International Community Forum
An Inhuman Journey to Humanity: The Lampedusa Tragedy Who is On top of the Food Chain? Fishing Raids in Chinatown Ideological Scapegoat or Objective Reality: Black Males Within British Media
CONTENTS People are really starting to talk about migration. Since the coming to power of the current Conservative government, many of Britain’s woes have been framed in terms of ‘the immigration issue,’ and succinctly blamed on the political failures of the previous administration. Relaxation of EU restrictions on the free movement of Bulgarian and Romanian citizens have triggered a torrent rhetorical bluster from vote-hungry politicians, who seem to be in a race to outdo one another when it comes to ‘getting tough on immigration.’ Evident too in the rising belligerence on the part of the country’s far right groups towards migrant communities, the debate is showing an ever more ugly face. Whilst the ultra-nationalist street demonstrations designed to provoke and intimidate Britain’s migrants have been met with an equally vigorous response by antifascist campaigners, confronting their ongoing identification and misrepresentation in mainstream media discourse is a more complex issue. In 2013, the International Community project’s hugely successful stop and search event explored how stereotypes and misrepresentation can translate into discriminatory institutional practices by the police, followed up by an examination of how similar discourse has racialised the war on drugs on both sides of the Atlantic, which has recently come to include the use of khat by British Somalis. Long excluded from the mainstream debate and framed by the media as passive ‘others’ whose fate lies entirely in the hands of the majority population, the explosion of alternative media outlets, rapid organisation and dissemination through social media, and a growing sense of injustice has meant that minority ethnic and migrant communities themselves have been far from silent in the debate. The very public outcry amongst the British Muslim community at the decision by the BBC to present radical preacher Anjem Choudhary as representative of their views is just one example of a community reclaiming their own discourses, confronting those structures which form a constituent part of systemic oppression and exclusion in a modern democracy. In this issue we have tried to redress the balance, reopening aspects of the immigration debate which have long been sidelined: Human Rights, personal dignity, and the self-fulfilling prophecy of exclusion and social unrest. We examine the abject misery of asylum seekers, from where their journey begins to their processing by the UK border agency, denied even the most basic levels of human decency in the name of that most abstract ideal: national interest. We also explore the influence of the media on the lives of minority communities, whose careless exploitation of shocking headlines construct narratives which contribute to a culture of stereotyping and racial antagonism. Similarly, in Tottenham, we see how the murder of Mark Duggan, as presented in the media, has pushed an entire generation of disenfranchised youth into conflict with the police.
3 – Minimarket or Supermarket? Corner Shops in the UK 5 – The Turmoil of Female Asylum Seekers 7 – Ideological Scapegoat or Objective Reality: Black Males Within the British Media 9 – The Other Side of the Coin: Life as an Illegal Migrant in London 11 – Who is at the Top of the Food Chain? Fishing Raids in Chinatown 13 – An Inhuman Journey to Humanity 15 – Being Read the Riot Act: Today’s Youth in Tottenham 17 - Government Strategies to prevent Human Trafficking: Trafficking of Albanians into the UK 19 – Towards and Understanding of Ethnicity and Mental Health in Britain Today 21 – Our Bodies in London, Our Minds in Turkey 23 – Literature Review 25 – Cultural Calendar: Feb-April 2014
Far from continuing the practice of underestimating the power of migrants, we also want to demonstrate the remarkable strength and resourcefulness of their communities in the UK. From the ethnic Chinese, who are confronting the UK Border Agency’s practices of conducting controversial ‘fishing raids’, to the role of the humble corner shop in providing not just economic, but also social opportunities for some of the most vulnerable migrants in London, we seek to uncover the vibrant and imaginative culture of resistance through which migrants and ethnic minorities attempt to reclaim their sense of dignity, and proud identity. The International Community project is grateful to our contributors, writers, and those community members who were willing to take the time to help us in re-framing the immigration debate, and remind the British public that, contrary to the lowest-common-denominator picture presented by politicians and the media, reality is never simply a case of ‘black and white.’
Illustrations – Cecilia Mari
Chief Editors – Christopher Kelly, Kateryna Onyiliogwu Editorial Team – Monika Bouyuklieva, Barbora Holicka, James Moulding, Alexander Sekhniashvili, Yonas Tekeste, Dilraj Tiwana Design – Katherine Vargas
So her curse is in her withered worth and she keeps losing it, ‘Poor her’. Her curse is another verse in a poem without a word limit. Her curse lies in her curves, cursed by your expectations Manifestations of perfection on your televisions; Your radio stations, your magazines, Your billboard signs and T.V. screens. Those damn T.V. screens. Screening her man made perfection for his handmade erection. And let’s erect these 10ft posters, To show you what we mean by A flawless smile and glowing skin and bright and ageless eyes, and let’s think up some more lies, whilst this mission’s still rolling, let’s punish those who question, with isolation and depression let’s teach them all a lesson with our poor, blind, brainwashed minions who’ve lost all mind capacity, therefore lost beyond redemption. Beyond sight of mind these mindless clones drowned of all life, just skin and bone. A wasted core and nothing more. But to those who wake and think and feel Who eat and live and love the same, Through this silent war, you’re not alone So hear my call, tell me your names. ‘Cause though I might not know about the blood that flows through these callused hands and these withered veins, if you rest your palm against my pulse our heartbeats beat the same. So raise a glass filled to the brim and let it spill and drown this place. And let’s swim, let’s float, let’s fly away from this haste to get to their end. It’s not all touch and go. I’m still here, still human, With these still callused hands, Still gripping this pen and doing all that I can. Still spilling my thoughts. Still shredding through sheets and in a breath, Maybe one day I’ll be able to say That my revolution was not in vain. A wake up that woke up the dead and the weak and the strong and those Who can’t remember what day it is. Who’s days are too long and Who long to daydream at night and Sing lullabies only to put their dreams to sleep at sunrise. But I’d rather you just let me see the true in you And I’ll show you the truth in me. No doubt that there are flaws in you, Too soon, they’ll reflect the faults in me. Let me see the lies in you, And you’ll witness my hypocrisy. Cause in truth, all that which lies in you, You only resemble the whole of me. All conscious, with these still callused hands. Still gripping this pen. Just doing what I can.
Author & Illustrator: Saima Lee Shaikh Course: 3rd year BA POLITICS & INTENATIONAL RELATIONS
Minimarket or Supermarket? The Significance of Corner Shop Culture on the Integration of British Communities Walking through my neighbourhood in North London, the frequency of fried chicken joints, vintage shops and esoteric cafes become prominent as they line the main streets of an ever more diverse range of businesses. One business in particular has cemented itself over generations in the hearts of communities and provided havens for many hard working immigrants throughout Britain: the quintessential local ‘corner shop’. It represents an almost business-come-social institution that warrants protection amidst mounting threat and unbearable competition from the expansion of supermarkets. As the demanding and seemingly unrewarding nature of the profession became undesirable for the vast majority of the white British population, committed immigrants seeking sustainable livelihoods began to fill their void over the latter half of the 20th century. In the 60s and 70s, the growth of South Asian communities around Britain brought hard work and determination to the crumbling industry. In the early 1970s, Asians forced to flee Uganda during Idi Amin’s ethnic cleansing, escaping attacks on their businesses, found refuge in the corner shop industry. More recently, since the early 90s, waves of Turkish immigration with an intrinsically tight knit and resolute approach to commerce have rejuvenated many corner shops across London.
The industry harbours several benefits to immigrants or refugees faced with the prospect of unemployment in an alien culture and often unforgiving economic setting. It exemplifies the dividends of hard work through self-employment in a struggle for livelihood and success. Self-employment is perhaps essential in a labour environment corrupted by discrimination and racism so unfortunately prevalent in other industries. My interview with local corner shop employee Ali Ulus of Pelin Helin Minimarket on Cropley Street, Hoxton shed light on the lack of opportunities available for the Turkish community; as employment in convenience shops offer many a glimmer of hope. “I tried to find other jobs before but the job centre did nothing for me. I tried this for a year after the previous corner shop I worked at closed, applying for everything. I was applying for security jobs, cleaning, stocking shelves; everything. The lack of progress got me down.” Requiring minimal English but long working hours and diligence, the industry illustrates a stark contradiction for the Daily Mail rhetoric of ‘benefit-scrounging’, “free-riding”, “lazy” image of immigration. The truth lies in the fact that hard work and persistence of largely South Asians and Turkish immigrants have saved the vulnerable convenience shop industry from decline and possible eradication. Yet the threat of competition with large retailers looms over small businesses with more momentum than ever before. “What’s happening to pubs around the country is what’s going to happen to corner shops” said Ali, comparing the instability of corner shops with similar threats faced by the pub industry. Supermarkets enjoying the benefits of ‘economies of scale’ and successful planning applications are stripping small businesses of customers and changing the face of many communities. The growth of the ‘big four’, comprising of Tesco, Sainsbury’s, ASDA and Morrison’s are piling on pressure onto small businesses that are desperately fighting for survival against overwhelming odds. “You work 80 hours a week, forsake your social life and if you lose your job because a supermarket opens up nearby, what have you got to show for the last 5-10 years of your life?” Ali notes from his own experience.
