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‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻠﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1390‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪2000 :‬‬


‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻳﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻰﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬


‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬

‫‪ 6‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ /‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 65‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 97‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫‪ 138‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‬


‫‪ 164‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫‪ 321‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬

‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻳﺎﺻﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬

‫‪ 195‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ /‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬

‫‪ 357‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬

‫‪ 209‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 223‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪ 381‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫‪394‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ /‬ﻫﻤﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻀﺮ‬

‫‪ 255‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ‬

‫‪ 406‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‪/‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬

‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺬﻯ ﻃﺎﻣﻪ‬

‫‪ 428‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻜﻰ‬

‫‪ 280‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ‬

‫‪ 441‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﺭﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ 297‬ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫‪ 465‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﺶ‬


‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬


‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ”ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ“ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺯ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ”ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ” ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻝ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻨﺠﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻰ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘﺶ ﻣﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻯ ‪1952-1859‬ﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ! ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻣﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ( ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ���ﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬


‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫؛ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ‪ ” :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ” ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻰ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﮕﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1984‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪” :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪“.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻌﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺫﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬


‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 17‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪ 1988‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﻮﻡ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﭙﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻭﺍﻟﭙﻮﺭﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ؛ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﻰ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 14‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ‪ 1951‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1991‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ‪ ....‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ‪1951‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ .....‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪1958‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ‪....‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪1966‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﻣﺎﻳﻜﻪ ‪ ....‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻝ ‪1969‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ‪ ....‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ‪1970‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ .....‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1975‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪ ....‬ﻳﻤﻦ ‪1977‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﺸﻤﻰ ‪ ...‬ﻳﻤﻦ ‪1978‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﻳﻠﺢ ‪ ....‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻗﻤﺮ ‪1978‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ‪ ....‬ﻣﺼﺮ ‪1981‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻞ ‪.....‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪1982‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﻮﺽ ‪....‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪1989‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ‪ ...‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻗﻤﺮ ‪1989‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺿﻴﺎﻑ ‪ ....‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﺋﺮ ‪1991‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪. 1995‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣ���ﻛﺰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2001‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬


‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1979‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺕ ﻛﻮﻫﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ”ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ“ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻫﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﻫﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﺎﻧﮕﺘﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫”ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ“ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻭﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ‪ 5,7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻛﻮﺭپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺗﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﺯﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬


‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻃﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺗﺎﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻛﻮپ‬ ‫؛ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﻛﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ 2012‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ”ﺳﻜﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﻪ“ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺳﻮﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 750‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ؛ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 2278‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ ”ﺟﻮﺱ ﺑﻴﻠﻴﻜﺮﺍﺱ“ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫‪ 395‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 13224‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺒﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ )ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ( ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺬﺭﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ”ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ“ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ”ﺍﻳﻤﻮ“ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ”ﺍﻳﻤﻮ“ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ” ‪“emotion‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻫﺎﺭﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻙ ﻣﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ”ﺑﻮﻳﺎﺕ“ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ‬


‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ؛ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ؛ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺑﺮﺵ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 52‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺋﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ‬


‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ‪-‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪.‬‬ ‫”ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ“ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪152-151‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺂﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎ ﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﻛﺎﻟﭽﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻫﺎﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻌﻨﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 42‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀ ًﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ )ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ(‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺰﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮ‬ ‫‪(ttp//:www.bashgah.net/fa/category/show.)59640/‬‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻫﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻄﺪﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪) .‬ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻝ‪.(1382:244،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ���ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺗﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ ‪ (1382:258 ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺒﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪).‬ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮﺟﺎﻥ ﺹ‪(256‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫) ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ‪ 469‬ﻭ ‪.(471‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﻨﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ)ﺭﺍﻫﺎﺟﻮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‪:1378 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪ .(72‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﻼﻗﻬﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ).‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪- 1385:452 ،‬‬ ‫‪.(453‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪(231 - 230 :1380 ،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺻﺺ ‪ 483‬ﻭ ‪ .(485‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻮﺭﻭ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ)ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮﺟﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺻﺺ‪ .(285 :2‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ »ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮﺱ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1986‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ)ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ (276 – 277‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻫﻬﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍً ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1979‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪(http//:www.hawzah.net/fa/numberlist.html?ListMagazinesubject‬‬ ‫)‪=true&ListMagazineAlpha.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ��� ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻬﺴﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻬﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺎﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﺿﻴﺎء ﺍﻟﺤﻖ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻫﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ).‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪(20 :1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،1979‬ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺂﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 1987‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻰ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻜﺴﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1983‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،1980‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻬﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬ ‫‪( http//:www.hawzah.net/fa/numberlist.html?ListMagazinesubject=true&Li‬‬ ‫)‪stMagazineAlpha‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺒﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (22 :1387‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ »ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ���ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪ :‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ(‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ .3‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ)ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪ (25 :1387 ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻡ ﺯﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ« ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪-‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪( http//:www.hawzah.net/fa/numberlist.html?ListMagazinesubjec‬‬ ‫)‪t=true&ListMagazineAlpha‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺗﺮﻛﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ‪ 12‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1980‬ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﻥ« ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳ���ﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﻮﺟﻮﻯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪.(345-346 :1380،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺘﺎﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ)ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪.(154 :1382،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1978‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻳﺎ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1979‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻬﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺒﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺟﻠﻮﻫﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪).‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪:1385 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .(272-273‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ .(171-190 :1382،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ :1382 ،‬ﺹ ‪ .(172‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1982‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻬﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ« )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪.(1385:294‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺠﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺄﺱ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎ���ﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ).‬ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪( 363 - 364 : 1380،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ .(327 :1385 ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ 317 : 1382،‬ﻭ ‪ .( 310‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ »ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺜﺮﺗﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ«‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(21:31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ .( 247 : 1383،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« )ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪1380،‬‬ ‫‪ .(433:‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(90 : 1386‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1984‬ﺷﺪ )ﺩﻛﻤﺠﻴﺎﻥ‪ .( 377 :1377،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻬﭽﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫‪ .5‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ)ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ .(68:1384 ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﺁﻳﺘﺎﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻬﺪﻫﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺘﺎﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ)ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ .(212 :1383،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ)ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪(27 :1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺑﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1359‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ)ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ .(275 :1382 ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍً ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺳﺎﻝﭘﺲﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻭﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1979‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ)ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ .(117 :1382،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﺒﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻻﺣﺴﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻴﻒ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺒﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1979‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 17‬ﺁﻛﻮﺳﺖ )ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ( ﻭ ‪ 19‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ )ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻰ( ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 31‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪( 202 : 1385‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .(192: 1385‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1981‬ﺑﻮﺩ)ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ .(275 :1382 ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫) ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ .( 193 : 1385‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﺂﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪).‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ (182:1385 ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺘﺎﻻﺳﻼﻡ »ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻬﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ)ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ (276 :1382 ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ .(224:1383‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ)ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪(189:1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪-‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻬﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ)‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪.( 215 - 216 : 1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ )ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪:1385 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .(394‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭙﺪﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ‪. ...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﺰﺑﺎﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ )‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﺎﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ .(236 : 1383،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳ ّﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ »ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺒﺨﺶ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1701‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2006‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻘّﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻬﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻬﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻬﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻃﻰ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ )ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ« ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ » ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺘﺂﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪:‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ )ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺄﺗﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺎﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ)‪ (1987‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﺒﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ )‪ (2000‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﺒﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺒﻪ )ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ( ﻭ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺴﻪ )ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ‪ (1967‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-2-‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-3-‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ( ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻬﺮﻭ )ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ( ﻳﺎﺩﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻬﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﺂﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ )ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ(ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-4-‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-5-‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 9‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪ - 13/7/1390‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ (‬

