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International Politics and Economics Magazine Middlebury College

Issue 3

Spring 2010 1

Inside IPExplore

10 4

Two Hundred Years of Solitude? Latin America in the Global Economy

The Journey Begins


This is Globalization 2.0: India



An East European Contemplates the European Union


A Pretty Good Compas


Time In-Between: Time on the Silk Road

Editor-in-Chief: MarkWilliams Layout/Graphic Design: Carolann Davis Contributors: Leticia Arroyo Abad, Luke Douglas, Juan Diego Farah, Shawn Kilpatrick, Daniela Tsoneva, and Mark Williams Proof Readers: Martha Baldwin, Carolann Davis,Vrutika Mody ’10, and Charlotte Tate Cover: Infosys Technology Parks incorporate architecture inspired by foreign landmarks—this is Infosys’ answer to the Louvre pyramid. See article on page 6. Photo by Shawn Kilpatrick ’11.


The Journey Begins...


PExplore is an online magazine that allows students, alumni, and faculty of Middlebury’s International Politics and Economics Program to share their experiences and research findings. It’s also where prospective students can get some first-hand insights into what life can be like as an IP&E major, and what opportunities can await them after graduation. By studying two disciplines with an international focus, pursuing language training, and studying abroad in that language, IP&E helps Middlebury students broaden their intellectual horizons, experience foreign cultures in depth, and understand their place in an increasingly small, yet complex world. Our 2010 edition contains articles that span the globe, from Europe to Latin America, to South Asia. Shawn Kilpatrick ’11 takes us to India where information technology has put that country on the cusp of globalization, yet where high technology parks co-exist with legacies of underdevelopment. Assistant Professor of Economics Leticia Arroyo Abad explains how globalization has helped shape both Latin America’s historical development and continues to

“...IP&E helps Middlebury students broaden their intellectual horizons, experience foreign cultures in depth, and understand their place in an increasingly small, yet complex world. ” influence the region’s development today. Daniela Dimitrova Tsoneva ’11 ponders the meaning of the European Union from the perspective of an East European living and studying in Western Europe. Juan Diego Farah ’10 invites us to follow his personal academic odyssey as he navigates the choice of majors (economics? political science? or maybe IP&E?), debates the merits of Keynesian vs. Monetarist theory with classmates in France, interns in Washington, D.C. and London, and ultimately determines why for him, an IP&E degree was both a practical choice and an intellectual balm. Finally, in our first photo essay, Luke Douglas ’09 beckons us to contemplate some of the cultures “living in between the cracks of the Anglo Saxons and the Han,” as he takes us for a ride along the Silk Road—a once vital part of global trade. These articles celebrate the achievements and experiences of IP&E majors and the relevance of faculty research. Hopefully, they give a taste of the excitement and satisfaction that awaits those who contemplate majoring in international politics and economics. To get the full flavor, of course, you’ll need to take the plunge. b Mark Williams Director, International Politics and Economics Professor, Political Science



