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  Historical  Land-­‐Use  Patterns  and  Modern  Development  in  Tanzania:   Looking  at  New  Rural-­‐Urban  Solutions,  a  Request  for  Proposals    

  Prepared  By:    Emily  Appelbaum   Yale  University    

2009  

 

 

 


Growing  Cities   Changing  land-­‐use  patterns  in  Tanzania   The  practice  of  urban  design,  as  we  conceive  of  it  today,  arose  in  Western  cities  and  was  fully   catapulted  into  being  by  the  great  upheavals  of  population,  technology  and  sprawl  brought  on  by  the   Industrial  Revolution.  If  the  bourgeoning  of  newly  industrializing  Europe  was  enough  to  engender  a   restructuring  of  the  way  we  see  and  occupy  space,  then  the  similar  catalyst  that  exists  today  is  amplified   to  a  whole  new  scale  in  the  developing  countries  across  the  globe  now  struggling  to  complete  their  own   industrialization.     In  a  Berkeley  project  entitled  “New  Geographies,”  Nezar  AlSayyad  and  Ananya  Roy  wrote,  “If  the   previous  fin-­‐de-­‐siecle  was  marked  by  rabid  discourses  about  the  chaos  of  the  First  World  metropolis,   then  at  the  turn  of  this  century,  the  Third  World  metropolis  has  emerged  as  the  trope  of  social   disorganization  and  unfathomable  crisis.  And  if  urban  planning  emerged  as  a  19th  century  drive  to   rationalize  the  city,  then  now  the  ideology  of  "civil  society"  –  a  celebration  of  grassroots  movements  and   self-­‐management  by  the  urban  poor  –  bears  the  new  millennial  promise  of  taming  the  urban  crisis.”1    In   their  report,  Alsayyad  and  Roy  warn  against  this  crisis  rhetoric,  and  also  against  seeing  self-­‐management   as  a  utopian  cure-­‐all,  applied  blindly  to  the  vast  range  of  societies  struggling  against  the  legacies  of   developmentalist  thought.     And  yet,  in  looking  at  specific  developmental  legacies  as  the  result  of  rationalist  schemes,   utopian  in  and  of  themselves,  it  becomes  apparent  both  that  there  is,  if  not  a  crisis,  then  something  that   looks  very  similar,  and  that  returning  some  measure  of  autonomous  management  to  disenfranchised   populations  must  be  a  part  of  the  solution  —  a  crisis  being,  as  Rahm  Emmanual  famously  said,  echoing   Stanford  Economist  Paul  Romer,  of  2008’s  financial  collapse,  a  “terrible  thing  to  waste.”  In  this  paper,  I   examine  how  the  current  challenges  in  Third  World  land  use  can  be  understood  as  the  direct  result  of   failed  historical  policies,  and  how  the  self-­‐provided  settlement  patterns  which  have  thus  emerged  can   be  learned  from  and  ultimately  used  in  the  creation  of  more  equitable  and  effective  strategies  both   locally  and  globally.  Specifically,  I  examine  the  landscape  and  its  occupants  in  Tanzania  since  the  broadly   inflicted  policy  of  Villagization,  and  call  for  a  new  scheme  of  conscientious  spatial  planning,  carried  forth   through  self-­‐management,  which  will  help  alleviate  the  scars  of  a  failed  land  policy,  and  address  the   problem  of  the  Third  World  Metropolis.     Villagization  and  Ujamaa—Nyerere’s  Dream   Villagization  in  Tanzania  is  often  thought  of  as  a  political  and  economic  issue,  deriving  from  the   concept  of  ujamaa,  (in  Swahili,  “familyhood,”)  which,  though  originally  spun  as  a  traditional  African  of   community,  is  usually  understood  as  an  idealist  doctrine  of  socialism.  The  policy,  conceived  by  President   Julius  Nyerere  shortly  after  the  state  gained  independence  in  1961,  and  formalized  first  in  the  Arusha   Declaration  of  1967,  was  initially  constructed  to  resolve  a  set  of  political  issues  centered  largely  on  the   creation  of  economic  independence  for  the  newly  liberated  state.  While  conventional  wisdom  has  been   to  evaluate  ujamaa  as  an  ideological  issue,2  and  the  policy’s  specific  failings  are  frequently  explained  in                                                                                                                             1