A BBC panorama investigation in 2010, titled “Supermarkets: What price cheap food?” found that the ‘big four’ were successfully granted planning permission for most of their applications around Britain; with Tesco leading growth figures. In 2011, planning was granted for 480 new stores in England alone. While competition between supermarkets increases in intensity in an ever-increasing chase for profit, the community corner shop is fighting for survival. There are calls for action however, to curb the expansion of supermarkets that threaten the convenience shop industry. The 2011 report by the influential policy-based think tank ResPublica outlines how supermarkets should be taxed in order to subsidise small retailers while placing tighter restrictions on planning applications across the country. Commenting on the report, the director of ResPublica, Phillip Blond noted how “the rise of the vast supermarkets with the infrastructure needed to sustain them, a bias in the planning system and their enormous purchasing power has crowded out competition.” Policy recommendations of the report include providing subsidies for small retailers as well as higher taxation for large supermarkets; encouraging community-run retailers and allowing communities to designate the retail mix in neighbourhood plans. The disappearance of corner shops may also leave considerable consequences for British society. One argument, as expressed by the BBC’s Home Editor Mark Easton, represents a positive image of the decline of corner shops from communities. He contests that while convenience shops have indeed provided havens for unemployed immigrants facing discrimination elsewhere, the closure of many of these businesses in fact represents successful integration and assimilation of immigrants into British society. This, he argues, is due to second and third generation immigrants able to receive unprecedented levels of education that has instilled higher aspirations for employment in more profitable industries. While this interpretation of integration is illustrated by South Asian second and third generation immigrants achieving higher levels of success in other industries; fresh waves of immigration faced with unemployment and difficulty adapting to a new economic market still turn to small scale, community based retail for survival.
This can be seen in the increasing numbers of Turkish and more recently Eastern European corner shops across London and beyond. It seems to assume that unemployment and job discrimination among immigrants and diaspora communities is no longer a pressing issue, but perhaps more importantly, downplays the wider scale scarcity of employment in the current economic climate. The 2011 report by ResPublica, rightfully notes how “economic activity is deeply connected to our social and built environment, and has historically played a role in reinforcing place and building social connectedness.” “When we talk about rebalancing the economy, what we are really talking about is shifting back the focus of ownership and economic control to communities.” This is perhaps the key to assessing economic progress and community welfare particularly in multi-ethnic communities in London and other areas of Britain. The impact of immigration exemplified by the resilience of the corner shop industry represents a struggle for survival and determination that has, for decades, enforced this notion of “social connectedness.” It deserves recognition as one of the pillars of economic and social welfare of our communities that must be encouraged if not protected. Interview with Ali Ulus was conducted at Pelin Helin Minimarket, Cropley Street, Hoxton on the 13th November 2013 References BBC (2010) Growth of the Big Four Supermarkets. Accessed at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12007835 ResPublica (2011) The Right to Retail, Can Localism save Britain’s Small Retailers? Report. Easton, M., (2009) Corner Shop Culture. BBC. Accessed at http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/thereporters/markeaston/2009/09/corner_shop_culture.html Author: Alexander Sekhaniashvili Course: 3rd Year BA Development Studies and International Relations Photography Joseph Hickey
Turmoil of Female Asylum Seekers and Non-Gendered UK Refugee Laws My mother was an asylum seeker. Even worse, she was a female asylum seeker with infant children. Luckily, my father had organised a flight for her to London. My parents were born and raised in Afghanistan, they were used to civil war and poor prospects in a country that has experienced war for so long that it has been dubbed the “graveyard of empires”. My parents lived good lives in Kabul, but once they had my older sister and I, they realised that it was time to leave Afghanistan. They wanted opportunities for us that would have otherwise been unavailable in their homeland. We travelled to New Delhi, India from where we would be able to fly to London. My father had heard great things about the United Kingdom and was eager to get us all in there. Once we arrived in India, my father sent my mother, my older sister (5 years) and myself (3 years) on a flight to London in hopes that we would be offered refuge once we arrived at Heathrow Airport. My mother was definitely one of the lucky ones in order to be able to fly and not use other means of transportation that has taken the lives of so many refugees. My mother tells me that arriving in Heathrow airport was one of the most nerve-racking experiences of her life; unaware of whether she would be sent back to Afghanistan; the fear of not finding any shelter; the loneliness she felt from travelling with two infants and no partner.
My mother was a brave woman, I don’t know if I would have had similar strength to survive such a vulnerable situation
imprisonment, violence from soldiers or police, forced marriage and forced prostitution.
Our story is one of the few positive stories that saw us placed immediately and taken to a hostel, with questionable living conditions, but at least we were in London. We received citizenship in the early 2000s and everyone in my family is a British citizen today. The same cannot be said for those who are forced to go through a Detained Fast Track system created in 2003, it is part of the UK government’s drive to conclude 90 per cent of all asylum claims within six months.
The deplorable absence of a gendered approach in refugee law and asylum claims contributes to a denial of specific claims. The threats of forced circumcision, honour killings, domestic violence and forced marriage almost go unrecognised. The mainstream asylum system also works within a framework that takes extra time to gather evidence of persecution, such as the expert testimony required to make the case and the gendered-sensitive procedures required to help them discuss matters such as rape.
Women began to be fast-tracked in 2005. When a claim goes through the fast track, the UK Border Agency aims to reach a decision within two weeks during which time the asylum-seeker is detained for administrative ease. The problem with this is that migration and asylum policies have not been sufficiently gendered; refugee laws still interpret through the framework of male experiences (Hajdukowski-Ahmed, 2008).
As Samira Shackle states: “To attempt to process these claims in two weeks -- with just a few days to appeal -- is nothing short of a travesty of justice”. So far 2,055 women have gone through the fast-track process. About 96 per cent of them were refused on first hearing, while government statistics for 2008 and the first half of 2009 show that 91 per cent of appeals were refused.
Never mind that 31 per cent of asylum applications in the UK are female (Home Office, 2003) and that half of them have been victims of rape, who needs catered gendered laws? The government continues to fail women or provide adequately customised treatment to female asylum seekers who suffer serious human rights abuses, including rape,
Detainment centres are hugely traumatic experiences for women as sexual abuse is rampant across such institutions. Some of the women in these centres have just arrived in the UK and others have been battling the asylum system for years. A recent report by HM Chief Inspector of Prisons published in October 2013 describes one of these centres as “a sad place.. a place where some detainees look to the future with real fear”.
For more information, please refer to: Women for Refugee women: http://www.refugeewomen.com/ Fahamu Refugee Programme: http://www.refugeelegalaidinformation.org/ Women Asylum Seekers Together: http://www.wast.org.uk
In one case, a woman visited a male nurse who sexually assaulted her on three separate occasions. Women’s experiences of persecution have long been excluded from the dominant interpretation of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. Despite the unique suffering they experience. “However, it is also important to understand the difference between gender-related persecution and gender-specific forms of harm. The concept of women being persecuted as women is not the same as women being persecuted because they are women.” This means that people who are persecuted and just so happen to be women are more common with asylum seekers. It is less common that women are persecuted specifically because they are women, it is rather that they are not given the catered treatment that they need and this results in their specific persecution because of the
fact that their unique needs are not met as women. The government doesn’t target women, but their neglect of gender specific needs results in a form of inadvertent persecution. Race, religion, nationality and political opinion also exacerbate these processes. Women are the biggest losers in the British immigration system; they suffer with higher intensities and in greater depths. Yet, refugee laws and asylum claims omit the anomaly of their oppression and treat them the same as men. This is preposterous and unacceptable. Not only does there exist procedural and evidential barriers preventing women’s access to asylum, the interpretation of the Refugee Convention does not take into account women’s unique experiences. Female asylum seekers simply don’t stand a chance in our system.
The government must take immediate measures to produce gender-sensitive laws that do not see the process of a woman’s claim reduced to a mere two week process—even when she has been raped and abused. My mother was a tremendously lucky female asylum seeker, but the turmoil of the majority of women seeking asylum is one of urgency and the longer we omit this issue, the more women drown in our repudiating and quixotic immigration system. http://resistancealways.wordpress. com/ Author: Mohadesa Najumi Course: 3rd Year BA Politics and International Relations
Ideological Scapegoat or an Objective Reality: Black Males within the British Media Black males occupy a highly contentious positionality within Britain, one which has come to be synonymously depicted with criminality. The ‘discursive formation’ of black male criminality is one that transcends contemporary British society and illustrated historically. This discourse has come to permeate British society through macro structural institutions which in turn have the capacity to impact upon micro scale social action. The British police force, politics and media institution can be considered pivotal to the construction, legitimation and naturalisation of this dominant stereotype. The media in particular represents an immensely ubiquitous institution and can be considered the vehicle through which this ideological construction has come to pervade. Perhaps this discourse is most saliently illustrated through the recent surge of gun and knife crime. British tabloid newspapers and broadcasts have sensationalised this as a phenomenon almost exclusively committed by black, young, urban inner city males. Transcending through numerous British news reports, there appears to be a conscious endeavour to locate the centrality of racial difference, as specific references to the perpetrators blackness are often highlighted. Therefore race becomes an overt mechanism employed by the media through which there is the potential for black males to become systematically interpolated into the position of ‘other’. In this way a dualism between ‘us’ the right-standing British white majority and ‘them’, the black male ‘other’ becomes established and entrenched in the minds of the British public. Expressions such as spate and “epidemic” are used interchangeably with these reports which convey a sense of urgency, and perhaps emphasise the notion that this phenomenon is occurring on a mass scale, which simultaneously reinforces the notion that the ‘other’ has gotten out of control and constitutes a serious “threat” to the moral fabric of British society. This construction of black males as a “threat” is not a recent phenomenon, but rather is reminiscent of ways in which black males were constructed as responsible for the supposed pervasiveness of mugging during the 1970s. The systematic replication of these depictions both through contemporary and historical media creates the illusion that black males possess an intrinsic ability to commit pathological rates of crime. Hall’s Neo-Marxist observation becomes relevant here as it is arguable that in both instances black males are purposefully constructed as criminals and used as ideological scapegoats to deviate the public’s attention away from wider severe economic issues.