This is Globalization Article and photography by Shawn Kilpatrick ’11


s the new interns filed into Infosys’ global headquarters, I not only sensed a tingle of anticipation like static electricity, but could also feel my own buzz adding to the charge of excitement. We select few had the privilege of making a pilgrimage to the capitol of the flat world—the very office where Infosys founder Nandan Nilekani had coined the 21st century mantra “The World is Flat,” and inspired New York Times columnist and bestseller Thomas Friedman to write his Globalization magnum opus of the same name. We humble interns were also granted the privilege of meeting Nilekani’s successor, Kris Gopalakrishnan, and ask any question we wished about India, globalization, or how his multi-billion dollar IT giant was changing both. To many, this opportunity would be tantamount to asking one question of Warren Buffet, Bill Gates, or God. Each intern asked a question in turn, generally showering praise on his company’s accomplishments and the brave new world it heralded. But from the start, I decided my question would be different. I would not waste my opportunity with praise or affirmation; rather, I would play the realist skeptic and put a dent in the smooth, flat world everyone so easily assumed. So when my turn came, I summoned up my knowledge of realist critiques of Globalization-mania I had read at Middlebury, and asked: “What is so special about this era of globalization?” After all, international flows of goods and services measured as a percentage of world gross national product barely exceed that prior to World War One. Why should this era of increasing globalization be regarded as fundamentally game changing or irreversible? A wan smile crossed Kris’ face: “No, that was Globalization 1.0; this is Globalization 2.0.” Globalization 1.0 was about moving goods by boat and train; globalization 2.0 is about moving information by fiber optic cable. The end result is an entirely new development path for India that de-emphasizes the export-heavy industrialization typically associated with India’s Asian rivals. “Globalization 2.0 empowers Indian businesses and the Indian people through a whole new medium, and that is information technology,” Kris concluded. Kris’ response answered a question that had weighed on my mind since coming to India some weeks prior, and that question concerned India’s new IT capital of Bangalore. Bangalore is one giant contradiction. I reached this conclusion roughly halfway through my first taxi ride from Bengaluru International


Shawn Kilpatrick ’11 in the Infosys Bangalore Campus

Airport to my residence in Electronics City. This cab ride was formative—it was my first impression of the city that would be my host for the subsequent three months. As I gazed out of the taxi’s dirty, smudged windows, I saw around me the signs of break-neck, runaway change. The glass and steel facades of IT startups and call centers stood crowded in on all sides by crumbling storefronts plastered with tattered signs. Here and there, the blue tarps and scrap construction of India’s migrant slum-dwellers crowded into any available space—an underpass, a construction site, even the sidewalk. It was as if modernity was literally battling for space in a metaphorical war between first-world riches and third-world poverty. Even the road from the airport bespoke this contradiction. The paved and wellmaintained highway just outside the airport quickly gave way to the semi-paved side-ways and thoroughfares typical of mass transit in India. Modern cars—Hondas, Tatas, and Toyotas— mingled with motorcycles, rickshaws, even cattle. After an eternity driving through the midnight gridlock, we pull through the gates of Electronics City industrial park. In sharp contrast to the urban chaos outside, Electronics City is an oasis of sensible urban planning in the vastly expanding urban milieu. By the roadside, billboards proudly boast the companies in residence—Infosys, Intel, Reliance, Wipro and other major brands. Behind high walls and guard-posts, glass buildings

2.0: India radiate an iridescent glow into the night sky. Here, business never sleeps. As the cab pulled into the Infosys campus, a middle-aged, disheveled man in worn clothes pulled my luggage from the trunk and demanded a meager tip for the service. As I paid with a few crumpled rupee notes, I was struck with one overriding question: how could two so different worlds co-exist in the same country or even the same city? On the one hand, there was my world—its inhabitants grasping the new ‘Indian dream’ working behind those walls in the call centers and IT companies of India’s Silicon Valley. Then there was the India standing before me—a worn man practically begging for the equivalent of a few American cents. It was a contradiction that dogged my entire stay in India.

I realize now that Globalization 2.0 explains how two radical stages of development can exist in the same city and at the same time. Under Globalization 1.0, a well-organized provision of public goods—bridges, rails, roads, rail, seaports—are the essential building blocks of economic development. This is the course of development I witnessed in China one year prior, where vast new public works and pro-export policies fuel industrial growth on a massive scale. That is the course of development pursued by England, America, and Japan a century ago during Globalization 1.0. Under Globalization 2.0, all that is required for development is a modem and a tech-savvy, English speaking workforce. Globalization 2.0 allows Indians to ‘leap-frog’ the ongoing incompetence of their public sector, witnessed on my

Life in the slum just outside the Infosys campus has changed little. Notice the glass and steel structure in the background contrasts sharply with slum life in the foreground.