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‫ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﺴﻠﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪(14/12/1389‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )ﺳﻴﺎ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩﻯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1357‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ]ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ[ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ـ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(( ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ؛‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؛‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ :83/3/4‬ﺹ ‪.(16‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ـ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪». ...‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﭙﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ���ﺭﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ژﺭﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺫﺍﺗ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻚ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ« )ﻓﺆﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 59‬ـ ‪.(56‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻫﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ«ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻏﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ« ﻭ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 20) 2001‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ (1380‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻴﻌﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪(182 :1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘـﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍً ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ـ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ـ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻻﺋﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻦ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2010) 1389‬‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ! )ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1332‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ...» .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪... .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍً ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ـ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪. ...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻄﻔﺌﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﻮﺍﻫﻤﻢ ﻭﺍﷲ ﻣﺘﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﺮﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺳﻮﺭﻩﻯ ﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪﻯ ‪.(8‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ )ﺍﻣﻮﺭ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺤﻰﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﺬﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺳﻮﺍء ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻜﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻧﻌﺒﺪ ﺇﻻ ﺍﷲ«)]‬ ‫ﺁﻝﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪» ([.64 :‬ﺑﮕﻮ‪ :‬ﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ! ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖﮔﻮﻳﻰ؛‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﻟﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺯﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻃﺒ���ﻌﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺃﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﭽﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﻮﺍﺑﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻳﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺃﺩﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺑّﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻮﻋﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺟﺎﺩﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻰ ﺃﺣﺴﻦ«)‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻞ‪»(125 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻛﻦ«‬ ‫‪)http//:www.bashgah.net/fa/category/show(58403/‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺴﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓ َِﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻮﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻄﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬


‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻏ���ﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻬﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴـﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻳـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ‪:‬‬

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‫ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬‫ ﻓﺆﺍﺫ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺟﻴﺲ ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬‫ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪/3/4)،‬ﺗﺎ‪ »،(8‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‬‫ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻝ)‪ (1381‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻬﭽﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ)‪ (1385‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ)‪ (1385‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬‫ ﺭﺍﻫﺎﺟﻮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ)‪ »(1378‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ« ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺱ ﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪،2‬‬‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﮔﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ)‪ (1380‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻨﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ)‪» (1382‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪«(1382)61‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ -‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ - 1387‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ -248‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪26-19‬‬‫ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ - 13/7/1390 -‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ‬‫ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ - 14/12/1389 -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬‫ ‪net.hawzah.www//:http‬‬‫ ‪net.bashgah.www//:http‬‬‫‪ -‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬


‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬

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‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪.1 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ .2 ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‪ .3 ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ .4 ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ‪.5‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫)ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺝ( ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ .1 :‬ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .2 ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ .1 :‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ‪ .2‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ .3‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ .4‬ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ‪ .5‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ‪ .6‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ .7‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪www.shaabani.ir . ١‬‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ 2.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺍﻡﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ 3.‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ 4‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺵ )ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﺮﺩﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ . 2‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،12‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1375‬ﺹ ‪8‬؛ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1358 ،‬ﺹ ‪ 73‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ . 3‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1369 ،‬ﺹ ‪6‬‬ ‫‪ . 4‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1368 ،‬ﺹ ‪7‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨ��� ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﻳﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺔ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ‪) .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ(‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﺋﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺫﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﺒﻌﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ . 5‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ، 1385،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻮﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻓﻴﻦ )ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻮﺕﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﻃﻠﺐ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺑﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ )ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ( ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻲﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺁﻟﻪ )ﺍﺷﻬﺪﺍﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ( ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻠﺔ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‪ 6‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫)ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ )ﻏﺪﺓ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ« َﻋﻠَﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 9.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪ . 6‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺁژﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،1371 ،‬ﺻﺺ‪260‬ـ‪1 .257‬‬

