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Órgano de la sección simpatizante de la Liga Internacional de los Trabajadores (Cuarta Internacional) en Estados Unidos Paper of the Sympathizing Section of the International Workers League (Fourth International) in the United States

LA VOZ de los trabajadores

No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012 / Email: LaVoz.LITCI@gmail.com/www.lavozlit.com / www.litci.org / US$ 1 (colaboración / donation)

International Women's Day

Dia Internacional de las Mujeres “La Historia nos enseña que es necesaria una revolución que altere radicalmente las relaciones socio-económicas, para extirpar la causa de las desigualdades y obtener una plena emancipación de nuestro sexo. Este es el fin prometido por el programa socialista por el que nosotras luchamos” -Evelyn Reed

EN ESTE NÚMERO: Editorial Imperialismo EEUU Movimiento de Educacion Dia de las Mujeres Inmigrantes Eleciones Estudiantiles FMLN & El Salvador ¿Quiénes Somos? Domitila Barrios

IN THIS ISSUE: 2 7 10 13 17 22 26 31 32

Editorial US Imperialism Education Movement Women's Day Immigrants Student Elections FMLN & El Salvador Who We Are Domitila Barrios


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

EDITORIAL

Obama, siempre sirviendo a los ricos

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a movilización independiente que tiene curso hoy en día en el país es el producto de un proceso de reflexión y de maduración de la conciencia de sectores de masas que se cansaron de esperar soluciones a sus problemas del gobierno de Obama. Es una respuesta de sectores de masas a las medidas de austeridad y de recortes de derechos laborales y civiles implementadas por el gobierno de Obama en favor de los grandes capitalistas para enfrentar la crisis económica. Bush y el partido republicano sufrieron una gran derrota en las elecciones de 2008 a Obama y el partido demócrata, era para las masas una forma de expresar su rabia y descontento con una situación económica y política caótica a la que había llevado Bush al país. Un presidente negro, joven y con algunos vínculos con la izquierda en el pasado, las promesas de Obama encaminadas a apaciguar los ánimos de las masas trabajadoras y oprimidas le dieron el tiempo necesario a la burguesía para prepararse y armarse de un plan de ataque para responder a la crisis económica que justo estallo ese mismo ano. En lugar de poner en practica las promesas sobre la libre sindicalización, la reforma migratoria, aseguranza medica para todos, combatir el racismo, acabar con la Guerra, cerrar la prisión de Guantánamo, apoyar los derechos de la mujer, etc., las primeras medidas que tomo como presidente fue entregarle billones de dólares a los grandes bancos y corporaciones responsables del estallido de la crisis con los di-

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Obama: Always At The Service of The Rich T

he independent mobilization that is unfolding today across the US is the product of a process of reflection and growth in the consciousness of sectors of the population that are tired of waiting for solutions for their problems from the Obama government. It is a response from the popular sectors to the Obama government's solution to the economic crisis - austerity measures and attacks on labor and civil rights (carried out on behalf of the big capitalists). Bush and the Republican Party’s major defeat in the 2008 elections to Obama and the Democratic Party was for the masses an expression of their anger and discontent with the chaotic economic and political situation that Bush had led the country into. Coming from a young, black President with some vague ties to the Left from the past, Obama’s promises were blatant efforts to appease the desires of the working class and oppressed masses, while giving the bourgeoisie the necessary time to prepare and arm itself to respond with an attack to the economic crisis that had just broken out. Instead of enacting his promises for stronger unionization rights, an immigration reform, health care for all, a fight against racism, an end to the war, the closure of the prison at Guantanamo, increased rights for women, etc., the first measures he took as President were to hand over billions of dollars to the big banks and corporations, the same ones responsible for the crisis, using money from taxes on the working class. The masses were once again deceived with the argument that the priority should be saving the financial system and protecting corporate capital from bankruptcy and total chaos. The Democratic Party thought that, much like in past economic crises, the shock measures they applied would create the conditions for a rapid recovery that would allow workers to return to work – if not all the laid off workers, at least the majority – and in this way recovery stability. But reality served a wake-up call to the government and the entire bourgeoisie. Unable to hide the severity of the crisis, Obama had no other option but to continue attacking the rights of the working class and its allies, one after another in order to keep afloat the profits of the big capitalists. Many workers don't understand why politicians like Obama dare to deceive the people who threw their support behind him so he could become President. The reason for this is that behind all of his words lie the interests of the class he defends. Obama


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

neros de los impuestos del pueblo trabajador. Las masas nuevamente fueron engañadas con el argumento que la prioridad era salvar el sistema financiero y proteger al capital corporativo de la quiebra y el caos total. El partido demócrata pensaron que, como había sucedido en las crisis económicas anteriores, las medidas de choque emprendidas servirían para crear las condiciones para una recuperación rápida que permitiera poner nuevamente a trabajar sino a todos los trabajadores despedidos si a la gran mayoría y de esta manera recuperar la estabilidad. Pero la realidad les hizo una mala pasada al gobierno y a la burguesía de conjunto. Sin poder ocultar la gravedad de la crisis, Obama no ha tenido otra opción que seguir atacando uno tras otro los derechos de los trabajadores y las masas para mantener a flote las ganancias de las grandes capitalistas . Muchos trabajadores no entienden porque gobernantes como Obama se atreven a engañar a todo un pueblo que lo apoyo para llegar a ser presidente. La explicación esta en que detrás de las palabras están los intereses de clase que un gobernante defiende. Obama no es una rueda suelta en el sistema capitalista. Obama es el máximo representante del partido demócrata, un partido que por decenas de años, junto con el partido republicano, se han dedicado a engañar, a reprimir y a explotar a las masas con el fin de extraer de ellas las mejores ganancias para sus capitales. Los tres años y medio del gobierno de Obama han sido el juego de empezar desde la izquierda para terminar con la derecha.

Sectores de masas despiertan y empieza la movilización

Después de recibir muchos golpes, sectores de la clase obrera, estudiantes, inmigrantes, afroamericanos, etc., han perdido la paciencia y han decidido salir a las calles a luchar. En 2009, los estudiantes en California salieron a movilizarse para enfrentar el proceso de privatización de la educación pública. Esta lucha, a pesar de todos los obstáculos que enfrenta, ha sido una escuela de concientización y organización para amplios sectores de jóvenes que han tomado en sus propias manos la realización de sus esperanzas en la propia fuerza de su movilización. Igualmente lo han venido haciendo sectores de trabajadores, sobre todo los mas explotados y oprimidos, que han salido a defender sus derechos con sus propias manos como lo pudimos ver sobre todo en Wisconsin cuando se dio un verdadero levantamiento obrero cuando miles de miles de trabajadores por varias semanas lucharon en las calles contra las medidas del gobernador de acabar con el derecho de la negociación colectiva. Los inmigrantes no dejan de salir a la calle, aunque no de la forma masiva y organizada que lo hicieron en 2006, defendiéndose de los ataques de los racistas en los estados y del gobierno de Obama que se ha convertido el su peor Verdugo con un record de mas de un millón de deportados y miles de redadas en los puestos de trabajo apoyándose en el tenebroso programa E-Verify. Los afroamericanos, el sector que mas apoyo a Obama, ha venido sufriendo un recrudecimiento

EDITORIAL is not a loose wheel in the capitalist system. He is the highest representative of the Democratic Party, a Party that, along with the Republicans, has for decades dedicated itself to manipulating, repressing, and exploiting the masses in order to get out of them the maximum profits for the bosses. The three and a half years of the Obama administration have been the same game of faking Left and swerving Right.

Sectors of The Masses Wake Up & Begin Fighting Back

After so many attacks, sectors of the working class, immigrants, students, the black community, etc., have run out of patience and have taken to the streets in struggle. In 2009, the students in California began fighting to stop the process of privatization of public education. This struggle, despite all the obstacles it has faced, has been a school for consciousness and organization for large sectors of the youth, who have taken into their own hands the securing of their hopes using the force of their own mobilization. So too have sectors of the workers, above all the most exploited and oppressed who have come out in defense of their rights using their own strength. This is what we saw above all in Wisconsin, where a true workers' uprising occurred when thousands and thousands of workers fought for weeks in the streets to defeat the Governor's measures to end collective bargaining. Immigrants have not abandoned their protests either, even though they do not have the same massive and organized force they had in 2006, defending themselves from both the racist attacks at the state level and from the Obama administration that has transformed into their worst enemy, with a record of more than a million deportations and thousands of workplace raids using the E-Verify program. The black community, the sector that gave Obama the most support, has suffered an intensification of racist attacks to which they have responded with great mass actions like those against the police murder of Oscar Grant in Oakland, the execution of Troy Davis in Atlanta, and most recently the racially-motivated murder of Trayvon Martin in Florida in which charges are only now being pressed. The struggles for rights for the LGBTQ community, especially the trans-gendered, and women are confronting a reactionary offensive to rescind rights won through past struggles. The same with environmentalists fighting the big oil companies that disregard the significant ecological and human damage they cause. This entire panorama of struggles made a major advance at the end of last year with the emergence of the Occupy Wall Street Movement, with its clear and conscious message to the big capitalists that they are the ones responsible for the crisis. There has emerged within the Occupy movement a discussion about where to go from here. This discussion hinges on the question of reform

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EDITORIAL de los ataques racistas que han sido respondidos con grandes acciones de masas como fue el caso del asesinato por la policía de Oscar Grand en Oakland, la ejecución de Troy Davis en Atlanta y recientemente el asesinato de Trayvon Martin en Florida por motivos racistas y solo ahora con cargos para el asesino. Las luchas de los derechos de la comunidad lesbiana y gay, los transexuales y las mujeres que enfrentan una ofensiva reaccionaria para negar derechos ganados en luchas pasadas así como los ambientalistas que se han opuesto a las grandes corporaciones petroleras que no tienen en cuenta los grandes daños ecológicos y humanos causados. Todo este conjunto de luchas al fin del año pasado tuvieron un gran avance con la aparición en la escena del movimiento Occupy Wall Street con su clara conciencia de señalar a los grandes capitalistas como los responsables de la crisis. Dentro del movimiento Occupy se ha desatado una discusión de hacia donde va. La discusión se mueve entre reforma o revolución en la cual la posición política que se tome ante el gobierno de Obama es la clave. ¿Es posible combatir las políticas del 1% y apoyar a Obama? Lo que la experiencia ha demostrado es que solo la movilización independiente de las masas es el camino mas cierto para defender y avanzar en la conquista de los derechos de los explotados. En este camino no hay ninguna ilusión para apoyar a un gobierno burgués. El gobierno demócrata de Obama es el agente de los intereses de la gran burguesía y por lo tanto el enemigo numero uno del proletariado. En esta coyuntura electoral, es tarea de los socialistas revolucionarios llamar a las masas a combatir todas las ilusiones en torno al reformismo parlamentario que pretende hacer Carrera a caballo de la lucha de las masas como lo pretende hacer la burocracia sindical. La casta burocrática empotrada en los sindicatos ha sido el arma segura con la cual los grandes capitalistas mantienen un control férreo sobre el movimiento obrero. Soportada sobre una aristocracia obrera, o una capa obrera privilegiada y racista, la dirección sindical burocrática garantiza le garantiza a la burguesía la división y la atomización de la clase obrera en diversos sectores, enfrentándolos unos contra los otros. La gran arma con la cual los capitalistas quiebran la conciencia de clase de los luchadores es cediendo ciertos privilegios. Estos privilegios son más venenosos y codiciados en la medida en que la crisis económica se profundiza. La movilización de sectores de trabajadores y sus aliados para enfrentar los severos ataques de los patrones y el gobierno de Obama ha puesto presión sobre las direcciones sindicales y, si bien el grueso de la burocracia sindical ha hecho caso omiso de las luchas y es cómplice en la imposición de los planes de austeridad del gobierno, algunos burócratas, sobre todo los que aglutinan en sus sindicatos a los sectores mas golpeados de la clase obrera, como SEIU Internacional, toman algunas posiciones de apoyar la lucha mientras llaman a los trabajadores a apoyar a Obama.

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No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012 or revolution in which the position the movement takes towards the Obama government is key. Is it possible to combat the policies of the 1% and support Obama? Our experience has shown us that only the independent mobilization of the masses allows us to defend and advance in winning the rights of the exploited. In this strategy, we cannot have illusions about giving support to bourgeois governments. The Democrat administration of Obama is the agent of the interests of the big bourgeoisie and, as a result, is the number one enemy of the proletariat. In the electoral period, the task of revolutionary socialists is to call on the masses to resist and combat any illusions in parliamentary reformism, which seek to turn the mass struggle into a horse race like what the union bureaucracy is trying to do. The bureaucratic caste entrenched within the unions has been the weapon the big capitalists use to keep the workers movement under tight control. Supported by the labor aristocracy - a layer of the working class that’s privileged and racist - the bureaucratic union leadership guarantees for the bourgeoisie the division and atomization of the working class into different sectors and pits one against another. The strongest weapon the capitalists use to break the consciousness of the workers is giving privileges to certain layers of the working class. But, the more the economic crisis worsens, the more precarious these privileges become. The mobilization of sectors of the proletariat and of the masses to stop the severe attacks from the bosses and the Obama government is putting pressure on the union leadership. So, while the bulk of the union bureaucracy are ignoring these struggles and are complicit in the Government's imposition of the austerity plans, there are still some bureaucrats, above all those who represent in their unions the sectors of the working class that are the hardest hit, like SEIU International, that are taking some positions in support of the struggles, while at the same time calling on the workers to vote for Obama.

We Must Organize & Break With The Government & The Union Leadership

Now with the intensified attacks, the need to organize has become a matter of life or death for our ability to defend and strengthen workers’ rights. The government's repression of the protests, the passivity and indifference of the union leadership towards the struggles (or even in many cases their opposition to them), and the electoral period we are now in all represent major obstacles that our struggle will have to confront. Despite its ups and downs, the 3-year process of mass struggle has borne fruit. In many unions, not only have sectors of opposition to the bureaucracy emerged, but also some are directly calling


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

Movilizar y romper con el gobierno y la burocracia sindical

Mientras se profundizan los ataques, la necesidad de abrir paso a la movilización es un asunto de vida o muerte para la defensa y la extensión de los derechos de los trabajadores. La represión del gobierno de las protestas, la pasividad y la indiferencia de la dirección sindical frente a las luchas y en muchos casos su oposición y la coyuntura electoral por la que atravesamos son los grandes obstáculos que enfrenta la movilización. A pesar de las altas y las bajas, el proceso de lucha de masas que tiene ya cerca de 3 años ha producido sus frutos. En muchos sindicatos no solo han surgido sectores de oposición a la burocracia sino que también se están planteando la ruptura con el partido demócrata. Aunque es un fenómeno muy embrionario de todas maneras esta surgiendo en un terreno bien fértil caracterizado por el incremento del descontento de las masas en medio de una profundización de la crisis económica. Para los revolucionarios, la tarea fundamental es alentar la continuidad del proceso de movilización, así como estimular los procesos de oposición antiburocrática dentro de los sindicatos y la ruptura de los mejores activistas con el gobierno de Obama. Esta lucha no solo hay que darlo en el terreno de la movilización directa sino también en el terreno electoral, planteando una política de independencia de clase hacia las elecciones. Independientemente del hecho que no haya un candidato de los trabajadores que levante un programa de enfrentamiento a los planes del gobierno y democratización de los sindicatos en esta coyuntura electoral, debemos explicar a los luchadores obreros el problema de la relación de la movilización permanente de las masas y la necesidad de un gobierno de los trabajadores y de ruptura con los capitalistas como solución definitiva a los problemas de las masas.