cab ride through cluttered Bangalore, and carve out their own well-managed, Silicon Valley-type Electronics City. Bangalore’s urban plan for 2005 was not completed until 2008, by which time the city’s population had already increased by another 20 percent. The city’s elevated highway and subway system are in a perpetual state of messy construction. That lackluster government performance hasn’t prevented Infosys from growing by almost 50 percent annually in the first decade of the 21st century or opening up several new ‘InfyCity’ enclaves throughout India. As Indians struggle with a history of poor governance and poor public services, where politicians promise handouts of subsidized rice and free electricity to maintain their political machines, Globalization 2.0 offers a way out. Each week, thousands flock to Bangalore, Hyderabad, and Mysore seeking the skill-intensive jobs India’s IT boom provides. The question remains whether Globalization 2.0 is any substitute for the good public governance and industrial development characteristic of traditional developers like China. In an age beset with the challenges of climate change and rising energy costs, India’s new path of development—one which emphasizes human capital over heavy industry— might just prove more resilient. On the other hand, unless Indian cities can begin to reflect the cleanliness and efficiency of its little IT enclaves, the massive contradictions I observed in Bangalore will persist. A bold new experiment in development will remain for the benefit of the few. b

Above: Four interns (from left to right Raphael Otten, Thomas Weibel, Thijs Nutegeren, and Shawn Kilpatrick ’11) from Europe and the Americas enjoy a motorbike outing in the ruins of Hampi. Traveling India with people of such diverse backgrounds was great fun, truly a once in a lifetime experience. Center: Intern Raphael Otten (German) with some new friends. Below: A crowded street in downtown Bangalore.


Above: Temple ruins in Hampi, India—former Capital of the Vijayanagara Empire. Left: Great Temple in central Hampi. Below: A closeup image of Lord Shiva, the Destroyer and Transformer.


Two Hundred Years of Solitude? Latin America in the Global Economy Written by Leticia Arroyo Abad Department of Economics International Politics and Economics


lobalization has become part of our vocabulary. The long arm of global forces is very tangible in our lives—from the variety of products we consume to the ripple effects of financial crises. However, this is not the first wave of globalization we have experienced in history. Over 150 years ago, the world was also highly integrated: capital flowed from Europe and the United States to other regions, primary and manufactured goods traveled thousands of miles, and people moved freely from continent to continent. Latin America was, and remains, a dynamic player in the global world. Because this year (2010) marks the bicentennial of the region’s political independence, it seems a fitting time to reflect on how globalization has helped shape Latin America’s development in the past and continues to shape it today. With the exception of Brazil, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, most Latin American countries had severed ties from Iberian power by 1830. Yet, these new states developed a sometimes troubled relationship with the world economy, and their global economic ties contributed very little to overall economic growth. Despite their rich resource endowments, Latin American countries failed to converge to the living standards levels prevalent in the developed world. How has globalization—past and present— affected the region’s development and economic performance? The world’s two waves of globalization (1870-1913 and 1970-present) were fueled by improvements in transportation and communications technology. In the first wave (1870-1913), steamships, railroads, and the telegraph formed the centerpiece of this phenomenon. Increased mobility of goods and labor ensued, and capital flowed copiously across borders. Newly independent Latin America soon joined the globalizing wave. It benefited from the abundant capital flowing from Europe, and from the sustained demand for its raw materials. For some countries, this phenomenon intensified the unique export structure first developed during colonialism; for others, it created a more dynamic export sector. In either case, Latin America was integrated into the world economy primarily as a commodities supplier.


Assistant Professor Leticia Arroyo Abad.