‫‪ . 7‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1361 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪33‬‬ ‫‪ . 8‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪238‬‬ ‫‪ . 9‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ . 10‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،16‬ﺹ ‪289‬‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ 12.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ...‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ���ﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ )ﺻﻠﻲﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺁﻟﻪ(‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻓ َِﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‪ 14‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻲﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ . 11‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،20‬ﺹ ‪6‬‬ ‫‪ . 12‬ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1372 ،‬ﺹ ‪99‬‬ ‫‪ . ١٣‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 100‬ﻭ ‪114‬‬ ‫‪ . 14‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،6‬ﺹ ‪.768‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫)ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺐﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻠّﻎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ،1357‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.1 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .2 «.‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .3 .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻔﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 15‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،34‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1379‬ﺹ ‪.14‬‬ ‫‪ . 16‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ‪9‬ﺩﻯ‪.‬‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ 10 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ ًﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﻋﻤﺮ( ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﻮﺑﻴﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‬ ‫»ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ 19«...‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺔ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫ���ﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ . 17‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪243‬‬ ‫‪ . 18‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪245‬‬ ‫‪ . 19‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،11‬ﺹ ‪45‬‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ )ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ( ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ )ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ( ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ( ﻣﺎﺩﻱ )ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ(‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 20‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،13‬ﺹ ‪263‬‬ ‫‪ . 21‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪123‬‬ ‫‪ . 22‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪ ، 1387،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫‪ .4‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻲﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪23.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 23‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ )ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺝ( ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﺔ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻸ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪-‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻭ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧ��� ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻀﻢﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﺔ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ »ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ 27.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ »ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ . 24‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،1369/9/22 ،‬ﺹ ‪12‬‬ ‫‪ . 25‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪236‬‬ ‫‪ . 26‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ؛ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪،14‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1380‬ﺹ ‪199‬‬ ‫‪ . 27‬ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1372 ،‬ﺹ ‪108‬‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫)ﺍﺳﻼﻡ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺴﻦﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻗﻄﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ . 28‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 237‬ﻭ ‪247‬‬ ‫‪ . 29‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ . 30‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 394‬ـ ‪391‬‬ ‫‪ . 31‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،33‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ ،1379‬ﺻﺺ ‪98‬ـ‪80‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ 32.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻛﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻉ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ« ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ« ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑُﻌﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬

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‫‪ . 32‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،1371/11/4 ،‬ﺹ ‪8‬‬ ‫‪ . 33‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪ . 34‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،20‬ﺹ ‪ ،253‬ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺵ‪660‬‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ...‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭ ّﺍﻻ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ )ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﻱ( ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫‪ . 35‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.1380/11/17 ،‬‬ ‫‪ . 36‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،89‬ﺹ‪.3‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓﻭﺑﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ .1‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺳﻌﺪ ﺗﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫‪ . 37‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ‪9‬ﺩﻯ‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻀﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ( ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﺴﺘﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪40.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1358‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪ . 38‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 39‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪238‬‬ ‫‪ . 40‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪305‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻸ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 41 .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1359‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻻﺷﺮﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻻﻏﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ‪ 1369‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪1369‬ﺗﺎ‪ 1379‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﭗ ﺗﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ .4‬ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1378‬ﻭ ‪1379‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1379‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔﺍﻻﻗﺼﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ���ﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫‪ . 41‬ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1372 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪115‬ـ‪110‬‬ ‫‪ . 42‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪299‬؛ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ ،1376/3/13‬ﺹ ‪8‬‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪43‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،1357‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1370‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1356‬ﻭ ‪ ،1357‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺣﻠﺒﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺎﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ . 43‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺹ ‪81‬‬ ‫‪ . 44‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ . 45‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،1382/12/2 ،122‬ﺹ ‪12‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺟﺎﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ »ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻔﻠﻖ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1370‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﺎﺣﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳﺮﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ )ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ( ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ( ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫‪ . ٤٦‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ . 47‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﻠﻨﻰ‪-‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪-‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺬﺍﺫ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ‪) .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻻﻳﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪(....‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺱ( ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﺔ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻮﻕﺍﻟﺠﻴﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺵ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ!‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ( ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻯ! )ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ(‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨ���ﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ )ﺗﻜﻨﻮﭘﻮﻟﻰ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺓ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ(‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ »ﺧﺪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻴﻌﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ( ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ )ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 43‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 57‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ« ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ )ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ . 48‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،1382/11/18 ،121‬ﺹ ‪5‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫)ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺒﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﺸﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪50.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ »ﺳﺎﻑ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫‪ . 49‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ . 50‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،1382/11/18 ،121‬ﺹ ‪5‬‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪51‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻭ ًﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭ���ﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 53.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .1 :‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ .2 ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .3 ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .4 ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻸ‬ ‫‪ . 51‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ . 52‬ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1372 ،‬ﺹ ‪116‬‬ ‫‪ . 53‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،1382/11/18 ،121‬ﺹ ‪5‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻼﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻀﺞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮ ًﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ‪ .1‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ًﻻ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪.1 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ .2 ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‪ .3 ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ .4 ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ‪ .5‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺏ( ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺝ( ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ...‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ( ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ )ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺝ( ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ؛ ‪ .1‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .2 ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ .1 :‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ‪ .2‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ .3‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ .4‬ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ‪ .5‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ‪.6‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ .7‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﺪﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻑ ﺧﻔﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﭘﺲﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ!‪ -‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺘﻢﻛﺸﻴﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬


‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪.2‬ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1361 ،‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1368 ،‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪.6‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺁژﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪1371‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫‪.8‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪1378 ،‬‬ ‫‪.9‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪1374 ،‬‬ ‫‪.10‬ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪1376 ،‬‬ ‫‪.11‬ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪.12‬ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪،121‬‬ ‫‪1382/11/18‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‬ ‫‪.12‬ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪1382/12/2 ،122‬‬ ‫‪.13‬ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1372 ،‬‬ ‫‪.14‬ﻛﺮﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ؛ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،14‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1380‬‬ ‫‪.15‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1369 ،‬‬ ‫‪.16‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪89‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪.17‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫‪.18‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1358 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪.3‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،34‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1379‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،12‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1375‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪122‬‬ ‫‪.6‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،89‬ﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪1390‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ »ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬

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‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬


‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻯ‬

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‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ . 1‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗ���ﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗـﺸـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟـﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓـﺮﺍﻳـﻨـﺪ ﺗـﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ )ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ )ﻉ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻗﻴﺎﺱﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﺓ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ )ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ( ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻻ ﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﷲ« ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺹ(‬ ‫)ﺍﺷﻬﺪ ﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍً ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻛﻌﺒﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻠﺔ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ )ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ«‪َ ،‬ﻋﻠَﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻻﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ُﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ُﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،1384 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(69-70‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ���ﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻮﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻈﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫»ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1387‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪(90‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺟﺒﺮﻯﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ« ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ( ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﺔ )ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ( ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ( ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ( ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ )ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ( ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ(؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻌﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ( ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ(؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(78-89‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ُﻋﻠﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ )ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺻﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ )ﺹ( ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ( ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻀﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺡ )ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ( ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ )ﻛﺎ ِﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺹ ‪(112‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ُﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 1359‬ﺵ‪ 1980 /.‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻻﺷﺮﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻏﺮﺑﻴﻪ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1369‬ﺵ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪(133‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭژﻩﮔﺎﺭﻭﺩﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺻﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪) «.‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺹ ‪(67‬‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪(79‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪(143‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯِ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻪ( ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯِ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﺔ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ؛ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺶ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪،3‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪(143-145‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1387‬ﺝ‪ ،5‬ﺻﺺ ‪(55-56‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺎً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،4‬ﺻﺺ ‪(69-70‬‬

