   in   transit   and   in   destination   countries.     Within   this   context   States   are   reminded   of   their   responsibility   on   the   implications   of   irregularity   that   compelled   irregular   migrants   to   take   extreme   risks   (slavery   working   conditions   (trafficking,   forced   labour)   abusive   house   owners,   health   implications/psychological   implications)   to   evade  restrictive  measures  in  destination  states.       Proposals   States  are  likewise  urged  to  end  those  measures  that   criminalize   irregular   migration   including   the   laws   that   penalize   migrants   in   an   irregular   situation   as   well   as   the   persons   that   assist   them;   the   use   of   excessive   and   disproportionate   force   during   migration   control   operations;   the   detention   of   undocumented   migrants;   deportations   without   procedural   guarantees;   and   also   to   address   xenophobic  statements  in  which  authorities  and  the   media  encourage  the  stigmatization  of  migrants.     States  are  asked  to  urgently  to  regularise  those  who   are   undocumented,   and   to   stop   the   growing   use   of   mass   detention   and   expulsion,   including   violent   border   regimes   (e.g.   Mexico-­‐US   and   EU-­‐   Mediterranean).   We   urge   to   rollback   the   ¨Return   Directive¨.      

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |6  


CHAPTER  TWO

                       RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

 

Human   rights   law   does   not   generally   regulate   the   Human   rights   at   international   borders   (immigration   policy   of   states   in   general),   particularly   decisions   about  entry  and  stay.       Proposal   States  need  to  ensure  protection  of  the  rights  of  all   migrants   and   refugees   including   unaccompanied   children,   in   transit   and   passage   through   borders,   whether   in   regular   travel   or   when   caught   in   crisis   situations  or  in  distress.  Migrants  and  refugees,  who   experience   rape,   trauma   or   other   forms   of   violence   when  in  transit,  have  the  right,  irrespective  of  status,   to   be   assisted   by   the   State   in   receiving   appropriate   assistance  and  access  to  justice.       General  and  authoritative  guidance  on  human  rights   at   international   borders,   targeted   at   the   full   spectrum   of   the   very   principles   of   dignity,   equality   and   liberty   of   the   EU   Fundamental   Rights   Charter   and  of  the  European  Human  Rights  Convention.  This   with  regard  to:     -­‐ screening   processes   and   procedures   as   well   as   due   process   safeguards   in   order   to   identify   the   human  rights  needs  of  migrants  at  borders;   -­‐ to  better  implement  their  obligations  to  protect   the   rights   of   children   and   stop   detention   of   children.  

  2.2.2  

In  the  area  of  governance  of  migration  and   development   3)   Integration   of   migration   into   the   post   2015   development  agenda;     Proposals   States   need   to   implement   coherence   in   the   post   2015  development  agenda  and  should  better  link  the   High   Level   Dialogue   on   Migration   and   Development   and  Post-­‐2015  debates.       States  needs  to  reaffirm  the  primacy  of  human  rights   in  the  post-­‐2015  and;   -­‐ Transform   current   aid-­‐based   model   of   sustainable   development   agenda   develop   new   universally  applicable  framework  as  a  means  to   contribute   and   together   work   towards   transformational,   structural   change.   Ensuring   economic,   trade,   investment   and   development   policies   that   guarantee   the   human   rights   of   people   (food,   shelter,   education,   health)   and   make  migration  a  choice  and  not  a  necessity;   -­‐ States   should   ensure   that   resources   are   generated   fully,   sustainably   and   distributed   fairly,   at   all   times   prioritizing   the   most   marginalized.   Targets   to   eliminate   extreme  

 

poverty   and   redistribute   extreme   income   and   wealth   must   be   included   beyond   an   overall   focus  on  poverty  reduction  and  well-­‐being.     -­‐ Respect,  protect  and  fulfil  the  economic,  social,   and   cultural   rights   of   all   peoples,   with   prioritization   of   marginalized   groups   without   retrogression   and   on   the   basis   of   non-­‐ discrimination   and   equality,   immediately   ensuring   universal   social   protection   floors,   universal   health   coverage,   adequate   food   and   nutrition,   water,   sanitation,   education   and   housing.   They   have   to   protect   workers’   rights,   guarantee   minimum   wages   and   pensions,   close   gender,   ethnic,   regional   and   other   wage   gaps,   and  restrain  excessive  levels  of  compensation;   -­‐ Officially  recognise  migration  as  an  enabler,  and   that   migrants   and   refugee   communities   are   contributing   to   development   in   host   countries   and  to  facilitate  their  contributions  to  economic   and  human  development,  especially  in  countries   of  origin.     States   are   asked   to   integrate   sustainability   as   a   human   rights   principle   to   be   monitored   in   the   ongoing   Universal   Periodic   Review   or   a   similar   modus   established   under   the   High   Level   Political   Forum,   and   need   to   tackle   the   structural   drivers   of   inequality,   including   discrimination,   ecological   degradation,   climate   change,   the   poorly   regulated   financial   system,   and   global   trade   and   investment   regimes,   by   which   economically   powerful,   including   private   interests   dictate   development   to   the   detriment  of  the  public  interest.       4)   The   priority   of   protecting   labour   rights   for   migrant   workers   (including   migrant   domestic   workers)   Labour  rights  for  migrant  workers   The   EU   has   the   best   regional   Human   Rights   regime   for   its   nationals,   nevertheless   migrants,   especially   undocumented   migrants,   asylum   seekers,   migrant   domestic   workers   are   still   found   to   be   left   in   an   inhuman   and   degrading   working   and   living   conditions.    

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |7  


CHAPTER  TWO  

                       RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

Proposals   Migrant   workers   and   refugees   should   enjoy   treatment   equal   to   that   of   nationals   of   the   State   of   employment   with   respect   to   remuneration   and   other   conditions   of   work,   as   well   as   in   terms   of   employment,  including  the  right  to  join  trade  unions   and  other  associations.       The   right   to   transfers   and   services   safeguarding   social   security   is   indispensable   for   the   exercise   migrant   rights.   Social   security   has   to   cover   the   full   life   cycle   and   be   available   to   each   migrant   and   should   include   a   guaranteed   basic   income   sufficient   to   access   adequate   food,   housing,   clothing   and   an   adequate  standard  of  living  under  all  circumstances.       Migrant  Domestic  Workers   We   welcome   the   putting   in   place   of   the   ILO   Convention  C  189  on  the  protection  of  the  rights  of   domestic   Workers.   However   this   Convention   does   not   address   specific   discrimination   experienced   by   migrant   domestic   workers   (which   are   not   explicitly   covered  by  the  ILO  Convention).  The  oppression  and   abuse   experienced   by   MDWs   is   well   documented   and  has  been  likened  to  modern  day  slavery.     Besides,  MDWs  who  become  undocumented  for  any   reason,  are  also  likely  to  be  discriminated  in  relation   to   the   conditions   of   their   work   by   their   employers,   and  are  also  excluded  from  access  to  public  services   and   to   fair   treatment   before   the   law   –   since   being   undocumented  make  many  of  them  fearful  to  bring   their   experience   of   racial   abuse   and   discrimination   to  the  police  or  the  Courts.       Proposal   We   urge   the   States   to   eliminate   the   root   cause   of   discrimination   experienced   by   undocumented   migrant  domestic  workers  –  and  put  in  place  a  policy   that   recognises   domestic   work   as   a   category   for   immigration   and   includes   the   right   change   employers.  Ratification  of  the  ILO  Convention  would   mean   the   recognition   of   domestic   work   as   proper   work.   On   this   point   it   is   also   important   to   consider   CEDAW   General   Recommendation   No.26   on   Women   Migrant  Workers.(2008)      

  5)   Models   and   Frameworks   that   address   the   specific   needs   and   rights   of   migrant   women   and   Migrant  youth  and  Children   This  criminalization  means  that  migrants  in  irregular   status   are   more   likely   to   face   discrimination,   exclusion,  exploitation  and  violation  of  their  rights  at   all   stages   of   the   migration   process.   Of   immediate   and  urgent  concern  is  the  recent  rise  of  intolerance,   racism,   xenophobia,   and   Islamophobia   against   migrants   and   their   communities,   sometimes   manifested  itself  in  acts  of  extreme  violence  against   migrants  in  transit  and  in  destination  countries.       States   are   also   reminded   of   their   responsibility   to   insist  on  a  zero  tolerance  of  racism  and  to  effectively   address  the  intense  xenophobic  attacks  on  migrants   and   refugees   and   the   rise   in   Islamophobia   towards   people   of   Muslim   origin   in   the   aftermath   of   the   of   the  2000  9/11  in  New  York  and  11th  of  March,  2004   bombings  in  Madrid  and  7th  of  July,  2005  bombings   4 in   London.   “Anti-­‐terrorism”   discourse   has   recently   become   a   new   manifestation   of   racism   against   the   ´Arabic-­‐looking´  population.         5.1   Rights  of  Migrant  Women     Proposals     The   intersection   of   gender   based   discrimination,   poverty,   socio-­‐economic   marginalization   and   States   must   address   violence.   It   is   within   this   context   that   the   precarious   situation   of   female   migrants,   displaced   women,   and   trafficked   women   and   girls   demands  urgent  action.       As   migration   for   migrant   women   is   widely   linked   with   women's   impoverishment   and   the   international   gender  division  of  labour  that  stereotypes  women,  in   particular  of  discriminated  racial  and  ethnic  groups.    

                                                                                                                          4  Ethnic  Minority  Communities  &  Social  Cohesion  Research.  (2006)   /  http://www.mori.com/ethnic/index.shtml.  

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |8  


CHAPTER  TWO  

                       RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

  States   have   to   tackle   root   causes   as   well   as   guarantee  the  rights  and  social  protection  of  migrant   women  in  transit  and  host  countries.     The  practice  of  tying  residence  permits  and  rights  to   the  fortunes  of  a  primary  migrant  reinforces  gender   inequalities   within   migrant   communities.   The   ‘dependent   status’   is   an   unnatural   family   situation   in   itself,   which   has   detrimental   effects   on   women,   in   terms   of   their   social   inclusion,   self-­‐confidence   and   realisation   in   life.   This   puts   many   migrant   women   experiencing   domestic   violence   in   a   precarious   situation.   The   migrant   women   in   question   are   inclined   to   endure   domestic   abuse   longer,   as   they   are   threatened   with   the   possibility   of   becoming   undocumented,   homeless   and   without   means   of   support.  We  call  on  EU  Member  states   to  put  an  end   to   policies   establishing   dependency   between   family   members.       Economic   globalization,   financial   crises,   the   privatisation   of   public   services   and   austerity   programs   have   increased   women’s   multiple   responsibilities   and   workload   in   paid   and   unpaid   work.    The  high  income  required  for  family  reunion.   Conditions   linked   with   income   and   housing   put   migrant   women   at   a   direct   disadvantage   because   they   are   often   low   earners   and   employed   in   low   skilled   jobs   such   as   domestic   work.   This   results   in   migrant   women   having   fewer   chances   in   qualifying   for  reunification  with  their  family  members.  We  urge   for  gender  sensitive  family  reunification  policies  that   recognise  the  specifics  in  migrant  women’s  lives  and   promote   their   chances   at   happiness   within   their   families  and  communities.       It  is  crucial  that  integration  issues  are  mainstreamed   in   all   relevant   policies   such   as   social   inclusion,   anti-­‐ discrimination  and  gender  equality  for  example.  Key   links   need   to   be   made   between   these   policies   to   ensure  that  a  coherent  framework  is  put  into  place.   We   call   notably   for   the   future   new   European   Gender   Equality   strategy   to   pay   particular   attention   to   the   integration  of  migrant  women.  The  future  European   strategy   on   Violence   against   Women   should   also   include   measures   to   tackle   the   specific   forms   of   violence   experienced   by   migrant   women   such   as   Female   Genital   Mutilation   and   remove   the   legal   obstacles   faced   by   migrant   women   to   access   protection.  