In the 1970s this was due to large scale unemployment, whereas at present it has become attributed to the recent financial ‘crisis’. Both instances of “moral panic” can thus be considered strategic mechanisms rather than objective depictions. By contrast, reports of crimes committed by white males are depicted in paradoxical ways to that of black males. The recent upsurge of paedophilia allegations in Britain is a paradigmatic illustration of this. Contemporary figures such as Jimmy Savile, William Roache and Stuart Hall fall within this category. There is often no explicit attempt made by news reports to racialise these perpetrators, their whiteness is thus ‘rendered invisible’; paedophilia in this context is not sensationalised as a phenomenon exclusive to white males, but rather these instances are depicted as individualised and idiosyncratic. These racialised constructions of stereotypes are not exclusive to British news outlets, but rather have come to pervade the British entertainment media. Proliferations of images which further reinforce notions of black male criminality remain, as paradigmatic examples achieve commercial success of the Channel 4 four part drama series entitled ‘Top Boy’ which has drawn in audiences of up to ‘one million’ viewers. The protagonist is a young, black urban male played by actor Ashley Walters who is heavily engaged in gang activity; as he is portrayed both as a drug lord and a murderer. On the surface this appears to be an enthralling and intense one hour action packed drama situated in the confines of inner city Hackney, which captures the tension between two rival black gangs who engage in excessive violence, theft and drug dealing. The obvious entertainment factor, serves to conceal the fact that embedded within this drama are stereotypes of young black males engaging in pathological rates of criminality. It is imperative to note that these ideological stereotypes operate in conjunction with those perpetuated by British news outlets, which serve to further reinforce and naturalise previous depictions which render young black males a “threat” and a “problem”. Thus this justifies the idea that black males need to be systematically controlled and policed, more so than other racial groups.
References: On the surface there does appear to be evidence that Britain is transitioning into a post –racial society. The prominence of contemporary black male figures such as Mo Farah, Idris Elba and Tinie Tempah to name a few are perhaps reflective of the British media’s attempts to destabilise dominant discourses of black male criminality in an exchange for more positive depictions. However this supposed diversification only acknowledges the presence of black males within specific realms, thus seldom gaining recognition aside from being athletes, actors and musicians. Subsequently they remain underrepresented within professional arenas such as in law and politics. Of course there are contemporary figures such as David Lammy and Chuka Umunna, but figures like this remain few and far between. In this way essentialist discourses which maintain that black males possess a physical capacity but a limited intellectual ability remain firmly embedded and are continually inadvertently communicated. The examples discussed in this article are illustrative of the immense capacity for the British media to socially construct, manipulate and colonise the consciousness of members of the British public who choose to passively consume these depictions. Of course it is imperative that we acknowledge that consumers of the media have the available agency to resist these representations; but it should also to be noted that this it often has to be a purposeful and somewhat conscious endeavour. Despite certain signs of progression, undercurrents of racialised stereotypes of black males remain. These ideological constructions remain firmly embedded and largely unchanging. The media remains a mechanism through which, the black male is constructed as an icon of delinquency, and a figure that is predisposed to committing pathological rates of crime, and a violent “threat” to British society. All of which are symptomatic of the British media’s failure to transcend the barriers of racism.
Georgiou, M., (2010) ‘Media representations of diversity: The power of the mediated image’, in Bloch, A. and Solomos, J. (eds) Race and Ethnicity in the 21st Century. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hall, S., (2003) ‘The work of representation’, in Hall, S. (ed.) Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. London: Sage Publications Limited. Hall, S., et al. (2013) Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State and Law & Order. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Jewkes, Y., (2011) Media& Crime: Key approaches to Criminology (2nd edition). London: Sage Publications Limited. Marsh, I., and Melville, G., (2009) Crime, Justice and the Media. New York: Routledge. Modood, T (1997) ‘Introduction: The politics of multiculturalism in new europe’, in Modood, T. and Webner, P. (eds) The Politics of Multiculturalism in the New Europe: Racism, Identity and Community. New York: Zed Books Limited. Pilkington, A., (2003) Racial Disadvantage and Ethnic Diversity in Britain. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Plunkett, J., (2011) ‘Top boy hustles 1 million viewers’. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/media/2011/nov/04/tvratings-television [30.11.13]. Squires, P., (2009) ‘The knife crime “epidemic” and British Politics’, British Politics, 4: 127-157.
Author: Patrice Neita Course: 3rd Year BA Sociology
The Other Side of the Coin: Life of an illegal immigrant Irregular or ‘illegal’ migration is one of the most controversial topics in UK politics, with the current estimates of undocumented migrants ranging between 500,000 and 900,000. Having grown up within the Latin American community, I have always been aware of the harsh realities of the irregular migrants in London; the things they have to undergo to arrive and to survive here as well as the ever-present and often materialized threat of deportation. In order to better understand the complexities of irregular migration in London I have decided to find out more about experiences of people directly involved; one is a former undocumented migrant, the other an immigration officer tasked with deportation. Due to the nature of the discussions all names have been changed. This is a story of Esteban, born and raised in Colombia, who, although better off than many in his country, wanted to achieve more and prove himself to his family. A five thousand pounds loan and a drive to neighboring Venezuela, provided him with an opportunity to do so. Borrowed money helped him to obtain a fake documentation there and, as tourist visa was not required from Venezuelan citizens at the time, he embarked on his journey from Caracas to London with a new passport and a new identity. Having bribed his way through Venezuelan borders and taken his connecting flight through France without complication, Esteban arrived in the UK only to be detained by immigration officers who questioned his intentions. His claim that he was there to watch a football match had immediately been proven implausible as he miscalculated the British football season. The officers soon discovered his documents to be fake but his intention in the UK remained unclear. Faced with the threat of deportation, Esteban decided to reveal his true Colombian identity and seek asylum. He was kept in detention for a week, where he fabricated a story about being pursued by Colombian guerrillas, which was eventually accepted.
Once granted asylum Esteban had to immediately find accommodation and report the address to the authorities. Esteban remembers being released: “No one came to collect me when I was let out, and I was forced to make my way through London to my given address on public transport that I had never experienced before.” From this point, the realities of life as an undocumented migrant in London dawned on him and he decided to approach the Latin community for help. “I started off working at a nightclub; it was cash in hand and you didn’t need papers.” He also took a job in the cleaning industry: “I worked [in the club] Fridays and Saturdays, until 5 a.m., and then started my cleaning job in Canary Wharf at 8.a.m”. This is not unusual for irregular migrants. Esteban explained that his employer was fully aware of his illegal status, which made him and others vulnerable to exploitation. When the day of his court hearing came his interpreter failed to show up. “I was unable to adequately communicate with my lawyer,” Esteban said, “and was so tired from working that I couldn’t engage in the trial. I lost the case, and several months later I received a letter from the home office and a plane ticket to Colombia. I was being sent home.” To avoid deportation Esteban left his address and became his life as now a fully illegal immigrant, without documentation, living constantly with “a sense that today was the day they’re going to come [for me].” Through his connections within the Latin community, he secured fake Spanish documentation from a recently deported 25 year-old Colombian; Esteban was only 18 at the time and looked young for his age, but he had little choice and took the risk. The astronomic price they have to pay to obtain fake documents pushes many migrants into illegal activities. “I tried selling drugs but it the end it was better for me to make money of people who wanted to use drugs in the night club where I worked. They paid me and I would look away and let them do what they wanted.
You don’t want to do all these dodgy things and trick the country but you have to… £5000 debt in Colombia is a lot of money.” His Spanish passport soon expired and Esteban decided to marry his girlfriend to gain citizenship. “I had said I would never marry for papers but I couldn’t go back to Colombia empty handed, not after all this... We went to Colombia and got married, but I knew I was staying with her for the papers. When we returned to the UK I was not happy. I was a legal now but made less than as an illegal immigrant. I was married but not with the person I love. I just couldn’t find myself. Sometimes I thought, was it really all worth it?” Having dealt with over 30 deportation cases in his many years as an immigration officer, Marcus has seen undocumented migration from the other side of the supposed fence. He revealed that, contrary to what we might expect, most undocumented migrants are not deported following home office background checks. It is usually the people they know who report them, often family or close friends on whom the migrants have become dependent on and who cannot afford to support them anymore. But an identification of an irregular migrant can become a long process. Immigration cases have strict limitations and jurisdiction. There must first be substantial and credible physical evidence of illegal employment and then further investigations are undertaken when new evidence comes to light. Once discovered by the authorities irregular migrants often reach to extreme methods in desperate attempts to prevent their deportation. “They often commit some kind of harm to themselves, like breaking their arm, or their leg.” Marcus reveals, ‘Hospitalization is one way to prolong the stay in the country as they have to be transported in good health condition. If successful, they are then returned to their holding site. All this, of course, at the taxpayer’s expense.’