Apoyar las luchas de los sectores más explotados y oprimidos:

EDITORIAL for a break with the Democrats. Even though this phenomenon is still in embryonic form, it is emerging within the very fertile terrain of a mass discontent which increases with the deepening of the economic crisis. For revolutionaries, our fundamental task is to encourage the continuity of the mobilization process as well as advance the processes of formation of antibureaucratic opposition within the unions and intensify the break that has formed between the best activists and Obama and the Democrats. This struggle is one that we need to make not only in the terrain of direct mobilization but also in the electoral terrain, by putting forward a policy of class independence for the elections. Despite the fact that there is no workers' candidate running on a program to confront the plans of the government and to democratize the unions in this election, we need to explain to working class fighters the relationship between permanent mass mobilization and the need for a workers' government and a break with the capitalists as a definite solution for our problems.

Supporting the Struggles of the Most Exploited & Oppressed Sectors: The Immigrant's Fight Against the Raids, Deportations, & In the Unions

Creating revolutionary leadership for the struggles means a commitment to stand in struggle with the most exploited and oppressed sectors - the fight of immigrant workers, along with that of black workers, the fights for proletarian women's rights and those of the trans-gender community. In the case of immigrant workers, we must continue supporting all their efforts to defeat persecution and criminalization, all while calling for full recognition of their civil rights without conditions. In this fight, we must denounce the Obama government which, guided by racist and oppressive motives, is the main one responsible for the deportations, cri1990: Striking Janitors Shut Down Century City

La lucha contra las redadas y las deportaciones y los sindicatos de los inmigrantes

Una de las garantías para la construcción de una dirección revolucionaria para las luchas es estar comprometido con las luchas de los sectores mas explotados y oprimidos - las luchas de los trabajadores inmigrantes juntos con las de los afroamericanos, las luchas por los derechos de la mujer trabajadora y los transexuales. En el caso de los trabajadores inmigrantes, debemos continuar apoyando todos los esfuerzos por parte de este sector para derrotar la persecución y toda la andanada de leyes criminalizadoras contra ellos, a la vez que llamamos al reconocimiento de sus plenos derechos civiles sin condiciones. En esta tarea la denuncia central debe hacerse en contra del gobierno de Obama como principal responsable de las deportaciones, la criminalización y la perdida de vidas por motivos racistas y de opresión. Esta lucha debe enlazarse en una campana en la cual los ataques en contra de los trabajadores in1990: Huelga de janitors apaga Century City

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EDITORIAL migrantes están señalados como un ataque en contra de los intereses del conjunto de la clase obrera Americana. Debemos llamar a los trabajadores mas conscientes de las diversas razas que componen la clase obrera Americana a que defendamos a los trabajadores inmigrantes y llamarlos a luchar por la conquista de sus derechos como parte de su propia lucha por su propia liberación , combatiendo a su propio gobierno racista y explotador. En esta lucha los sindicatos en los que se agrupan los trabajadores inmigrantes organizados cumplen un papel clave. En California, USWW es el sindicato que agrupa a lo mejor de los luchadores por los derechos de la clase obrera y de los inmigrantes. Estos sectores de trabajadores con amplia tradición de lucha anti patronal y antiburocrática están llamados a jugar un papel de vanguardia en el proceso revolucionario que se esta incubando en este país. El acompañamiento a estas luchas y con ellas el apoyo desde los sindicatos a las luchas por los derechos de los inmigrantes es un problema estratégico para el avance de las luchas del conjunto de la clase obrera Americana. Desafortunadamente, su dirección es completamente antidemocrática aunque haya jugado en algunos momentos roles progresivos como ser la vanguardia en organizar sindicalmente a este sector. La presencia de una dirección burocrática dentro del sindicato no ha sido impedimento para que allí se desarrolle una importante lucha por la democratización de la organización sindical con el surgimiento de un sector de oposición que bajo un programa de independencia de clase se plantea derrotar a la burocracia y tomar la dirección de la organización por los propios trabajadores y en beneficios de ellos mismos. Es nuestra tarea intervenir en el proceso de formación y consolidación de lo movimientos de oposición y democratización que están en curso. Actualmente, los janitor llevan adelante una importante lucha por su contrato maestro que debemos apoyar incondicionalmente. Con una táctica de unidad de acción y diferenciación con la burocracia y reivindicando la plena democracia sindical la oposición no solo debe abrir paso a la movilización por la defensa incondicional de sus derechos sino también educar en la necesidad de romper con la dependencia del sindicato con el partido demócrata. Esto ayudara a crear las condiciones para fortalecer la oposición para ponerla en condiciones de intervenir en las próximas elecciones sindicales para pelear la dirección a la burocracia.

minalization, and loss of life. This struggle must link itself to a campaign in which the attacks against immigrant workers are seen as an attack on the interests of the entire American working class. We must call on the most conscious workers from all the races that make up the American proletariat to come out in defense of immigrant workers. We must call on the entire proletariat to fight for these rights as part of our own struggle for the liberation of our class, directing our fight against the racist and exploitative government. In this struggle, the unions representing organized immigrant workers play a key role. In California, United Service Workers West (USWW) SEIU is the union that brings together the best fighters for the rights of the working class and the immigrants. These working sectors, who have such an extensive history of struggle both against the bosses and against the bureaucracy are being called to play a vanguard role in the revolutionary process that is in an embryonic stage in this country. Building solidarity for these struggles, and with it, support from the unions for the movement for immigrants’ rights, is a strategic problem for advancing the struggle of the entire American working class. Unfortunately, SEIU’s leadership is completely undemocratic, even though they have played in some moments a progressive role, including pushing to unionize this sector. This bureaucratic leadership's presence within the union has not prevented the development of an important fight to democratize the union led by a sector of opposition working to defeat the union bureaucracy and put the leadership of the union into the hands of the workers themselves for their own benefit under a program of class independence. It is our task to intervene into the process of formation and consolidation of the opposition and democratization movements underway. Today, the janitors are leading an important struggle for their Master Contract to which we should give unconditional support. Using a tactic of unity in action and by distinguishing ourselves from the union leadership and through calling all the while for full union democracy, the opposition can not only advance the mobilization for unconditional defense of its rights but also explain the need to break the dependence of the union on the Democratic Party. This will help to create the conditions for strengthening the opposition, so it can intervene in the upcoming union elections to fight the union leadership.

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Viva la lucha de la clase obrera!! Viva la lucha de los inmigrantes!! Viva la lucha contra la explotación y la opresión!! Por aumento de salaries y defensa de los beneficios médicos!! • Viva la lucha por el contrato maestro de los janitors!! 6

LA VOZ de los trabajadores

Viva the struggle of the proletariat!! Viva the struggle of the immigrants!! Viva the fight to end exploitation and oppression!! For salary increases and defense of our medical benefits!! • Viva the fight for the janitors' Master Contract!!


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

IRAN

¿Los EEUU en U.S. War on guerra con Iran? Iran imminent? What is the situation in the world?

¿Cuál es la situación mundial?

Los EEUU intentan mantener su control sobre el resto del mundo y ya están preparando más guerras. Hicieron una gran campaña de guerra con Irak (la Guerra del Golfo) en los 90 y luego a principios de los 2000, y todas tuvieron grandes repercusiones tanto en el territorio nacional americano como en los países vecinos de Irak (Iran, Israel etc). Ahora los EEUU apuntan a Irán como su próxima víctima y están llevando a cabo una campaña para convencer a las masas de que Iran es la principal cuna del terrorismo y están poniendo las bases para una guerra con ese país. Una posible guerra con Irán no sólo afectaría a los EEUU, pero también a Israel, a la Unión Europea (UE) y los países cercanos al país. No obstante, existe un gran vacío entre las aspiraciones de EEUU y la realidad. No sólo el país se encuentra en medio de una de las mayores crisis económicas que ha tenido que enfrentar desde la Gran Depresión de 1930 (y no hay signos de una recuperación cercana), sino que sus aliados de la UE también enfrentan una gran crisis de la deuda. Como en EEUU, las clases dominantes europeas quieren que sean los trabajadores y los pueblos oprimidos los que paguen por la crisis, crisis que causó el "1%", pero estas están encontrando una gran resistencia de las masas, como lo muestran las revueltas en Grecia y otros países de la UE. Otro factor que los EEUU tienen que te-

The USA is trying to maintain control over the world and is preparing for more wars. It went on a big war campaign with Iraq (Gulf War) in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, all of which had big repercussions at home and in the countries surrounding Iraq (i.e. Iran, Israel, etc.). Now, the U.S. has targeted Iran as its next victim and is pushing forward a big campaign to convince the masses that Iran is big hotbed of terrorism and is setting the foundations for an imminent war with Iran. A possible war with Iran is likely to shake not only the US, but also Israel, the European Union, and the neighboring countries of Iran. However, it is finding a big gap between its aspirations and the reality it is faced with. Not only is the US in the middle of one of the biggest economic crisis it has faced since the 1930s Great Depression- and there is no sign an imminent recovery- but its allies in the European Union (EU) are also facing a huge debt crisis. Like the US, the ruling class in the EU is trying to make its working-class and oppressed peoples pay for the economic crisis (which was caused by the 1%), however it is facing a much stronger resistance by the masses- as the uprising in Greece, and other EU countries showed this past year. The other factor that confronts the US’s plan to keep its worldwide hegemony is the revolutionary process in North Africa & the Arab world. The revolutionary processes in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Syria, Bahrain, and others have had victories and defeats, but what is certain is that these processes are ongoing and the US and their dictators & regimes of these countries are trying their hardest to control them so they don’t explode in their own countries or abroad, and they do not radicalize towards a struggle for socialism.

The need for solidarity and internationalism

With the U.S. threats of going to war with Iran and its increasing presence in Africa, it’s interventions in the North African & Middle-Eastern revolutionary processes, we need to ask ourselves as socialists and activists, how will we connect to the Occupy movement and struggles that are arising with these revolutions to confront our own country’s imperialist chauvinism. This past year events, specifically the US and NATO’s role in the Libyan revolutionary process (see the AFRICOM U.S. military organization [1]), soldiers killing rampage in Afghanistan this May, the U.S.

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No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

IRAN ner en cuenta para conservar su hegemonía mundial son los procesos revolucionarios en el Norte de Africa y el mundo árabe. Las revoluciones en Egipto, Túnez, Líbia, Síria y Bahrein han tenido victorias y derrotas, pero lo que es cierto que es aún están en curso y que los EEUU y sus dictadores están haciendo todo lo posible para controlarlas y evitar que se extiendan y que se radicalicen hasta llegar al socialismo.

La necesidad de solidaridad e internacionalismo

Frente a las crecientes amenazas de EEUU en contra de Irán y su creciente presencia en África, y de las intervenciones en los procesos revolucionarios del Norte de África y Oriente Medio, tenemos como socialistas y activistas plantearnos el conectar esas luchas con el movimiento Occupy y otras luchas para enfrentar el chovinismo imperialista presente en nuestro país. Los acontecimientos de este último año, en especial la intervención militar de la OTAN y EEUU en Líbia (ver la organización militar estadounidense AFRICOM), el aumento de asesinatos de civiles a manos de militares en Afganistán, la continuación de la ocupación de tierras palestinas por Israel y los EEUU etc, muestran que las intervenciones imperialistas crecen mientras la crisis se prolonga, y que los pueblos en Europa y en el resto del mundo se empiezan a levantar.

La necesidad de construir un movimiento anti-guerra y UNAC

Por las razones mencionadas pensamos que es importante que las luchas actuales tomen una posición fuerte en contra de la guerra. El movimiento anti-guerra ha estado adormecido desde la fuerza que ganó después del 9/11 (2001) y de las guerras contra "el terrorismo" en Afganistán e Irak. Desde entonces Obama ha continuado la misma política de Bush de guerra contra el terror, y la ha expandido ahora al resto de Oriente Medio y el Norte de Africa entre otros continentes. Sabemos que la construcción del movimiento antiguerra ha sido difícil, en especial dado que otros movimientos, como el de los derechos de los inmigrantes en el 2006 o el movimiento Occupy en 2011/2012 han tenido más éxito y han movilizado a centenares de miles. Por esta razón muchos dicen que el movimiento anti-guerra es uno sin salida y que deberíamos migrar a pastos más verdes con Occupy etc. Pensamos que eso es un error y que eso significa ignorar el significado del movimiento anti-guerra. No debemos contraponer el movimiento o la propaganda anti-guerra con las luchas en las que estamos implicados. Al contrario, debemos buscar el conectar orgánicamente las consignas en contra de la guerra con nuestras luchas. La Coalición Nacional Anti-Guerra (UNAC) es la única coalición anti-guerra democrática que además de intentar construir el movimiento, intenta desarrollar conexiones con luchas más amplias,

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and Israel’s continued occupation of Palestinian lands, show that the US has been exponentially increasing its imperialist interventions while the economic crisis is continuing, and while people’s in Europe and all over the world are rising up. We have a duty to show solidarity to all oppressed and working-class people rising up to our own country’s imperialism as this is connected to our fight at home. A victory of the oppressed elsewhere against the U.S. is a victory for the working-class and oppressed people here.

The necessity on building the anti-war movement and UNAC

For the aforementioned reasons, we think its important that today’s struggles take on a strong antiwar stance. The anti-war movement has been in a lull since the strong momentum it has after 9/11 [2001] and the wars of “terrorism” on Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere. Since then, Obama has carried on Bush’s war on terror and expanded it to the Middle East and North Africa, among other continents (i.e. Latin America and Asian). We know that building an anti-war movement has been difficult, especially given that other movements, such as the immigration movement in 2006 and the occupy movement in 2011/2012 have had more success in mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people. Anti-war marches on the anniversary of the Afghanistan/ & Iraq wars are lucky if they get more than a thousand people. For this reason, many say the anti-war movement is a dead-end and we should move on to the greener pastures of the occupy movement, and other struggles. We think this is a mistake and also missing the point of an anti-war movement. We should not counter-pose an anti-war movement or propaganda to the struggles we are involved in or that mobilize people. Instead, we should organically connect anti-war messaging and education to our struggles, and vice-versa. United National Anti-war Coalition (UNAC) is the only democratic anti-war coalition that tries to connect to other broader struggles, like the fight for public education, immigrant rights, the defense of Palestinian peoples, the defense of the Arab and North-African revolutionary processes, and so on. The occupy movement and other movements need to connect to spaces like UNAC and/or include demands, slogans and education on the anti-war movement as many in these spaces are unaware of the U.S. imperialist role in the world and also its connection to the economic crisis and injustices in our own country. In this sense, UNAC’s plan to march and protest on May 19th at the G8 at Camp David and its connection to Occupy Chicago have been very important developments and the different Occupy spaces should follow their lead.


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

IRAN Activistas contra la guerra en los años 60

La tarea de una organización socialista en los EEUU es combatir a su propio imperialismo

Es importante para una organización socialista en los EEUU el estar al frente de las políticas y acciones imperialistas de su propio país. Y por lo tanto, no se puede ser socialista sin ser internacionalista y apoyar las luchas de liberación de los pueblos bajo dominio del imperialismo estadounidense. El viejo Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores (SWP) tiene una orgullosa y loable historia de haberse posicionado en contra de las guerras de los EEUU cuando estas ocurrían, como durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial (lo que llevó al encarcelamiento de muchos militantes), la Guerra de Corea y la Guerra del Vietnam. De la misma manera, es importante para los socialistas y activistas de Occupy y otros movimientos en conectar nuestras luchas con la propaganda antiguerra.