 

  5.2   Rights  of  Migrant  Children   Child   protection   must   be   guaranteed   regardless   of   migration  status.       Proposal     States   should   review   and   reform   all   migration   and   social   laws,   policies   and   practices   which   limit   the   enjoyment   of   child   rights   and   protection   from   violence,   exploitation   and   abuse.   This   should   include   ensuring   access   to   services   and   justice,   with   clear   separation  from  immigration  control  and  prohibition   of   data   sharing.   States   should   ensure   the   effective   capacity   of   child   and   social   protection   systems   to   detect,   refer   and   support   situations   of   vulnerability   beyond  material  poverty  and  should  include  specific   goals   and   indicators   on   child   protection   in   the   context   of   migration   in   local,   national   and   international   data   collection,   evaluation   and   monitoring   frameworks   (including   on   human   rights,   public  policy  and  development).     Immigration  detention  of  children  must  stop   States   should   expeditiously   and   completely   cease   the   immigration   detention   of   children,   prohibiting   the   detention   of   children   on   the   basis   of   their   or   their   parent’s   immigration   status.   States   should   implement   a   presumption   against   deprivation   of   liberty   and   adopt   legislation,   policies   and   practices   that  enable  children  to  remain  with  family  members   and/or   guardians   if   they   are   present   in   the   transit   and/or  destination  countries  and  be  accommodated   as   a   family   in   non-­‐custodial,   community-­‐based   contexts   while   their   immigration   status   is   being   resolved,  using  the  least  restrictive  means  necessary.     5.3   Right  to  Citizenship  of  second  generation  of   migrants   Second  generation  of  migrant  should  be  able  acquire   to   their   rights   to   citizenship.   States   are   urged   to   implement   the   very   principles   of   dignity,   equality   and   liberty   of   the   EU   Fundamental   Rights   Charter   and   of   the   European   Human   Rights   Convention   and   grant  automatic  birthright  citizenship  to  the  second-­‐ generation   migrants   regardless   of   status   of   their   parents   to   have   opportunities   and   become   active   citizens  as  integral  agents/actors  in  the  development   society  in  all  aspects.    

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |9  


CHAPTER  TWO

                       RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

  2.2.3  

In  the  area  of  institutional  mechanisms   of  migration  governance     6)  Development  of  benchmarks  on  the  exchange  of   good   practice   and   enactment   and   implementation   of  national  legislation  to  comply  with  the  full  range   of   provisions   on   human   rights   in   UN   and   other   international  conventions     We,   as   migrant   led   organizations   and   civil   society   representatives,   stress   the   urgent   need   for   closer   transnational   engagement   and   improved   coherence   between  the  EU’s  external  and  internal  policies  that   have   direct   impact   on   both   -­‐   migration   and   development.   Thus,   we   urge   the   EU   to   join   us   in   rethinking  this  nexus  and  implement  such  migration   policies,   which   make   the   link   between   migration   and   5 development  policies  more  enabling.     EU   states   are   urged   to   address   the   lack   of   coherence   among  the  EU  Global  commitments  and  policies  and   as  well  as  among  internal  EU  strategies  and  policies.   The   EU   in   its   Global   Approach   on   Migration   and   Mobility  as  well  as  within  the  EU  Agenda  for  Change   is   stressing   the   role   of   Fundamental   Rights   and   Human   Rights   as   well   as   principles   of   non-­‐ discrimination   and   equality   among   the   states   globally.  However  this  approach  is  lacking  within  the   EU´s   internal   strategies   and   policies   with   respect   to   the  treatment  of  migrants  and  refugees.     7)   Re-­‐definition   of   the   interaction   of   international   mechanisms   of   migrant   rights   protection   within   the   UN   normative   framework   and   including   an   evaluation  of  the  GFMD  process.   States   are   called   upon   to   enact   and   implement   national   legislation   to   comply   with   the   full   range   of   provisions   in   international   conventions   that   pertain   to   the   human   rights   of   migrants   and   refugees;   to   implement   migration   policy   and   practice   in   accord   with   international   standards   and   rights   protection   for   global   migration   governance   (with   particular   reference   to   the   UN   High   Level   Dialogue   on   Migration   and   Development)   and   in   the   context   of   the  UN  normative  framework;  and  to  institutionalize   the   participation   of   migrant   and   refugee   organisations  in  future  governance  mechanisms.     States  have  to  guarantee  and  implement  the  human   rights  of  migrants,  refugees  and  displaced  persons  as   enshrined  in  the  UN  Universal  Declaration  of  Human   Rights,   the   ILO   Conventions   97,   143,   181,   189,   the   Maritime   Labour   Convention   of   2006   and   the   Refugee  Convention  (1951)  and  Protocol  (1967.    

States  are  urged  to  ratify  the  UN  Convention  on  the   Protection  of  the  Rights  of  All  Migrant  Workers  and   Members   of   their   Families   as   a   fundamental   reference   for   migration   governance,   as   well   as   the   ILO   Convention   189   on   Domestic   Work.   While   advances   have   been   made,   there   is   a   need   to   recognise   the   gaps   in   implementation,   and   the   multiple   factors   and   conditions   (climate   change,   environmental   disasters,   economic   and   investment   projects,   land   expropriations,   political   persecution,   wars   and   occupations),   which   further   increase   the   pressure  for  out  migration  and  seeking  of  refuge.    

 

2.3  

SPECIAL  ATTENTION  TO  THE  SITUATION  OF  (YOUNG)  

MIGRANTS  IN  GREECE  

  nd In   Greece   2   generation   of   migrant   are   denied   of   their   rights   to   citizenship.   Besides   the   violation   of   these  fundamental  rights,  this  form  exclusion  results   as  well  as  in  identity  crisis.  This  also  deprives  them  of   opportunities   to   become   active   citizens   and   as   integral   agents/actors   in   the   development   of   the   Greek  society  in  all  aspects.       We   call   of   the   Greek   government   and   in   particular   the   State   Council,   the   Greek   Parliament   and   the   Ministry   of   Justice   and   Interior   Ministry   to   provide   according   to   the   European   Convention   on   Human   Rights.       The  current  practice  of  street  harassment,  arrest  and   detention   of   minority   ethnic   people   amounts   to   degrading   and   inhumane   treatments   in   contravention   of   Article   3   European   Convention   on   Human  Rights.     We   are   particularly   alarmed   at   accounts   of   grossly   inadequate   facilities   at   the   immigration   detention   centres,   which   include   overcrowding,   in   sanitary   toilet   and   washing   facilities   and   prolonged   and   unnecessary  detention.       We   raise   our   concerns   to   practices,   which   have   been   reported   from   the   rural   economy   over   farm   labour   extracted   from   migrants   without   proper   remuneration.   In   condition   it   has   amount   to   forced   labour.       In   conclusion,   and   relying   on   the   universal   application   of   Human   Rights   as   a   fundamental   feature   of   our   civilized   society,   and   we   express   our   solidarity   with   migrant   community   and   organization   of  Greek  civil  society  who  are  working  to  support  in   these  precarious  living  and  working  conditions.  

                                                                                                                          5  After  the  Treaty  of  Lisbon,  the  EU  has  the  power  to  make  and   implement  decisions  as  a  legal  body  

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |10  


CHAPTER  THREE

                               RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

 

3   BACKGROUND  AND  ANALYSIS     3.1   DEVELOPMENT  A  CO-­‐RESPONSIBILITY?   There   are   multi-­‐factors   impacting   on   out-­‐migration   including   Europe's   economic,   trade   and   investment   policies.  Over  the  last  two  decades,  EU  governments   —   and   the   EU   itself,   particularly   after   the   Treaty   of   Lisbon  came  into  force  in  2009  —  have  been  insisting   on   the   opening   up   of   foreign   markets   and   creating   profitable   investment   opportunities   for   EU   companies.  The  EU  has  aggressively  pushed  trade  and   investment   agreements   with   the   global   South   -­‐   e.g.   Economic  Partnership  Agreements  (EPAs),  Free  Trade   Agreements  with  India,  Columbia  and  Peru,  and  with   Central   America   and   currently   negotiating   with   ASEAN   countries.   These   unequal   and   unjust   agreements   have   meant   that   countries   in   the   global   South   have   had   to   give   up   many   of   their   rights   to   implement   their   own   national   policy   priorities   in   exchange   for   investment   and   limited   market   access   to   the   EU.     In   practice   all   this   means   that   the   EU   is   actually   forcing   a   model   of   development,   where   countries   have   to   choose   between   attracting   foreign   investment,   and   developing   equitable   and   sustainable  economies.       Furthermore,   the   EU   is   using   its   new   trade   and   investment   agreements   and   negotiations   to   try   and   gain   access   to   strategic   minerals   and   leverage   open   new   markets   for   European   food   exports,   with   devastating   consequences   for   farmers   and   communities  in  those  countries.  One  third  of  the  EU’s   6,7 raw  materials  are  imported, meaning  that  Europe  is   more  dependent  on  imports  than  any  other  region  in   8 the  world.    This  import  dependency  is  likely  to  spiral   upwards,   as   policies   on   bio   fuels   and   bio-­‐economies   kick  in.  The  EU’s  target  of  having  10%  of  all  transport   9 fuel   coming   from   renewable   sources   by   2020   is   already   driving   an   explosion   in   land   grabbing   in   developing   countries:   there   were   nearly   300   significant  land  grabs  for  bio  fuels  between  2002  and   10 2012.   Global   demand   for   bio   fuels   stood   at   81   billion  litres  in  2008,  but  this  is  predicted  to  increase   to  172  billion  litres  by  2020.     A   more   recent   additional   factor   impacting   on   out-­‐ migration  is  climate  change.    International  trade  and  