In the current wave of globalization (1970-present), the introduction of containers and satellite communication further reduced transportation costs. World trade soared while the international financial system grew increasingly intertwined. However, unlike the previous era, Latin America did not embrace the new globalized world economy with gusto, but rather, more timidly. Throughout much of the 20th century, many countries followed an inward-oriented ImportSubstitution Industrialization (ISI) strategy to reduce their international economic dependency. Ultimately, ISI proved insufficient to launch the region into sustainable growth, and after the 1980s debt crisis, Latin America as a region opted for trade and financial liberalization. Examining Latin America’s economic performance during the two globalization eras illustrates several significant differences. First, during the first wave the income gap between Latin America on the one hand, and Western Europe and the United States on the other, was markedly smaller than in the second wave. Indeed, the stagnation of Latin American economies in the current period is much more manifest. It is almost unbelievable that a hundred years ago, Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay were richer in per capita terms, than were Italy

and Spain; by contrast, today the per capita income gap between these Southern Cone countries and their European counterparts is greater than 50 percent. Second, although 20th century globalization brought renewed dynamism to Latin America’s export sector, the region did not achieve a level of participation in total world exports comparable to its 19th century standing, until the turn of the 21st century. Third, the type of foreign investment triggered by the second wave of globalization is different too. In the past, Latin America had been a prime destination for foreign investment, and especially foreign direct investment. Today’s investment from abroad, however, mostly takes the form of

“It is almost unbelievable that a hundred years ago Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay were richer, in per capita terms, than Italy and Spain.” financial flows. Unlike direct investment, financial flows are particularly unstable and quite fleeting in troubled times. Furthermore, globalization’s interconnectivity is particularly efficient at transmitting crises. Trade is one of the most noticeable manifestations of globalization. Traditionally, Latin America was integrated into the world markets as a supplier of raw materials. The reliance on this type of exports is not a new phenomenon. In the first globalization wave, Latin America’s economic policy was explicit: countries adopted a growth strategy based on the expansion of exports. The export-led growth model translated into the promotion of the export sector, the expansion of public infrastructure, and the protection of foreign investment. Most countries reaped the benefits of increased demand generated by

the spreading Industrial Revolution in Western Europe and the United States. Yet, exports were concentrated in only a handful of products, and as an engine of growth, exports were highly vulnerable to sudden swings in global commodities prices. As noted, the second globalization wave followed decades of Import-Substitution Industrialization policies in Latin America. The efforts and resources devoted to developing an efficient and sizable industrial sector did not materialize for all the countries. As a result of macroeconomic mismanagement, the 1980s debt crisis, and a less protectionist international environment, Latin American countries reconsidered reconnecting to the world markets. One by one, they adopted trade liberalization policies that helped increase both exports and imports throughout the region. This new growth strategy was solidified in the 1990s, with the seal of approval from multilateral organizations (World Bank, IMF, etc.) and the U.S. Treasury. The impact of these policies varied considerably from country to country, but in all cases, export growth accelerated from the 1990s onward. Curiously, though, very few economies managed to break the commodity export curse. Mexico is one exception, with 60 percent of merchandise exports in machinery and transportation. Argentina, by contrast, continues to rely heavily on agriculturalbased exports led by grains and oilseeds. A similar story applies to Uruguay, except that beef is the predominant export. And despite its reputation as a model market reformer, Chile’s export performance has not changed significantly since the 19th century. Copper and nitrates still represent the core of its exports, and to date, efforts to diversify Chile’s export basket have only translated into a surge of fresh fruit exports. Over two centuries have passed since Latin America gained its independence, yet the region’s historical high specialization of production and trade in only a few commodities persists. This high concentration makes attaining sustainable growth more complicated. Achieving development remains the task at hand in Latin America, and it’s a challenge that confronts not only the region’s political leaders, but its societies too. b

References: Arroyo Abad, Leticia and Amelia U. Santos-Paulino, Trading Inequality? Comparing the Two Globalization Waves in Latin America,WIDER Research Paper, 2009 (44).