• ¡No a la guerra, sanciones o intervención interna de Irán! • ¡Dinero para trabajos y educación, no para guerras, rescates y prisiones! • ¡Irak, Afganistán, Pakistán y Africa: Regreso inmediato de todas las tropas y mercenarios y de los fondos! ¡Fuera de África! • ¡Millones para trabajos no para ocupaciones! ¡Fin a la ayuda militar, política y diplomática a Israel! ¡Por el fin del asedio de Gaza! ¡Por una Palestina libre! !No a la ocupación por EEUU/ONU de Haití! (1) AFRICOM es responsable de las operaciones militares y de las relaciones militares de los EEUU con 53 naciones africanas- cubre todo el continente africano excepto Egipto.

Anti-War activists in the 60s

como la de la educación pública, los derechos de los inmigrantes, la defensa del pueblo palestino y de las revoluciones en el Norte de Africa etc. El movimiento Occupy y otros movimientos tienen que conectar con espacios como UNAC o incluir sus consignas y educar sobre la cuestión de la guerra, ya que muchos activistas de este movimiento no tienen consciencia del papel imperialista de los EEUU en el mundo y su conexión con la crisis y otras injusticias. En este sentido, el hecho que UNAC esté movilizando para una protesta el 19 de Mayo en Camp David en conexión con Occupy Chicago es un desarrollo muy importante, y los demás espacios Occupy deberían seguir ese ejemplo.

The task of a U.S. socialist organization is to fight its own imperialism

It is important for a US socialist organization to be in the front of fighting the imperialist policies and actions of its own nation. And therefore, one cannot be a socialist without being an internationalist and support the liberation struggles of the people oppressed by US imperialism. The old Socialist Workers Party (SWP) had a proud and commendable history of taking strong positions against the U.S.’s war aggression when they were happening, like during World War 2 (one of the reasons many of them were jailed during WW2), the Korean War, and Vietnam War. Likewise, it is important for socialists, Occupy activists, and all folk involved in today’s other struggles to make the links by connecting anti-war propaganda to their own struggles, as well as helping build protests/demonstrations that have clear anti-war messages.

• No War, No Sanctions, No Internal Interference in Iran! • Money for jobs and education, not wars, bank bailouts and incarceration! • Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan & Africa: Bring U.S. troops, mercenaries and war dollars home now! Hands off Africa! • Billions for jobs not occupations! End U.S. aid to Israel - military, political and diplomatic! End the siege of Gaza! Free Palestine! End the U.S./UN Occupation of Haiti! [1]AFRICOM is responsible for U.S. military operations and military relations with 53 African nations – an area of responsibility covering all of Africa except Egypt.

LA VOZ de los trabajadores

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EDUCATION

No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

Uniting the Public Education Movement: More then 5 thousand at the March 5th rally at Sacramento, CA

from our Campuses to a Statewide Student Union

M

arch 1 was a national Day of Action during which between hundreds and more than a thousand of students and workers held protests on campuses across the US against the budget cuts, racist resegregation policies, and projects of privatization of public education. On March 5, the annual “soft” march on Sacramento called by student governments in California was instilled with life by the participation of the grassroots education movement, both students and unions, as well as allies from Occupy. The march ended in a 5-hour occupation of the Capitol building by over 300 people. The National Day of Action on March 1st, when most protests focused on local problems, and the March 5th March and Occupation of the Capitol were a response to the systemic nature of the attacks on public education. While cuts are implemented on our campuses by local districts and governing bodies, the de-funding of education is being accomplished in Sacramento by the Brown administration and at a national level by Obama who is gutting state budgets to pay the costs of the wars and the bailout. The strategic importance of March 1st through 5th was in its targeting of all of these levels, a step towards building a unified national movement for the full funding of a democratic, accessible, and free public education system.

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The Importance Of Targeting Local Administrations

The decisions to slash public education funding as a mechanism to resolve the crisis-induced budgetary deficit, and as part of a larger national project of privatization of education under Obama, are being made by the Brown administration in Sacramento. But when those cuts hit local districts and systems of education, it is the governing bodies of the latter that decide how those cuts should be administered. They carry out these policies by implementing the cuts on the ground - thus they serve as direct agents of the austerity measures. And they have become the most recognizable face of the cuts. Local administrators are actively collaborating in the austerity plans instead of mounting a real resistance to them; a resistance that cannot mean the lobbying of Democratic and Republican politicians or supporting their bullshit “shared pain” solutions but rather organizing effective mass resistance to these same politicians and their policies. Further, campus leadership often typifies corruption and cronyism, and is enforced by political impunity, which existed long before the onset of the crisis. Ballooning administrative positions , rising salaries (despite the budget cuts), no-bid contracts handed out to family friends and business cronies, exuberant legal


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

fees, etc., are all additional reasons they are a target. The fact that governing boards, such as the UC Regents, the CSU Board of Trustees, the various district boards of the community colleges and K-12 systems, are the sole decision-makers on local budgets and policies underlies what is the greatest political problem in public education and under capitalism in general: working people- students and education workers in this case- have no direct say over the decisions supposedly made on their behalf. This is probably the greatest source of the rage and opposition that the student and worker movement has towards their local governing bodies. It is also the reason why one of the consistent and permanent rallying cries of the movement has been and will continue to be for student, worker, and community democracy to run the schools and the entire public education system. And it is only by attaining such a broad direct democracy that we can conclusively end the mismanagement of funds.

Building Bases Of Struggle On Campus: The Real Source Of Our Power

To effectively counter our local administrations, we need to organize a much tighter unity of our campus communities against their attacks. This means working to bring together faculty, all sectors of school staff, and the many communities that make up our student bodies, including communities too often marginalized in the movement yet feeling the worst effects of the cuts - student parents, immigrant and undocumented students, disabled students, communities of color, veterans, and the LGBTQ community. We have to move beyond the abstract unity of creating “safe spaces” to a real political unity to fight - one that combines respect, inclusion, material support (translation, childcare, etc.) and conscious development of the leadership of these key campus sectors with political education of the entire movement about the unique impact of the cuts to these communities and a set of demands that concretely unifies us through addressing all facets of the attacks, including workers’ rights and oppression. What does unification look like? It begins by drawing together all the forces who are willing to fightwhether it be to stop a certain program from getting cut, to get a certain amount of classes added, to acquire greater access perhaps in the form of scholarships for the undocumented and underrepresented, to divest from sweatshops or Israel, etc. - into an organization for struggle. This initial body, sometimes existing in very small numbers, has already done a great service by bringing into connection those most willing to fight. From there it becomes immediately possible and necessary to organize the broader masses and to bring them into the struggle by raising the organization of the movement to a higher level - the mass democratic and participatory self-organizing space, for example, the general assem-

EDUCATION bly or mass membership meeting of the union. Within spaces like General Assemblies, political power shifts as each individual becomes an active part of a collective process of decision-making around what demands unify the movement to fight and the plan of action that will be carried out to achieve these demands. Through carrying out these decisions together, our movements are finally able to break out of isolation and bring the struggle to every corner, classroom, and office of the campus, building a mass movement with the power to win. Therefore, it is necessary that the movement and participants build the highest level of respect and commitment to the decisions of the general assembly, mass meeting, etc. because 1) this is the only way to build mass, radical political democracy and show the campus community a real alternative to the dictatorship style governance process of the administration, 2) the decisions unite the movement and the many different sectors within it, and 3) the entire movement is propelled into united action that alone is capable of winning even partial victories.

Targeting Brown’s Austerity and Budget Cuts

In the process of waging localized struggles, students and workers increasingly face the limitations to forcing local solutions. At the state level, Brown and the Democrats have only intensified the attacks on public education begun under Schwarzenegger. Since 2008, they have collectively cut $18 billion from K-12 and adult education, $800 million from Community Colleges, $750 million from the CSUs, and $1.3 billion from the UCs. The result: 40,000 teachers and school workers laid off, school closures as a yearly reality, rising fees and reduced access for working-class families, increasing privatization via charters in the K-12s, reductions in the school year, heightened emphasis on standardized testing results, increased class sizes, and decreased access for undocumented and racially oppressed communities to higher education. It is unimaginable that any long-term solutions can be reached by restricting the struggle to the campus and district level. Facing this reality, the March 5th Capitol occupation established clearly that a fully-funded, free, public education system for all, through a California-wide (and national) progressive system of taxation on corporations, banks, and the super-rich is the encompassing demand and solution of the entire education movement. But to win this demand, we need to go beyond one day unified actions, break out of our isolation on our individual campuses, and build real unity to wield our existing strength against the Brown government and the attacks as a whole. This means developing statewide organizing bodies that correspond to this task and can push forward a process of mass mobilizations, such as walkouts, rallies, marches, occupations, etc., and especially strikes that completely paralyze our schools,

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EDUCATION

Santa Monica College Student Organizing Committee demonstration against proposed two-tier fee system

No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

Pasadena City College students protest class cuts, president responds

Towards A Statewide Student Union

showing our social power and forcing back the project of privatization. The very intense last three years of education struggle in California created the foundation for a united statewide movement & strong bases of struggle that can provide leadership and galvanize the rest of the movement. This was the case, for example, with UC Berkeley in 2009 and 2010. UCB was in no way the only highly mobilized campus, but it played a leadership role in pushing consistently for statewide organization. Today, recent struggles at Pasadena City College around cuts to classes and Santa Monica College, where students recently forced the cancellation of a two-tier privatization plan for the Summer session, are developing the kind of consistent mobilization that can create real strongholds of resistance in Southern California. The same with ongoing mobilizations across Los Angeles against cuts to adult education, with protests continuing across the city and thousands of students and teachers involved. Let’s develop these bases and use them to push for greater statewide unity. Building campus mobilizations and forging crosssector unity are hardly independent projects. The recent upsurge of struggle at SMC is a clear example of the role of regional solidarity and coordination in pushing forward local fights. At the recent protest at the SMC Board of Trustees, a critical turning point in the antiprivatization battle there, Pasadena City College, LA Mission College, UCLA, CSU Dominguez Hills, LA Valley College, and El Camino College all sent contingents of students in solidarity. When the police suddenly attacked the student protesters, many of the best and most experienced Los Angeles organizers were on the scene working in unity to take the injured to safety, reorganize students outside, and craft on the spot a strategy to hold the police and Board of Trustees accountable.

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Because the power of the state government is even more closely intertwined with the ruling elite, to defeat its plans and attacks, to change its long-term privatization policies, and finally to overthrow its regime, student and worker resistance must be developed across the state to take on not only the local ruling bodies, but throw the entire state ruling apparatus into crisis. It is towards this level of struggle that all militants in the unions and the schools must have a vision of reaching; our path must be illuminated by this process of mobilization that begins with building strong militant bases of struggle. Today, after three years of ups and downs, the most important conclusion that the student movement has drawn towards these strategic tasks is the need for a statewide student union. The call for a meeting of students on the weekend of May 19 to begin a statewide discussion on the prospects, challenges and tasks of building a statewide student union may become one the most important moments in the history of the contemporary public education movement. The perspective today is to continue building bases of struggle in union locals and on campuses across the state, to move forward with the project of the statewide student union-even if at a snail’s pace, and to do this work through an insistent and democratic process of unifying struggles on our campuses and across the state. The democratic self-organization of the workers and students, the obligation of solidarity and unity in struggle, and the permanent process of mobilization and escalation increasingly targeting the State - these are the political and organizational foundations upon which La Voz knows we can defeat the austerity and privatization plans of the U.S. bourgeoisie and shift towards a transformative project of free, quality, democratically-run public education for all. In the long term, this is linked to a socialist project for our society as a whole.


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

WOMEN

Día Internacional de Lucha de la Mujer

The International Day of Women's Struggle

Secretaría Internacional de la Mujer de LIT-CI, Marzo de 2012

By LIT-CI Women's Secretariat, March 2012

E

(...)

n Egipto fueron las mujeres obreras del sector textil quienes hicieron la primera huelga que originó el ascenso obrero contra Mubarak. Fueron ellas las que recorrieron las demás fábricas para convencer a sus compañeros de clase de unirse a la huelga. Esta misma fábrica textil de Mahalla al Kubra, convocó a una huelga el 6 de abril de 2008, ocasión en que fueron duramente reprimidas. Los jóvenes que iniciaron las protestas en la Plaza Tahrir, después se denominaron movimiento 6 de abril, en apoyo a la clase obrera textil. Enfrentando a la dictadura y la opresión, las mujeres, con velos y sin velos, estuvieron en la Plaza Tahir y siguen en la lucha, enfrentando el gobierno y también el machismo. En Europa, al otro lado del océano, la crisis capitalista y los sucesivos planes de ajuste, recortes y super explotación en contra la clase trabajadora, golpea a fondo a las mujeres y sus derechos conquistados con mucha lucha. Es sobre las mujeres y demás sectores oprimidos, como los inmigrantes y la juventud, que recaen primero los efectos de la guerra social que los capitalistas están llevando adelante contra la clase trabajadora. Junto al derrumbe del llamado Estado de Bienestar, están atacando todas las conquistas que las mujeres trabajadoras obtuvieron. Frente a esto, hace años los gobiernos capitalistas buscan presentar una mentira: la de que las mujeres estarían prácticamente emancipadas bajo este sistema, cuya característica principal es la explotación y la desigualdad. La verdad es que la desigualdad y la opresión es un arma útil a la explotación. Incluso en los países donde la clase y las mujeres más conquistas obtuvieron, estamos lejos de tener igualdad: las mujeres ganan un sueldo inferior que los hombres en todo el mundo. Estas cifras varían de 16% en Suecia o Dinamarca, a 23% en Alemania, 33% en Brasil o entre 26 y 30% en la Argentina. La violencia es otro dato aterrador que viene aumentando en todo el mundo. La pobreza y el hambre golpea más a las mujeres: 70% de los que viven sumidos en la pobreza son mujeres. Las mujeres que en los años de crecimiento económico son superexplotadas e incorporadas al mercado laboral ganando menos, en años de

I

(...)

n Egypt it was the female textile workers who led the first strike in the workers' uprising against Mubarak. It was them who called for the remaining factories to join the strike. This same textile factory in Mahalla al Kubra had called the April 6th, 2008 strike, which was severely repressed. The youth who started the protests in Tahrir Square called themselves the April 6 Movement in praise of the textile workers. Confronting the dictatorship and oppression, women, veiled and unveiled, were in Tahrir Square and continued the fight, taking on both the government and sexism. Across the ocean in Europe, the capitalist crisis and the subsequent austerity measures, cuts and superexploitation of the working class are deeply impacting women and their rights, won through hard struggle. It's women and other oppressed sectors, including immigrants and youth, that first feel the social effects of the capitalists' war on the working class. Along with the destruction of the “Welfare State”, they are attacking all the victories working women have won. Yet for years the capitalist governments have sought to present a lie: that woman would be practically emancipated under this system, whose main characteristics are exploitation and inequality. The truth is that inequality and oppression are useful tools for exploitation. Even in countries where working class and women have more gains, we are far from equal: women earn lower salaries than men across the world. These figures vary from 16% in Sweden and Denmark, 23% in Germany, 33% in Brazil and between 26% and 30% in Argentina. Violence is another nightmare that's rising worldwide. Poverty and hunger affect women more deeply than men: 70% of those who are immersed in poverty are women. Women, who in the years of economic growth are superexploited and hired for lower wages, in years of crisis, in general, are bearing the brunt of the austerity measures and social cuts. It is true that we women, especially through the struggle of all workers, obtained a series of victories. But all of them are constantly threatened. In Europe today, for example, the governments are implement austerity plans demanded

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No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

(.....)