                                                                                                                          6

 http://ec.europa.eu/trade/creating-­‐opportunities/trade-­‐topics/raw-­‐ materials/     7   http://www.foeeurope.org/publications/2011/Briefing_Europe_Global_Land _Demand_Oct11.pdf     8  http://www.foeeurope.org/resource-­‐use     9  http://ec.europa.eu/energy/renewables/biofuels/biofuels_en.htm     9  http://www.grain.org/article/entries/4653-­‐land-­‐grabbing-­‐for-­‐biofuels-­‐ must-­‐stop     10 10   http://ec.europa.eu/energy/renewables/biofuels/biofuels_en.htm     10  http://www.grain.org/article/entries/4653-­‐land-­‐grabbing-­‐for-­‐biofuels-­‐ must-­‐stop      

 

investment  agreements  are  a  driving  force  behind  the   growth   of   energy-­‐intensive   industrial   sectors,   the   continued   extraction   and   processing   of   fossil   fuels,   and   the   expansion   of   intensive   agriculture.   This   has   an   impact   on   climate   change   -­‐   desertification,   flooding  and  storms,  lost  of  arable  land  for  livelihood,   resulting  in  massive  displacement,  refuge  seeking  and   migration.     The   current   EU’s   investment   strategy   is   under   contestation   by   both   civil   society   in   the   EU   and   in   the   global   South   with   advocacy   for   an   alternative   to   the   current   corporate   profit   seeking   strategy   that   could   contribute   to   a   sustainable   future   where   people’s   human   rights   are   respected,   and   there   is   decent   life   opportunities  and  dignified  employment  for  people  in   Europe  and  in  the  rest  of  the  world.       3.2   COHERENCY  EU  DEVELOPMENT  AID  AND  POST  2015   DEVELOPMENT  FRAMEWORK  MIGRATION     The   European   commission   developed   the   Global   approach   to   migration   in   2005,   which   became   the   Global   approach   to   migration   and   mobility   (GAMM)   in   2011.     The   commission   has   used   structured   dialogue  and  mobility  partnerships  to  implement  the   GAMM.  These  are  intended  to  ensure  that  migration   is   well   governed   and   permits   greater   mobility,   but   unfortunately  this  ‘cooperation  policy’  with  migrants’   countries   of   origin   and   transit   consists   in   mainly   offering  incentives  to  combat  irregular  migration.  The   European  Pact  encourages  the  conclusion  of  EU-­‐wide   and   bilateral   agreements   with   those   countries   in   which  increased  opportunities  for  legal  migration  are   made   in   exchange   for   the   origin   countries’   commitment   to   participate   in   the   control   and   readmission  of  undocumented  migrants.       European   development   aid   to   these   countries   becomes  increasingly  conditional  on  their  adoption  of   ‘readmission   agreements’   by   which   signatory   states   commit   themselves   to   readmit   into   their   territory,   not   only   their   nationals   apprehended   while   residing   irregularly   in   a   country   of   the   EU,   but   also   other   nationals   who   transited   through   their   territory.   Such   policies   are   at   odds   with   the   EU’s   commitment   to   enhance   the   contribution   of   migration   to   development.   “Coherence   between   migration   and   development   policies”,   increasing   border   controls   and   the   fight   against   ‘irregular   immigration’   do   not   serve   development   nor   contribute   to   the   achievement   of   the   millennium   development   goals.   On  the  contrary,  by  making  development  conditional   on   cooperation   in   border   control,   the   EU   is   turning   development  aid  into  a  tool  for  its  immigration  policy.      

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |11  


CHAPTER  THREE

                               RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

 

3.3   REGIONAL  INTEGRATION  AND  MOBILITY  IN  EU     International   economic   integration   expressed   in   Europe   the   dynamics   towards   European   integration   and   EU   enlargement   lies   behind   the   `marketisation’   of   migration   in   Europe.   Despite   the   nation-­‐state’s   continuous  attempt  to  define  migration  as  a  political   phenomenon   -­‐   controlled   by   categories   of   `regular’   and   `irregular’   migration,   the   granting   (or   not)   of   nationality   and   citizenship   rights,   and   so   forth,   migration   in   Europe   is   in   fact   beginning   to   self-­‐ regulating   supply   and   demand   factors   as   the   ultimate   determinants   of   why   people   move   and   where   they   end  up.       May   1,   2004   enlargement   brought   two   main   issues:   the   potential   from   migration   from   the   new   member   states,   and   the   need   to   develop   a   proper   immigration,  asylum  and  border  control  policy  for  the   entire   EU.   The   EU-­‐15   had   committed   to   having   in   place   by   that   date   several   key   building   blocks   of   what   has  been  termed  “An  Area  of  Freedom,  Security  and   11 Justice”.  This  refers  to  the  entire  territory  of  the  EU   Member  States,  which  the  EU  aspires  to  make  into  a   space  in  which:   •   Citizens   are   free   to   circulate;•   Immigration   is   well   managed;  •  Access  to  the  humanitarian  protection  of   asylum   is   well   regulated;•   Citizens   and   other   residents  are  secure;    •  Justice  is  upheld  for  all.       European   Union   citizenship,   as   established   in   the   1992  Treaty  on     European   Union   confers   three   key   rights   to   the   citizens   of   all   EU   Member   States.   One   of   these—the   right  to  move  to,  reside,  and  take  up  employment  in   all   Member   States—is   at   the   heart   of   the   EU   integration  project.  It  broadens  not  only  the  personal   horizons  of  EU  citizens,  but  also  offers  the  Union  as  a   whole   an   opportunity   to   forge   a   common   identity   that   crosses   geographical,   linguistic,   and   cultural   boundaries.   As   the   Union   enlarged   on   May   1,   2004,   the   citizens   of   eight   of   the   ten   new   Member   States   entered   it   as   ‘second-­‐class   EU   citizens’,   prevented   from   exercising   this   right   in   full.   They   are   able   to   move  and  reside  across  the  EU,  but  they  are  not  able   to   take   up   employment   freely   in   all   Member   States.   This  seems  at  odds  with  the  second  key  right,  which  is   to   equal   treatment   and   non-­‐discrimination   on   the   grounds  of  nationality.  The  third  key  right  is  the  right   to  vote  and  stand  for  election  in  European  Parliament   elections   in   all   EU   countries.   Previous   enlargements,   in   the   1980s,   also   excluded   the   citizens   of   new,   Southern   Member   States,   from   free   movement  

rights.   At   that   point,   however,   the   concept   of   EU   citizenship,   and   the   rights   attached   to   it,   was   not   in   12 place.        3.4   THE  EVOLUTION  OF  EUROPEAN  IMMIGRATION  POLICY     In   the   aftermath   of   WWII,   the   need   for   foreign   workers  for  the  reconstruction  and  modernisation  of   Western   Europe   led   countries   such   as   Britain,   France,   Germany  and  Netherlands  to  actively  recruit  migrant   labour.   The   high   immigration   flows   in   that   period   -­‐   known  as  guest  workers  -­‐  were  dictated  by  European   countries'   economic   and   labour   needs.   In   the   1970s,   northern   European   countries   hit   by   economic   recession   and   growing   unemployment,   put   a   halt   to   their   laissez-­‐faire   immigration   policies.   Moreover,   it   had   become   clear   that   the   stay   of   the   first-­‐wave   of   migrants  was  not  temporary,  but  permanent.       Until   the   mid-­‐1980s,   Western   European   states   were   reluctant   to   cooperate   on   immigration   and   asylum   issues.   The   right   to   freedom   of   movement   was   recognised   in   the   founding   treaties   of   the   European   Community:  in  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (1951)  establishing   the   European   Coal   and   Steel   Community   (ECSC)   and   in   the   Treaty   of   Rome   (1957)   establishing   the   European  Economic  Community  (EEC).  However,  such   freedom   of   movement   was   a   right   only   for   EC   nationals,   who   were   understood   as   workers,   rather   than   citizens.   Nation   states   retained   most   of   their   policy-­‐making  authority  regarding  the  immigration  of   third-­‐country  nationals  (TCNs).       From   the   early   1990s,   European   countries   witnessed   an   upsurge   in   immigration   flows   and   asylum   demands.   The   reaction   of   policymakers   was   to   strengthen   national   restrictions   and   increase   cooperation   on   border   control.   In   addition,   the   Schengen   Agreement,   signed   in   1985,   but   which   came   into   force   ten   years   later,   provided   a   further   incentive   to   cooperate   on   asylum   and   immigration   issues.   With   the   dismantling   of   their   internal   borders,   signatory   countries   sought   to   reassert   their   control   over   external   borders   through   collaborative   action.   They  adopted  a  common  visa  policy  for  third  country   nationals   (TCNs)   and   created   common   Schengen   information   System   (SIS)   to   facilitate   interstate   judicial  cooperation.      

                                                                                                                          11

Communication   from   the   Commission   to   the   Council   and   the   European   Parliament,   Biannual   Update   of   the   Scoreboard   to   Review   Progress   on   the   Creation   of   an   Area   of   “Freedom,   Security   and   Justice”   in   the   European   Union,  30  December,  2003.  

 

                                                                                                                          12

  See:  “Managing  Migration  in  a  European  Union  of  25  Members”,  J.  Van   Selm  and  E.  Tsolakis,  Brussels,  May  2004.  

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |12  


CHAPTER  THREE

                               RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

 

The   need   for   a   common   European   immigration   and   asylum  policy  was  officially  recognised  in  1992  in  the   Treaty  of  Maastricht.  EU  cooperation  on  these  issues   was  especially  upgraded  by  the  Treaty  of  Amsterdam,   signed   in   1997,   which   gave   increased   power   to   EU   institutions   on   the   subject.   In   2004,   the   Dutch   presidency   of   the   European   Council   set   a   new   agenda   for   immigration   and   asylum   issues,   known   as   the   Hague   Programme,   for   the   period   2005   to   2010.     More   recently,   in   October   2008,   the   EU   Council   adopted   the   ‘European   Pact   on   immigration   and   asylum’,   drafted   by   the   French   presidency   of   the   Union.   The   new   five-­‐year   policy   framework   for   immigration  and  asylum  for  the  period  2010  to  2014,   referred   to   as   the   Stockholm   Programme,   was   adopted   by   EU   leaders   at   the   EU     Council   Summit   in   December  2009.     3.5   WIDE  GAP  BETWEEN  THE  EU’S  DISCOURSE  AND   PRACTICE       The  population  decline  and  ageing  have  reduced  the   labour   force   in   the   EU   menbers   states   ,   thereby   generating   a   demand   for   migrant   workers   in   some   areas   of   the   economy.   However,   that   increased   demand   has   not   been   matched   by   a   corresponding   increase   in   regular   migration   channels.   As   a   result,   employers   often   resort   to   migrant   workers   in   an   irregular   situation   to   fill   their   labour   needs.   Simultaneously  there  has  been  a  liberalisation  of  the   procedures   for   regular   migration   channels   for   highly   qualified  people  –  the  “knowledge”  migrants.         There   is   a   wide   gap   therefore   between   the   EU’s   discourse   and   practice   with   respect   to   migrants’   rights.   In   a   strange   historic   twist,   Europe’s   current   practice   on   migration   policies   follows   Europe’s   13 colonial  past  –  while  European  governments  do  not   directly  administer  their  overseas  territories,  but  they   do   maintain   control   over   the   movement   of   their   peoples  through  immigration  regulation.  The  injustice   engendered   by   this   system,   forms   one   strand   of   the   crisis  of  Europe’s  system  of  immigration  regulation.         The  second  strand  comes  from  the  contradictory  path   that   the   European   continent   has   taken   through   the   creation  of  its  single  market,  involving  a  right  of  free   movement   for   labour   alongside   that   of   goods,   services,   and   capital.   A   form   of   relatively   free   migration   rights   has   by   these   means   come   to   exist   alongside  the  very  restrictive  controls  imposed  on  the   migration   of   people   from   outside   the   Union.   Yet   the   political   elites   of   the   region   have   provided   no  