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‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ )ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧِ ﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ( ﺧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(44‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ )ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﺔ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(46‬‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳﺮﺍﻥ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(51‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺣﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻰﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻰﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1381 ،‬ﺹ‪(60‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ِ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘُﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ )ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1383 ،‬ﺹ‪(60‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻧﻪ؛ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻔﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻔﺔ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ؛ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،3‬ﺹ‪(88‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ‪ Identity‬ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،1370 ،‬ﺹ‪(91‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1373 ،‬ﺹ ‪(112‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴ ِﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮ ِﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(120-123‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺳﻜﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺸﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1373‬ﺻﺺ ‪(131-133‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1383 ،‬ﺹ‪(92‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻨﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1381 ،‬ﺹ‪(71‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺹ‪(102‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ :‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1381‬ﺹ‪(77‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫‪ -10‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(111‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1383 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(84-85‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟« ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؟« ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻯﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻻﺋﻴﺴﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪) .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(221-237‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺑَﺮ ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﻯﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﻓﺮ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(98-109‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘ���ﺳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻰﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ‪ 70‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﻟﻰ‪ ،1373 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(54-56‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺸﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﺮﺏﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻏﺮﺏﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(95-98‬‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻏﺮﺏﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ )ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ( ﻭ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،1377 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(155-175‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺠﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ« ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪-‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻳﻜﺘﺎﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻰ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(59-66‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ ﺍﻣﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻼﻥﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻋﻄﺎء ﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،1377 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(38-44‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1378‬ﺻﺺ ‪(89-94‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﺘﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺣﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺣﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ( ﺣﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮﻯﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻡﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫـ( ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪-‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‪ ،1371 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(168-179‬‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ .10‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﭘﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻻﺋﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻻﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ« ﻭ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1374‬ﺹ ‪(111‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺴﻠﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪،1378 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪(88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻙ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﺮﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻓﻴﺎﺿﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1370‬ﺻﺺ ‪(61-66‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪) :‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1374 ،‬ﺹ ‪(123‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﻥﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ )ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺱ«‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(75-78‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺹ ‪(91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺹ ‪(92‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺔ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﺘﻢﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﻒ ﺣﻮﺍﺗﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ »ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺮﺑﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺹ ‪(92‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ »ﻻﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﷲ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ »ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺔ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﺹ( ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 17‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻻﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺼﻤﻮﺍ ﺑﺤﺒﻞﺍﷲ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ« ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) «.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،1378 ،‬ﺹ ‪(93‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻌﺜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﻒﺍﻟﻐﻄﺎءِ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻻﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺩﻭﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺔﺍ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ...،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪) .‬ﻣﺘﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،1377 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(159-165‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪:‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﺹ( ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺹ( ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺓ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ )ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،1376 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(200-201‬‬

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‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺹ ‪(188‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺔ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺔ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺹ‪(108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺳﻨﮓ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪) «.‬ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ‪،1372 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪(97‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺹ‪(65‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ‪:‬‬

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‫‪ .1‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1374‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪1372 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪1384 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪1381 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1380 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻇﻔﺮ‪1383 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ )ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1387 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪1374 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1373 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪» .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺱ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ«‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺵ ‪) 27‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪(1378‬‬


‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪1377 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1376 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪) 3‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪(1377‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺳـﺎﺭﻭﺧـﺎﻧـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﻗـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣـﺪﻯ ﺑـﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪1370 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .1357-1332 :‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1375 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻢ )‪ (1375‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﭘﻚ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ«‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪) 9‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪(1375‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ(‪1371 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻓﻴﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ(‪1370 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﻯ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ«‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪9‬‬ ‫)ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪(1373‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻣﺘﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪1377 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪1387 ،‬‬

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‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪ���ﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺘﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ‪ 6‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻫﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ‪.‬‬‫ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬‫)ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ -1‬ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺑﻨﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻬﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1-1‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻬﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪-‬‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻬﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻫﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ـ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻬﺮﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -1-3‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪142‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )‪.(237 :2010 ,Gettleman‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ)ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪.(46 :1377،‬‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﻭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 2011‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1848‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫)‪.(320 :2010 ,Knickmeyer‬‬

‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1979‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ)‪.(6 :2010 ,Erlanger‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪144‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1979‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ )ﻧﺎﺟﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.(55 :1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ -3-1‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3-2‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺯﻳﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﻳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻨﺒﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺰﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ���ﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻰﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ« )ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪.(136 :1384 ،‬‬

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‫‪ -3-3‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2010‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ)ﺗﻘﻰﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.(98 :1384‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ )‪.(7 :2011 ,Chew‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻜﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺰﻧﻬﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1956‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1972‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(2 :2010 ,Bumiller‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺿﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨ���ﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺮﻛﺰـ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5-1‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ )‪.(12 :2010 ,Bergen and Hoffman‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5-2‬ﺑﻬﺮﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ« )ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ‪.(67 :1383 ،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﻳﺪﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5-3‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ )ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎ‪.(139 :1380 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -5-4‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ »ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ« ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﻥ« ﻣﺪﻝ »ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ���ﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺌﻮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺌﻮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 8‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.(78 :1382 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -6-1‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻴﻨﺒﻮﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻢ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ« )‪Bergen and‬‬ ‫‪.(11 :2010 ,Hoffman‬‬