En América Latina tenemos la doble jornada, la desigualdad salarial, la falta de guarderías, la creciente violencia contra las mujeres y la impunidad de los asesinos, como en Brasil, o directamente el hambre, como en Haití, o aún el hecho terrible de la muerte de mujeres por abortos mal hechos y de forma clandestina, por no ser legalizado y además ser criminalizado. Muchas mujeres mueren por abortos hechos en condiciones precarias. De la misma forma en que las mujeres son las primeras en sufrir las consecuencias de las injusticias y ataques de los gobiernos, también se las encuentra entre las primeras en salir a luchar. Es así que otra foto recorrió las redes sociales: la de una mujer de Pinheirinho, (un barrio con más de 6.000 personas construido a partir de la ocupación de terrenos urbanos en el Brasil), con sus hijos, rodeada de fuego y bombas que la policía lanzaba en el desalojo violento que realizó en ese barrio, una acción autoritaria y de violación flagrante de los derechos humanos, que impactó a los brasileños y repercutió en el mundo.

Las “damas de hierro” no nos representan

El capitalismo y muchas organizaciones de mujeres quieren presentar como una conquista que nos bene-

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Egyptian Women

crisis, en general, son las que cargan el costo de los ajustes y recortes sociales. Es cierto que las mujeres, especialmente como producto de la lucha de las mujeres trabajadoras de conjunto, obtuvimos una serie de conquistas. Pero todas ellas están permanentemente amenazadas. En la Europa de hoy, por ejemplo, todos los gobiernos aplican los planes de ajuste de la troika, de la UE, del FMI, planes que están atacando todos los derechos duramente conquistados. Cada recorte social genera desempleo y, especialmente en este momento, con los despidos en el servicio público, despidos masivos de mujeres en sectores como educación y salud, por ejemplo, además de arrojar hacia el ámbito doméstico tareas que el Estado antes realizaba, como el cuidado de enfermos, ancianos, niños o incluso la tentativa de dificultar o disminuir la duración de la baja por maternidad. A las medidas prácticas, se añade una campaña reaccionaria y conservadora en defensa de que el lugar de la mujer es el hogar. La iglesia, por ejemplo, en países como España y Portugal, tiene declaraciones en los medios de obispos diciendo directamente este tipo de aberraciones. Hay una ofensiva ideológica también en contra del aborto legal y de medidas prácticas, con recortes en salud y derechos, que lo dificultan, como en Inglaterra y España. Las leyes que existían en pro de la igualdad, que no eran aplicadas y ni garantizaban efectivamente la igualdad, están en la mira, por lo que se profundizará en mucho la desigualdad, la opresión y, con esto, la explotación de la clase obrera de conjunto.

Las mujeres egipcias

MUJERES

by the Troika, the European Union and the IMF that are attacking these hard-won rights. Each cut tp social programs leads to unemployment, especially now, with layoffs in public services and mass layoffs of women in sectors like education and health; besides relegating to the home the tasks that were previously performed by the State - including sick, elderly or child care and even the attempt to obstruct or reduce the period of maternity leave. Beyond the practical measures, there is conservative and reactionary campaign saying the woman's place is at home. Through its bishops, the Church has made media statements using these unacceptable terms in Spain and Portugal. There is also an ideological offensive against legal abortion, as well as practical measures to reduce access like cuts in health and social services, such as in England and Spain. The laws to promote equality, which were ineffectively enforced and didn’t assure equality, have also been targeted. This will further deepen inequality and oppression and, thus, the exploitation of the working class as a whole.

(...)

In Latin America, women have a double workday, wage inequality, lack of child care, the growing violence against them and impunity of the murderers - like in Brazil - or are starving - like in Haiti. Many women are dying in botched or clandestine abortions, because it is not legal and trying to get an abortion is criminalized. In the same way that women are the first to suffer the consequences of injustice and attacks by governments, they are also among the first to stand up to fight. This was the case with the women of Pinheirinho (a favela of more than 6,000 people squatting on urban land in São José dos Campos, Brazil), with their children,


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

ficiaría los gobiernos capitalistas de Ángela Merkel, Bachelet, Cristina Kirchner o incluso Dilma Rousseff. Como si las mujeres burguesas y trabajadoras fuesen iguales sólo bastara con conquistar más lugares para las mujeres bajo el capitalismo. Pero la opresión de la mujer trabajadora es diferente a la que sufre la mujer burguesa, pues para nosotras la opresión significa explotación y doble jornada. Y cada mujer capitalista, más aún las gobernantes capitalistas, actúan en pro de la profundización de la opresión de las mujeres, en la medida que conducen los recortes y la explotación. Cumplen un rol absolutamente reaccionario, como por ejemplo, el de la vicepresidenta del gobierno de Rajoy en España, Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría, que recientemente defendió que las mujeres puedan tener licencias de maternidad más cortas, a sólo 10 días después del parto, poniéndose como ejemplo. Para ella es fácil, pues esta conservadora tiene todas las condiciones para explotar a otras mujeres y hacer que cuiden de su niño, además de revelar una profunda ignorancia sobre las necesidades de cuidado de los niños. En plena ofensiva contra la clase obrera y sobre la mujeres trabajadoras, se presenta como una gran película y ejemplo la vida de Margareth Thatcher, la “Dama de Hierro”, como si una de las más grandes defensoras de la explotación y de la desigualdad en el mundo fuera una conquista de la emancipación de las mujeres. O más aún Dilma Rousseff, en quien la clase obrera y las mujeres tienen mucha expectativa, pero que para garantizar sus alianzas con la clase dominante y con la iglesia, no se opone a la campaña reaccionaria en contra de la descriminalización del aborto, colocando en riesgo de retroceso la poquísima asistencia que las mujeres tienen en este caso. Desde la LIT-CI decimos claramente: ¡Estas mujeres no nos representan!

Trabajadoras y trabajadores unidos contra los gobiernos capitalistas y la opresión

La igualdad no es posible bajo el capitalismo, puesto que este sistema es campeón en desigualdad. Las mujeres tienen que luchar cotidianamente por los más mínimos derechos bajo este sistema, para conquistarlos y defenderlos. Pero siempre cada mínima conquista estará siempre amenazada, porque la razón de ser del capitalismo es el lucro y la explotación en beneficio de la banca y de los capitalistas. Y los capitalistas usarán permanentemente la discriminación como arma para lograr más explotación. Así mantiene bajo la opresión a más de la mitad de la población del planeta, las mujeres. La opresión golpea más aún a las mujeres pertenecientes a otros sectores oprimidos por el capitalismo, como las mujeres jóvenes, negras, inmigrantes o lesbianas. En la crisis económica mundial en que vivimos, esta cara perversa se profundiza y los ataques se vuelven brutales y colocan en riesgo todas las conquistas dura-

WOMEN who fought back facing down fire and bombs thrown by the police during the violent eviction – a repressive action and flagrant violation of human rights that shocked the Brazilian people and reverberated worldwide.

The "Iron Ladies" Don't Represent Us!

Many women's organizations want to present the capitalist governments of Angela Merkel in Germany, Cristina Kirchner in Argentina, or even Dilma Rousseff in Brazil as achievements that would benefit all of us. As if bourgeois and working women were alike and it was only a matter of winning more seats in the parliament for women under capitalism. But the oppression felt by working women is different from that imposed on bourgeois women, because for us it means exploitation and double working hours. And every capitalist woman, the capitalist leaders even more, act in favor of deepening the oppression of women, insofar as they lead the cuts and exploitation. All play a completely reactionary role. For example, the vice president of Rajoy’s government in Spain, Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría, recently argued that women can have maternity benefits decreased to only 10 days after delivery using herself as an example. It is so easy for her, because this conservative woman is in a position to exploit other women and make them care for her children. Beyond that, it reveals a profound ignorance about the needs of child care. In a clear attack on the working class and female workers, they are presenting the film “Iron Lady” on the life of Margaret Thatcher as a great example, as if one of the main proponents of exploitation and inequality in the world symbolizes an achievement of women's emancipation. Or even more Mrs. Rousseff - in whom the working class and women have high expectations – who, to ensure her alliances with the ruling class and the Church, does not oppose the reactionary campaign against the decriminalization of abortion, putting at risk the little bit of care that women have in these cases. We from the LIT-CI clearly say: Those women do not represent us!

Workers United Against Capitalist Governments & Oppression

Equality is not possible under capitalism, since it is this system that creates inequality. Women have to struggle daily for the most minimal rights under this system, to win and defend them. But every little gain is always constantly threatened, because the raison d'etre of capitalism is profit and exploitation for the benefit of the financial system and capitalists. And the capitalists will use discrimination permanently as a weapon to increase exploitation. So they keep more than half the world's population, the women, oppressed. And oppression affects even more deeply the women who also belong to other sectors oppressed by capitalism - the youth, the black

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No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

MUJERES mente obtenidas. En esta lucha, las mujeres burguesas en general están con su clase, defendiendo los planes de ajustes. En algunas luchas, mujeres burguesas se pueden sumar, como la defensa de la legalización del aborto, pero estarán siempre limitadas en su actuación, sobre todo en tiempos como éste, donde se trata de enfrentarse duramente con los gobiernos capitalistas y sus planes de explotación. Pero la conquista de la emancipación sólo podrá ocurrir bajo otro sistema, bajo un sistema sin explotación que solo es posible si hacemos la revolución socialista. Y esta lucha une a las mujeres y hombres de la clase trabajadora. Los trabajadores precisan asumir con nosotras la lucha contra la opresión, pues la revolución socialista es imposible sin la participación de las mujeres La clase trabajadora de conjunto, o sea, también los hombres de la clase trabajadora precisan asumir las banderas de la emancipación y liberación de las mujeres y las luchas por nuestros derechos. Pues los hombres trabajadores que defienden o practican el machismo hacen, consciente o inconscientemente, el juego que quiere el sistema, la patronal y sus gobiernos. La lucha contra la opresión y las desigualdades necesita tener voz en la lucha de la clase trabajadora, para hacerla más fuerte ahora mismo en la lucha general para que esta crisis no la paguemos nosotras y nosotros. Y también porque debemos luchar por un mundo sin explotación, pero también sin opresión.

¡Las mujeres debemos continuar sumándonos a la lucha!

Cada vez somos más las mujeres trabajadoras que nos sumamos a la lucha en defensa de nuestros derechos, en la lucha contra los recortes y “ajustes”, en la lucha contra el capitalismo y sus gobiernos, en la lucha por el socialismo. Es deber de las y los revolucionarios impulsar una mayor participación de las mujeres en sus organizaciones e incorporarlas a la lucha. Esto es estratégico pues, sin la participación efectiva de las mujeres (mitad de la fuerza laboral en el mundo), no existe posibilidad mantener u obtener nuevas conquistas, mucho menos de llegar al socialismo. Por eso, en este 8 de marzo, desde la LIT-CI hacemos un llamado a todas las mujeres trabajadoras a organizarse, a salir a luchar y, en ese mismo proceso, a construir con nosotras y nosotros partidos revolucionarios como parte de una Internacional.

• ¡Que la crisis la paguen los capitalistas! • ¡En defensa de los derechos de las mujeres: abajo los planes de ajuste! • ¡En defensa de los servicios públicos! • ¡Contra el desempleo: reducción de jornada laboral sin reducción de salario! • ¡Salario Igual para trabajo igual! • ¡Fin de toda violencia en contra la mujer! • ¡Castigo ejemplar para asesinos, golpeadores o violadores de mujeres! • ¡Despenalización y legalización del aborto: Anticonceptivos para no abortar, aborto legal seguro y gratuito para no morir. 16

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community, immigrants and lesbians. In the global economic crisis we are living, this perverse situation is worsening, the attacks turning more brutal and all our hard-won gains are in danger. In this struggle, bourgeois women in general side with their class, defending the austerity measures. Bourgeois women join some fights, like in defense of legal abortion, but there will always be limits to their support, especially in times like these when what we need is to confront the capitalist governments and their plans of exploitation. We can only achieve women’s liberation under another system, a system without exploitation that is only possible through socialist revolution. And in this fight, working class women and men are united. Proletarian men need to take up with us the fight against oppression, because the socialist revolution is impossible without women’s participation. The proletariat as a whole, i.e., the men and women of the working class, must fight for women’s emancipation and liberation and for our rights. Working men who advocate or practice machismo favor, consciously or unconsciously, the system, the bosses and their governments. The fight against oppression and inequality needs to have its voice heard in the working class’ struggle, in order to strengthen now for the general fight so that the crisis will not be paid by us, the working class. We must fight for a world free of exploitation - but also without oppression!

Women Must Continue Taking Up Struggle!

Every day there are more women workers who join the struggle in defense of our rights, against the cuts and "austerity", against capitalism and its governments, and for socialism. As revolutionaries, we must encourage greater women's participation in their organizations and bring them into the fight. This is strategic, because without the effective participation of women (half of the workforce in the world), there is no possibility to maintain or win new victories, not to mention socialism. Therefore, this March 8, the LIT calls all working women to organize, to fight back and to build with us, men and women, revolutionary Parties and an International.

• • • • •

Smash male chauvinism and oppression! Make the capitalists pay for the crisis! In defense of women's rights, no to austerity! Defend public services! To combat unemployment: reduction of working hours without loss of pay! • Equal pay for equal work! • End all violence against women! Criminalization of murder, rape and abuse of women! • Decriminalization and legalization of abortion, contraceptives to avoid abortion, safe and legal abortion to avoid dying.