explanatory  narrative  why  this  division  is  required.  In   its   absence,   the   officially   sanctioned   disparagement   of  so-­‐called  Third  Country  Nationals  (TCNs)  has  been   allowed   to   contaminate   public   opinion   in   respect   of   the  free  movement  rights  of  EU  citizens.  But  the  fact   that   the   EU’s   fundamental   law   prevents   member   state  governments  from  restricting  this  latter  form  of   migration  has  meant  that  the  EU  has  come  to  be  seen   as   the   wrongdoer   which   has   forced   unwanted   migrants   on   national   societies   against   the   better   judgment  of  their  elected  governments.         All  of  this  has  contributed  to  the  sense  of  democratic   crisis   and   lack   of   accountability   of   the   European   authorities.   This   is   the   context   in   which   right   wing,   anti-­‐immigrant   rhetoric   has   fused   with   a   profound   sense   of   the   failure   of   the   European   Union   project.   Time  and  time  again,  it  is  migrants  who  are  presented   as   the   reasons   why,   not   just   the   European   Union   is   failing,   but   also   the   centrist,   social   market   policies,   which   had   supported   the   welfare   state   model   since   the  end  of  the  Second  World  War.     The  bureau  of  European  policy  advisers  overview  of   the  policies  of  Eu  member  States  on  low-­‐skilled   migration  shows  that  these  vary  considerably.  It   observes  that  ‘despite  [the  need  for  low-­‐skilled   Despite  the  economic  crisis  and  unemployment  rates,   there  are  openings  for  work,  particularly  in  the  “care”   sector   for   Europe’s   ageing   population   which   is   also   not   well   serviced   by   national   health   systems.   According   to   Eurostat   statistics,   the   EU   will   need   an   additional   50   millions   migrant   workers   from   Third   1 countries  by    2060 .     workers]  none  of  the  27  member  States  have  specific   institutional  or  legislative  systems  in  place  addressing   their  access  to  the  labour  market’.    Europe  regards   itself  as  adhering  to  rights.  a  reason  frequently  cited   for  not  signing  the  un  convention  on  migrant  Workers   (CMW)  is  that  existing  European  legislation  goes   beyond  its  provisions.  the  bureau  of  European  policy   advisers  (bEpa,  2010)  finds  that  low-­‐skilled  migrants   rarely  enjoy  the  protection  of  even  minimum  labour   standards  and  are  prone  to  exploitation.  This  may  be   due  to  the  fact  that  under  most  existing  tmps  in   Europe,  migrants  have  ‘neither  the  right  to  free  choice   of  employment  nor  the  rights  that  citizens  and  legal   long-­‐term  residents  typically  enjoy’.  

                                                                                                                          13

 Cross,  H.  M.  (2009).  ‘The  EU  Migration  Regime  and  West  African   Clandestine  Migrants’,  Journal  of  Contemporary  European  Research.  5  (2),   pp.  171-­‐187.     Available  at:  http://www.jcer.net/ojs/index.php/jcer/article/view/175/148/    

   

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |13  


CHAPTER  FOUR  

4  

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

THE  MAKING  OF  FORTRESS  EUROPE    

 

4.1  

SELECTIVE  IMMIGRATION  POLICY  CREATES  A  SOCIETY   WITH  CITIZENS  WITH  DIFFERENT  RIGHTS     In   the   late   80s   and   early   90s,   ahead   of   the   Maastricht   Treaty   (1992),   and   later   the   Amsterdam   Treaty   (1997),   selective   and   restrictive   immigration   policies   began   to   dominate   migration   policy   agenda   in   the   14 EU .         4.1.2   Selective  labour  migration  policy   Migrants   coming   from   the   global   south   and   from   Eastern   Europe   have   continued   to   fill   the   less   attractive  and  less  paid  jobs  not  taken  by  nationals  –   in  agriculture,  building  and  construction  work,  and  in   care   and   domestic   work.   In   these   conditions,   the   migrants   are   often   working   without   recognition   and   without   rights.   It   is   often   the   case   that   the   migrant   workers   are   employed   at   a   skill   level   below   their   qualifications  and  their  educational  qualifications  are   equal   to   or   higher   than   European   nationals   who   might  be  doing  the  same  job.       The   selective   labour   migration   makes   a   distinction   between   “high   skilled   labourers”   (=   with   rights)   and   “low  skilled  labourers”  (=  no  rights  or  only  temporary   contracts).   It   promotes   a   hierarchy,   as   well   between   migrants  as  between  workers  –  citizens  and  migrants.       And   with   the   extra   and   disproportionate   administrative   criteria   currently   applied   to   different   categories   of   migrants   it   is   nearly   impossible   for   migrants  and  refugees  to  obtain  a  status,  residence  or   work   permit   –   and   therefore   they   are   forced   to   become   undocumented.       For   example,   domestic   work   is   regarded   as   a   ¨low   skilled”   work   and   in   many   European   countries   it   is   not   a  category  for  migration  –  therefore  it  is  not  possible   for   migrant   domestic   workers   (MDWs)   to   acquire   a   working  and  resident  permit  for  this  work.  In  the  UK,   where   a   longstanding   campaign   won   the   right   for   MDWs,  this  has  been  rolled  back  in  2012  and  MDWs   again  face  an  undocumented  status.  

      Restrictive   immigration   policy   have   adopted   various   measures:   most   of   the   policy   changes   introduced  by  EU  Member  States  were  aimed  at   reducing   the   inflow   of   lower-­‐skilled   labour   migration,   prioritize   nationals,   reduce   quotas,   and   change   visa   and   admissions   requirements.   (IOM   Thematic   Study:   Migration   and   the   economic   crisis   in   the   European   Union:   implications  for  policy,  2010)  

4.1.3   Migrant  Domestic  Workers   Despite   the   growing   demand   for   care   and   domestic   work   in   the   private   household   in   European   society,   domestic  work  has  only  been  recently  recognized  as  a   proper   work   (ILO   Convention   189)   but   not   yet   as   a   category  for  migration.  The  reality  is  that  the  demand   for   care   and   domestic   workers   is   being   filled   by   migrants   (mainly   women)   coming   from   the   global   15 south .     These   Migrant   Domestic   Workers   (MDWs)   are   mainly   working   without   recognition   for   their   contribution   to   society   in   the   area   of   reproductive   work   and   are   denied   their   human   rights   and   labour   rights.       MDWs  are  unable  to  regularise  their  migration  status   or   legitimise   their   work   status   because   all   avenues   are   closed   by   current   migration   policy.   Their   living   and   working   conditions   have   been   well   documented   and   expose   racist,   sexist   treatment   as   well   as   being   placed   in   a   ´class´   outside   society.   Similar   conditions   are   also   frequently   experienced   by   au-­‐pairs   and   migrant   domestic   workers   working   in   Embassies   and   the   private   homes   of   diplomats.   The   ILO   Convention   189   did   not   include   these   categories   of   domestic   workers.    

                                                                                                                          14

 Cross,  H.  M.  (2009).  ‘The  EU  Migration  Regime  and  West  African   Clandestine  Migrants’,  Journal  of  Contemporary  European  Research.  5  (2),   pp.  171-­‐187.     Available  at:  http://www.jcer.net/ojs/index.php/jcer/article/view/175/148/    

 

                                                                                                                          15

 http://focus-­‐migration.hwwi.de/index.php?id=6029&L=1  

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |14  


CHAPTER  FOUR

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

 

There  is  a  growing  acknowledgement  in  the  European   Commission  on  the  decline  of  potential  carers  within   16 the   family .   Many   more   European   women   are   working   outside   the   home   and   participating   in   the   formal   economy.   Unfortunately   there   is   no   recognition   that   these   factors   are   all   pull   factors   for   women   and   men   coming   from   the   global   south   who   are   now   mainly   employed   in   the   care   sector   as   one   main   area   of   employment   for   migrants.   The   lack   of   this   recognition   on   the   contribution   and   role   of   migrants   in   this   sector   in   combination   with   restrictive   immigration   policy   has   led   to   a   very   unequal   labour   position  of  migrants  in  the  labour  market.       A  second  observation  is  the  inequality  and  the  status   quo  of  gender  inequality.    There  is  acknowledgement   that   women   in   the   EU   member   states   are   taking   increasing   part   in   the   formal   sector   of   the   economy   and   therefore   more   and   more   care   is   being   outsourced   and   migrant   women   are   being   'contracted-­‐in'  to  perform  domestic  and  reproductive   work.   As   the   European   Women's   Lobby   (EWL)   has   indicated   in   their   contribution   to,   the   ‘European   Commission   Public   Consultation   on   ‘Exploiting   the   employment   potential   of   the   personal   and   household   services’,     the   externalisation   of   care   work   is   being   channelled   to   individuals   mainly   migrants   who   are   often   highly   skilled   and   many   of   whom   have   3rd   level   education.  Again  due  to  the  lack  of  recognition  on  the   contribution  and  role  of  migrants  there  is  a  tendency   that   again   women   are   doing   the   care   work   (and   the   extension   of   care   work),   but   in   the   case   of   migrants   there  is  also  the  issue  of  using  skilled  migrant  labour   for  'unequal'  and  low  cost  wages.         4.2   RESTRICTIVE  MIGRATION  POLICY  AND  HUMAN  RIGHTS   IN  CRISIS   Since   Amsterdam   Treaty   in   1997   Member   States   of   the  European  Union  have  opted  to  follow  a  hard-­‐line   approach   towards   undocumented   migrants   that   emphasizes   the   criminalization   of   migrants   while   17 ignoring   their   human   rights .   Extra   and   disproportionate   criteria   are   currently   applied   to   migration,   it   is   nearly   impossible   for   migrants   and   refugees   to   obtain   a   refugee   status,   residence   or   work  permit  situations  whereby  migrant  workers  and   members   of   their   families   are   in,   or   are   at   risk   of   falling  into,  an  irregular  situation.    