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‫‪ -6-2‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ«‪ 1‬ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺖ«‪2‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1 . Bahgat Korany‬‬ ‫‪2 . Michael Barnett‬‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫‪ -6-3‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛ���ﺶﮔﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪.(89 :1388 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1970‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6-4‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ -‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 1980‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ )ﻛﻠﺮ‪.(132 :1380 ،‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ -6-5‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪156‬‬

‫‪ -6-6‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ« )ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪.(89 :1384 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﷲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6-7‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﻭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ – ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ – ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ��� .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ)‪.(154 :2009 ,Binder‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ – ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻬﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ)‪.(13 :2008 ,Lust-Okar and Zerhouni‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ًﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬


‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻛﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺎء ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪162‬‬

‫ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪ )‪» ،(1377‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮔﻞﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺘﺎﺣﻰ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺁﻳﻜﻨﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ )‪» ،(1382‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ :‬ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ ،«21‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪.‬‬‫ ﺗﻘﻰﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ )‪» ،(1384‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪.49‬‬ ‫ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻳﺪ )‪» ،(1383‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﻓﺠﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ )‪» ،(1380‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺯﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺭﺿﺎ ﻃﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻰ‪.‬‬‫ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ )‪» ،(1384‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ‪.‬‬‫ ﻛﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻞ )‪» ،(1380‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻏﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﻓﻆﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ )‪» ،(1388‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‪.‬‬‫‪-Bibliography‬‬ ‫‪- Binder, Leonard )2009( “ The Dangers of a Fracturing Regime”, New‬‬ ‫‪York: Guilford Press.‬‬ ‫‪-Bergen, Peter and Bruce Hoffman (2010)“Assessing the Terrorist‬‬


...‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ Threat,” A Report of the Bipartisan Policy Center’s National Security Preparedness Group, September 10. -Bumiller, Elisabeth (2010) “Petraeus Pledges Look at Firepower in Afghanistan”, The New York Times, June 29. - Chew, Kristina (2011)” Middle East: Protests in Egypt, Syria, Yemen”, in www.care2.com. -Erlanger, Steven (2010), “Yemen’s President Says Government Is Willing to Talk Disarmed Qaeda Fighters”, New York Times, January 11. -Gettleman, Jeffrey(2010) “Children Carry Guns for a U.S. Ally, Somalia", The New York Times, June 13. -Hurd, Jerald (2010) “Legitimacy and Strategic Behavior: The Instrumental Use of Norms in World Politics”, December, www. WorldPublicOpinion.org. -Knickmeyer, Ellen (2010),“Our Man in Sanaa”Foreign Policy,October 1. -Lust-Okar, Ellen and Saloua Zerhouni (2008)”Political Participation in the Middle East”, Lynn Rinner.