An East European Contem Article and photography by Daniela Dimitrova Tsoneva ’11


s a citizen of one of the European Union’s newest members—Bulgaria—I looked forward to spending my junior year abroad in a European country. I was especially interested in experiencing life in Western Europe to compare it with Eastern Europe and the United States. Most of all, as someone who studies international politics and economics, I was curious how West Europeans felt about being in this unique economic and political union. I chose Spain not only because it is a beautiful country, but also because it is one of the countries that has changed the most due to its EU membership. By experiencing Spanish society, I hoped to learn where Bulgarian society might be heading in the next 20 years. Consequently, I traveled to Madrid full of curiosity and ready to learn.

Daniela on the coast of Santander, Spain.


One of the first things that an observant IP&E major like myself notices after setting foot in Madrid, is that Spanish society is quite complicated. The twists and turns of Spanish history produced a complex set of unwritten rules, customs, understandings, and social controversies, and outsiders need to know a lot of facts to make sense of their new environment. That being said, I found that studying Spanish politics was extremely interesting. Yes, I had a lot of history to catch up on, but in the end, I learned to navigate my way around nicely. What I found most intriguing was that we spent the entire semester talking about political life in Spain without once ever referring to the relation between what happens inside Spain and what happens beyond its borders. The general perception was that external and internal politics are completely separate issues—a perception I found especially surprising for a country within the European Union.

mplates the European Union Plaza de Oriente, Madrid, Spain.


Plaza de España, Sevilla, Spain.

Outside the classroom, Spaniards seem to hold a positive attitude toward the EU and believe their country has benefited from uniting with Europe. On the other hand, their knowledge of specific international issues seems scarce. A deep international awareness did not seem to be a requirement for a sound, well-rounded education: while it is good to take interest in international developments in Europe or worldwide, if one does not, that is fine too. I could not help thinking that in the long run, such an attitude could be very detrimental for the EU as a whole. The Union is composed of 27 different nations with 27 opinions on all topics and 27 (or more) individual interests. For the system to work smoothly, there needs to be consensus among states. Yet, how can a consensus be built if the citizens of the individual states know little about foreign affairs or have little interest in learning about them? In the end, I came to believe that Bulgarians, Spaniards, and all other EU citizens should cultivate a genuine interest and gain real knowledge about what is going on abroad. Public negligence of foreign affairs is


counterproductive for an inter-state political union in which many political decisions are taken at the supra-national level. And more than just public interest, active public involvement is needed to translate good political ideas (for example, a unified Europe) into reality. During my time abroad, I conducted a survey of students in my university for one of my class projects. The survey asked questions about the European Union and common EU foreign policy making issues. The results showed that students had a positive attitude toward EU integration as a whole, and positive expectations about the EU’s future too; but they were not familiar with a majority of the current European issues discussed in the survey. This finding reminded me of something I heard during a lecture in Madrid, where a UN official explained why a United Nations economic development plan—approved by high-level politicians—had failed: there simply were not enough available personnel to staff the mission and carry it

out. In the realm of international development, even good ideas cannot be realized when the level participation by regular people is insufficient. For the European Union, popular support and active engagement is crucial on all levels of political life: economic integration, elections, decision-making, development initiatives, missions, you name it. Many Europeans want to be part of the EU due to the range of benefits membership brings—investment opportunities, mobility, structural funds, work possibilities, etc. But being a member also involves giving and sacrifice. What conclusion I did draw from all this? As they say in Spain: No pasa nada. Like it or not, we are live in the global village, and this is especially true in the case of Europe. Some might take longer to realize this than others, but in the end,

what goes on in the farthest corner of Europe has real life repercussions all over the continent. Sooner or later, I believe we will all agree on this point. But this does not mean that the EU’s future is predetermined to be bright and rosy. We can make the system we all chose to be part of successful and efficient or rusty and problematic. It all depends on the attitudes and level of involvement that each EU citizen chooses to cultivate. In Spain, I saw a positive attitude but a social attention always focused on domestic issues and concerns. I see the same situation when I go to Bulgaria. My hope is that all Eastern European countries, including my own, will benefit economically from their membership in the EU as much as Spain has. However, both westerners and easterners still have a lot to work to do to ensure a future where Europe is consolidated, unified, and prosperous. b

View of Cordoba, Spain.