The   increasing   restrictive   immigration   policy   in   combination   with   the   criminalisation   approach   is   creating   the   conditions   for   more   abuse,   exploitation   and  discrimination  of  undocumented  migrants.     The   European   Union   consistently   presents   itself   as   a   key   player   in   development   aid   and   as   a   fervent   defender   of   Human   rights.   Indeed   the   Lisbon   treaty   that  will  soon  provide  the  legal  basis  for  the  European   Union   identifies   the   rule   of   law   and   respect   for   human   rights,   both   inside   and   outside   the   Union,   as   founding  values.  However,  European  immigration  and   asylum   policies   are   not   always   in   line   with   development   objectives.   They   often   contradict   international   Human   Rights   standards,   notably   the   Universal   Declaration   of   Human   rights,   the   Convention  on  the  elimination  of  all  Forms  of  Racism   and   Discrimination,   the   Convention   on   the   elimination   of   all   Forms   of   discrimination   against   Women,   and   the   Convention   on   the   rights   of   the   Child.  In  addition  they  do  not  always  comply  with  the   European   Social   Charter.   It   is   particularly   worrying   that   the   European   Union   member   states   have   not   ratified   the   Un   Migrant   Workers   Convention   which   aims   at   guaranteeing   all   migrant   workers   and   members   of   their   families   the   same   fundamental   human   rights   as   nationals   –   regardless   of   their   legal   status.   The   Convention   does   identify   a   further   number  of  specific  situations  of  equal  treatment  that   currently  are  valid  only  for  documented  migrants.       Undocumented   migrants   must   paradoxically   raise   public   awareness   of   their   situation   while   facing   greater  fears  of  being  caught  in  public.  This  unstable   environment   increases   the   vulnerability   of   undocumented  migrant  families,  women  and  children   who   are   left   without   recourse   for   abuses   and   violation   of   their   rights   because   of   their   lack   of   immigration   status.   Undocumented   migrants   have   limited   or   no   access   at   all   to   social   rights,   such   as:   education,   healthcare,   legal   work   opportunities,   housing,   free   movement,   legal   and   social   protection.   Immigration   policy   facilitates   not   only   exclusion   and   systematic   violations   of   the   fundamental   rights   of   undocumented   migrants   but   it   also   denies   them   the   right  to  meaningful  participation  in  development.  

 

                                                                                                                          16

 Employment,  Social  Affairs  &  Inclusion    Summary  consultation  responses   on  Personal  and  household  services     17  The  making  of  the  illegal  migrant:  How  twenty  years  of  Dutch  immigration   policy  have  created  Fortress  Netherlands,    Rosalie  Stephan  and  Leonie   Verschuure,  2008.  pg  1  

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |15  


CHAPTER  FOUR

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

  Criminalization  policy  takes  hold   There   has   been   increasing   intervention   of   security   frameworks   and   criminal   law   into   the   area   of   immigration   policy   also   called   as   crimmigration.   This   policy   stigmatizes   both   documented   and   undocumented   migrants,   and   fosters   stereotyped   and   xenophobic   images   more   vulnerable   to   racism   and  `Islamophobia.  First  there  is  the  pervasive  way  in   which   the   measures   (a)   separate   foreigners   from   citizens   through   an   elision   of   administrative   and   criminal   law   language   and   (b)   subject   the   foreigner   to   measures,   which   cannot   be   applied   to   citizens,   such   as   detention   without   charge,   trial   or   conviction.   Secondly,   there   is   the   criminalisation   of   persons,   whether   citizens   or   foreigners   who   engage   with   foreigners.  The  message,  which  is  sent,  is  that  contact   with   foreigners   can   be   risky   as   it   may   result   in   criminal  charges.  This  is  particularly  true  for  transport   companies   (which   have   difficulty   avoiding   carrying   foreigners)   and   employers   (who   may   be   better   able   18 to  avoid  employing  foreigners  at  all) .  Other  people,   going   about   their   daily   life,   also   become   targets   of   this   criminalisation   such   as   landlords,   doctors,   friends   etc.   Contact   with   foreigners   increasingly   becomes   associated  with  criminal  law.       The   result   may   include   rising   levels   of   discrimination   against   persons   suspected   of   being   foreigners   (often   on   the   basis   of   race,   ethnic   origin   or   religion),   xenophobia  and/or  hate  crime.   This   criminalisation   process   is   particularly   intense   at   the   EU   borders.   The   United   Nations   Special   Rapporteur  on  the  human  rights  of  migrants,  François   Crépeau,   undertook   a   number   of   fact-­‐finding   missions   in   2011-­‐2012   to   examine   the   rights   of   migrants   in   the   Euro-­‐Mediterranean   region,   focusing   in   particular   on   the   management   of   the   external   borders   of   the   European   Union.   Starting   with   a   visit   to   the   EU   authorities   in   Brussels,   Mr.   Crépeau   also   carried  out  information-­‐gathering  missions  to  two  key   transit  countries,  Turkey  and  Tunisia,  and  two  of  the   main  entry  points  into  the  EU,  Greece  and  Italy.     In   his   Report   to   the   UNHRC,   the   Special   Rapporteur   stressed   that;   “within   EU   institutional   and   policy   structures,   migration   and   border   control   have   been   increasingly  integrated  into  security  frameworks  that   emphasize   policing,   defence   and   criminality   over   a   rights-­‐based  approach”.  Mr.  Crépeau  also  added  that   “I   regret   that   within   the   EU   policy   context,   irregular   migration   remains   largely   viewed   as   a   security   concern   that   must   be   stopped,”   the   independent   expert   said.   “This   is   fundamentally   at   odds   with   a   human   rights   approach,   concerning   the  

                                                                                                                          18

 Criminalisation  of  Migration  in  Europe:  Human  Rights  Implications  Issue   Paper  commissioned  and  published  by  Thomas  Hammarberg,  Council  of   Europe  Commissioner  for  Human  Rights  

 

conceptualization   of   migrants   as   individuals   and   equal  holders  of  human  rights.’’     The   Special   Rapporteur   also   draws   attention   to   the   big   investment   in   the   FRONTEX   and   other   new   surveillance   technologies   such   as   EUROSUR   –   “despite   the   financial   crisis,   Frontex’s   budget   has   steadily   increased   from   €19.2   million   in   2006,   to   nearly   €42   million   in   2007   topping   €87   million   by   2010.EUROSUR   which   will   improve   the   information   exchange   and   cooperation   between   border   control   authorities,   also   promises   increased   surveillance   of   the   European   Union   ’s   sea   and   land   borders   using   a   vast  array  of  new  technologies,  off  shore  sensors  and   19 satellite  tracking  systems,  at  a  high  cost.”     Inhumane  conditions  of  detention  of  undocumented   migrants     Migrants  are  currently  being  held  in  detention  in  the   interests   of   public   order   or   national   security.   With   a   view   to   expulsion,   undocumented   migrants   are   kept   20 in  custody .  The  conditions  in  the  detention   centres   are   stricter   and   more   sober   than   in   ordinary   21 prisons1 .   The   detention   cells   can   hold   up   to   six   migrants  and  often  times  there  is  only  limited  access   to   meaningful   daily   activities   and   communication.   Isolation  cells  are  implemented  to  monitor  or  restore   22 order .   According   to   the   2013   Report   of   François   Crépeau,  the  UN  Special  Rapporteur  on  Migration  “In   some   senses,   the   harmonisation   of   European   Union   law,   and   in   particular   the   passing   of   the   Return   Directive   can   be   said   to   have   institutionalized   detention  within  the  European  Union  as  a  viable  tool   in  migration  management.”     The   detention   is   an   excessive   practice   and   the   conditions  are  inappropriate  and  disproportionate  for   those   whose   only   “crime”   is   not   having   legal   documents,  especially  considering  that  most  of  them   play  an  active  role  in  the  economic  development  both   in  the  host  country  and  in  the  country  of  origin.    The   threat   of   detention   and   eventual   expulsion   prevents   many   migrants   from   reporting   rights   abuses   to   the   23 authorities .        

                                                                                                                          19

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Migration/SRMigrants/Pages/SRMigrants Index.aspx   Full   Report:   http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session23/Pages /ListReports.aspx   20  http://en.justitiaetpax.nl/project/14   21  http://en.justitiaetpax.nl/project/14   22  Humaniteit  in  vreemdelingenbewaring',  Justitia  et  Pax,  May    2010   23  European  Social  Watch  report  2009,  Migrants  in  Europe  as  development   Actors,  Between  hope  and  vulnerability  

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |16  


CHAPTER  FOUR

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

 

Impact   of   Restrictive   Immigration   Policy   on   Undocumented  Women   The   limited   access   to   justice   and   social   services   has   particularly   strong   repercussions   among   migrant   women.   The   lack   of   a   legal   status   makes   them   the   more   vulnerable   for   domestic   and   sexual   violence.   Undocumented   migrant   women   are   often   employed   as  domestic  workers  in  a  working  place  with  no  public   oversight.   Reporting   abuse   puts   an   undocumented   migrant   at   risk   of   deportation,   which   often   exempts   employers   from   the   legal   repercussions   for   underpaying,   overworking   or   sexually   abusing   their   female   employees.   Lack   of   status   also   prevents   undocumented   migrant   women   from   receiving   workers   compensation   for   sick   leave   or   un-­‐just   termination.     Migrant   women   experience   the   same   barriers   by   reporting   domestic   or   sexual   abuse.   As   said   before,   the  restrictive  immigration  policy  makes  it  also  harder   to  maintain  their  legal  immigration  status.       Impact   of   Restrictive   Immigration   Policy   on   Undocumented  Children   Despite   a   clear   legal   framework   obliging   states   to   respect   and   ensure   the   rights   of   all   children   regardless   of   migration   status,   children   in   the   context   of   international   migration   face   numerous   systematic   violations   of   their   civil,   cultural,   economic,   political   and   social   rights   in   countries   of   origin,   transit   and   destination.   Child   rights   are   largely   absent   in   migration   policies   and   practices   and   even   directly   violated  by  national  laws.  Migrant  children  are  largely   excluded   from   public   policies   and   services,   particularly   when   undocumented,   leading   to   further   exclusion  and  child  rights  violations.     The   interconnections   between   the   need   to   protect   and   promote   the   rights   of   all   children   in   the   context   of   migration   are   under-­‐represented   in   development   strategies   and   programmes.   The   Committee   on   the   Rights  of  the  Child  has  called  for  States  Parties  to  the   Convention   to   “adopt   comprehensive   human   rights-­‐ based   laws   and   policies   to   ensure   that   all   children   involved   in   or   affected   by   international   migration   enjoy  the  full  protection  of  the  Convention  in  a  timely   manner,   regardless   of   age,   economic   status,   documentation  status  of  themselves  or  their  parents,   in   both   voluntary   and   involuntary   migration   situations,  whether  accompanied  or  unaccompanied,   24 or  any  other. ”      

                                                                                                                          24

 Committee  on  the  Rights  of  the  Child  (2013)  Report  of  the  2012  Day  of   General  Discussion  on  the  Rights  of  all  children  in  the  context  of   international  migration,  para  58.  