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‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ )ﺣﻔﻈﻪﺍﷲ(‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫)ﺣﻔﻈﻪﺍﷲ(‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪Moradi.abdolah@gmail.com :‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ‪09190740766 :‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎ« ﻭ »ﺳﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﺐ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﻦﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔَﺲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ��� .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻻﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻄﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻻﻛﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﻭﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ؛ ﻧﺴﺒﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1952‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪» ،‬ﺯﻟﻴﻚ ﻫﺮﻳﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ »ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ«‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻻﻛﻼﻭ« ﻭ»ﻣﻮﻓﻪ« ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻰ؟ ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ؟ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪(1) .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻦ )‪ (Text‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫)‪ (Talk‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ )ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ(‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ )‪(2‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎ ِﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‪ -(...‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ »ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ« ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ )ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ( ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ( ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ) ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ )‪(3‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻻﻛﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻻﻛﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ���ﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪(4) .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪(5) .‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ »ﻏﻴﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ‪ . ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﻳﺎ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪(6) .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻛﻼﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﺴﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎ )ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ( ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ»ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺮ َﻛ ُْﻪ ْﺍﻻ ِْﺳﻼﻣﻴ ْﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍَ ﱡ‬ ‫ﻟﺼ ُﺤﻮ ُْﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﻼ ّﻣﻴ ْﻪ ﻳﺎ َﺍَ َ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ (7) .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1954‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻤﻴﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ )ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻰ( ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻸ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻸ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪(8) .‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ« ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻭ »ﺩﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1967‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1964‬ﻃﻰ ﻧﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﺤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ (9) .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺃﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﺇﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﺓ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ‪ ،1967‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺄﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺷﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺷﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺩﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ )ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺓ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺣﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑ��� ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺿﺪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻸﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ »ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻰﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﮕﺪﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻰﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1979‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺔ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ���ﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ »ﻏﻴﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮژﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻻﻛﻼﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪(10) .‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ( ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺰﻡ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺪﻝﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ«‪» ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ« ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺖ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(11) «.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻋﺒﻮﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ )ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ( ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪(12) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪(13) «.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﻰ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ )ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺩﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺤﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺃﻟﻢ ﺗﺮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺿﺮﺏ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎء«‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻬﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺒﺔ ﻛﺸﺠﺮﺓ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪(14) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺍﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒ ّﻨﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻀﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(15) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺠﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪(16) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (17) .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪(18) «.‬‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﻛﻠﻔﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﺼﺮﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻩ ﺍﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ« ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻀﻌﻔﻮﺍ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺛﻴﻦ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﺍﷲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ���ﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪(19) «.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪(20) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻘﻬﻰﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ«ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻕﺍﻟﺠﻴﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺷﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪(21) «.‬‬

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‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪(22) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻸﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮓﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﻢ‪(23) «.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪(24) «.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(25) «.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪(26) «.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ )ﺳﺎﻑ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬��� ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﺪﺱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪(27) «.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻬﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺄﻳﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ؛ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪(28) «.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﮕﺪﻣﺎﻝﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺁﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﻩﺷﺪﺓ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻻﺩﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ُﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪(29) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪(30) «.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪(31) «.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺴﻨﻰﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺖ« ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪(32) «.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻯ؛ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(33) «.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ؛ ﻧﻪ ﻟﺰﻭ ًﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪(34) «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ )ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ؛ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ( ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬


‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1979‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ) ‪( 1383‬؛ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،219‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪55‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻌﻠﻰ ) ‪(1378‬؛ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪10‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻌﻠﻰ ) ‪( 1379‬؛ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻛﻼﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪23‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ )‪ ،(1385‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺵ ‪35‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ) ‪ ،(1389‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪12‬‬ ‫‪Ernesto Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time,.6‬‬ ‫‪64 61 .PP ,1990 ,London Verso‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪.8‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻴﺮ )‪ (1390‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪.9‬ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )‪ ،(1390‬ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1390‬‬ ‫‪.10‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )‪ ،(1389‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪.11‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪82/2/29 ،‬‬ ‫‪.12‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪84/6/11 ،‬‬ ‫‪.13‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ »ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(«‪69/12/11 ،‬‬ ‫‪.14‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/26 ،‬‬ ‫‪.15‬ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ) ‪ ،(1368‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،54‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪1989‬ﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪.16‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪71/5/7 ،‬‬

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‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬

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‫‪.17‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ )‪ ،(1370‬ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪53‬‬ ‫‪.18‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ پﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪72/2/28 ،‬‬ ‫‪.19‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ‪87/7/10 ،‬‬ ‫‪.20‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ(‪89/12/2 ،‬‬ ‫‪.21‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ(‪89/12/2 ،‬‬ ‫‪.22‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪68/11/20 ،‬‬ ‫‪.23‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/9 ،‬‬ ‫‪.24‬ﻗﻄﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ ،(1374‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪52‬‬ ‫‪.25‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ‪74/5/24 ،‬‬ ‫‪.26‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫‪.27‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/26 ،‬‬ ‫‪.28‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪88/3/14 ،‬‬ ‫‪.29‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪90/7/9 ،‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪88/3/14 ،‬‬ ‫‪.31‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/9 ،‬‬ ‫‪.32‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪90/6/26 ،‬‬ ‫‪.33‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪82/11/8 ،‬‬ ‫‪.34‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪88/3/14 ،‬‬