A Pretty Good Compass Article and photography by Juan Diego Farah ’10


hen I arrived in Middlebury in the fall of 2006, I had a problem. I found myself in the unfortunate position of not knowing whether I should study politics or economics. As a rather archetypal international student, the prospect of obtaining a degree from a prestigious American institution and using it to achieve political success back home seemed all too enticing. So if I wanted to go into politics, then the answer was obvious—study politics. Yet, as you may have noticed, there is an ever-increasing number of global politicians who display remarkable rhetorical skill at the podium, while demonstrating a distinct lack of knowledge when it comes to macroeconomic management. So—study economics. Or maybe major in politics with an economics minor. Or would it be better to major in economics with a politics minor? As my mind factionalized around this internal debate, I came across a rather peculiar program: International Politics and Economics. I read through the program’s requirements and objectives, and immediately perceived it as a possible resolution to my incessant mental dispute. With the guns of indecision temporarily silenced, I continued into my sophomore year, making my way through the academic minefield that the politics and economics department lays out for its IP&E students. Courses entitled ‘Introduction to International Politics’ and ‘Macroeconomic Theory’ provided me with a strong cache of intellectual ammunition, but I craved the opportunity to turn theory into practice.


Recognizing that the answer to my debacle lay beyond the Middlebury bubble, I once again chose the Chamberlainite approach, appeasing my mental divide by arranging a politicsrelated internship after my sophomore year and an economicsrelated opportunity after my junior year. After my final exams in sophomore year, I headed down to Washington D.C., where I had secured an internship at the United Nation’s Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC). Through this experience, I was able to navigate the twists and turns of D.C.’s think-tank community, interacting with agencies ranging from the World Bank, to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. By the end of the summer, there was no doubt that the political side of my mind was winning territory, but the Churchillians of the economics side—as anticipated—refused to surrender. I entered my junior year motivated by the cause of finding answers beyond the Middlebury bubble, and embarked upon a one-year journey to Sciences Po, the intellectual cradle of French political life. There is little doubt that Sciences Po is the perfect university for the strong-minded student activist. Suddenly, the Middlebury student group that ran naked through the dining hall or baked cookies to raise awareness for their all too uninspiring cause seemed naïve and sheltered next to the French student leader who rallied 1,000 students to protest against government reforms of university research. Yes, the economics side was fighting to the last man, but studying among so many politically active students also confirmed some of my initial fears.

Many politicians (and students of politics) have no clue what they are talking about when it comes to the economy. I came across more than one Sciences Po student who believed that the bigger the state, the better off the people. Now, without revealing my own stance on the war between Keynesians and Monetarists, I would often find myself disagreeing cordially with my fellow student activists by bringing up the subtleties behind the debate on political economy. There is no doubt Valery Giscard d’Estaing would have been proud of my always useful, “oui, mais...” [translated as “Yes, but…”] stance. As the summer loomed, I began looking for an economicsrelated internship to give my mental economic faction a chance to take the offensive. After an endless trail of rejected applications, countless trips on the Eurostar, and a few frightening interviews, I was accepted into the internship program of the London office of a well-known investment bank. In London, I immersed myself in a completely different world to the one I had experienced in Washington. The fastpaced, high-pressure environment that interns were exposed to became extremely rewarding as I became entrusted with an ever-increasing amount of responsibilities. Long hours were made easier by valuable moments in which I found myself being taken seriously as a team-member. However, even this experience wasn’t perfect. Despite the mental sharpness exhibited by many in the world of finance, it became clear that political and social issues were hardly at the top of their agenda.