   

The  Committee  has  elaborated  a  number  of  concrete   recommendations  on  how  to  implement  this  systemic   comprehensive  child-­‐rights  approach  to  migration.   Immigration   control   is   taking   clear   priority   over   the   rights   of   the   child,   including   the   right   to   protection   against   exploitation,   abuse   and   other   forms   of   violence.  In  violation  to  the  Convention  on  the  Rights   of  the  Child  States  often  fail  to  ensure  the  principle  of   non-­‐discrimination   when   it   comes   to   migrant   children.  Children  in  context  of  migration  face  severe   restriction   on   access   to   services   and   justice,   increasing   thereby   the   likelihood   that   they   become   abused  and  exploited.       Immigration   detention   violates   an   array   of   civil,   cultural,  economic,  political  and  social  rights,  in  terms   of  the  fact  of  detention,  as  well  as  its  process,  length   and   conditions.   Nevertheless,   it   remains   a   widespread   policy   in   all   world   regions,   with   minimal   safeguards   or   legitimisation.   The   Committee   on   the   Rights   on   the   Child   has   affirmed   that,   “Children   should   not   be   criminalized   or   subject   to   punitive   measures   because   of   their   or   their   parents’   migration   status.   The   detention   of   a   child   because   of   their   or   their   parent’s   migration   status   constitutes   a   child   rights   violation   and   always   contravenes   the   principle   of   the   best   interests   of   the   child.   In   this   light,   States   should   expeditiously   and   completely   cease   the   detention   of   children   on   the   basis   of   their   immigration  status.”  The  Committee  has  also  clarified   that  to  respect  the  rights  of  the  child,  “States  should   adopt   legislation,   policies   and   practices   that   allow   children   to   remain   with   family   members   and/or   guardians   if   they   are   present   in   the   transit   and/or   destination   countries   and   be   accommodated   as   a   family   in   non-­‐custodial,   community-­‐based   contexts   25 while  their  immigration  status  is  being  resolved.”      

                                                                                                                          25

 Committee  on  the  Rights  of  the  Child  (2013)  Report  of  the  2012  Day  of   General  Discussion  on  the  Rights  of  all  children  in  the  context  of  international   migration,  para.  79.  

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |17  


CHAPTER  FIVE  

5  

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

CRISIS  IN  EUROPE  

 

The   current   crisis   in   Europe   has   revealed   the   extent   of   the   strain   that   the   European   social   and   political   model   has   been   placed   under   by   three   decades   of   neoliberal   economic   policies.   The   broad   social   consensus   sustained   by   welfare   state   systems   is   fast   unwinding   as   the   policies   of   privatisation   and   austerity   have   rolled   out   government   agendas   handing   over   to   corporations   and   private   entities   schools,   hospitals,   nursing   homes,   water   and   power   utilities,  telecommunications,  and  other  vital   Services.  See  Annex  1       Besides  privatisation  of  public  services  and  assets,  the   consequences   of   the   austerity   policies   are   massive   unemployment   as   well   as   a   serious   downgrading   of   working  and  living  conditions.     In   Europe   the   austerity   policies   put   forward   by   governments   are   eroding   the   social   gains   that   men   and   women   built   and   benefited   from   in   previous   decades.   Intensifying   conditions   of   inequalities   between   peoples   is   resulting   in   impoverishment   and   disenfranchisement   of   rights   that   were   gained   through   earlier   struggles   of   people’s   movements   in   26 Europe .  These,  in  turn,  lead  to  widespread  increases   in   poverty:   today,   120   million   people   in   the   EU   at   risk   2728 of  poverty  or  social  exclusion .     One   of   the   major   casualties   of   the   current   EU   crisis   policy   of   ‘austerity’   is   the   hollowing   out   of   workers   rights   including   collective   bargaining   and   massive   unemployment.       Eurostat   estimates   that   26.522   million   men   and   29 women  in  the  EU-­‐27 ,  of  whom  19.340  million  were   in   the   euro   area   (EA-­‐17),   were   unemployed   in   May   2013.   Compared   with   April   2013,   the   number   of   persons   unemployed   increased   by   15.000   in   the   EU-­‐ 27   and   by   67.000   in   the   euro   area.   Compared   with   May   2012,   unemployment   rose   by   1,   438   000   in   the   EU-­‐27   and   by   1,   459   000   in   the   euro   area.   Among   the   Member   States,   the   lowest   unemployment   rates   were   recorded   in   Austria   (4.7   %),   Germany   (5.3   %)   and   Luxembourg   (5.7   %),   and   the   highest   rates   in   Spain  (26.9  %)  and  Greece  (26.8  %  in  March  2013).    

Millions   of   Europeans   are   still   on   the   side-­‐lines,   both   from   the   labour   market   and   from   social   inclusion   and   integration.   Their   numbers   are   increasing,   as   witnessed  by  the  statistics  from  2011:   -­‐

24%   of   all   the   EU   population   (over   120   million   people),  are  at  risk  of  poverty  or  social  exclusion  –   this  includes  27%  of  all  children  in  Europe,  20.5%   of  those  over  65,  and  9%  of  those  with  a  job  

-­‐

Close   to   9%   of   all   Europeans   live   in   severe   material   deprivation   -­‐   they   don't   have   the   resources   to   own   a   washing   machine,   a   car,   a   telephone,   to   heat   their   homes   or   face   unexpected  expenses  

-­‐

17%   of   Europeans   live   on   less   than   60%   of   their   country's  average  household  income  

-­‐

10%   of   Europeans   live   in   households   where   no   one  has  a  job  

-­‐

There  is  a  wide  gap  in  performance  between  the   welfare   systems   in   different   EU   countries   -­‐   the   best   reduced   the   risk   of   poverty   by   35%,   the   least   effective  by  less  than  15%  (EU  average  35%)  

-­‐

12   million   more   women   than   men   are   living   in   poverty  in  the  EU  

-­‐

Specific   populations   such   as   the   Roma   are   especially  

challenged:  

two-­‐thirds  

are  

unemployed,   one   in   two   children   attends   kindergarten   and   only   15%   complete   secondary   school.  

This   current   labour   market   environment   has   very   heavy   impacts   also   on   migrants   –   less   hours   of   work   are   available   and   they   are   expected   to   work   for   less   pay.   Besides   many   also   lose   their   job   and   consequently  also  their  homes  since  they  are  unable   to   sustain   mortgage   payments.   However   there   are   counter   trends   that   effect   employment   patterns   for   migrants.    

                                                                                                                          26

 A  PEOPLES’  MANIFESTO,  Our  urgent  common  priorities  for  a  democratic,     social,  ecological  and  feminist  EuropeROLL  BACK  AUSTERITY  AND  CLAIM   REAL  DEMOCRACY!,  The  Alter  Summit  in  Athens  on  June  7th  and  8th  2013   will  be  an  important  step  in  this  direction.   Calendar  and  information:  www.altersummit.eu   27  http://irishstudentleftonline.wordpress.com/2013/04/11/the-­‐eu-­‐need-­‐ not-­‐look-­‐beyond-­‐its-­‐own-­‐borders-­‐to-­‐see-­‐widespread-­‐poverty/   28  http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=751   29   http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/Unemploy ment_statistics  

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |18  


CHAPTER  FIVE

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

 

  At   the   same   time,   as   mainstream   parties   of   the   centre   left   and   the   centre   right   have   conceded   their   incapacity   to   maintain   the   old   form   of   the   social   contract   between   labour   and   capital,   stable   parliamentary  democracy  itself  has  been  plunged  into   crisis,   by   the   rise   of   populist   right   wing   nationalist   movements   and   parties.   In   country   after   country,   blame   for   the   breakdown   of   the   European   welfare   state   model   is   being   placed   on   immigrant,   migrant   and  refugee  communities  while  allowing  the  failure  of   the   economic   model   of   neo-­‐liberalism   to   escape   scarcely  without  criticism.       It   is   within   this   context   that   currently,   we   as   migrants   and  refugees  living  and  working  in  the  member  states   of  the  EU  are  living  the  economic,  political  and  social   impacts   being   experienced   by   the   European   people.   In   addition,   we   are   also   impacted   in   specific   ways,   which   are   not   isolated   incidents   but   are   the   direct   consequence   of   growing   restrictive   immigration   politics  in  Europe.  Instead  of  protecting  human  rights   in  this  era  of  crisis  for  all  peoples,  we  have  witnessed   the   EU   adopt   exclusionary   immigration   policy   and   practice   turning   a   blind   eye   to   the   root   causes   of   migration   and   generating   a   human   rights   crisis   on   the   borders   of   Europe.   The   gaps   between   discourse   and   practice   of   human   rights   protection   in   the   EU   are   nowhere   more   exposed   than   in   the   militarised   borders  to  the  east  and  the  Mediterranean  Sea  to  the   south  where  17,306  migrant  and  refugee  deaths  have   30 taken   place   in   the   period   1993-­‐june   2013 .   See   Annex  2  Border  map  

EU   claims   that   the   so-­‐called   ‘Race   Directive’   (EC,  2000)  is  the  most  advanced  legislation  in   the  world.  Unfortunately,  the  Race  Directive   has   serious   limitations:   Article   2   excludes   “any   treatment   which   arises   from   the   legal   status   of   the   third   country   nationals”,   thus   allowing   Member   States   to   adopt   discriminatory   immigration   laws   and   creating   a   de   facto   barrier   to   access   by   immigrants   to   legal   remedies   against   racial   and  multiple  discriminations  

                                                                                                                          30

  http://www.unitedagainstracism.org/pages/underframeFatalRealitiesFortres sEurope.htm#99  

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |19  


CHAPTER  SIX  

6  

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

RACISM  AND  DISCRIMINATION  &  RIGHTIST  POLITICAL  

TRENDS    

In  1997,  the  European  Union  established  a  legal  basis   to   develop   ‘appropriate   measures   to   combat   discrimination   based   on   sex,   racial   or   ethnic   origin,   religion  or  belief,  disability,  age  or  sexual  orientation’   (Article   19   of   the   Treaty   on   the   Functioning   of   the   EU).  Using  these  powers  the  European  Union  adopted   the   Race   Equality   Directive   2000/43/EC   in   June   2000,   and   later   that   year   the   Employment   Equality   Directive   2000/78/EC.   The   EU   also   adopted   a   Framework  Decision  against  Racism  and  Xenophobia   in   April   2007.   This   should   ensure   that   racism   and   xenophobia   are   punishable   by   effective,   proportionate   and   dissuasive   criminal   penalties   across  the  EU.  These  measures  have  played  a  key  role   in  the  development  of  a  common  anti-­‐discrimination   agenda,   adopted   in   2000,   and   were   a   major   step   in   the   fight   against   discrimination   in   Europe.     However   the   EU   must   not   see   progress   to   date   as   the   endgame,  but  rather  a  first  step  towards  a  society  in   which  everyone  can  participate  equally.     Despite   these   positive   developments,   racism   and   discrimination   are   still   structural   in   European   society   and   continue   to   be   experienced   by   ethnic   and   religious  minority  groups,  as  well  as  by  migrants  and   refugees   across   the   European   Union   in   a   range   of   sectors,   including   employment,   education,   health,   housing   and   accommodation,   and   access   to   goods   and  services.       In   addition,   the   impact   of   counter-­‐terrorism   measures   on   the   protection   of   human   rights   on   the   one  hand,  and  the  racialisation  of  the  security  agenda   on   the   other,   are   worrying   trends.   These   effects   need   to  be  monitored  closely  to  ensure  that  anti-­‐racism  is   part   of   counter-­‐terrorism   policies   and   that   the   fundamental  human  rights  of  all  are  respected.     The   context   of   the   deepening   economic   and   social   crisis   particularly   during   the   last   five   years,   Europe   has   seen   the   rising   trend   of   political   parties   of   the   right,   which   have   also   gained   in   electoral   representation   in   local,   national   and   European   Parliament   elections.   In   Greece   for   example,   the   Golden   Dawn,   a   neo-­‐fascist   and   overt   racist   political   party   has   18   members   in   parliament.   Protected   by   the   police   they   openly   attack   individual   migrants   on   the  streets  or  targets  shops  and  small  business  run  by   migrants.    