Dealing with asylum requests can take a significant amount of time. “Some are held for a very long time; sometimes as much as five years.” Marcus explains, “The more lies they tell, the more investigations we have to undertake. It is not always easy to close a case because you are ultimately making a decision about someone else’s life.” Marcus has encountered many difficult decisions within his line of work; “You have to face the fact that whatever you are doing is what you are getting paid for, I know it is nasty to say, but that is the job I have to do. There are mixed feelings; there was once a case of a family where a father was crying out just to take him back to his country, leaving his kids in the UK. He was begging me to let them stay because they were born in this country, but because he is an illegal they had to go back with him.” During his course as an irregular migrant Esteban was punished by the authorities not only for unauthorized crossing of the borders but also indirectly for corruption taking place in Venezuela, for inability of UK authorities to successfully regulate working conditions and even for failure of the same authorities to deliver a fair trial. Marcus’ narrative tells us that this is hardly a unique case. Can we say that justice is provided? Who is to blame for an illegal entry? The traveler or the guide? Are the right people being prosecuted? In truth the concept of illegal migration and the migrants themselves feed a machinery of political interests and rhetoric combined with a great economic interest which parasites on the status of undocumented migrants who exist outside the law and are therefore ridded of their rights as humans. This indicates that things are not as simple. There is a rather complex system behind the dehumanisation and criminalisation of undocumented migrants and therefor a pressing need to rethink the current migration discourse. Interviews were conducted with anonymous participants on the 28th November 2013 Author: Melissa Caprini Course: 3rd Year BA International Relations and Spanish
WHO IS ON TOP OF THE FOOD CHAIN? THE FISHING RAIDS IN CHINA TOWN 11
In October 2013, Chancellor George Osborne announced the ‘next big step’ in relations between Britain and China; introducing a new “super priority” visa system which would make it easier for both rich tourists and Chinese business leaders to visit the UK, in a bid to boost the economies of both states. Simultaneously, on October 22nd, Chinatown, in London’s West End, erupted in a two day long strike to protest against a string of raids by the UK Border Agency (UKBA). We caught up with one of the organisers, Bobby Chan from the London Law Centre, to talk about exactly what is going on in the heart of the UK Chinese community and his involvement in the action. “I’ve worked at the London Law Centre for more than 30 years, and almost every restaurant and business in Chinatown has been a client of mine, so we have developed an atmosphere of trust. This is actually the second time Chinatown has gone on strike in response to raids by the UKBA; the first was in 2007. At this time, the UKBA brought BBC film crews along with them when they conducted the raids, and the community wanted to protest against the policy of conducting them like a television show. When the officer in charge of the raids informed me that he was going to meet with a ‘community representative’ in the next week, we organised a similar two day strike to demonstrate the anger of the community at the way they were being portrayed. This proved somewhat effective, and gave the community relative peace until 2012, when the number of raids began increasing again, becoming almost weekly. Over the course of four weeks in September and October, 13 or 14 raids were carried out in Chinatown, and we are convinced that these are not intelligence based, but are in fact part of a campaign of ‘fishing raids,’ with the government targeting a high-profile, ethnically concentrated area to try and find illegal migrants. The election is just 18 months away, and we believe that the government is targeting Chinatown to try show people that it is ‘doing something’ about immigration.
They can’t do anything about the EU migrants, who make up the vast majority, so instead they target ‘coloured’ minorities. From the reports, we can see that 29% of all UKBA raids target the Chinese community, particularly the catering industry, and we pay 31% of all immigration related fines. If we are not being targeted as a community then how can the government explain this? Are they targeting McDonald’s? KFC? Angus Steak House? Big Businesses? I am not saying they should, but I have never heard of it. The conduct of immigration officers during the raids has angered the community to an even greater level than in
2007; they often arrive unannounced, without giving details of who they are looking for and there have been many instances of unprofessional behaviour, belligerence and even racial abuse. I have been made aware of an instance where an elderly woman, who had been living in the UK almost 70 years with full legal status, was challenged by immigration officials to prove her citizenship. Aside from her limited grasp of the English language, the intimidating presence and conduct of the UKBA officers made her nervous, and she was unable to give satisfactory answers to their questions.
She was unnecessarily detained for several hours before being released, and this is not an isolated incident. I have personally received one of the Home Office’s 40,000 texts, advising migrants to contact a third party and confirm their legal status. Let’s face it, if you were an illegal migrant you would delete the text and throw away the SIM card, these measure are obviously part of a deliberate attempt by the government to create a atmosphere of fear within minority communities. As a British citizen, I should not be made to feel as though I must carry my passport to prove my identity, on account of my ap-
pearance. The Chinese community are particularly vulnerable to heightened immigration enforcement because we are not concentrated enough in any area to form a representative majority. Unlike other minority communities, we have no MPs, and if anything happens to us, there will be no politician to speak out for the community. We have no political clout. Immigrants are vital to the catering industry, which is recognised by the Migration Advisory Committee as suffering from a chronic labour shortage.
We are expected to train new chefs, but this can take many years, and we do not want our children to be trapped in the catering industry. There are often complications with the return of illegal migrants so many are released within hours, clearly a waste of time and resources. We have been pushing for a return to the legacy programs of the previous government, which allowed illegal migrants the chance to be granted amnesty rather than clog the immigration system. Temporary working visas would give the individual a chance to gain employment and contribute taxes to the UK economy, benefiting both parties, what’s wrong with that? Would they rather illegal migrants were pushed into criminal activities? Drugs? Prostitution? Selling pirate DVDs? It is a different political climate today than it was in 2007, with the rise of the far right across Europe and in the UK, but I think that the home office will take heed of our protest; if they do come back they will have to be a lot more careful. We have handed out 2,000 whistles to community members, and when they come in the whistles will be blown until they leave. We feel like they are a foreign army coming into Chinatown, and we have the right to defend ourselves. The whistle is the only defence we have; we cannot physically fight with them, but its psychological. Our lack of political clout means the Chinese community has learned to work together with other minority communities; we have worked closely with the Bengali community in the past, as well as the Southall Black Sisters, strengthening our political position through collective action. If something happened, depending on the behaviour of the government, it could still push us together, you never know. Let’s look at it like this; we didn’t organise a strike, the government pushed us to organise a strike, objective factors forced us to take drastic action.” Interview with Bobby Chan was conducted at the London Law Centre (LLC) on 1st November 2013. Author: Chris Kelly & Dilraj Tiwana Course: 3rd Year BA Development Studies and International Relations
An Journey AnInhuman Inhuman Journey Humanity toto Humanity Images portraying exhausted migrants pressed-up on precarious boats are by now familiar to all of us. The coverage of these events by the mass media in Images portraying exhausted migrants pressed-up this regard is not comprehensive, and too often filters, on precarious boats are by now familiar to of us. misrepresents and homogenises the image ofallthe The coverage of these events by theand mass migrant, perceived as an infiltrator asmedia a bur-in this regard is not comprehensive, and too often filters, den on society. We play the part of the spectators misrepresents and the image of the to the screening of homogenises migrants docking onshore. Once migrant, perceived an infiltrator and isasarchived a burmigrants have beenas rescued, their case den on society. We partlost. of That the spectators in bureaucracy and play their the voices which is to the screening of migrants docking onshore. Once hidden beyond that shapeless and undistinguished migrants have been rescued, archived bulk of humans emerging fromtheir the case sea isis the inhuman in bureaucracy and their voices lost. That which is journey every single migrant undertakes to reach hidden and beyond that shapeless and undistinguished decent bearable living standards. What are the bulk of humans emerging from the sea is the What inhuman untold individual stories of that human bulk? of journey every single migrant undertakes to reach their identities? decent and bearable living standards. What are the untold of thatwhat human bulk? What of The 3rdindividual October stories 2013 marks newspapers have their identities? broadcast as ‘the Lampedusa tragedy’, where only one-hundred fifty seven migrants survived from the The 3rdofOctober marks with whatmore newspapers sinking a boat 2013 overloaded than fivehave broadcast as ‘the Lampedusa tragedy’, where hundred. It is yet another, the latest in very longonly line one-hundred fifty seven migrants survived from the sinking of a boat overloaded with more than five hundred. It is yet another, the latest in very long line
of tragedies, involving African migrants drowning in the Mediterranean Sea. A large share of them came from what is one of the most repressive regimes in the world. Eritrea, currently ruled by a dictatorship which had been established after its 1993 independence from Ethiopia and following a legacy of Italian and British colonialism, is not of involving African migrants fortragedies, nothing called ‘Africa’s North Korea’.drownAcing in the Mediterranean Sea. A large share of cording to the UN, three thousand Eritrean refthem from what one ofmonth, the most ugeescame flee Eritrean soilisevery but rethe CIA pressive in thetoworld. currently estimatesregimes this number be fiveEritrea, thousand. This ruled by a dictatorship which had been estabis because approximately two thousand Eritrean lished after independence from Ethiorefugees doits not1993 get registered as asylum seekers, pia and following a legacy of Italian remaining ghosts without an identity. and British colonialism, is not for nothing called ‘Africa’s North Korea’. According the UN, three thousand Eritrean The Eritrean humantorights activist Meron Estefanos refugees flee Eritrean soil every month, but the is the co-founder of the International CommissionCIA on estimates this number to be five thousand. This is beEritrean Refugees, an advocacy organization for the cause approximately two thousand Eritrean rights of Eritreans refugees, victims of humanrefugees trafdo not get registered as asylum seekers, remaining ficking and of torture. During an interview with the ghosts withoutCommunity an identity.Project she spoke of how International Eritreans escape from a nation-state where freedoms The Eritrean human rights activist Meron Estefanos is the co-founder of the International Commission on Eritrean Refugees, an advocacy organization for the rights of Eritreans refugees, victims of human trafficking and of torture. During an interview with the International Community Project she spoke of how Eritreans escape from a nation-state where freedoms
of of expression expression and and of of movement movement do do not not exist, exist, where where the the private private media media has has been been banned banned since since 2001, 2001, and and where where arbitrary arbitrary arrest arrest and and disappearances disappearances occur occur on on aa daily daily basis. basis. Neighbouring Neighbouring countries countries are are the the first first taste taste of of freedom freedom for for Eritreans Eritreans fleeing fleeing their their country, country, but but getting getting access access to to them them isis far far from from easy. easy. InIn fact, fact, the the implementation implementation of of aa shoot-to-kill shoot-to-kill policy policy at at the the Eritrean Eritrean border border isis well well known. known. ItIt isis also also well well known known that that the the chances chances of of crossing crossing the the border border with with neighbouring neighbouring Sudan Sudan are are just just 60%, 60%, with with aa 40% 40% chance chance of of being being arrested. arrested. During During the the process process of of crossing crossing the the Sudanese Sudanese frontier, frontier, around around half half of of the the refugees refugees are are kidnapped. kidnapped. Prospects Prospects are are even even worse worse along along the the Ethiopian Ethiopian border, border, where where the the 70% 70% of of Eritreans Eritreans are are shot shot and and only only 30% 30% of of refugees refumanage to gettoacross the border into relative sancgees manage get across the border into relative tuary. The above statistics demonstrate that that living sanctuary. The above statistics demonstrate conditions in Eritrea are soare unbearable that living conditions in Eritrea so unbearable Eritreans are ready to move into what embodthat Eritreans are ready to move into what ies the historical enemy enemy of theirofcountry, i.e. embodies the historical their country, neighbouring Ethiopia, facing the the prospect i.e. neighbouring Ethiopia, facing prosof kidnap, raperape or worse. Still Eritreans are pect of kidnap, or worse. Still Eritreans ready to face death rather thanthan remain are ready to face death rather remain within their country. The journey of Eritrean refugees is an endless and risky process across state borders, throughout which the violation of human rights such as kidnapping, extortion, rape, forced slavery, human trafficking and torture are known to occur. occur. Meron Meron Estefanos Estefanos tells tells the the stories stories of of men men and and women women who who have have been been blackmailed blackmailed and, and, inin case case of of where where payment payment was was not not received received inin time, time, sent sent to to Sinai, Sinai, where where torture torture isis practised. practised. Detainees Detainees are are forced forced to to call call their their parents parents while while superheated superheated melted melted plastic plastic isis poured poured onto onto their their backs, backs, or or subject subject to to elecelectrocution, trocution, where where an an electric electric discharge discharge isis activated activated at at the the extremity extremity of of aa wet wet chain chain to to which which aa number number of of people people isis tied tied together. together. The The practice practice isis systematically systematically repeated repeated for for twenty twenty hours hours per per day, day, sometimes sometimes as as frequently frequently as as every every 55 minutes, minutes, until until the the perception perception of of the the body body vanishes. vanishes. Once Once released, released, Eritrean Eritrean refrefugees ugees are are asked asked to to pay pay thousands thousands of of US US dollars dollars to to be be transferred transferred to to another another state, state, where where the the whole whole process process of of kidnapping, kidnapping, arrest, arrest, torture torture and and extortion extortion isis reiterated. reiterated. Death Death isis often often felt felt to to be be aa preferable preferable option option under under such such conditions. conditions.