Several ‘economic’ agents I encountered declared their disbelief in global warming, without providing any sufficient evidence to buffer their cause. Now, I am now back in the Bubble, and about to leave again—this time, for good. After my four years at Middlebury, I have discovered that there is no absolute resolution to my politics versus economics conflict beyond that which may seem deceptively simple: do both. The complexities of globalization have hobbled politicians that do not understand how the world functions in economic terms. Social, economic, and political goals are so intertwined that it is not enough to pursue one of these angles. Effective policies are framed upon a sound understanding of political-economic subtleties. So as I prepare myself to leave the Bubble, I can safely say that my mental dispute will always remain unresolved—and this is for the best. IP&E embodies this creed, and I firmly believe that its lessons will serve as a pretty good compass as I navigate the obstacles of life in the real world. b


The In-Between: Time


uch brainpower and ink is spent on the great cultures of the world. Scholars focus on the powerful civilizations of the West or the exotic peoples of the East. Given the obvious importance of theses forces on modern day, this is undoubtedly time well spent. Yet few look to the cultures living in the cracks between the Anglo-Saxons and the Han. The Silk Road was historically the link between the East and West. Once a vital part of the world economy, it has since been superseded by cheap ocean shipping and fast air transport. The ancient history of the area seems to dwarf its current residents. In more modern times the cities of the traditional Silk Road did experience a small resurgence under Soviets thanks to Russian wealth. But, due to the fall of the wall the people of the Silk Road now have yet another historical hangover from which to recover.

The Pools of Pamukkale in Turkey.

Over such a vast space with such a history it is thus not the people but rather the landscapes that dominate the frame. Kazakhstan itself has the population of the Netherlands and two-thirds the land mass of the European Union, and it comprises but one part of the vast area that makes up the Silk Road. In looking back at these photos of the Silk Road taken in the fall of 2009, one cannot but notice how small the people seem when placed in their environs. While this may be in part due to unique Soviet architectural intentions, the vast expanse of Central Asia cannot but help contribute to the lilliputian effect.

Photo Essay by Luke Douglas ’09 18

on the Silk Road


A Town in Cappadocia, Turkey.


SĂźmela monestary outside Trabzon, Turkey.

Memories of better times: tourist signage. Alten Areshan, Kyrgyzstan.

Photo Essay by Luke Douglas ’09 20

Inside S端mela monestary.


S端mela monestary, Trabzon, Turkey.


Saint Gregory the Illuminator Cathedral in Yerevan, Armenia.

Photo Essay by Luke Douglas ’09 22

Gergerti Trinity Church, Stepantsminda, Georgia.


Ephesus, capital of Roman Asia. Selรงuk, Turkey.


Mt. Kasbengi, Stepantsminda, Georgia.

Photo Essay by Luke Douglas ’09 24

The road towards Altyn Areshan, Kyrgyzstan.


Further up the same road.


The road from Song Kol, Kyrgyzstan.

Camp at Song Kol (3016 m). A local’s yurt and two ladas.

Photo Essay by Luke Douglas ’09 26

Temple in Ayutthaya, Thailand.


Ancient anthropomorphic figures, Tokmok, Kyrgyzstan.


Ruined temple complex in Hampi, India.

Photo Essay by Luke Douglas ’09 28

Rush hour on the Kerala Water Highway, Kerala State, Incia.


Fishing huts on the beach, fishing boats on the sand,Varkala, India.


Monks on a boat in Ayutthaya, Thailand.

Behind the Lens: Luke Douglas graduated in 2009 with a degree in International Politics and Economics. While at Middlebury he found the time to study Chinese, play four different sports, ski, and socialize with his friends. He is now working in Washington DC and saving up for his next big trip.


Southern fishing village on the island of Koh Kood, Thailand.


Cornelieke Lammers ’09 and Luke Douglas ’09 in front of their houseboat, taken after a night in the Kerala backwaters, Alapuzzha, India.


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IPExplore magazine, Issue 3

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