 AlSayyad  and  Roy,  1999    Ibhawoh  and  Dibua,  2003,  p.  61  

2


terms  of  bureaucratic  inefficiencies  and  economic  miscalculations,3  there  is  a  legible,  yet  often  ignored,   reading  of  the  story  as  a  spatial  treatise  of  modernization  and  development  —  the  history  of  the  policy  is   etched  in  its  physical  imprint  on  the  landscape  that,  even  today,  continues  to  impact  the  population.   For  Nyerere,  the  aim  of  the  scheme   was  to  initiate  the  transformation  of  rural   society  into  "rural  economic  and  social   communities  where  people  would  live   together  for  the  good  of  all"4  The  1964   pamphlet  “Rural  Settlement  Planning”   describes  a  settlement  policy  of  state-­‐ planned,  gridded  plots  around  a  common,   governmentally  administered  center,  in   contrast  to  the  traditional  land  tenure  system   which  involved  a  first-­‐rights  system  of   dispersed  homesteading.  Land  was  to  be   farmed  by  cooperative  groups  rather  than  by   individual  farmers.       The  pamphlet  includes  strict   guidelines  for  harvest  allotments,  quotas,   finance,  and  production  of  cash  crops,5  which   Ujamaa  Village  Plan,  showing  recangular  cultivation  plots  surrounding  a   serves  to  make  clear  that  when  Nyerere   village  center  with  civic  and  light  commercial  buildings.  Rural  Setlement   spoke  of  subsistence  and  economic   Commission,  1964.   independence,  he  did  not  mean  at  the   community  level,  but  rather,  for  the   Tanzanian  state  as  a  player  in  the  global   market  economy.  Nyerere  legitimized  the   villagization  scheme  in  terms  of  traditional   African  practices  of  communal  living  and   social  equity,  but  in  truth,  his  development   scheme,  though  the  well-­‐intentioned  act  of  a   liberated  government,  reads  as  the   continuation  of  a  colonial  discourse,  in  which   the  appropriation  of  a  people  extends  into   the  imperial  domination  of  the  landscape— rendering  it  rational,  legible,  and  conducive   to  production.   Villagization  was  thus  tied  to  national   security,  setting  up  local  systems  for  meeting   Pages  from  the  1964  Pamphlet,  showing  specific  crop  allocations  and   commodity  ratios.  Rural  Setlement  Commission,  1964.  

                                                                                                                          3

 Shivji,  1976    Nyerere,  1968,  p.  337   5  Rural  Settlement  Commission,  1964   4


the  needs  of  the  newly  independent  nation.  However,  the  paradox  was  that  in  order  to  create  a  locally   based,  self-­‐reliant  community,  land  was  first  nationalized  and  redistributed.6  This  resulted  in  the  doling-­‐ out,  by  removed  central  authorities,  of  self-­‐same  versions  of  a  standard  plan  developed  in  isolation.  The   land-­‐planning  solutions  were  not  truly  local,  but  were  merely  focused  on  the  local  scale  of   implementation—the  stamping  on  of  a  self-­‐same  unit,  repeated  uniformly  across  the  national   landscape.   Such  intense  management  on  a  state  level,  even  with  the  attempt  to  create  local  socialist  units,   effectively  removed  any  understanding  of  the  land,  and  of  the  characteristics  of  the  individual   communities,  from  the  equation.  In  fact,  though  the  policy  was  nominally  socialist,  as  some  scholars   have  postulated,  “what  the  policy  of  nationalization  so  effectively  achieved  was  to  give  rise  to  ‘state   bureaucratic  capitalism’  -­‐  the  use  of  state  capital  by  a  managerial  elite  in  a  manner  which  entirely   conforms  to  the  ethos,  values  and  dynamics  of  private  capital.”7     In  the  work  of  Dean  McHenry8,  (“Tanzania’s   Ujamaa  Villages:  The  Implementation  of  a  Rural   Development  Strategy”)  it  becomes  clear  that  the   Ujamaa  Village  fits  directly  into  a  genealogy  of   colonialism:  following  the  forced  resettlement  and   labor  campaigns  of  the  colonial  government  and  World-­‐ Bank  implemented  development  strategies,  the   coercive  means  employed  by  the  now-­‐independent   Tanzanian  government  nonetheless  betrayed  the  same   framework  of  imperialist  thought—appropriating   laborer  and  land  in  the  name  of  “development,”  which   had  little  to  do  with  providing  resources,  and  lots  more   to  do  with  providing  commodities  for  an  economy   already  entrenched  in  the  world  market.       Thus,  in  villigized  Tanzania,  the  instrumentalist   view  extended  from  nature  itself,  to  those  who  had   traditionally  lived  in  harmony  with  it—uprooting  a   cyclical  way  of  life  in  favor  of  a  linear,  progress-­‐  and   production-­‐oriented  attempt  at  “modernization.  That   this  type  of  progress  was  not  what  the  peasants  of   Funding  for  Villagization  went  into  farm  machinery   Tanzania  desired  or  needed  could  be  read  implicitly  in   (above)  and  warehouses,  (below)  often  in  vast  excess   the  increasingly  forceful  policies  of  relocation,  which   of  what  production  on  the  land  needed  or  could   evolved  from  persuasion  to  inducement  to  compulsion,   support.  Other  aspects  of  the  program  (social  and   humanitarian  resources)  were  chronically   but  the  system’s  shortcomings  were  made  explicit  by   underfunded.  Public  space  was  often  ignored.   the  famine,  social  unrest,  decreased  productivity,  and   Architecture  was  cheap  and  utilitarian,  layouts  were   overwhelmingly  gridded.  Jean  M.  Due,  1980.   flight  at  the  first  opportunity,  which  followed                                                                                                                             6

