Media Control
29
tionally maintained close ties to the PRI.14 Others—the El Sol chain, Novedades, El Diario de México, El Día, El Heraldo de México, etc.— have been intertwined with the regime since their inception or repurchase by members of the political elite over the last few decades. Gabriel Alarcón’s conservative El Heraldo de México, for instance, was born oficialista: its first issue featured official praise for the new paper and displayed an oversized picture of then-president Gustavo DíazOrdaz on the front page.15 Collusion between media owners and the PRI was especially pronounced in broadcasting, where concessions could be divvied up among political allies and sympathizers. When television emerged in the early 1950s, for instance, President Miguel Alemán (1946–52) and several of his associates obtained the original licenses.16 With the absorption of another television channel owned by a group of Monterrey-based industrialists in 1972, the consortium officially became Televisa.17 Televisa flourished under authoritarianism. The company remained a virtual monopoly until the 1990s, claiming over 80% of the television audience and almost that much of television advertising revenue. Over the years, successive concessions helped Televisa reinforce its hegemony in television and establish a secure position in related industries.18 In 1974, the company was awarded Mexico’s first cable television licenses, a technology it continues to dominate through its subsidiary Cablevisión. In 1980–82, Televisa secured control of 158 government-built satellite signal-capturing stations, as well as access to the government’s Morelos satellite (which was launched in 1985). In December 1992, Televisa was awarded sixty-two vacant television frequencies without a competitive tender, allowing the corporation to complete a second national network.19 And in 1994, Televisa received two channels for high-definition television (HDTV) in Mexico.20 Critics referred to the corporation as a private “Ministry of Education,” “Ministry of Information,” and even “Ministry of Truth.”21 To be sure, Televisa’s relationship with government officials was sometimes stormy. Closely aligned with the Alemán clique within the ruling party, Televisa came into conflict with the government whenever the PRI’s left wing controlled the presidency. During the administrations of Luis Echeverría (1970–76) and José López-Portillo (1976–82), Televisa had to fend off various government threats to tax, regulate, and even nationalize the television industry. But rather than being viewed as conflicts between regime opponents and supporters, or between the private sector and the state, these disputes are best seen as the product of