.It is only following all of this that the Mediterranean crossing takes place, marking the final (but by Itnoismeans only following of this thatas thethe Mediterranethe least all problematic, Lampedusa an crossing place, stage marking final (butjourney by tragedy hastakes displayed) of the an inhuman no means the least problematic, as the Lampedusa towards salvation. The sea crossing itself involves tragedy displayed)of stage of an journey restrictedhas probabilities success, in inhuman that boats are towards salvation. The sea and crossing itself involves crowded and overloaded, safety measures restricted probabilities of success, in that non-existent. Provided that refugees landboats safelyare on crowded and andtosafety measures European soil,overloaded, they soon have deal with a strict non-existent. thatthe refugees landof safely on bureaucracy Provided which makes attainment a temEuropean soil, they have to deal with a porary visa and of soon asylum a slow process. In strict the bureaucracythe which makesshelters the attainment of a temmeanwhile, allocated and living condiporary visa and of asylum a slow process. In the tions, meant to provide a temporary solution, bemeanwhile, the allocated sheltersand andrefugees living condicome permanent. Thus, migrants find tions, meant to provide a temporary solution, bethemselves in psychologically uncertain circumstances come Thus, migrants andthey refugees find and inpermanent. socially peripheral positions: are non-inthemselvesand in psychologically uncertain circumstances tegrated excluded from society, unemployed, and in socially peripheral positions: they aretimes non-insettled in structures containing two or three the tegratedofand excluded from society, unemployed, number people they should host, and tired of not settled in structures containing two orSuch threetensions times the receiving answers about their status. number people should host, and tired of not escalate,ofand resultthey in migrantsâ€™ blockade of streets, receivingthrough answershunger aboutstrikes, their status. Such tensions protests and revolts, such as escalate, and result in migrantsâ€™ blockade of streets, the 2011 fire set in the reception centre of Contraprotests throughLampedusa, hunger strikes, andthirteen-hundred revolts, such as da Imbriacola, where the 2011 fire set in the reception centre Contrapeople were hosted, after migrants had of repeatedly da Imbriacola, thirteen-hundred requested to beLampedusa, transferredwhere from the island to the peoplepeninsula. were hosted, after migrants had repeatedly Italian requested to be transferred from the island to the Italian peninsula. The unpreparedness and unwillingness of the European Union for receiving sustained flows of migrants The and in unwillingness theenduring Euroand unpreparedness refugees is mirrored the constantofand pean Unionoccurring for receiving sustained of inmigrants tragedies offshore. Once flows landed what is and refugees is mirrored in the constant and enduring supposed to be a safer country, migrants are often tragedies occurring offshore. Once landed in what is neglected and not offered adequate support; a fact supposed to be a safer country, migrants are often which represents a major failure for the European neglected and not offered told adequate support; fact Union. As Meron Estefanos us, after havingagone which represents major failure forofthewhat European through hell, afterahaving lost much makes us Union. As Meron Estefanos told us, after having gone human, migrants and refugees should deserve heavthrough having much of what makes us en, not tohell, be after buried in thelost Mediterranean. human, migrants and refugees should deserve heaven, not to with be buried the Mediterranean. Interview MeroninEstefanos was conducted via Skype at the University of Westminster, London, on Interview Meron 2013 Estefanos was conducted via the 1st of with November Skype at the University of Westminster, London, on 1st November Author: Marta 2013 Cioci Course: 2nd Year BA Development Studies and International Relations Author: Marta Cioci
Course: 2nd year BA IR and Development Studies
Being Read the Riot Act: Today’s Youth in Tottenham The relationship between police and the young people of today is not a great one, many youngsters have rather negative perceptions and stereotypes of police officers. This is particularly the case for those living in North London, being a Tottenham resident my entire life, I have witnessed many tense circumstances between the police and youngsters. Tottenham has a history of tension with the police which still has an impact today. It goes all the way back to the Broadwater Farm riots of October the 6th 1985, which is one of the most deprived estates in Tottenham. Cynthia Jarret died of a heart attack whilst the police were searching her house because her son had been arrested on suspicion of theft and assault (though he was later cleared of all charges). The daughter of Cynthia claimed seeing her mother being pushed by one of the officers searching he house, though this was never proven. This triggered off a demonstration outside the local police station, and during the course of the day a violent outbreak occurred by the residents of Broadwater Farm, in fury of Cynthia’s death. It got to the point where baton charges were being used by the police which the residents retaliated with bricks and molotov cocktails. Unfortunately, a police officer was killed, three of the underage boys involved in this had their case immediately dismissed by the judge as they been questioned naked with only a blanket, and had no guardian with them. The three older men involved were convicted for life, they were later cleared by the Court of Appeal after finding out that the police notes were tampered with which happened to be the only evidence. The local council leader, Bernie Grant, condemned the search and the local police chiefs, stating that they should stop immediately as their behaviour had been “out of control”. The Tottenham Riots of summer 2011 had a tremendous impact across the country. It all started off with the police shooting of Mark Duggan in Tottenham Hale, Mark was also a resident of Broadwater Farm. Residents organised a small and peaceful protest
outside the local police station, however the reaction of the police was not a pleasant one. A girl who approached the officers to question them about Mark was pushed and hurt by the police, which sparked off the riot. I interviewed John, who knew Mark, “He was a peacemaker in our community, if there was a fight of an argument between teenagers around our area then he would be the one to stop it and solve it. I think Mark, like many other youngsters in places like Tottenham was criminalised.” Stop and search is a big problem in Tottenham. I, myself have seen it happen on countless occasions, young people constantly getting stopped and questioned who are just simply trying to go about with their day. It happens on the high road, near schools and colleges, parks and anywhere that youngsters hang out. This is what Darren, a local 17 year old, had to say: ‘I can’t even tell you how many times that I have been stopped and searched. It has become such a routine thing for me, police officers stop me on the road and I’m just thinking here we go again, I can’t be bothered to question why they are searching me, I just let them do whatever and then get on with my day. A year ago I actually got stopped twice within the space of an hour’. One of the main issues that has been brought up with those that I have interviewed, is the lack of respect on behalf of the police, young people feel ridiculed and spoken to as if they are inferior. Some have said that they were not even informed as to why they are being stopped and searched which relates to the fact that not many people know what their rights are. This is something the community needs to work on, we need to have events such as the one at Westminster University, enlightening the youngsters of their rights. After speaking to many young Tottenham residents, and being a resident myself, these negative perceptions towards the police are part of the bigger problem. It is an institutional problem with the metropolitan police and also the media. Tottenham being one of the most deprived areas in London, has a negative stigma attached to it by the media,
particularly after the Mark Duggan incident and the riots, the youngsters are portrayed as up to no good gang members, this in turn has an effect on the police who are more likely to stop youngsters than in other better off areas. There is also the wider argument that young people, or even those of any age, do not like the authority which restricts the individuals autonomy. Again, linking it back to Tottenham, many residents do not find the police presence and authority a legitimate one, or one that they respect, which is to do with the events of past. Tottenham has the 4th highest unemployment rate in the UK, and the highest in London, youth unemployment has gone up by 90% since January 2011. Youth clubs are being shut down and funding for youth related activities in the borough is being cut. As a result of this many youngsters will simply hang out in their area, on the street and in parks. It is a naĂŻve argument to say that the police simply pick on the youngsters as there are those who get involved in criminal activities, but we need to question why that is and how it can be solved.