 Jimwaga,  2002,  p.21-­‐22.  Also  see  Daley  “Land  and  Social  Change”  1  and  2,  2005    Shivji,  1976,  p.  85   8  McHenry,  1979   7


widespread  relocation  to  ujamaa  villages.  According  to  McHenry,  this  was  at  least  in  part  due  to   shortcomings  in  planning  —  the  villages  were  not  well  designed  for  production.  James  C  Scott   corroborates  this  viewpoint,  pointing,  for  comparison,  to  other  failed  agricultural  models  such  as  the   Ethiopian  ground-­‐nut  disaster,  or  the  more  poignant  metaphor  of  scientific  forestry,  in  which  actual   forest  mechanics  are  sacrificed  for  an  aesthetic  of  modernism  and  order,  most  notably  in  Fascist   Germany.  But  Scott’s  argument  against  the  authoritarian  modernist  framework  digs  into  the  larger   issue—not  that  the  villages  weren’t  designed  well  for  production,  but  that  they  weren’t  designed  well   for  living,  an  all  too  common  problem  with  states’  historical  and  near  universal  obsession  with  the   aesthetic  project  of  legibility.    Scott  writes,  “Certain  visual  representations  of  order  and  efficiency,  although  they  may  have   made  eminent  sense  in  some  original  context,  are  detached  from  their  initial  moorings.  High  modernist   plans  tend  to  ‘travel’  as  an  abbreviated  visual  image  of  efficiency,”  in  which  the  user  has  an  almost   religious  faith.9  Thus,  gridded  beds  and  erosion  mounds  and  straight  roads,  perhaps  the  very  models  of   efficiency  in  the  West,  were  fairly  useless  on  the  unfamiliar  Tanzanian  terrain,  with  its  unexpected   weather  patterns.  “For  ideological  reasons,”  he  elaborates,  “the  designers  of  the  new  society  had  paid   virtually  no  attention  to  the  local  knowledge  and  practices  of  cultivators  and  pastoralists.  They  had  also   forgotten  the  most  important  fact  about  social  engineering:  its  efficiency  depends  on  the  response  and   cooperation  of  real  human  subjects.”10      As  much  as  a  misunderstanding  of  the  local  environmental  conditions  for  farming  (building  long   straight  roads  and  flat,  gridded  plots  when  seasonal  flooding  and  drying  required  raised  beds  and   rendered  the  roads  hopeless  mud-­‐traps)  planners  exhibited  a  misunderstanding  of  the  local  social   conditions  for  farming  and,  more  importantly,  for  community.  Scott  quotes  Jane  Jacobs  as  his  champion   for  the  irreplaceability  of  community  micro-­‐order,  saying  that  the  “order”  of  a  thing,  for  Jacobs,  was   determined  by  the  purpose  it  served,  not  by  a  purely  aesthetic  view  of  its  superficial  qualities.  Thus,  the   failings  of  earlier  modernists  like  Le  Corbusier  lay  in  their  inability  to  consider  their  spaces,   fundamentally,  as  places  where  people  would  want  to  live  and  work.11  For  Scott,  the  disaster  of  ujamaa   fit  neatly  into  this  trajectory.     Farmers  had  traditionally  enjoyed  unrestricted  settlement  in  scattered  hamlets,  as  land  was  not   held  privately,  but  was  state-­‐owned  and  allotted  by  a  system  of  first-­‐right.  This  allowed  farmers  to  roam   widely,  settle  sparsely,  and  move  frequently,  as  the  land  dictated.  Beneficial  fallow  periods  resulted,  as   well  as  a  nuanced  understanding  of  the  natural  circumstances  most  conducive  to  crop  growth  —  inter-­‐ planting,  multi-­‐tier  farming,  and  natural  shading  provided  by  scrub-­‐trees  not  cleared  from  the  land  were   all  effective  strategies  which  were  lost  in  the  desire  to  set  up  legible,  “modern”  monocultures  of  cash   crops  such  as  coffee,  sisal  and  cashews.     As  regimented  as  the  crops  became  in  ujamaa  villages,  so  too  did  the  inhabitants.  No  longer  did   organically  evolving,  family-­‐based  groups  build  their  homes  and  their  lives  together.  Rather,  (and   despite  all  the  talk  of  familyhood  as  the  governing  social  principle)  the  uprooted  population  was  forced   to  resettle  in  artificial  communities.  The  passing  promises  of  social  amenities  (schools,  hospitals)  hinted   at  an  underlying  humanitarian  motivation,  but  this  was  greatly  outstripped  by  the  motivation  to                                                                                                                             9