Europe  also  continues  to  experience  problems  of  hate   crimes  and  violence  perpetrated  against  migrants  and   refugees   as   well   as   European   religious   and   ethnic   minorities  –  for  example  the  Roma  people.     In   the   aftermath   of   the   9/11   New   York   attacks   the   dominance   of   the   security   agenda   has   created   conditions  where  Islamophobia  has  also  emerged  as  a   major   issue.   The   European   Network   Against   Racism   (ENAR)   2011/12   Shadow   Report   on   racism   in   Europe   includes   a   special   focus   on   Muslim   communities   or   communities   of   Muslim   origin.     It   is   the   first   pan-­‐ European   qualitative   survey   of   Islamophobia   and   makes   an   assessment   on   how   these   communities   experience   discrimination   and   how   Islamophobia   manifests   itself   across   the   26   member   states   of   the   31 EU .   The   report   establishes   that   Islamophobia   is   widespread  and  prejudice  towards  Muslims  has  been   more  visible  than  that  experienced  by  other  religious   or  ethnic  minority  groups.       The   manifestations   of   racist   violence   are   difficult   to   quantify  as  official  data  collection  is  still  non-­‐existent   or   requires   further   development   in   many   EU   countries.   Under-­‐recording   and   denial   of   the   existence   of   racist   crime   is   still   common   practice   in   many   Member   States.   It   is   therefore   essential   to   ensure   that   and   anti-­‐racist   and   anti-­‐discrimination   legislation  e.g.  the  Framework  Decision  on  racism  and   xenophobia   (2007)   is   transposed   by   all   EU   Member   States  and  properly  implemented  and  that  the  gaps  in   existing   legislation   be   filled   and   that   institutional   discrimination   and   multiple   discrimination   be   adequately  addressed.       6.1   IMPLEMENTATION  OF  ANTI-­‐DISCRIMINATION  POLICIES     Almost   all   European   countries   have   adopted   legal   provisions  against  racial  discrimination.  Nevertheless,   there   are   still   important   gaps   to   be   filled,   the   most   important   being   the   distance   and   inconsistency   between   legislation   and   its   implementation.   Members   of   ethnic   minorities,   including   immigrants,   have   difficulty   accessing   crucial   mechanisms.   Recourse   to   legal   remedies   is   often   prevented   by   lack   of   information   and   basic   instruments   (mandatory   by   law),   like   judicial   interpreters   and   translated   documents.   Legal   remedies   are   often   barely   accessible   to   members   of   targeted   groups;   specialised  bodies  are  limited  in  power  and  scope  and   under-­‐resourced;   and   law   enforcement   agencies   are   neither   specifically   trained   nor   monitored   for   discriminatory  behaviour.      

                                                                                                                          31

 

 www.enar-­‐eu.org/Page_Generale.asp?DocID=15294&langue=EN  

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |20  


ANNEXES

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

  ANNEXES      

1  

THE  GREAT  EUROPEAN  FIRE  SALE  

 

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |21  


ANNEXES

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

  ANNEX  2    

DEATH  AT  BORDERS  

 

 

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |22  


ANNEXES

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

    ANNEX   3   DÉCLARATION   PLATEFORME   EURO-­‐ MAROCAINE   «   MIGRATION,   DÉVELOPPEMENT,   DÉMOCRATIE,   CITOYENNETE  ́     Le   dialogue   de   haut   niveau   des   Nations   Unies   Migrations   et   Développement   est   organisé   dans   un   contexte   particulièrement   délicat.   Le   monde   traverse   une   crise   profonde   porteuse   de   graves   dangers   économiques,   culturels   et   sociétaux.   Cette   crise   peut   engendrer   le   pire   comme   le   meilleur.   Les   migrants   à   travers   le   monde   sont   l’une   des   catégories   sociales   les   plus   vulnérables,   variable   d’ajustement  de  politiques  de  courte  vue  sur  le  plan   économique,   victimes   d’une   montée   inquiétante   du   racisme,  de  la  xénophobie  et  du  rejet  de  l’Autre.  Au   Sud   comme   au   Nord,   les   migrants   sont   les   éternels     bouc-­‐  émissaires  d’un  système  basé  sur  le  profit  et  la   déshumanisation  des  rapports  entre  les  peuples.     Face   à   ces   dangers,   nous   sommes   au   carrefour   de   choix  historiques  :      Soit  continuer  dans  une  impasse   d’égoïsmes   nationaux   et   régionaux,   se   barricadant   derrière   des   murs   visibles   et   invisibles,   menant   des   politiques     faisant   le   lit   des   bêtes   immondes,   n’hésitant  pas  à  souffler  sur  les  braises  pour  mettre  à   l’index   les   migrants   source,   selon   eux,   de   tous   les   maux  de  la  société.   Soit   saisir   ces   énormes   défis   pour   initier   une   nouvelle   vision   du   monde   capable   de   mobiliser   les   énergies   positives   des   peuples   et   la   solidarité   internationale,   mettant   l’Homme   au   cœur   de   tout   projet  de  développement  humain.     Nous   associations   et   plateformes   issues   des   migrations   internationales,   préconisons   l’urgence   et   la   nécessité   de   mener   une   nouvelle   politique   migratoire   au   niveau   mondial   s’appuyant   sur   des   idées-­‐forces    novatrices,  en  particulier  :     1. La  libre  circulation  et  d’installation  de  toutes  et   de  tous  :     Dans   son   rapport   2009   sur   le   développement   humain,   le   PNUD   a   démontré   que   les   migrants   sont   les   principaux   vecteurs   du   développement   loin   devant   l’aide   publique   de   développement   (APD).   La   production   des   richesses   humaines,   économiques   et   culturelles   passe   par   la   libre   circulation   des   êtres   humains   source   d’accumulation,   d’échange   et   de   connaissance   mutuelle   entre   les   peuples   et   les   individus.   Les   barrières   érigées   entre   le   Nord   et   le   Sud   sont   non  seulement  inefficaces  mais  surtout  mènent   des  pans  entiers  de  la  jeunesse  des  pays  du  Sud  

 

2.

3.

vers   la   mort   certaine   dans   le   plus   grand   cimetière   marin   du   monde   qu’est   devenu   la   méditerranée,   ou   contre   des   murs   électrifiés   (ex.   à   Ceuta,   Melilla,   frontière   mexico   américaine…).   La   reconnaissance   des   droits   politiques   et   civiques  des  migrants  :   Le   statut   d’infra-­‐droit   des   migrants   à   travers   le   monde   aggrave   les   inégalités,   exacerbe   les   tensions   entre   les   différentes   composantes   des   sociétés   et   renforce   l’extrême   droite   dans   ses   campagnes  haineuses  contre  les  plus  démunis.   L’égalité   des   droits   économiques,   sociaux,   culturels  et  politiques  basée  sur  la  résidence  est   le   seul   fondement   juridique   qui   doit   régir   les   rapports   entre   les   hommes   et   les   femmes   à   travers  le  monde.   La   gouvernance   démocratique   des   questions   migratoires  :   -­‐ Alors   que   l’immigration   est   au   cœur   d’enjeux   planétaires,   elle   reste   prisonnière   de   politiques   nationales   ou   régionales   essentiellement   sécuritaires.   Il   est   temps   que   les   mécanismes   et   les   instruments   mis   en   place   au   niveau   mondial   puissent   intégrer   les   droits   des   migrants   dans   la   transparence.   Des   actes   urgents   sont   nécessaires  à  poser,  notamment  :   -­‐ La   ratification   par   tous   les   Etats   membres   des   Nations   Unies   de   la   convention   internationale  des  droits  des  migrants  et  de   leurs  familles.   -­‐ L’inscription   des   migrations   internationales   dans   l’agenda   post   2015   des   Objectifs   Mondiaux  du  Millénaire  (OMD)  comme  axe   transversal.   L’association   systématique   des   OSIM   (Organisations   de   Solidarité   Internationales   Migrantes)   dans   les   espaces   de   réflexion   et   de   décision   concernant   les   migrations   internationales.    

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |23  


ANNEXES

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

   

ANNEX  4   RELEVANT   UN   AND   ILO   CONVENTIONS     The   Convention   on   the   Elimination   of   All   Forms   of   Discrimination   Against   Women   (CEDAW)   aims   at   preventing   and   combating   all   forms   of   discrimination   against   women   in   both   private   and   public   life.   It   defines   discrimination   as   every   form   of   distinction,   exclusion   or   restriction   that   impairs   the   rights   of   women.   Gender   based   violence   is   considered   to  be  a  form  of  discrimination  against  women  because   it   impairs   women’s   ability   to   enjoy   their   rights   and   freedoms   on   a   basis   of   equality   with   men   (General   Recommendation   no.   19).   The   Convention   indicates   methods   for   combating   discrimination,   and   lays   down   what   States   must   do   to   improve   the   position   of   women   in   their   country.   By   ratifying   the   Convention,   States   commit   themselves   to   incorporating   the   principle   of   equality   of   men   and   women   in   their   legal   system,   abolishing   all   discriminatory   laws,   and   ensuring   the   elimination  of  all  acts  of  discrimination  against  women   by  persons,  organisations  and  enterprises.     Over  185  States  have  ratified  the  Convention.  Article  6   CEDAW   obliges   State   parties   to   “take   all   appropriate   measures,   including   legislation,   to   suppress   all   forms   of   traffic   in   women   and   exploitation   of   prostitution   of   women”.       The   International   Convention   on   the   Elimination   of   All   Forms   of   Racial   Discrimination   (ICERD)   prohibits   racial   discrimination,   e.g.   any   distinction,   exclusion,   restriction   or   preference   based   on   race,   colour,   descent,   or   national   or   ethnic   origin   which   has   the   purpose   or   effect   of   nullifying   or   impairing   the   recognition,   enjoyment   or   exercise,   on   an   equal   footing,  of  human  rights  and  fundamental  freedoms  in   the   political,   economic,   social,   cultural   or   any   other   field  of  public  life.       The   Convention   against   Torture   and   Other   Cruel,   Inhuman  or  Degrading  Treatment  or  Punishment  (CAT)   prohibits   any   form   of   torture   as   well   as   other   acts   of   cruel,  inhuman  or  degrading  treatment  or  punishment.   Article   3   of   the   Convention   prohibits   countries   from   returning   (‘refouler’)   or   extraditing   personsto   their   State   of   origin   (or   any   other   State),   if   there   were   substantial  grounds  for  believing  they  would  be  at  risk   of  being  subjected  to  torture.  This  is  called  the  principle   of   non-­‐refoulement.   It   also   forbids   activities,   which   might   not   be   considered   torture   per   se,   but   whichconstitute  cruel  or  degrading  treatment.       The   Convention   on   the   Rights   of   the   Child   (CRC)   specifically   addresses   the   rights   of   children,   since   people  under  18  years  old  often  need  special  care  and   protection  that  adults  do  not.  The  Convention  sets  out    