This is what Ashley had to say: â€œI personally feel victimized by the police, I feel like a criminal when walking to the corner shop, or when I go out to the park with my friends. There is nothing to do in Tottenham. The youth clubs are closed. I tried getting a job but there is absolutely nothing. So what am I supposed to do? If they want us off the streets then the government needs to do something, invest more in the youth of your country, bring back EMA, lower the tuition fees so that we can get off the streets and stop being so-called criminals!â€? Placing police and community support officers on every corner is not going to solve anything, in fact it further intensifies the situation. Crime is correlated with unemployment rates, therefore more need to be done to create job and apprenticeship opportunities for young people. Youth clubs need to be reopened and more funding needs to be put into youth related activities within the borough. Invest in the youth instead of criminalizing them. Statistics from the website of David Lammy http:// www.davidlammy.co.uk, accessed 17th November 2013. Interviews with Darren Okoye and Ashley Powell were conducted at Day-Mer Community Centre on 16th November 2013. John, did not want his real name to be identified. Interview was conducted at Broadwater Farm Estate on 20th November 2013. Author: Dilan Secgin Course: 2nd Year BA Politics and International Relations
Government Strategies to prevent Human Trafficking: Trafficking of Albanians into the UK The Republic of Albania and the surrounding region has recently gained prominence in our mainstream media, with its place on the geo-political and economic periphery of the EU. Many of us may think we know of Albania and of Albanians, despite the divisions of class and identity, though what we may not suspect is the underlying trafficking of Albanians into the UK. Many of us ignore the trafficking of men, women, children, and young people alike into Europe or from Europe. The Global Slavery Index estimated around 880,000 people are enslaved across Europe, London being one of the cities home to a great number of trafficked people. Those who have been transported into the UK often end up being sexuality exploited, or work as modern-day slaves, and have neither pay nor rights – conditions that no one should be living under. This article explores the strategies and steps taken by the government in the face of the human trafficking, and of Albanians in particular. Theresa May announced early this year that tougher sanctions would be brought in, in order to tackle modern day slavery in Britain. The government had only decided to create a strategy in July 2011 to act upon the issues of human trafficking, which have needed reforming for many decades. The strategy stated that the government would establish a new National Crime Agency (NCA), whom, as Theresa May states: “Would maintain a dedicated Border Policing Command to strengthen our borders and help prevent human trafficking and other serious crimes”. It also aimed to create tougher actions against organised criminals who perpetuate the industry. May emphasised in the strategy that they are committed in further improving the amount of support available to the victims. As a matter of fact the strategy identified a ‘Victim Care Central’; “to provide proper support they need and deserve”, thus, the claim that the funding of £2 million per year in England and Wales would be protected. The time for the creation of a strategy is long overdue, however, the 2011 strategy has shown some hope for justice as well as the future of the victims.
In October 2012, as a follow up to the 2011 strategy, the Home Office published a report through the Inter-Departmental Ministerial Group on Human Trafficking (IDMG). The IDMG report is a policy paper on reducing and preventing crime, which assesses trends in human trafficking. As well as assessing these trends, the report explores the UK response to a range of intelligence on anti-trafficking efforts. Most importantly, the IDMG is responsible for producing an annual report to meet its obligations under the EU Directive on Trafficking in Human Beings, as the UK national rapporteur equivalent mechanism. Finally, Theresa May asked Labour MP Frank Field, in his role as vice-chair of the Human Trafficking Foundation, to lead a public debate on practical and effective ways of ending slavery in the UK. Evidence sessions were to be held over a two month period and presented to the Home Secretary as a report. This will mean the report will feed into the Modern Day Slavery Bill, to be introduced in 2014. The way in which the government are dealing with the issue can be understood in Field’s words: “It takes, in my experience, at least 10 years for a major report to be translated into legislation. To counter modern day slavery, the government has cut that timescale to under 10 months. Here is a crucial issue around which all parties can unite, in a way that is both fully probing and anxious to see this bill onto the statute book.” Of course the government should be dealing with this issue as quickly as possible, in an effective and appropriate manner, as we are in an era where there is a greater possibility to deal with potential obstacles. Yet, it is only in the coming years that we might see the UK actually having tackled this notion of modern day slavery, as the bill is yet to be introduced.
What is heart breaking is the fact that many UK citizens, and even Londoners, have no idea that modern say slavery exists in their surrounding communities, and how close this exploitation may be to them. The National Referral Mechanism (NRM) was introduced by the previous government to comply with the Council of European Convention on the â€˜Action against trafficking in Human Beingsâ€™; with its purpose to provide a clear picture on human trafficking in the UK. The NRM report indicates that, as from 30/03/2012, the most common countries of origin for people referred was from Nigeria; at first place, 37 referrals. In contrast, as from 02/07/2013, it was Albania, at 66 referrals. As the BBC reports, there has been a 300 per cent increase in Albanian trafficking since 2011. Those who are referred and identified as being trafficked are then referred to the Salvation Army or their partners for support and care - Albanians as 35 identified out of the 66. The Salvation Army administered 73 referrals in September 2013, with 16 referrals from Albanian descent, its highest. Regions where the victims were encountered are: North West (2), South East (6), South West (1), West Midlands (2), and Yorkshire (5).
As well as being trafficked into the UK they are trafficked within Albania, Greece, Italy, Macedonia, Kosovo, Belgium, Netherlands, Germany, Switzerland, and Ireland. Women are subject to trafficking after acceptance of job opportunities such as waitressing, bartending, dancing or singing in neighbouring countries like Kosovo, Greece and Macedonia. Trafficking of UK citizens is also known to the government. This essentially means the greater risks of trafficking British Albanians is apparent, a community which have integrated and become British citizens for many decades. Despite the existence of strategies and certain steps to conquer the issue, it has only been in progress since 2006. The NRM was only created in 2009 and a modern day bill is still to be introduced in Parliament within the coming year. In essence, it is an issue the government are slowly trying to act upon - the government fully deciding to opt in to the Directive of the European Commission in 2011, not so long ago. This proves that the revision of the old human trafficking legislation was never enough, never provided a clear picture on modern day slavery, and never acted justly - where many lived under appalling conditions. Regardless of the origin of any victim of trafficking, they must be identified, supported, and allowed to integrate into a reasonable way of life. They are our part of our nascent global community and we should open our eyes and ears to identify, and our arms to support. References UK Parliament (2012) MPs debate report on human trafficking http://www.parliament.uk/.../mps-debate-report-on-human.../ ,accessed 30th November 2013 Author: Cagla Dogan Course: 2nd Year BA Politics and International Relations
Mental Health in Britain Today
Towards An Understanding of Ethnicity and
It has long been known that the incidence of mental health problems is higher amongst ethnic communities than the rest of the population, and this pattern is found across the globe. In the UK, it has also been observed that the experience of mental health difficulties is more prevalent amongst those of Afro-Caribbean heritage than amongst the rest of the population, regardless of wherever the individuals may have been born. According to mentalhealth.org.uk, Afro-Caribbean people are three to five times more likely to develop a mental illness than the rest of the UK population. It has long been known that London has the highest recorded cases of schizophrenia amongst black people in the world, and depending on the source, these levels are estimated to be between some six to eighteen times higher than the remainder of the population. Our mental lives are dependent on an interplay between genetics and the environment. The incidence of mental illness is considerably less in countries where black people make up the majority, meaning that the reason is unlikely to be genetic. When the phenomenon was first discovered, it was proposed that it was due to white psychiatrists subjective misunderstanding of cultural differences and subsequently giving unwarranted diagnoses. The Institute of Psychiatry invited Fred Hickling, a Jamaican working in the profession, to Britain to test this hypothesis, re-evaluating the diagnoses
of Afro-Caribbean people that had been labelled with schizophrenia. The overall rate at which diagnoses of schizophrenia were made were consistent between psychiatrists and ever since it has been thought that the high rates of psychosis in British Afro-Caribbeans are unlikely to be the result of cultural insensitivity on the part of psychiatrists. With much evidence to suggest that the causes of the findings are environmental, the question is brought up as to what it is about daily experience that differs between Afro-Caribbeans and the rest of the population. There has to be something in the environment that is interfering with their mental health compared with the rest of the population, whether or not the exact reasons are ever discovered. Britain prides itself on its levels of tolerance and cohesion but such statistics clearly imply that something is amiss. Racism-induced stress is one factor that has been noted. Being subject to experiences ranging from stereotype-based misunderstandings and assumptions to open hostility on the grounds of colour can elevate stress levels, which in turn increase susceptibility to succumbing to mental health problems. Institutional racism is also likely to play a part, with high numbers of young black people subjected to police racial profiling, disproportionate use of stop and search powers. For example, in 2009-10, the stop and search rate for black people was 10.8 for every 100 people, compared to just 1.6 in 100 for white people.
The combination of these environmental factors mean that Afro-Caribbean people are less likely to enjoy high power or well-paying jobs and evidence abounds that being of such a socio-economic status is related to increased levels of stress and occurrence of mental and physical health problems. The Care Quality commission states that detention rates within psychiatric institutions are at least two times higher for black people than for the rest of the population. The census found that the service itself had no problem meeting public need but the group, Black Mental Health UK, says there are problems with â€˜stark inequalitiesâ€™ in the treatments offered. Afro-Caribbean people are perceived by health workers as more dangerous when experiencing mental health issues than those of other ethnicities. They are also more likely to be offered drugs rather than alternative treatments. Black people are sectioned on a far more regular basis than those of other ethnicities and it is far more likely that the police will be involved compared with incidents with those of Asian ethnicity or white people. Although the NHS seems to over-react when offering treatment to Afro-Caribbeans, there does not seem to be a reason grounded in logic for this effect. For example, there are lower rates of self-harm amongst black patients than those of other ethnicities.