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

Cada victoria contra el E-Verify: Una victoria de toda la clase obrera

IMMIGRANTS

Every Victory Against E-Verify: A Victory of The Entire Working Class

L

a comunidad inmigrante es una de las más afectadas por las políticas anti-laborales de la administración de Obama: el número récord de deportaciones (396.906 sólo en el año pasado – más que 1.000 cada día), la obligatoriedad del programa E-Verify[1], la promoción del programa Comunidades Seguras, así como la exclusión de los sin papeles del sistema público de salud y de las restituciones fiscales de estímulo. El programa E-Verify es un programa informático federal que las compañías pueden usar para comparar sus datos laborales con los del IRS (la agencia tributaria estadounidense) para supuestamente verificar la identidad de los empleados. Después de que se haya expuesto públicamente el increíble número de errores que tienen los archivos del IRS, Obama sigue impulsando el uso de E-Verify como una vía para perseguir a los trabajadores indocumentados. Si se descubre alguna disparidad o incongruencia sobre el nombre, el género o el número de seguridad social del empleado a través de E-Verify, éste y su empleador reciben una “No Match Letter” (¨carta de disparidad”), carta que el empleador usa muy a menudo como un pretexto para despido. Este es uno de los desarrollos más preocupantes de la política migratoria bajo Obama. En su discurso sobre el estado de la Unión en 2012, Obama dejó claro que planea seguir con las mismas políticas, bajo las cuáles la situación de los inmigrantes va a empeorar. “Creo más fuerte que nunca que debemos enfrentarnos a la inmigración ilegal” y continuó “por eso mi administración a puesto más soldados en la frontera que nunca.” Y lo más cercano a una “reforma migratoria” fue cuando afirmó que debemos “por lo menos acordar el dejar de expulsar a jóvenes responsables que quieren trabajar en nuestros laboratorios, iniciar nuevas empresas, y defender a este país”, haciendo referencia al Dream Act Federal que ahora los Demócratas quieren separar del resto del movimiento por los derechos de los inmigrantes, que es más amplio. Si lo logran, además de imponer en los hechos un llamamiento a filas basado en la pobreza a la juventud inmigrante, utilizaran la ley para co-optar y silenciar a ése sector del movimiento de inmigración, al mismo tiempo que el gobierno sigue rechazando una reforma y legalización real de los inmigrantes. Los ataques sobre el trabajo de los sin papeles debilita al movimiento sindical en su conjunto. Fueron destruidas, por los ataques del E-Verify, innumerables campañas de organización, así como deportaciones de activistas sindicales. Sectores signifi-

T

he immigrant community has been one of the hardest hit by the anti-worker policies of the Obama administration: the record number of deportations (396,906 last year alone - more than 1,000 deportations a day!), mandating of the E-Verify program, promoting the Secure Communities program, and exclusion of the undocumented from the health care plan and the stimulus tax refunds. The E-Verify Program is a federal computer program that companies can to use to match their employment records against the IRS records in order, supposedly, to verify an employee’s identity. Despite the incredible amount of mistakes in IRS records, Obama is still pushing E-Verify as a way to go after undocumented workers. A mismatch discovered through E-Verify, either for name, gender, or social security number, results in a No-Match Letter that’s sent to the employer and employee and often is used as a pretext for firings. It has been among the most disturbing new developments in immigration policy under Obama. In his 2012 State of the Union address, Obama left no doubt that he plans to continue the same policies, under which the situation of immigrants will continue to worsen. “I believe as strongly as ever that we should take on illegal immigration,” he remarked, continuing with the explanation that “that’s why my administration has put more boots on the border than ever before.” The closest he came in the speech to discussing immigration reform was a plea to “at least agree to stop expelling responsible young people who want to staff our labs, start new businesses, and defend this coun-

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INMIGRANTES cativos de la fuerza de trabajo -frigoríficos, restaurantes, hoteles, construcción, seguridad- pueden enfrentar la amenaza de deportación sólo por la búsqueda de mejores condiciones de vida y trabajo. Sin embargo, la comunidad inmigrante también ha sido uno de los sectores más organizados y activos en la lucha. Cientos de trabajadores inmigrantes, afiliados al sindicato de los metalúrgicos en Berkeley, organizaron una campaña desde el verano del 2011 contra el chequeo con E-Verify, que amenazaba con despedir a un tercio de la plantilla. Los trabajadores lograron atrasar los despidos por meses a través de sus acciones y su autoorganización, pero en noviembre la compañía empezó a despedir a los trabajadores. La mayoría de los despidos ocurrieron en diciembre, sólo unas semanas antes de Navidad, y en total unos 200 trabajadores sin papeles fueron despedidos. Los trabajadores de la Pacific Steel, una de las mayores fundiciones de acero en el país, se enfrentan a unas de las condiciones de trabajo más duras y peligrosas. Deben trabajar sin descansos, en condiciones poco seguras, y la compañía ahora exige recortes a los beneficios médicos. Muchos de los trabajadores despedidos dedicaron décadas de sus vidas a la compañía, y como resultado de los despidos, todos perdieron sus planes de pensiones, que consistían principalmente de contribuciones que salían de sus propios bolsillos. Pero el Comité de Trabajadores Despedidos ha continuado la lucha, y su lucha ha logrado aglutinar bastante apoyo, culminando en la marcha del 17 de febrero, a la que se unieron cientos de activistas de Occupy Oakland, Occupy Cal y la comunidad de Berkeley.

La lucha contra E-Verify:

una de las batallas más críticas que enfrentan el conjunto del movimiento obrero

La ofensiva sobre los metalúrgicos del Pacífico (esto es, del lado oeste de EE.UU.) no es un acto aislado. La administración de Obama, que fue elegida bajo la promesa de llevar a cabo una reforma migratoria en su primer año de gobierno, ha expandido la aplicación de E-Verify y las “redadas silenciosas” contra trabajadores inmigrantes. Mientras que algunos estados han impuesto como obligatorio el E-Verify, otros les dejan la opción a las empresas de participar voluntariamente, arreglo que pone a la disposición de estas una herramienta para suprimir cualquier tentativa de organización sindical y eliminar a activistas sin tener que interrumpir su producción o sus beneficios, por la aplicación de tales redadas. Esa es claramente la situación con la Pacific Steel, donde las redadas ocurrieron después de una huelga importante en marzo del 2011. La lucha en la Pacific Steel es sólo una de las últimas luchas en la cadena de movilizaciones contra EVerify. El primero de Mayo del 2009, la primera movilización en contra del programa estalló en Los Angeles, en la planta de envasado de comida Overhill Farms, cuando 254 trabajadoras, la mayoría mujeres, fueron despedidas. Como en la Pacific Steel, las

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No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

try,” a reference to the Federal Dream Act which the Democrats are now seeking to separate out from the broader immigrant rights movement. If they succeed, in addition to imposing a de facto poverty draft on immigrant youth, its passage will be used to try to buy off and silence a section of the immigrant rights movement at the same time that they continue rejecting legalization and real immigration reform. The attacks on undocumented labor, both at the federal and state levels, have weakened the labor movement as a whole. Countless organizing campaigns have been destroyed by well-timed E-Verify raids and deportations of union activists. Significant sectors of the workforce - meatpacking, restaurants, hotels, custodial, construction - could face the threat of deportation just for seeking improved living and working conditions. Yet, the immigrant community has also been one of the most organized and active sectors in the struggle. Hundreds of immigrant steel workers at Pacific Steel Casting in Berkeley have been organizing since Summer, 2011 against an E-Verify raid that threatened one-third of the company’s total workforce with job loss. The workers were able to stall the firings for months through their actions and self-organization, but November the company started firing workers. The majority of the firings happened in December, only weeks before Christmas. All in all, 200 undocumented workers were fired. The workers at Pacific Steel, one of the biggest steel foundries in the nation, face some of the toughest and most unsafe conditions imaginable. People are forced to work without a break, in unsafe conditions, and the company has been demanding cuts to benefits. Many of the fired workers have devoted decades of their life to the company. As a result of their firings, they all lost their pension plans, which consisted largely of contributions that came out of their own wages. But the Committee of Fired Workers has continued the fight. And the workers’ struggle has garnered significant support, culminating in a March on Feb. 17th where workers were joined by hundreds from Occupy Oakland, Occupy Cal, and the Berkeley community.

The Fight Against E-Verify:

One of The Most Critical Battles Facing The Labor Movement As A Whole

This offensive on the Pacific Steel workers is not an isolated act. The Obama administration, which was elected under the campaign promise of immigration reform within the first year in office, has made expansion of the E-Verify program and “silent raids” targeting immigrant workers one of its signature policies. While some states have chosen to mandate E-Verify, most have chosen to allow companies to participate voluntarily, an arrangement that further facilitates companies’ use of the program as a tool to squash worker organizing campaig-


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

IMMIGRANTS

May Day: Pride @ Work Fights For Immigrant Queers

Primero de Mayo: Pride @ Work lucha para los inmigrantes Queers

trabajadoras de Overhill Farms se organizaron en contra de los despidos. Solo un par de meses después, ocurrió otro caso, esta vez un una compañía supuestamente “pro-inmigrante”, la fábrica textil American Apparel, que despidió a 1 500 trabajadores. En los últimos meses, luchas similares se han dado en la Universidad de Stanford, y en Pomona College, donde 17 trabajadores de comedores fueron despedidos en diciembre, y donde estudiantes, profesores y trabajadores se unieron a su lucha en solidaridad. En Pomona, las redadas eran parte de la campaña de las administraciones escolares para evitar la sindicalización de los trabajadores. Pero los sindicatos no han planteado ninguna estrategia real para pelear esas redadas en los lugares de trabajo, dejando a los inmigrantes totalmente vulnerables y las luchas en callejones sin salida que llevan a derrotas desmoralizadoras. En la mayoría de los casos, la resistencia masiva a los despidos a sido fruto de la movilización independiente de los trabajadores de base, y en algunos casos, enfrentando intimidación y desaliento por parte de la dirección sindical. En lugar de responder con paros militantes en los lugares de trabajo, uniendo a los trabajadores inmigrantes con los que son ciudadanos, las direcciones sindicales intentaron de nuevo convencer a los trabajadores que confiaran en las negociaciones a puerta cerrada entre los fulltimers sindicales y la compañía. Desde la UFCW hasta la SEIU, las direcciones sindicales han aceptado los ataques, y han intentado convencer a los trabajadores que no es posible revertir los despidos. Y en algunos casos, cuando los activistas de base han sido percibidos como una amenaza para la

dirección, han pospuesto el salir en su defensa.

Otro sector afectado por las redadas E-Verify: la comunidad transgénero

Los trabajadores inmigrantes no son los únicos que sufren las consecuencias del programa E-Verify. Muchos ciudadanos están sufriendo despidos por discre-

ns and eliminate troublemakers while mitigating any disruptions to production or profits that enforced raids might cause. This is clearly the situation with Pacific Steel, where the raid happened in the aftermath of a major strike in March, 2011. The struggle at Pacific Steel is only the latest in a string of hard-fought battles against E-Verify raids. On May 1st, 2009, the first major fightback against the EVerify mass firings erupted at Los Angeles-based food packaging plant Overhill Farms when 254 workers, overwhelmingly women, were terminated. Like at Pacific Steel, the Overhill Farms workers organized against the firings. Only a couple months later, another E-Verify raid at supposedly pro-immigrant company American Apparel’s downtown LA factory took down 1,500 workers. In the last several months, similar struggles have been waged by workers at both Stanford University and Pomona College, where 17 dining hall workers were laid off last December, with students, faculty, and staff uniting in solidarity with fired campus workers. At Pomona, the raid was part-and-parcel of a administration effort to defeat a unionization campaign. But the unions have advanced no real strategy to fight back the workplace raids, leaving immigrant workers totally vulnerable and dead-ending the struggles in demoralizing defeats. In almost every case where there was significant worker resistance to the mass firings, it has been the product of independent rank-and-file organizing, often times in the face of intimidation and discouragement by the union leadership. Instead of responding with militant workplace stoppages bringing together immigrant and citizen workers, the union leadership has tried time and again to convince workers to rely on closed door negotiations between union staff and the company. From UFCW to SEIU, union leaderships have accepted and sought to convince workers that reversing the firings is not a possibility. And in some cases where fired workers were rank-and-file activists perceived as a threat to the union leadership, they have even stalled in coming to their defense.

Another Sector Affected By The E-Verify Raids: The Transgender Community

Immigrant workers have not been alone in being targeted by the E-Verify program. Many citizens have faced firings over discrepancies in their own records. And the transgender community - people who’s gender identity is different than their sex at birth, including transsexuals and other gender non-conforming people - has also been deeply affected. In addition to some times also being immigrants, trans people frequently receive No-Match Letters because of discrepancies in their listed genders and names between the records their employers submit and the records held by the Social Security Administration. The process of having all your legal documentation changed to reflect your chosen name or your gender identity is extremely difficult and often expensive. Sometimes, it

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INMIGRANTES

No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012 Activistas transexual luchando por los derechos de inmigrantes

pancias con los datos del sistema federal. Es el caso de la comunidad transgénero- gente cuya identidad de género es diferente de su sexo de nacimiento, lo que incluye a los transexuales y otros de género no conforme. Trabajadores trans a menudo reciben “No Match Letters” por causa de discrepancias entre su género y el nombre en los datos del IRS ligados a su número de seguridad social y el que dieron a su empleador. El proceso para cambiar el nombre o la identidad de género en toda la documentación legal para que reflejen los de la elección de uno es a menudo muy difícil y muy costoso. A veces imposible. Para el cambio del género en la Administración de la Seguridad Social, uno tiene que someter una prueba de realización de una Cirugía de Reasignación de Género. Lo que significa que la mayoría de los transgénero no cualificarán nunca para el cambio, y que sus datos siempre presentaran disparidades con los del IRS. El resultado de ellos es muchas veces el acoso y la disciminación en el lugar de trabajo, y la violación de privacidad, como el ser “denunciado” como trans, o el perder su trabajado injustamente. Por lo tanto, la comunidad trans comparte la experiencia de terror que viven los trabajadores inmigrantes que intentan asegurarse un empleo y tener los papeles adecuados para solicitarlo. Y también comparte el miedo diario de poder ser descubierto o “denunciado” cada día. Por eso, en los últimos año ha habido un aumento de la solidaridad entre la comunidad inmigrante y la comunidad trans en la lucha conjunta contra E-Verify, como el hecho que la comunidad trans se haya opuesto a las Comunidades Seguras en Los Angeles, y también que ambos grupos hayan enfrentado la persecución de los jóvenes queer y latinos por ausentismo escolar por parte de la policía de la ciudad. También no es una casualidad que la mayoría de las mujeres trans que han sido atacadas recientemente en San Francisco sean mujeres trans inmigrantes, estos son dos de los sectores más vulnerables de nuestra clase. ¡Tenemos que construir su unidad y hacer un llamado al conjunto de la clase obrera para defenderlos!

Ninguna confianza en Obama, ni en el Partido Demócrata y ni en los burócratas sindicales

Los líderes de la burocracia sindical (o sea, SEIU, AFSCME -Federación Americana de Empleados Estatales, de Condados, y Municipios-, Teamsters, etc.) apoyan incondicionalmente a Obama y apenas, ocasionalmente, critican a los demócratas. Ellos dicen que la administración de Obama no es capaz de hacer avanzar la reforma de la inmigración y otras políticas que beneficiarían a los trabajadores, porque los republicanos no lo dejan. Eso son mentiras. Los demócratas no protestaron contra la legislación anti-inmigración de los últimos años, y más, en realidad vienen trabajado abiertamente con los republicanos en apoyo a la legislación anti-inmigrante. En lugar de pedir públicamente la plena legalización de todos, los sindicatos siguen buscando en los Demócratas una “solución” a la inmigración ilegal. Lle-

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Transgender activists fighting for rights of immigrants

is impossible. For the Social Security Administration to change one’s recorded gender, they require medical proof that the person has completed Gender Reassignment Surgery. This means that most transfolk will never qualify - thus, their records will be permanently red-flagged as suspicious. The result of this many times is workplace harassment and discrimination, privacy violations including being “outed” as trans, and unfair job losses. In this way, the trans community shares the terrifying experience undocumented workers face in trying to secure employment and provide adequate documented proof of eligibility to work. The trans community also shares the experience of living with fear everyday of the consequences of being “outed” or discovered. For this reason, in recent years, there has been an increasing collaboration and solidarity between the immigrant and trans communities - from standing united against E-Verify to the trans community openly calling for an end to Secure Communities to recently in LA where both groups actively participated in defeating LAPD’s policy of targeting poor queer youth and youth of color with truancy tickets. It is no coincidence that most of the victims of recent attacks against trans women in San Francisco have also been immigrant women - these are the two most vulnerable sectors of the working class. We need to build their unity and call on the entire working class to defend them!

No confidence in Obama, the Democratic Party, and the union bureaucrats The leaders of the union bureaucracy (i.e. SEIU, AFSCME, Teamsters, etc) unconditionally support Obama and only occasionally criticize other Democrats. They say that the Obama administration has not been able to advance immigration reform and other policies which would benefit workers because the Republicans won’t let them. These are lies. The Democrats have


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012 garon hasta apoyar el programa de “trabajadores huéspedes” (Guest Worker Program), que llevará a una situación aún mayor de explotación y privación de derechos políticos para los trabajadores inmigrantes.