the  basic  human  rights  that  children  everywhere  have:   the   right   to   survival;   to   develop   to   the   fullest;   to   protection   from   harmful   influences,   abuse   and   exploitation;   and   to   participate   fully   in   family,   cultural   and   social   life.   The   four   core   principles   of   the   Convention   are:   non-­‐discrimination;   devotion   to   the   best  interests  of  the  child;  the  right  to  life,  survival  and   development;  and  respect  for  the  views  of  the  child.       The   International   Convention   on   the   Protection   of   the   Rights   of   All   Migrant   Workers   and   Members   of   their   Families   (ICRMW)   protects   the   rights   of   migrant   workers   and   their   families,   but   only   39   States   have   ratified  it.  No  country  in  the  Global  North  has  ratified  it.   According   to   the   Convention   migrant   workers   are   entitled  to  enjoy  their  basic  human  rights  regardless  of   their  legal  status.  It  seeks  to  prevent  and  eliminate  the   exploitation   of   migrant   workers   throughout   the   entire   migration   process   by   providing   a   set   of   binding   international   standards   to   address   the   treatment,   welfare   and   human   rights   of   both   documented   and   undocumented  migrants.  It  also  details  the  measures  to   be   taken   to   combat   the   illegal   or   clandestine   recruitment  and  trafficking  of  migrant  workers.         THE   8   FUNDAMENTAL   ILO   CONVENTIONS   ON   HUMAN   RIGHTS  ARE:     • Freedom  of  Association  and  Protection  of  the  Right   to  Organise  Convention,  1948  (No.  87)     • Right   to   Organise   and   Collective   Bargaining   Convention,  1949  (No.  98)     • Forced   Labour   Convention,   1930   (No.   29),   and   Abolition   of   Forced   Labour   Convention,   1957   (No.   105)     • Equal  Remuneration  Convention,  1951  (No.  100)     • Discrimination   (Employment   and   Occupation)   Convention,  1958  (No.  111)     • Minimum  Age  Convention,  1973  (No.  138)     • Worst   Forms   of   Child   Labour   Convention,   1999   (No.  182).     IMPORTANT  ILO  TREATY  FOR  MIGRANTS  ARE:     •  ILO  Convention  on  Migrant  Workers,  1975  (No.  143),   which   specifically   addresses   the   rights   of   undocumented  migrant  workers.     ILO   Convention   97:   Migration   for   Employment   convention   (1949),   which   introduces   the   principle   of   equal  treatment  for  domestic  and  migrant  workers       LO   Convention   143:   Migrant   Workers   (Supplementary   provisions)   (1975),   which   advances   rights   to   equal   opportunities   and   integration   of   migrant   workers,   and   covers  irregular  migrants.    

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |24  


ANNEXES

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

   

ANNEX  5   J4DW  

CAMPAIGN  POSITION  

                Member  of  RESPECT  Network  in  Europe     Campaign  Position  Paper     Campaign  Aims   We  are  campaigning  for:   1. The   restoration   and   expansion   of   the   previous   immigration  system  governing  migrant  domestic   workers   accompanying   their   employers   to   the   UK.  Specifically:   a. The  right  to  change  employer;   b. The  right  to  renew  the  domestic  worker   visa  while  still  in  the  UK;   c. The   right   to   settlement   following   five   years  presence  in  the  UK;   d. The  right  to  family  reunion;   e. All   the   above   to   be   applied   to   domestic   workers   working   in   diplomatic   households.   2. The   signing,   ratification   and   implementation   of   the   ILO   Convention   on   domestic   work   by   the   UK   government.   Why  Are  we  Campaigning?   th On   April   6   2012   the   British   government   removed   the   right   of   people   on   a   migrant   domestic   worker   visa  to  change  employers.  They  are  now  given  a  visa   that   is   valid   for   a   maximum   of   six   months   and   only   for   employment   with   a   named   employer.   The   removal   of   these   rights   from   incoming   domestic   workers   has   severe   repercussions   on   them   as   workers   and   as   people.   There   is   no   protection   from   abuse   and   exploitation.     There   are   urgent,   practical   drivers  behind  our  campaign.    

 

”My   employer   would   lock   me   in   my   room   after   I   finished  my  work  at  midnight  and  unlock  my  room   at   4.30   am   so   I   could   start   my   work   again.   I   was   caged.  My  body  would  tremble  of  hunger  as  I  drank   water   so   I   could   survive   every   day,   I   thought   of   dying   and   that   I   would   never   see   my   family   again.   As  I  searched  for  my  way  out  to  survive  I  found  my   fellow  domestic  workers  in  J4DW”.   The   government   says   that   people   in   extreme   situations   will   be   protected   by   anti-­‐trafficking   legislation   and   that   people   who   ‘experience   abuse   but   are   not   trafficked’   will   be   supported   and   returned   to   their   country   of   origin.   We   reject   a   ‘protection’   that   denies   domestic   workers   basic   labour   rights.   Anti-­‐trafficking   protections   are   not   enough,   and   immigration   regulations   are   not   protecting   domestic   workers   but   making   us   more   vulnerable.       Domestic  workers  experience:   Exclusion   –   cleaners   and   carers   are   excluded   from   our   society   in   many   ways.   They   often   work   long,   anti-­‐social   hours   making   it   difficult   for   them   to   balance   a   family   life,   and   to   get   involved   in   community   activities.   Their   work   is   invisible   and   ignored   –   indeed   the   better   they   are   at   their   work   the   more   invisible   it   is.   Domestic   work   is   support   work,   unnoticed   if   it   is   done   well,   but   noticed   if   it   isn’t   done.     Employers   can   keep   them   isolated,   especially   if   they   are   live-­‐in.   These   challenges   are   greater   for   migrants   who   are   excluded   as   migrants   as   well   as   domestic   workers.   Language   difficulties,   unfamiliarity  with  British  culture,  lack  of  friends  and   contacts   in   British   society,   mean   that   migrant   domestic   workers   are   excluded.   The   domestic   worker  visa  makes  this  exclusion  even  more  extreme   by   limiting   the   holder   to   a   maximum   of   six   months   stay  in  the  UK.    The  message  is  clear:  you  will  not  be   included  in  British  society.      

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |25  


ANNEXES

                         RECLAIMING  HUMAN  RIGHTS,  MIGRANT  MOBILITY  AND  TRANSNATIONAL  ENGAGEMENT  

  Exploitation   –   the   lack   of   status   of   domestic   work   and  its  invisibility  mean  it  is  not  valued.  This  is  clearly   reflected   in   the   level   of   pay   that   is   usual   in   the   sector.   Employers   often   do   not   make   NI   contributions,   pay   sick   pay   or   maternity   leave,   or   offer  paid  holidays  and  time  off.    Workers  and  carers   especially   those  who  live-­‐in,   are   often   called   upon   to   do   unpaid   ‘favours’   e.g.   babysitting,   and   to   be   on   call.   Excessive   hours   with   no   breaks   are   a   serious   problem.   Exploitation   is   rife   throughout   the   sector,   and   there   is   a   particular   problem   with   the   application   of   the   minimum   wage.   The   so-­‐called   ‘family   worker   exemption’   allows   that   household   workers  who  are  treated  ‘as  a  member  of  the  family’   are   not   eligible   for   the   minimum   wage.   A   domestic   worker  in  a  private  household  is  employed  to  work.   She   is   not   a   member   of   the   family,   no   matter   however   she   is   treated.   These   difficulties   are   even   more   acute   for   migrant   workers,   especially   if   they   are   not   able   to   work   legally.   They   cannot   access   rights  even  if  they  technically  should  be  able  to.  For   domestic   worker   visa   holders,   although   they   have   the   right   in   theory   to   these   protections,   the   fact   that   they   are   only   resident   for   6   months   makes   them   meaningless  in  practice.     Imprisonment   –   domestic   workers   can   be   highly   dependent   on   their   employer   because   their   workplace   is   someone   else’s   house.   This   is   even   more   difficult   when   they   are   living   in.   For   people   who  are  migrants  this  can  mean  that  employers  can   exercise   considerable   power   over   them.   Good   employers  may  use  this  power  to  help  their  worker,   by  supporting  visa  applications  for  example,  but  bad   employers   can   use   it   to   harm   them,   even   as   far   as   physical   abuse.   (ref:   Bonded   Labour:   Kalayaan   &   Oxfam)   For   domestic   worker   visa   holders   this   dependence   is   made   even   more   extreme   through   government   enforcement   of   visa   restrictions.   If   the   domestic  worker  does  not  obey  their  employer  they   can  simply  be  ‘sent  home’.  This  is  not  free  labour  but   servitude.   Domestic   work   is   central   to   human   life.   It   is   the   beginning  and  the  end  of  our  labour.  Yet  it  is  always   treated   as   ‘exceptional’,   something   that   doesn’t   fit,   unskilled   and   unimportant.   We   know   that   to   demand   respect   and   value   the   work   of   caring,   cleaning   and   cooking,   is   ambitious   and   requires   a   fundamental  change  for  most  people.  But  to  restore   the  domestic  worker  visa  and  to  extend  it  to  apply  to   people   who   work   for   diplomats   is   a   step   along   the   way   and   it   is   not   a   big   step.   It   is   the   only   just    

response   to   the   new   rules   Tying   migrant   domestic   workers   to   employers,   not   giving   them   the   independent   right   to   renew   their   visa   or   to   settle,   only   increases   exclusion,   exploitation   and   power   differences.   No   decent   employer   wants   to   take   advantage  of  this.  At  a  time  when  most  governments   of   the   world   have   signed   the   ILO   Convention   on   Decent   Work   for   Domestic   Workers,   the   British   government   must   restore   and   extend   the   visa   and   recognise   the   rights   of   all   domestic   workers,   migrant   and   non-­‐migrant,   by   signing   and   ratifying   the   ILO   Convention.      

                                                                                                                             

Contribution  to  “  Mobilizing  Global  Civil  Society  Action  for  the  2013  UN  High  Level  Dialogue  on  Migration  &  Development  |26  


Reclaiming Human Rights, Migrant Mobility and Transnational Engagement  

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