It is likely that a conflicted cultural identity is formed by those living, and in many cases being born, in a country with a past characterised by the exploitation of their ancestors and ancestral lands. This is further supported by the high number of Irish schizophrenics living in Britain, who share this conflicted cultural heritage, with some sources even suggesting that they outnumber black people with the condition. The precise reasons for higher incidence of mental health issues in black people may never be known. As long as they remain unknown, they can never be consciously addressed and so the future appears bleak for racial equality in mental health. Nevertheless, psychologists and cognitive neuroscientists are still working hard with Afro-Caribbean communities in London, in an attempt to understand the basis of the reasons that lead to the higher incidences of mental health problems in this immigrant community. This work comes with great difficulties, as it can be mistakenly interpreted as racial profiling. This is not the case. In addition it seems that mental health professionals are lacking in taking into perspective social issues. If anything, the sciences that can shed light into these issues, and that are central to the understanding as to why this happens, could greatly benefit from a multidisciplinary approach. It is clear that a partnership among policy makers, sociologists, psychologists and neuroscientists is essential in tackling the problems of mental health in the international community. References Bentall, R., (2003) Madness Explained: Psychosis and Human Nature. London: Penguin Books Ltd. Open Society Justice Initiative and StopWatch (2013) Viewed with Suspicion. The Human Cost of Stop and Search in England and Wales. Report.
Author: Karina Ribeiro Courses: 3rd Year BSC Cognitive Neuroscience
Our bodies are in London I had heard that they call North London “Little Turkey” but actually I though the rumours were exaggerated until I saw Green Lanes. Along the street, many bars, restaurants, coffee shops, furniture shops, photographers, barber shops mostly with Turkish names... Shortly, everything that you would expect to see on a street... It is possible today to come across this view not only in Green Lanes but also in certain parts of particularly North London... I was in London for nearly three months in order to research Turkish immigrants’ political participation in England and Turkey... In this period I have been to many places where Turks were clustered, especially North London. I would like to share my observations regarding the immigrants from Turkey. FROM TEXTILE FACTORY WORKERS TO SHOP KEEPERS Although the history of people who migrated from Turkey and settled in England goes back to much earlier, mass migration started in the late 1980s. Particularly in year 1989 we see that migration reached a peak. Immigrants who arrived in London at that time first began to work in textile sector. Immigrants, who became unemployed when the textile sector withdraws from London due to various reasons, found the solution in opening shops. Today many of the offlicence shops, kebap restaurants and coffee shops are run by immgirants from Turkey. An immigrant from Maras whom I interviewed in a hometown association, is the distributor of wholesale good to shops and told me that there are around 30000 shops in London which belong to people from Turkey.
COMPETITION It seems like Turkish people living in London enjoy business. However there are certain problems regarding this. For example, the fact that people thought that shop keeping or selling kebab is a profitable business and rushed on to these areas resulted in increased competition and a drop in market share. This brought with it sharp collapses in business life. It is not surprising that the majorty of pages of Olay, a local magazine in Turkish language published in London, are alloted for advertisments of sublet shops. A woman who owns a pastry shop in Tottenham argues that the increase in the number of restaurants affects the business negatively. “I opened the first pastry shop here. My business was good. Then others thought ‘there is good money in this business. Let’s do it too’. Around my shop they opened other shops that do similar business. Those who make döner, began to make pastry as well. I could have sold döner . Why don’t I? Because I think everybody should do her own business and earn her own bread”. To my question wheater or not there is competition between Kurdish and Turkish people, a restaurant owner says “the competition has nothing to do with ethnic roots. On the contrary, here, the brothers and fellow townsmen compete with each other”. First generation immigrants neither entirely integrated to England nor did they get Turkey out of their minds. An immigrant from Kayseri who filled in the questionairre very carefully, sighs deeply as he comes to the question “do you consider to settle to Turkey in the next 10 years?”, he answers: “Since 23 years I have been thinking of settling in Turkey every day. For years we have been living with our bodies in London, our minds in Turkey.”
WE GO BACK IF THERE IS PEACE AND DEMOCRACY A decoration that gives the impression of a restaurant in an Anatolian town... rags on the walls, table clothes with authentic patterns under glass blocks, old urns for decorative purpose, oil lamps, photographs symbolising rural Anatolian life on the walls... The entrepreneur lady who sells home cooked meals says similar things: “Here we feel ourselves as if we were in Turkey. It has been more than 20 years since I came here. From the channels on the television to the decoration in here, from our clothing to our manners, we are like still living in Turkey”.
STAYING OR LEAVING? WHICH IS MORE DIFFICULT? The fact that there are many workplaces that belong to people from Turkey increases the areas in which Turkish is spoken. In an environment where the barber, butcher, chemist, restaurant owner or waiter speak Turkish, immigrants carry on their daily lives with almost no need for English. I even witnessed many times that during shopping, instead of asking “how many pounds?”, from habit they ask “how many liras?” This situation might seem to be facilitating the lives of some immigrants who did not have much contact with people other than their own group and therefore could not learn English. However it is actually the most important reason why they could not learn the language of the country they lived in for so long years.
Another immigrant who came to London from Maras answers the same question “I consider but under these circumstances it is impossible to return”. “Recent domestic politics of Turkey worries us. But when peace and democracy is established fully, I wouldn’t stay here even a minute.” It is possible to find counter examples too. Political attitudes of immigrants seem to influence their views on Turkey. For example a butcher who works at the groud floor of a mosque in London, argued that with the sucessful initiatives of the government in Turkey, they can walk their heads up in the street and that there is not much difference now between Turkey and England in terms of the quality of life but when we start talking about going back, he said “out children, grandchildren, all family is here. Even if we’d love to go back, under these circumstances only our funeral would go back to Turkey.” First generation immigrants from Turkey who reside in London follow the developments in Turkey more than England. Their minds are occupied with Turkey. Although most of them have a positive look on going back, economic and political reasons seem to tie them to London. Author: Dr Tuncay Bilecen, Kocaeli university, Turkey
our minds are in Turkey 22
LITERATURE REVIEW UK
Invisible: Britain’s Migrant Sex Workers – Hsiao-Hung Pai (2013) ISBN: 978-1908906069 In this chilling expose, investigative journalist Hsiao-Hung Pai works undercover as a housekeeper in a brothel and unveils the terrible reality of the British sex trade. Workers are trapped and controlled - the lack of freedoms this invisible strait of society suffers is both shocking and scandalous, at odds with the idea of a modern Britain in the twenty-first century. The Politics of Immigration: Contradictions of the Liberal State – James Hampshire (2013) ISBN: 978-0-7456-3899-7 The book shows how four defining facets of the liberal state - representative democracy, constitutionalism, capitalism, and nationhood generate conflicting imperatives for immigration policymaking, which in turn gives rise to paradoxical, even contradictory, policies. The Politics of Immigration examines the sources of these apparently contradictory stances, locating answers in the nature of the liberal state itself. Bloody Foreigners: The Story of Immigration to Britain – Robert Winder (2013) ISBN: 9780349138800 In this original, important and inspiring book, Robert Winder tells of the remarkable migrations that have founded and defined a nation. This story of the way Britain has been settled and influenced by foreign people and ideas is as old as the land itself.
Multiculturalism – Tariq Modood (2013) ISBN: 978-0745662879 Sociologically detailed, theoretically rich and highly accessible, Multiculturalism is an authoritative and subtle analysis as well as a well argued defence of multiculturalism. Cutting through much of the conceptual fog around the subject, the book is a significant contribution to the ongoing debate on the acceptable limits of cultural difference in a democracy. Bad News for Refugees – Greg Philo, Emma Briant and Pauline Donald (2013) ISBN: 978-0745334325 An important book that documents the way in which immigrants have been stigmatised by the British media. Offering a compelling analysis of what is omitted from media accounts, which voices are left unheard, how simplifications and stereotypes are generated, and the consequences of this prejudiced reporting for immigrant communities who feel themselves to be under constant attack.
Darcus Howe: A Political Biography – Robin Bunce and Paul Field (2013) ISBN: 978-1849664950 Using Howe’s dramatic personal history as a lens, the work explores the British civil rights movement in the defining years of the 1970s and 80s. It also links the struggle for racial justice in Britain with the fight for black emancipation in the USA and the anti-colonial movement in the Caribbean. Howe has a unique intellectual position forged through his personal experience and through his interaction with leading black thinkers. Black Star: Britain’s Asian Youth Movements - Anandi Ramamurthy (2014) ISBN: 978-0745333489 Tells the story of Britain’s Asian Youth Movements from the 1970s and 1980s and shows their importance in creating today’s multiracial Britain.
Us and Them?: The Dangerous Politics of Immigration Control – Bridget Anderson (2013) ISBN: 978-0199691593 Exploring the distinctions between migrant and citizen and the binaries of control, the ‘Good Citizen’ versus the ‘Failed’ and ‘Non-Citizens’, this book challenges these divisions, arguing that ‘them’ and ‘us’ are constituted out of different groups in different ways at all points in history. Progress has always meant overcoming these divisions and building on the principles of human solidarity. How Immigrants Impact Their Homelands – Susan Eckstein and Adil Najam (2013) ISBN: 978-0822353959 This book examines the range of economic, social, and cultural impacts immigrants have had, both knowingly and unknowingly, in their home countries. The book opens with overviews of the ways migrants become agents of homeland development. The essays that follow focus on the varied impacts immigrants have had in China, India, Cuba, Mexico, the Philippines, Mozambique, and Turkey. This book will appeal to students interested in populations, labour markets, and the everyday realities of migration. The Borders of Punishment: Migration, Citizenship, and Social Exclusion – Katja Franko Aas and Mary Bosworth (2013) ISBN: 978-0199669394
INTERNATIONAL Exodus: How Migration is Changing Our World – Paul Collier (2013) ISBN: 978-0195398656 From the author of multi-award winning The Bottom Billion, Exodus explores this migration from three unique perspectives: the migrants themselves, the people they leave behind, and the host societies where they relocate.