¿Qué debe hacer el movimiento obrero? ¡Levantarse y reaccionar!

Otro gran obstáculo que los trabajadores sin documentos están enfrentando es la falta de un sindicato para ayudar a organizarlos en la lucha contra la legislación anti-inmigrante, como el E-Verify. Los líderes sindicales deben denunciar públicamente la política de inmigración actual como lo que es: un ataque no sólo a los trabajadores inmigrantes, sino también a la clase trabajadora norteamericana como un todo. La reducción de los salarios y la destrucción de derechos para los trabajadores inmigrantes dan a los patrones mayor fuerza para presionar a los trabajadores nativos a aceptar peores condiciones de trabajo. ¡Los sindicatos deben explicar eso a todos los trabajadores norteamericanos! Sin embargo, los metalúrgicos de la Pacific Steel y los inmigrantes indocumentados no tienen que confiar en su dirección sindical para avanzar. ¡Ellos no están solos en su lucha! Ellos se auto-organizaron, sin mucho apoyo de su dirección sindical y buscaron en los movimientos Ocupar Oakland y Berkeley el apoyo necesario para organizar su defensa. El Movimiento Ocupar debe ser ampliado para incluir las luchas del movimiento inmigrante, y la lucha de los indocumentad@s, que es una de las formas más concretas para hacer eso.Debemos luchar por la legalización de todos los inmigrantes, por el fin de la criminalización y de las redadas policiales, y por la desmilitarización de la frontera. Y debemos conectar nuestras reivindicaciones a la lucha desde los EEUU contra NAFTA y otras políticas imperialistas que continua la administración de Obama en el resto del mundo. Estas son las banderas que La Voz de los Trabajadores defiende y que muchos inmigrantes apoyan. Los grupos de Occupy llamaron a una huelga general para el 1º de mayo. Los inmigrantes también forman parte de los 99%. La lucha de los indocumentad@s deberían ser apenas el inicio del resurgimiento del movimiento de los inmigrantes. ¡Vamos a construir las bases para el 1º de mayo, para que el Movimiento Ocupar aumente su representatividad de las luchas del conjunto del 99%!

• ¡Regresar todos los trabajadores despedidos a través de E-Verify al trabajo ya! • ¡Empleos para todos y legalización de todos! • ¡Frenar los ataques ahora! • ¡Por un 1º de mayo de combate!

____________________________________________________ [1] E-Verify es un sistema de Internet que permite que las empresas puedan determinar si sus empleados tienen derecho a trabajar en los EE.UU. La ley federal requiere que todos los empleadores comprueben la identidad y elegibilidad de

IMMIGRANTS not protested the anti-immigrant legislation of the past years, and in reality most have been openly working with Republicans in pushing for anti-immigrant legislation. In place of an open position calling for full legalization, the unions are seeking to work with the Democrats to find a “solution” to illegal immigration. They have gone as far as supporting guest worker programs, which would lead to an even more intense situation of exploitation and political disenfranchisement for immigrant workers.

What must the labor movement do? Stand up and fight back!

The lack of a fighting union to help organize the struggle against anti-immigrant legislation like E-Verify is one of the biggest obstacles undocumented workers face. Labor leaders should publicly denounce the current immigration policy as being an attack not only on immigrant workers, but on the American working class as a whole. The lowering of wages and destroying of rights for immigrant workers gives the bosses greater leverage to pressure the rest of the workforce to accept the worst working conditions. The unions should explain this to all American workers! However, the Pacific Steel workers and undocumented immigrants don’t have to rely on their union leadership to step up. They aren’t alone in their fight! They have been self-organizing, without much support from their union leadership, and have gone to Occupy Oakland and the Berkeley community for the numbers and support to organize their defense. The Occupy movement must be broadened to include the struggles of the immigrant movement, and the struggle of the undocumented is one of the most concrete ways to do this. We should fight for the legalization of ALL immigrants, for an end to the criminalization and the raids, and for the de-militarization of the border. And we should connect these demands to a struggle within the US to end NAFTA and the other imperialist policies the Obama administration is continuing around the world. These are the demands that La Voz de los Trabajadores (Worker’s Voice) defends and that many immigrants support. Many Occupy’s and other groups have called for a General Strike on May 1st. Immigrants are part of the 99%, too. The struggle of the undocumented should be just the start of a resurgent immigrant movement. Let’s build the groundwork for May 1st in order push the Occupy Movement to be more representative of the struggles of the entire 99%!

• Reinstate all workers laid-off through E-Verify immediately! • End E-Verify, Secure Communities, and the Deportations now! • Jobs for ALL and Legalization for ALL! • For a fighting, classist May 1st!

empleo de todos los empleados nuevos. . A los empleadores se les exige que llenen el Formulario I-9, y los empleados deben proporcionarle a los empleadores los documentos que establecen tanto la identidad como la elegibilidad para trabajar en los Estados Unidos.

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STUDENT UNION

Student Government and Campus Activism: Let’s Take Back What is Ours! The current ASUC record: a “student government” of the administration... without the students

On the UC Berkeley campus, which has one of the largest student governments in the United States, the vast majority of the students do not vote in the elections nor do they care. And who can blame them? The student government, known as the ASUC (Associated Students of the University of California), has become a body filled with individuals more concerned with their career aspects and serving the bureaucracy of the administration rather than to fight for the students - essentially transforming what could potentially be a tool of great politicization, into a tool of dreadful a-politicization. 
 This has been true for a while now, but it became even more apparent during the Fall semester of 2011 when Occupy Cal (OC) gained national and international recognition on November 9, 2011 when police violently assaulted peaceful protesters. The numerous videos and images of police attacking students shocked audiences worldwide and news of the event quickly became viral. In addition, the shocking events of the 9th catalyzed the Occupy movement on college campuses throughout the United States.
 So where was the ASUC during all this? We can recall numerous occasions last semester where the ASUC not only did not support the students, but openly sided with the rhetoric of the administration to silence and repress the student protests. First, on Nov. 9th 2011 the ASUC's stance was to stand behind the administration's policy of disallowing an encampment to occur on university property, and without even engaging in a dialogue with OC, they supported the "compromise" agreed upon between the UC Berkeley administration and members of the ASUC. That “compromise”, which was instead an ultimatum and was presented by Vice Chancellor Harry LeGrande,

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was insulting. It granted 24/7 access on Sproul for only 1 week and it came with severe limitations that included: no tents, no blankets, no sleeping bags, and no sleeping. In other words, the administration and the ASUC would only allow an occupation that would not have the means to actually occupy anything. 
 The ASUC, so disconnected from the student body, pleaded with OC to accept these unacceptable terms, it completely missed the point that the encampment was supposed to be a protest against the administration, who are the active agents in the privatization of what's supposed to be a public university. Shortly after presenting the ultimatum, Harry LeGrande was sent off by the OC GA by loud chants of "Bullshit!" At this point, the will and message of the students was clear - to hell with the administration! And the ASUC, so disconnected from the student body, stood by and watched as the police were sent in minutes later to enact another round of violence on peaceful protesters. This is what the ASUC did. They betrayed not only the struggle of Occupy Cal, but their mandate to represent the interests of the students! They were willingly collaborating with an administration that did not flinch in resorting to violence.
 Second, in the middle of November, shortly after OC’s November 15 strike day - during the height of OC - a delegation of roughly a dozen OC activists were invited to a meeting in the ASUC Senate Chambers. Already skeptical coming into the impromptu meeting, the OC delegation came out unsurprised at the results of the meeting. The OC delegation came to the ASUC to ask for any and whatever help they could offer OC. Whether that meant giving OC some storage space and access to bathrooms in Eshelman, or some money or food. The ASUC gave OC none of these. Instead, the delegation was met with a "sob story" from one senator who told the delegation that she became fearful for her safety and the safety of her sorority sisters when tents were set up near her during the massive 5,000+


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GA where Robert Reich spoke. And although the results did not surprise the OC delegation, this response was shockingly revealing. The ASUC, a body that is supposedly involved in student government, was instead, a horribly apolitical and an entirely ridiculous body. Finally, 
at the Faculty Senate meeting on November 28, 2011, in which the body comprised of UC Berkeley faculty voted 336 - 34 in favor of condemning the UC police and the administration for its actions on November 9, the ASUC once again demonstrated whose side they’re on. During a meeting in which countless faculty members came up to the microphone to denounce Birgeneau, and during a meeting in which Provost George Breslauer openly stated that "tactically, it would've been better to wait, to wait perhaps until the middle of the night to minimize the number of encounters between police and protesters and observers," in regards to November 9 (basically meaning in hindsight they should have beaten students in the night rather than in the day), the ASUC representative simply called for an end to divisions. That people should simply move on from the past and look towards the future as if nothing happened. A metaphorical slap to the face to the many who faced the stings, bruises, and broken bones caused by police night sticks just a little more than 2 weeks earlier. In comparison, the president of the Graduate Assembly, a form of governing body that represents the graduate students, openly denounced Birgeneau and the violent tactics of the administration. They took a stance against the administration, while the ASUC cowered behind and simply parroted the administration.

The ASUC must play a role in actively supporting student struggles for education and other needs

Judging from the actions of the ASUC, it is not a shock that many activists and students on campus choose to disregard the ASUC as a meaningless and bureaucratic body. However, the attitude and response towards this, although it may be true, should not be to simply ignore the ASUC. Instead, we should be asking ourselves “What would have happened if the ASUC was a more radical body during that time?” What would have happened if the ASUC stood not just in solidarity with the students, but were actively organizing the students as well? If the ASUC was in radical hands during this time period, it could have truly shook the campus to its very foundations. 
 As a result, we must not ignore the ASUC, but we must rather directly confront it. For better or for worse, the ASUC exists. This existence can not be denied because among many non-politicized, apolitical, or potentially radicalized students, the ASUC has some form of legitimate power. Moreover, the ASUC has at its disposal many tools, primarily the ability to send out an email to the entire student body once a month and the

STUDENT UNION ability to allocate roughly $1.6 million dollars in funds. Unfortunately, the ASUC, in its current regime, is filled with as many bureaucrats, careerists, and cowards as ever so these resources and capabilities are vastly misappropriated. Simply put, for as long as the ASUC exists, it is better that people wield its power and resources for something meaningful rather than what it is used or not used for now. 
 Taking over the ASUC will allow us to push the campus struggle to another level by taking back the structure that is suppose to represent us and making it function for our real needs as students, workers and community members: fight for public education, democratize our university etc. It will allow us to experience and create a real democratic body that organizes the students and enables their participation and also will start developing an alternative power in the university: the power of the students when they act united for their rights. The ASUC, as a body that is supposed to represent the students, should also defend the students when they are being attacked. Peaceful protestors were physically assaulted by the administration, and the ASUC has no stance on this. Chancellor Birgeneau, who blatantly lied about his lack of knowledge of events during Novemeber 9th, which was revealed thanks to a Freedom of Information Act request to his e-mails, is still backed by the ASUC. And Chancellor Birgeneau is undoubtedly the one pushing the Alameda County District Attorney to press charges against at least 8 protestors for what happened on November 9th, including Professor Celeste Langan. This combination of physical violence and political targeting of activists and organizers is proof that the administration is willing and already is waging a war on the student body. There can be no question in how the ASUC must deal with this. They must defend the student body! This, however, is not the case. In fact, in a meeting on March 12, 2012, the ASUC senators, made up of party members from Squelch, Student Action and CalServe, with their proceduralism and their careerist attitude, especially in regards to being either too attached or simply too afraid to call the administration out, prevented a proposal to simply put the question of demanding Birgeneau resign to an open ballot for the student body to vote on from passing. The senators, rather than allowing the students to exercise their own voice, took it upon themselves to "represent" the student body with their votes. Needless to say, this meeting was a complete disgrace to democracy. This meeting is just another reason why the ASUC needs to be radically taken over. As it stands, the ASUC is comfortably under the thumb of the administration, but this is because those in the ASUC allow themselves to be handled by the administration. If a slate radical enough took over the ASUC, especially since it is through popular elections, it can create a semblance of a dual power structure that can seriously push the administration into crisis mode. With the backing of the masses, an ASUC radical enough can truly create a body that will

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STUDENT UNION allow students greater independence from the administration. By democratizing the student government and opening it up to the entire student body, the ASUC can begin to operate in the fashion of a student union - a body that represents, fights, and is run by the student masses. Moreover, this will offer a big audience and a great chance to radicalize a large body of the student population through their democratic participation in student government. Ultimately, a radical ASUC can both carry out the voice and will of the student masses and contradict and undermine the administration's monopoly on power at the same time.
 However, the issue of taking over the ASUC is not, for us activists, a matter of strategy but rather a tactic. We know we will not fix the problems of our current university and the broader problems of society just by winning the elections of the ASUC. We know that a broader and way more radical social movement is needed to confront those structures of power, but we need to build that social force and organization first. The end goal is to not merely to win the elections, but by using the power of the offices and the resources of the body it can make politicizing and mobilizing the campus much easier, and also show the students what can (and what cannot) be accomplished through the ASUC to truly fight for our rights and needs. But, this only works if a radical slate exists, and such a radical slate does exist in the Students for a Democratic University (SDU). And this slate will only work, if it has the people willing to run on it.

General Assembly of over 5000 people at UC Berkeley on 11-16-11. It voted to set up an encampment

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What Students for a Democratic University (SDU) Stands for

We, the SDU, want to increase student independence from the administration. We want to democratize the ASUC by allowing all and any students to participate in it whether it be allowing them to make proposals to the body or by allowing them to participate in ASUC committees. We want to stand up to the administration and contradict them, especially in times of high struggle on the campus. We want to politicize the campus on the issues of privatization of the university. Let's not forget that the Regents attempted to pass an 81% fee hike in Fall 2011, which was a primary reason why Occupy Cal was launched to begin with. And more importantly, let's not forget that the mass mobilization around Occupy Cal, as well as other student mobilizations, is what put the 81% fee hike on hold. Despite this victory, student debt continues to grow (national student debt is roughly $1 trillion), our universities continue to be run undemocratically by members of the 1% who are also unaccountable to the public, and the right to free speech on universities is still not guaranteed. It is for these reasons that we must continue to fight and be mobilized. But, we must also politicize the campus around issues outside the university. For example, one such issue is the ASUC and the UC administration's ties to Israel. In the 2010 Spring Semester, the ASUC, under the same old regime of Student Action and CalServe, voted to maintain their investments in businesses tied to Israeli violence against Palestinians. Some members of CalServe even signed in support. Divestment in Israel is something the ASUC has full control of, and the regime of Student Action and CalServe proved they are unwilling to do what is right and sever ties with this apartheid state. SDU will fight for full divestment of funds from Israel. For too long has UC Berkeley, with its role in the creation of nuclear weapons and its conscious funding of organizations and governments responsible for the oppression of entire peoples, been a tool for American imperialism. And for too long has the ASUC not directly confronted this issue. We, the SDU, say no more to this state of blissful ignorance! We also say no more war! It is no coincidence that funding for public services has been drastically reduced in recent years, while the United States has been engaged in a couple of wars for more than a decade now. What kind of democracy is being fostered when funding priority is given to tools for mass destruction rather than education? Additionally, we will participate in domestic struggles. No person is illegal! Immigrants, both documented and undocumented, are integral members of the California community, and as such, they should have the same access to education that residents, nay, that all humans should have. And beyond just edu-


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cation, immigrants, who produce most of our products and provide many of our services, should have full access to the rights and resources that other Californians share. We further acknowledge that this is an issue that is affecting the entire United States, and we must stand in solidarity with others fighting for the same rights in other states. Furthermore, communities of color, who have increasingly been excluded or neglected from the public education system, and by the government in general, must be granted greater accessibility to the education system, which is vital to any healthy functioning democracy. After all, if education is treated as a commodity for the privileged few, then what kind of unhealthy democracy is this fostering? If the UC campus is to be reflective of the California population, then the simple fact is that there needs to be many more Latino and black students admitted. And this is a struggle that won't be won with legislation but with mobilization.

We have no illusions in the ASUC but we have trust in the power of the students!

It is important to note, that we are wary of the bureaucratic mess that is the ASUC and the limitations it has. No one said changing all this would be easy. For sure it will be a tough fight with many forces actively acting against us. Regardless, it is a venture worth trying because running such a slate will be able to gain popular traction, and it will push the administration into

STUDENT UNION a crisis, potentially forcing them into a lose-lose situation. If the administration prevents us from performing the duties we wish to achieve, then how easy would it be to explicitly show to the entire student body just how undemocratic our university is? Would this also not be another flash point that would intensify the struggle? If we win then of course we can carry out these agendas. If we win and the bureaucracy prevents anything from being achieved, then we can publicly disclose the farce that the ASUC is, and perhaps then we can truly demand a real student government body. This would pave the way for the development of a real organized power of the students, like the one of unions, which can challenge the power of the administration. Ultimately, win or lose, the elections can be a highly politicizing event depending on how all of us handle the situation. If we are proactive as organizers then we can push the contradictions to their limits. 
 Which takes us to our final point, do not mistake us here, we want to operate the ASUC, not as bureaucrats, but as organizers. Our goals and platforms will not be achieved just because we simply vote them through. We must build a movement to achieve true victory. Our office is subordinate to the movement. In fact, our office is useless without the movement. If we win all the positions we run for, the objective is to not fulfill the bureaucratic role of the position. Instead, it would be our collective responsibility to use those positions and all the material and social capital they have at their disposal to get folks mobilized. Bureaucracy, administration, and order as we know it be damned! General Assembly of over 5000 people at UC Berkeley on 11-16-11. It voted to set up an encampment

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EL SALVADOR El Salvador

El Salvador

La profundización de las ataduras imperialistas a dos años del gobierno del "cambio"

The Deepening of Imperialist Ties Two Years Into the Government of “Change”

Escrito por Camilo Aguilar –UST de El Salvador - LIT-CI

Written by Camilo Aguilar –UST of El Salvador - IWL-FI

Funes y/and Obama

C

uando nos referimos al imperialismo queremos dar a entender nuestro concepto que es el que formulo Lenin, y que creemos que se aplica con toda vigencia a las relaciones de dominación que ejerce Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea a países como el nuestro. Según Lenin el imperialismo en nuestra época se caracteriza; por ser la fase del sistema capitalista en donde aparecen los grandes monopolios que vendrían a ser las grandes transnacionales que controlan la economía mundial, y junto con esto aparece el control financiero mundial de algunos pocos bancos multinacionales (City Bank, HSBC, etc.). Tanto las empresas como los bancos son controlados por las principales potencias económicas (Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea) que se reparten el mundo, haciendo que los demás países sean sometidos a la explotación de sus recursos naturales y su mano de obra barata. Queremos ser claros en este planteamiento principalmente porque el gobierno al igual que los anteriores, se esfuerza en hacer propaganda en decir que Estados Unidos es un país aliado y que las relaciones económicas y políticas son entre iguales, de respeto a las leyes y a la soberanía de nuestro país, cuando la realidad está demostrando lo contrario.

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W

hen we refer to imperialism, what we mean is our concept of it, which is that which Lenin formulated, which we believe to absolutely apply presently to the relationship of domination that the United States and the European Union sustain with countries like ours. According to Lenin, imperialism, in our time, is characterized by the phase of the capitalist system in which the large monpolies appear. These become the giant transnationals that control the world economy, joined by the emergence of global financial control by a few multinational banks (Citibank, HSBC, etc.). The corporations and the banks are controlled by the leading economic powers (the United States, the European Union) that divide up the world, making the rest of the countries submit to the exploitation of their natural resources and cheap work force. We want our understanding to be clear mainly because, just like the previous ones, the current administration is putting a lot of effort into spread its propaganda that claims that the United States is an ally and that our economic and political ties are ties among equals,


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Las relaciones con el imperio yanqui se profundizan

Los 20 años de gobierno de ARENA cumplieron su misión de vender al país, con las principales instituciones del Estado, mediante todas las privatizaciones, este proceso fue uno de los que marco la recolonización del imperialismo en nuestro país. En aquel entonces al movimiento popular y a la izquierda le quedaba claro que era un gobierno al servicio de la burguesía, ya que era el principal partido de los sectores empresariales el que gobernaba y que aplicaba estas políticas. Con la llegada del gobierno del FMLN se generaron muchas expectativas en cuanto a que se pondría en marcha un retroceso a la entrega de nuestro país a la principal potencia del mundo. Pero podemos ver que la dirección que se ha tomado ha sido otra, de entrada se comenzó a decir que las relaciones con Estados Unidos se mantendrían y que serian de respeto. Para el gobierno ese “respeto” se tradujo en mantener los acuerdos adquiridos por los gobiernos de ARENA, en el documento nacional de nuestro primer congreso veníamos ya caracterizando sobre esta situación lo siguiente: “con la llegada de Funes-Cúpula del FMLN la tendencia marcada hacia la recolonización del país, que ya traían los sucesivos gobiernos de la derecha fascista arenera desde 1989, se ha mantenido en el mejor de los casos o en el peor se ha profundizado. Ejemplos puntuales: el Tratado de Libre Comercio (CAFTA por sus siglas en inglés) que aprobó la derecha mediante un madrugón en la Asamblea sigue vigente, y ya nadie, ni la cúpula del Frente reivindican su derogación. Esto es interesante sobre todo porque el país, gracias al TLC, ha podido ser demandado por las multinacionales Pacific Rim Cayman LLC y Commerce Group Corp en el Centro Internacional de Arreglo de Diferencias Relativas a Inversiones (CIADI o ICSID por sus siglas en inglés), que es una instancia internacional creada por el Banco Mundial para resolver las controversias económicas entre multinacionales y Estados suscriptores; por más de cien millones de dólares…. …La firma reciente, ya con el gobierno Funes-Cúpula del FMLN, del Acuerdo de Asociación (AdA) con el imperialismo Europeo, que no es más que un “TLC” con la Unión Europa”[1] Ahora la contradicción radica en el hecho que estas políticas ya nos las sostiene un partido burgués como ARENA, sino que hoy es el gobierno del principal partido de la izquierda que se hace el sordo y el mudo, ante los ataques a nuestra economía por parte de las instituciones financieras internacionales cómo el Banco Mundial, que por ejemplo dicta que se recorte el subsidio al gas, generando así una crisis aun mayor en los hogares y pequeños negocios que desde ya, están pagando los platos rotos por la aplicación de esta receta dictada desde el imperio y sus bancos. A la luz de esta situación los sectores populares que votamos por este gobierno, debemos de hacernos

EL SALVADOR The Ties With The Yankee Empire Are Expanding

Twenty years of ARENA(1) administrations fulfilled that party's mission of selling off the country, along with the main state institutions, by way of the privatizations. This was of one of the processes that marked imperialist recolonization in our country. During those years, it was clear to the social movements and to the Left that the government was serving the bourgeoisie, since it was the main party of the corporate sectors in power and and enacting such policies. With the arrival of the FMLN(2) administration, many expected that there would be a reversal of the surrender of our country to the main world power. However, we can see that another route has been taken; from the beginning, it was said that relations with the United States would be maintained and such relations would be based upon respect. For this administration, such "respect" meant maintaining the agreements reached by the ARENA administrations. In the national document of our first congress, we developed the following characterization of the situation: "with the arrival of [Mauricio] Funes and the leadership of the FMLN, the clear tendency towards recolonization of the country that the successive right-wing fascist ARENA adminstrations had been advancing since 1989, has been maintained at best, or, at worst, has accelerated ." Key examples: the Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA), that the Right passed through an "early morning" in the National Assembly, continues in effect, and currently no one, not even the leadership of FMLN, is demanding its repeal. This is interesting especially since the country, thanks to DR-CAFTA, managed to be sued by the multinationals Pacific Rim Cayman LLC and Commerce Group Corp for more than $100 million, in the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), which is an international authority created by the World Bank to resolve economic conflicts between multinationals and member states. The recent signing of the Association Agreement with the European imperialists, this time by Funes and the leadership of the FMLN’s administration, is nothing more than a “Free Trade Agreement” with the European Union. The contradiction lies in the fact that these policies are being advanced not by a bourgeois party like ARENA, but instead today, it is the administration of the main party of the Left that is playing deaf and mute before the attacks on our economy by international financial institutions like the World Bank, that for example, is dictating cuts to gas subsidies, thus setting off an even bigger crisis in homes and small businesses that are paying for the plates broken through the application of the recipe demanded by the imperialists and their banks. In light of this situation, the mass sectors that voted for this administration should ask ourselves the following question: Is this the behavior of an administra-

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EL SALVADOR la siguiente pregunta: ¿Es esta la actuación de un gobierno que se dice ser de la clase trabajadora y los sectores populares?

La deuda externa clave de la venta de nuestra soberanía

Uno de los instrumentos que aplica el imperialismo a nivel mundial para someter a los países a sus políticas es el de la deuda externa, que en el caso de este país se ha ido profundizando, siguiendo la tendencia de los gobiernos de ARENA, ya que para financiar gran parte del gasto público, es decir, educación, salud, infraestructura, etc., se recurre no a fondos del Estado, sino a los que el Banco Mundial o el Fondo Monetario Internacional otorga a este gobierno, pero claramente estos préstamos son bajo condiciones y no al contrario como se quiere hacerlos ver, como ayudas al desarrollo del país, como bien dice el dicho popular; “el que paga el mariachi pide la canción”, y la canción que está tocando el gobierno es la de la explotación y saqueo por parte de las transnacionales imperialistas. En relación a la ilegitima deuda externa, Funes ha dicho que será honrada y ni siquiera se permite pensar en renegociar los plazos. Es preocupante, ya que en el Presupuesto General de la Nación para el 2010, el monto del pago de la deuda pública ya llegaba al 18,8% de dicho presupuesto, mucho más de lo que se destina a salud y menos de un punto porcentual de lo destinado a educación. Continuando así la profundización de nuestra dependencia económica de los odiosos bancos imperialistas.

Este gobierno como peón de primera línea de la política imperialista en la región No es casualidad que Barack Obama haya decidido hacer una visita a uno de sus principales mozos de la región centroamericana, especialmente cuando este gobierno ha cumplido al pie de la letra una de la tareas más fundamentales en el marco de la agudización de la lucha de clases en Honduras, a raíz del golpe y su influencia en el resto de países centroamericanos, es decir, nos referimos a interceder para que el gobierno de Pepe Lobo heredero directo del golpe de Estado, primero sea reconocido por los demás gobiernos centroamericanos y ahora alcance su reincorporación a la OEA. Nada mas vergonzante que en nuestro país se haya realizado la asamblea de la OEA, donde se da la bienvenida a un gobierno que continua asesinando y persiguiendo a luchadores(as) de la resistencia Hondureña. La garantía de estas acciones en pro de los planes imperialistas para desmovilizar a las masas hondureñas y crear la ilusión de un gobierno democrático, no solo está sostenida por Funes, sino que ahora se ven implicados los altos dirigentes del FMLN, que antes se hacían llamar anti imperialistas, pero ahora se desnudan y dejan ver su verdadero rostro pro imperialista, haciendo parte de los planes para el reconocimiento de un régimen golpista como el de Pepe Lobo. Cabe hacerse la pregunta entonces

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No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012 tion that proclaims itself to be that of the working class and the mass sectors?

Foreign Debt Key To The Selling Off of Our Sovereignty

One of the instruments that the imperialists apply on a world scale to force countries to submit to their policies is that of foreign debt, which in this country's case has been increasing, following the tendency of the ARENA administrations. In order to finance a big part of public spending - in other words, education, health, infrastructure, etc. - they resorted not to State funds, but instead to those that the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund granted their administrations. But clearly these loans come with conditions and are not assistance for the development of the country as they would like use to believe - as the popular saying goes: "He who pays for the mariachi picks the song," and the song that the government is playing is that of the explotation and robbery at the hands of the transnational imperialists. As for the illegitimate foreign debt, Funes has said that it will be honored and he will not even allow the consideration of renogoitiating the terms. This is worrying, since in the 2010 National General Budget, total public debt payment had already reached 18.8% of the budget, much more than what is designated to health care and just 1% less than what is designated to education. Thus, the continued deepening of our economic dependence on the hated imperialist banks.

This Administration Is The Pawn of Imperialist Policies In The Region

It is no coincidence that Barack Obama decided to make a visit to one of his main puppets in Central America, especially since this administration has dutifully complied with one of the most fundamental tasks in the face of the deepening class struggle in Honduras, brought about by the coup(3) and its influence in the rest of Central America. By this, we mean their efforts pushing for Pepe Lobo's administration, the direct heir of the Honduras coup, to first be recognized by the rest of Central America's governments and now, for Honduras to be reincorporated into the Organization of American States (OAS). There is nothing more shameful than the fact that our country was the site of the OAS assembly, in which an administration that to this day continues to murder and persecute the fighters of the Honduran resistance was welcomed in. The guarantee of such actions in sync with imperialist plans to demoblize the Honduran masses and create the illusion of a democratic government, is not only defended by Funes, but in addition, the highest leaders of the FMLN are involved. Before, these FMLN leaders declared themselves anti-imperialists, but now they are taking off their masks and showing their true pro imperialist faces, taking part in plans to recognize the regime of a military coup, the Pepe Lobo administration. Given this, it is fitting to pose the following


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

EL SALVADOR

¿será que la dirección del FMLN a renunciado a ser anti imperialista?, no dudamos que la gran mayoría de las bases y militantes honestos del FMLN, siguen manteniendo la idea de que para que nuestro país sea libre es necesaria una total independencia de las ataduras del imperio, mismo que mantiene la opresión y explotación de millones de salvadoreños(as) en Estados Unidos, y por los cuales este gobierno no está haciendo nada para su verdadera legalización y respeto a sus derechos como ciudadanos y trabajadores.

question: Has the FMLN leadership given up on being anti-imperialist? We do not doubt that the vast majority of the honest base and activists of the FMLN still believe that in order for our country to be free, there must be complete independence from imperialist intrustion, which is the same force that maintains the oppression and explotation of millions of Salvadorians in the United States. For them, the Obama administration is doing nothing – neither to grant them their true legalization nor to respect their rights as citizens and workers.

• Por la ruptura con el imperialismo y sus cadenas capitalistas • Desde ya las organizaciones populares y de la izquierda debemos de exigir al gobierno de Funes-FMLN mediante la movilización de las masas, que reviertan todos los acuerdos que nos atan al imperialismo yankee y europeo. • ¡No pago de la injusta e ilegitima deuda externa! • ¡Renuncia a todos los tratados internacionales económicos, políticos y militares hechos con los imperialismos yankee y europeo!

• For a break with imperialism and its capitalist chains! • From now on, the mass organizations of the Left should, through mass mobilization, demand that the Funes-FMLN administration end all the agreements that tie us to American and European imperialism! • Refuse to pay the unjust and illegitimate foreign debt! • End all the international economic, political and military agreements made with the American and European imperialists!