Assessing the relationship between immigration control, citizenship, and criminal justice, the book reflects on the theoretical and methodological challenges posed by mass mobility and its control and for the first time. Compiling leading international scholars with the latest research in the field, the book systematically outlines why criminology and criminal justice should pay more attention to issues of border control and immigration – how prisons are being shaped and altered by immigration, as well as examining increasing use of deportation, detention facilities and criminalisation of movement.
The Beast: Riding the Rails and Dodging Narcos on the Migrant TrailÓscar Martínez (2014) ISBN: 978-1781682975 A report on the horrific conditions faced by Central American migrants in their journey through Mexico to the United States. Travelling the migrant trail eight times over two years, Martinez witnessed some of the most harrowing stories of human survival and tragedy. Through his telling, we see the fearlessness of those who decide—despite the perils—to leave home for some semblance of a better life.
London Welcome Project Every Sunday 12 - 5 pm The London Welcome Project (LWP) is a non-profit, member-driven social centre where asylum seekers and refugees can meet. On Sunday afternoons we offer a warm and welcoming space where our members can socialise, share experiences, learn from one another and engage in activities. LWP strives to break the isolation that many asylum seekers and refugees experience. The Project aims to challenge the injustice and discrimination experienced by asylum seekers and refugees by providing a place of welcome in London. LWP is based on equal relationships and solidarity with our members. Free. Stockwell Centre, 1 Studley Road, London, SW4 6RA Chinese Painting Class Every Saturday 10:30 - 12:30 pm or 12:45 – 2:45 pm The Chinese Painting Class aims is taught by an experienced Chinese painting teacher, with the aim to promote Chinese traditional culture and art. Suitable for beginners. London Chinese Community Centre, 2 Leicester Court, London WC2H 7DW http://www.ccc.org.uk/ Cantonese Opera Singing Class Every Thursday 5:00 pm to 8:00 pm This class is taught by a professional Cantonese opera singer; on completion, learners may have the opportunity to perform. Welcome for anyone who is interested in Cantonese opera singing. London Chinese Community Centre, 2 Leicester Court, London WC2H 7DW http://www.ccc.org.uk/ Russian Revolutionary Posters Display open every day The ideals and illusions of the Russian Revolution and the Soviet Union are reflected in this display of street posters. The ideas and illusions conveyed in these posters were far from reality. However, the posters themselves became part of the texture of everyday life in the Soviet Union, and reflect the officially approved history as it was experienced by its citizens. Free. Level 2: Room 5, Tate Modern, Bankside, London SE1 9TG. http://www.tate.org.uk/ Inform Anniversary Conference - Minority Religions: Contemplating the Past and Anticipating the Future Friday 31st January 2014 – Sunday 2nd February 2014 Inform is celebrating over a quarter of a century of providing up-to-date and unbiased information about minority religions with an Anniversary Conference at the London School of Economics in London, UK. It will commence on the evening of Friday 31st January and continue over the weekend of February 1st and 2nd. London School of Economics, Houghton St, London WC2A 2AE Foreign Bodies, Common Ground Thursday 14 November 2013–Sunday 9 February 2014 What happens when you set up six artist residencies in different medical research centres throughout the world? This intimate exhibition showcases a diverse body of work from the artists who worked in research centres in Kenya, Malawi, South Africa, Thailand, Vietnam and the UK. The artists were invited to spend at least six months exploring the activity of researchers and produce new work in response to their experiences. The result is a series of moving, challenging and humorous works, richly varied in form and tone. They record journeys taken within the complex realm that lies between scientific processes and local communities, often on the frontlines of communicable diseases. Free. Wellcome Collection, 183 Euston Road, London NW1 2BE www.welcomecollection.org Power and gold in ancient Colombia: curator’s introduction Friday 7th February – 1.30 pm Project Curator Leonora Duncan gives a 45-minute illustrated introduction to the exhibition Beyond El Dorado: power and gold in ancient Colombia. BP Lecture Theatre, British Museum, Great Russell Street, WC1B 3DG Free http://www.britishmuseum.org/
Westminster Faith Debates: Global Religious Trends Wednesday 12th February 2014 – Wednesday 14th May 2014 In our increasingly globalised world, religion is changing fast. Policy needs to keep pace. Leading experts and public figures come together in the 2014 series of WFDs to analyse the major trends and discuss their implications. Divided into bi-weekly sessions covering topics including: What is driving sectarian violence in the wake of the Arab Spring? Are attempts to promote worldwide religious freedom naïve or necessary? How can religious moderates deal better with uncompromising hardliners and the conflicts they cause? RUSI, 61 Whitehall, London, SW1A 2ET http://www.ahrc.ac.uk/News-and-Events/Events/Pages/Faith-Debates-Global-Religious-Trends.aspx
Arabian Nights - The Ultimate Storyteller Sunday 16th February – 2.30 pm Join us on an exotic journey into the heart of the Arabian nights and meet the greatest storyteller of them all - Scheherazade. Discover how this beautiful princess stayed alive and awake for 1001 nights and kept the evil Sultan enthralled with tales of Sinbad and his ship, a prince turned beggar, a wonderful love story and the amazing Baghdad Festival. Featuring the music of Rimsky Korsakov. Barbican Centre Hall, Silk Street, London, EC2Y 8DS Tickets: £10 http://www.barbican.org.uk/ Karnatic Vocal Concert Saturday 22nd February – 6.00 pm Bhavan is priviledged to host Karnatic legend Padma Bhushan, Sangita Kalanidhi T V Sankaranarayanan. Accompaniments: Srimushnam Raja Rao - Mridangam, Balu Raguraman - Violin, R R Prathap – Ghatam Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan Centre, 4a Castletown Road, West Kensington, London W14 9HQ Prices: £25 £20 £15 http://www.bhavan.net/ First Light&Choreogata Thursday 27th February 2014 - Friday 28th February 2014 A triple bill of contemporary South Asian dance presented by pioneering South Asian dance organisation Akademi. Akademi presents Seeta Patel’s First Light, and two new contemporary Choreogata commissions - Dextox created by Urja Desai-Thakore and Forgot your Password by Divya Katsuri. created by the recipients of the Choreogata Artist Development Programme. Purcell Room, Southbank Centre, Belvedere Rd, London SE1 8XX Tickets: £10, Concessions 50% off (limited availability) http://www.southbankcentre.co.uk/ Seduced by Ragas on the Sitar Friday 28th February 2014 Pandit Das is considered to be one of the main torchbearer of the sitar from the next generation. Das has been mesmerising audiences with his beautiful rendering of ragas like no other today. Pandit Bose, the legendary tabla maestro provides his exhilarating improvised accompaniment. Queen Elizabeth Hall, Southbank Centre, Belvedere Rd, London SE1 8XX Prices: £30 £25 £20, Concessions 50% off (limited availability) http://www.southbankcentre.co.uk/ Incorporation Into the Anglo-Celtic Culture: Assimilation Policy in Australia 1890s-1960s Wednesday 5th March 2014 – 6.15 pm In the post-Second World War period the Australian government adopted a mass migration program, which brought large numbers of non-British settlers to its shore for the first time in its history. The ‘Australia’ these migrants encountered when they arrived was very much a British society and an integral part of a wider British world. The White Australia policy was also a crucial capillary of this British race patriotism. Consequently, these new non-British migrants were expected to assimilate into this white, British society immediately and become near identical to Anglo-Celtic Australians. However, in the early 1960s the first signs that Australia’s Britishness and whiteness were beginning to wane started to emerge. Free. K0.31 (Small Committee Room) Strand Campus, King’s College London, WC2R 2LS http://www.kcl.ac.uk/artshums/ahri/eventslist.aspx Gender, Migration and Space: A Memorial Symposium for Tijen Uguris Friday 8th March 2014 – 2.00 pm This symposium explores the relationship between gender and migration, particularly with relation to intersections of class, legal status, asylum and conflict. Topics include: ‘[En]gendering international protection: refugee women, men and the politics of asylum’; ‘Discourses on Migration and Transnational Activism around Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer Politics in Poland’; and ‘Gender and National Liberation in Kurdistan.’ Free. Open University, Camden office, 1-11 Hawley Crescent, Camden Town, NW1 8NP http://www.open.ac.uk/ccig/events/gender-migration-and-space St. Patrick’s Day Parade and Festival 2014 Sunday, 16th March, 2014 - 12:00 to 14:00 The London St Patrick’s Day Parade and Festival is now in its 13th year and attracts over 100,000 people. It has become a destination event, which showcases the best of Irish music, song dance, culture and arts. Trafalgar Square, Westminster, London, WC2N 5DS Free www.london.gov.uk Simón Bolívar National Youth Choir of Venezuela Saturday 5th April 2014 A performance by the Simón Bolívar National Youth Choir of Venezuela as part of the Pull Out All The Stops festival, celebrating the return of the full organ to Royal Festival Hall. Royal Festival Hall, Southbank Centre, Belvedere Rd, London SE1 8XX Prices: £25 £20 £15, Concessions 50% off (limited availability) http://www.southbankcentre.co.uk/
Are you a student at Westminster or involved in your local community? I nterested in graphic design or photography? Would You like to write about the life and issues in your community and gain some valuable writing experience in an academic setting? The International Community Project (ICP) is an independent, student led initiative which works on a range of issues focussed on migration, identity, multiculturalism and the rights of international communities in London. The ICP provides an exciting opportunity for research experience and a practical application of learned academic knowledge. We are currently looking for contributors who could work with us on the International Community Forum magazine. We welcome students and members of communities from all backgrounds with all types of skills. If you have any ideas how you could help us to improve the magazine or the project and would liked to get involved in writing an article, as a researcher, taking photos or helping us to reach a wider audience, please get in touch at firstname.lastname@example.org or visit our website at icpweb.co.uk
Published on Jan 26, 2014