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[1] UST, Documento Nacional, pag. 11.

(1) ARENA is the right wing Party in El Salvador. ARENA won the national elections in El Salvador last month. (2) The FMLN is a Party that emerged out of social struggle in El Salvador. Originally it was composed of five different guerrilla groups that united in armed struggle during the El Salvadorian Civil War. With the end of the war, the FMLN signed a peace agreement and transformed into a legally recognized electoral party. In 2009 for the first time, Mauricio Funes, the FMLN Presidential candidate, won the elections and the FMLN won the majority in legislative and municipal seats. In last month’s elections, the FMLN lost their majority to ARENA. (3) In June, 2009, a sector of the Honduran military rose up against President Manuel Zelaya and seized power, sending him into exile. The military coup was a right-wing effort to prevent Zelaya from initiating a national referendum on amending the Constitution. The coup was met with mass popular resistance from the Honduran people, which continues to this day, despite the repressive measures against it taken by the coup government.

LA VOZ de los trabajadores

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No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

Domitila ....continuado de Pag. 32 socialismo, en Bolivia como en cualquier país, será el mecanismo que creará las condiciones para que la mujer alcance su nivel. Y lo hará a través de su lucha, a través de su participación. Y será obra de ella misma también su liberación”. Y adelantándose a lo que pasaría con el movimiento de mujeres bolivianas (hoy controlado por ONGs que proponen un feminismo burgués, de lucha entre sexos), Domitila escribiría: “No es que yo acepte el machismo, sino que yo considero que el machismo es también un arma del imperialismo, como lo es el feminismo [burgués]. Por lo tanto, considero que la lucha fundamental no es una lucha entre sexos, es una lucha de la pareja que tiene que integrarse desde su condición de clase…” Domitila sobrevivió a la masacre de San Juan, cuando el gobierno de Barrientos intervino militarmente en los distritos mineros para frenar una huelga, episodio que resultó en la muerte de decenas de hombres y mujeres en las minas de Catavi y Siglo XX. También enfrentó a la militarización de los distritos mineros en el régimen de Bánzer. Ésta ama de casa, toma su lugar en la lucha de clases de este país en diciembre de 1977 cuando protagonizó una huelga de hambre si precedentes y cuando marcharon a la capital en navidad reclamando la amnistía política y la liberación de los dirigentes mineros presos. La presión social e internacional logró que Hugo Banzer accediera a conceder la amnistía, y derribó su dictadura. Eduardo Galeano describe lo que dice Domitila a sus compañeros en la mina de Catavi, antes de incorporarse a la huelga de hambre. “El enemigo principal, ¿cuál es? ¿La dictadura militar? ¿La burguesía boliviana? ¿El imperialismo? No, compañeros. Yo quiero decirles estito: nuestro enemigo principal es el miedo. Lo tenemos adentro”, dijo Domitila en la mina de estaño de Catavi. En 1980 el golpe de García Meza envía a Domitila al exilio. Luego de la caída del dictador, ella vuelve en 1982 para continuar la lucha contra la opresión y los derechos de la clase trabajadora. El MAS y el gobierno de Evo Morales, nunca le dieron el debido reconocimiento, y por un motivo lógico, Domitila simboliza la lucha obrera en contra de los gobiernos, es más, la lucha de las mujeres con independencia de clase. El movimiento feminista fomentado por el MAS es un apéndice que sostiene al gobierno, lo opuesto de lo que reivindicaba Domitila. Tal vez por eso, Evo Morales rechazó la propuesta de que Domitila Chungara fuera su compañera de fórmula, en los comicios nacionales de 2002. Indudablemente su muerte es llorada por centenarias de mujeres y hombres trabajadores mineros y por gran parte de la población. Domitila Chungara falleció en el mes que se recuerda el día mundial de lucha de las mujeres trabajadoras. Domitila deja una gran lección al sindicalismo, a la clase obrera, y a la lucha de las mujeres de la clase trabajadora. Luchadora incesante e inclaudicable. Desde el Grupo Lucha Socialista –LIT-CI decimos… Domitila presente!!!

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LA VOZ de los trabajadores

....continued from Pg. 32 she began her political work as the Executive Secretary for the Housewives' Committee of the Siglo XX mine. The Committee was a critical source of support for the miners' unions. Her determination to build a united fight of women and men against the system of exploitation would characterize the rest of her life. In Let Me Speak, one of her testimonials, she explained: “What I think is that socialism, in Bolivia, like in any other country, will be the tool which will create the conditions for women to reach their level. And they’ll do so through their struggle, through their participation. And their liberation will be their own work.” (1978: 234) Anticipating what would happen with the Bolivian women's movement (which today is controlled by NGOs that push bourgeois feminism in which the real struggle is between men and women), Domitila wrote: “It's not that I accept machismo, no. But I think that machismo is a weapon of imperialism just like [bourgeois] feminism is. Therefore, I think that the basic fight isn't between the sexes; it's a struggle of the cple who have to join the struggle for liberation from a class position.” Domitila survived the massacre at San Juan, when the Barrientos regime militarily invaded the mining districts to stop the strike. Dozens of women and men were killed in the Catavi and Siglo XX mines. She also fought against the militarization of the mining districts under the Bánzer government. Domitila took a stand in the Bolivian class struggle in December, 1977 when she led an unprecedented hunger strike and they marched on the capital on Christmas demanding political amnesty and freedom for the imprisoned mining leaders. The social and international pressure forced Hugo Bánzer to grant the amnesty and toppled his dictatorship. Eduardo Galeano described what Domitila told her comrades in the Catavi mine before joining the hunger strike: “Who is or primary enemy? The military dictatorship? The Bolivian bourgeoisie? Imperialism? No, comrades. I want to tell you this: our primary enemy is fear. It's inside us.” In 1980, García Meza' seizure of power forced her into exile. After the fall of the dictatorship in 1982, she returned to continue the struggle against oppression and for the rights of the working class. MAS and the Evo Morales government never gave her the recognition she deserved because she symbolized the proletarian struggle against the government, and the women's struggle with class independence. The feminist struggle pushed by MAS is tied to the government and helps sustain it, the opposite of what Domitila fought for. Perhaps this is why Evo Morales refused to have Domitila as his running mate during the 2002 elections. Undoubtedly, her death is mourned by thousands of mining women and men. She died during International Women's Month, when we celebrate the struggles of working women. She left behind great lessons in union struggle for the working class and for the fight of working women. She was an incessant and uncompromising fighter. From the Grupo Lucha Socialista – LIT-CI we say... Domitila presente!!!


No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

....continuado de Pag. 32 nario con influencia de masas para desarrollar y elevar la conciencia política y social de las comunidades oprimidas y explotadas. Nuestro objetivo es movilizar y organizar a la clase obrera para que tome el poder a través de un gobierno obrero socialista. Como trabajadores, entendemos que nuestra habilidad para organizarnos para luchar por nuestros intereses de clase está directamente ligada a nuestra habilidad a construir una organización proletaria fuerte, multi-racial, capaz de proveer coordinación y dirección política y teórica a nuestras luchas. Rechazamos a los partidos capitalistas como los Demócratas, los Republicanos y el Partido Verde cuyo proyecto político no sólo defiende abiertamente los intereses de las empresas en contra de los trabajadores, sino que también oprime a nuestras comunidades. El Presidente Obama, cuya base de apoyo fue la clase obrera y las comunidades de color, no es diferente. Desde que llegó al gobierno, ha presidido la mayor transferencia de riqueza de la historia de la clase obrera a la élite financiera, ha continuado la militarización de la frontera y la persecución de los inmigrantes, y ha extendido algunas de las más represivas legislaciones desde la era Clinton y Bush, incluyendo la Defense of Marriage Act y la No Child Left Behind. Además, Demócratas y Republicanos continúan liderando una ofensiva imperialista por todo el mundo y las ocupaciones de Irak y Afganistán. Sólo un partido revolucionario de los trabajadores puede liderar esta lucha en contra de la opresión y de la explotación. Consideramos que los Estados Unidos es un país imperialista y un poder colonial. Defendemos el derecho de autodeterminación para los pueblos colonizados, tanto dentro de este país como internacionalmente, incluyendo a los Nativo Americanos y al pueblo de Puerto Rico. Estamos sumamente orgullosos de unirnos a esta larga trayectoria de lucha anti-racista en los Estados Unidos. Como W.E.B Du Bois dijo “ la emancipación (de la humanidad) es la emancipación del trabajo, y la emancipación del trabajo es la liberación de esa básica mayoría de trabajadores que son amarillos, latinos y negros.“ La lucha por la construcción de un partido revolucionario den los Estados Unidos es inseparable de la lucha por la construcción del partido revolucionario internacional. Esa es la herencia de Marx, Lenin y Trostky. La organización internacional de la cual LV es simpatizante proviene de la tradición morenista, que es una corriente trotskista en América Latina. Nuestros origines y nuestra experiencia de lucha en América Latina, lejos de los centros del poder mundial, enmarcan nuestro entendimiento de la lucha contra el imperialismo global y la recolonización de las Américas. Llamamos a la reconstrucción de una Cuarta Internacional democráticamente centralizada como órgano de la lucha proletaria internacional por el socialismo.

¡Únete a la Voz de los Trabajadores!

WHO WE ARE ....continued from Pg. 32 political consciousness of exploited & oppressed communities. Our goal is to mobilize the working class to take power through a socialist workers’ government. As workers, we understand that our ability to effectively organize to fight for our class interests is directly linked to our ability to construct strong, multi-racial, proletarian organizations capable of giving theoretical & political coordination to our struggles. We reject capitalist parties like the Democrats, the Republicans & the Green Party whose political project not only openly protects business interests at the expense of workers but is also actively undermining & oppressing our communities. President Obama, whose overwhelming base of support was the workingclass & communities of color, is no different. Since taking office, he has presided over the greatest transfer of wealth from the working class to the financial elite in history, has continued the militarization of the border & the persecution of immigrants, & has extended some of the most repressive legislation from the Bush & Clinton regimes, including the Defense of Marriage Act, the Patriot Act, & the No Child Left Behind Act. Further, the Democrats & Republicans are leading an imperialist offensive around the world & are continuing the occupations of Iraq & Afghanistan. We see that only with a revolutionary workers´party can we fight oppression & exploitation. We understand the United States as both an imperialist & colonial power. We defend the right to self-determination for colonized peoples both within this country & internationally, including Native Americans & the people of Puerto Rico. We aredeeply proud to join the long trajectory of anti-racist struggle in the United States. As W.E.B. Du Bois said, “The emancipation of [humanity] is the emancipation of labor & the emancipation of labor is the freeing of that basic majority of workers who are yellow, brown, & black.” The struggle for a revolutionary party in the US is inseparable from the struggle for a revolutionary international party. That is the heritage of Marx, Lenin and Leon Trotsky. The International organization which La Voz is a sympathizer organization is grounded in the Morenist tradition, which is a Trotskyist current born in Latin America. Our origins & experience of struggle in Latin America, far from the centers of world power,frame our understanding of the fight against global imperialism & the recolonization of the Americas. We call for the reconstruction of a democratically-centralized Fourth International as the organ of the international proletarian struggle for socialism.

JOIN LA VOZ DE LOS TRABAJADORES!

LA VOZ de los trabajadores

31


Domitila

No. 10 Marzo/March - Abril/April 2012

Bolivia

Muere Domitila Chungara, mujer minera combativa y símbolo contra la dictadura Por Grupo Lucha Socialista [de Bolivia] - LITDomitila Barrios de Chungara falleció el 13 de marzo en Cochabamba, a los 75 años, cuando finalmente fue vencida por un cáncer. Valiente e indomable líder minera, cuyo coraje fue una piedra en el camino de las dictaduras militares que gobernaron Bolivia entre 1964 y 1982.

(.....)

Esta valiente mujer, defendió la lucha conjunta de mujeres y hombres contra la explotación laboral, ésta era su bandera de lucha. Las acciones de Domitila fueron siempre uniendo a hombres y mujeres de la clase obrera en la lucha contra el sistema explotador y desigual que es el capitalismo. Domitila no aprendió este postulado básico del marxismo en los libros, la aprendió en las minas. Ama de casa y madre de 11 hijos (cuatro de ellos ya fallecidos y uno nacido muerto mientras estaba en prisión), Domitila Chungara es un símbolo del sindicalismo combativo. Muy diferente del sindicalismo que hoy llevan adelante las mujeres y hombres dirigentes de la CSUTCB y las Bartolinas, que echaron a la basura la independencia política y sindical transformándose en apéndice del gobierno de Evo Morales.

Defensora de la unidad entre hombres y mujeres de la clase obrera Domitila primero trabajó como palliri (dedicada a rescatar mineral entre los residuos o desmontes) para alimentar a sus cinco hermanas y a su madre enferma, comenzó así su carrera política como secretaria ejecutiva del Comité de Amas de Casa de Siglo XX, un vital instrumento de apoyo a los sindicatos de trabajadores mineros. La convicción de la lucha conjunta de varones y mujeres contra el sistema de explotación laboral, le acompañaría toda su vida. En “Si me permiten hablar…”, uno de sus libros testimoniales, señala: “Lo que yo pienso es que el

....continua en Pag. 29

¿Quiénes Somos? La Voz de los Trabajadores es una organización socialista revolucionaria. Somos la sección simpatizante de la Liga Internacional de los Trabajadores- Cuarta Internacional en los Estados Unidos. Implantados en la lucha de la clase obrera inmigrante y en lucha por sindicatos, y otras organizaciones populares, luchadores y democráticos que defiendan el principio de independencia de clase, La Voz de los Trabajadores nació en California en el 2008. Luchamos para construir un partido revolucio-

....continua en Pag. 31

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LA VOZ de los trabajadores

Bolivia

Commemorating The Life of Domitila Barrios de Chungara: A Militant Mining Woman & Symbol of The Fight AgainstThe Dictatorship

Written by Grupo Lucha Socialista [of Bolivia] - IWL-FI Domitila Barrios de Chungara died of cancer on March 13th, in Cochabamba, at the age of 75. A brave and relentless leader of the miners, her courage stood like a rock in the paths of the military dictatorships that ran Bolivia between 1964 and 1982.

(...)

Domitila defended the united struggle of women and men against labor exploitation – this was her battle call. Her actions were always to unite proletarian women and men in struggle against the capitalist system of inequality and exploitation. Domitila didn't learn this fundamental Marxist position from reading theory - she learned it through struggle in the mines. A housewife and mother of 11 (4 of whom died - one miscarried during her imprisonment), she is a symbol of fighting unionism, a very different kind of unionism than the model used by the CSUTCB (Unified Syndical Federation of Rural Workers of Bolivia) leaders and the Bartolinas (women’s organization created by CSUTCB), who have destroyed the unions' political independence by tying them to the Evo Morales government.

Fighting For Unity Between Proletarian Men and Women

Domilita's first job was as a palliri (working to salvage mineral from the waste or residue). She worked to feed her 5 sisters and her sick mother. This was how

....continues on Pg. 29

Who We Are La Voz De Los Trabajadores is a revolutionary socialist organization. We are the sympathizing organization of the International Workers League (LIT-CI) in the United States. Rooted in the struggles of the immigrant working class & the fight for militant, democratic trade unions and other workers’ and people’s organizations that defend the principle of class independence, La Voz De Los Trabajadores emerged in California in 2008. We are fighting to build a revolutionary party with mass influence to advance the interests & elevate the

....continues on Pg. 31

La Voz de los Trabajadores  

www.lavozlit.com - www.LITCI.org

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