 Scott,  1998,  p.  225    Ibid.   11  Scott,  1998,  p.  133   10


produce.  Thinly  veiled  in  even  the  most  idealistic  of  village  schematics  (see  village  plan,  pg.  2),  there   were  times  when  this  motivation  dominated  planning  outright:  even  the  guise  of  community-­‐oriented   settlement  disappeared  in  places  where  the  new  villages  became  grotesquely  extruded  along  a   transport  routes  (as  in  Mufindi  District,  discussed  later).  Here,  then,  is  an  attempt  to  create  a  community   without  the  provision  of  any  realistic  center  for  public  space.  An  endless  row  of  houses  only  a  couple  of   units  deep  did  absolutely  nothing  to  foster  community  interaction,  inhibiting  access  to  any  new  civic   amenity  through  sheer  decentralization.  However,  it  is  the  very  paradigm  of  state  authority  and   legibility.       Informal  Urbanization  and  the  Spontaneous  City      Immediately  after  forced  villagization,  Tanzania  urbanized  faster  than  almost  any  part  of  the   world.  Financial  crisis  and  political  strife  in  the  late  ‘70s  meant  the  end  of  the  period  of  rigid   enforcement  of  ujamaa  policy,  and  pent-­‐up  dissatisfaction  with  ujamaa  caused  a  massive  migration  to   the  cities.  While  the  few  city  centers  of  Tanzania  (Dar  es  Salaam,  most  notably)  modernized  rapidly   relatively  early,  it  is  the  informal  settlements  on  the  city  fringes  that  have  taken  the  place  of  ujamaa   villages  for  the  vast  majority  of  Tanzanian  citizens  who  have  migrated  from  the  rural  hinterland  where   they  traditionally  settled.       These  new  spaces  exhibit  the  very  antithesis  of   authoritarian  ujamaa  planning.  They  are  rapidly  evolving   shrines  to  self-­‐reliance,  ingenuity  and  self-­‐determination,  in   some  sense  demonstrating  the  type  of  creativity  and  agency   implicit  in  a  traditional  relationship  to  the  land,  yet,  at  the   same  time,  heavily  influenced  by  the  desire  to  modernize.  As   Anne  S  Lewinson  describes  in  “Viewing  Postcolonial  Dar  es   Salaam,  Tanzania  through  Civic  Spaces,”  these  areas  (called   uswahilini,  the  land  of  the  Swahili  people)  are  more  densely   settled  than  a  typical  village,  but  share  in  common  with  rural   areas  the  “tight-­‐knit  sociality  which  contrasts  with   conventional  ideas  of  urban  anonymity.”12  These  informal   cities  host  a  range  of  civic  spaces  so  markedly  missing  in  the   ujamaa  villages:  including  ritual  spaces,  groceries,  roadside   booths,  and  especially,  placed  to  drink.  In  describing  the   women  who  conduct  their  business  outside  on  porch  steps,   she  certainly  recalls  a  Jane  Jacobs-­‐ian  sense  of  civic   community,  writing  of  “the  raised  open  verandahs  of  homes,   where  women  (often)  sell  foods,  provide  tailor  services,  sell   cooked  foods  or  household  goods  such  as  charcoal,  braid   Man  selling  coconuts  in  informal  market  stall.  Photo:   hair  and  receive  visitors;  their  customers,  relatives  and   Reuters.   neighbours  are  free  to  join  them  for  a  chat  and  a  rest.”13                                                                                                                             12

 Demissie,  ed.,  2007,  p.  50    Ibid.,  p.  51  

13


As  people  build  and  adapt  their  homes  in  these  fringe  settlements  (peri-­‐urban  spaces)  they  are   driven  to  fulfill  new  and  rapidly  changing  sets  of  desires.  Huba  M  Nguluma  writes,  “On  one  hand  the   desire  to  own  a  “modern  house”  may  lead  to  deterioration  of  spatial  qualities,  on  the  other  hand   fulfillment  of  the  desire  may  contribute  to  the  modernization  of  urban  settlements.”14  As  Tanzania  is   one  of  the  most  rapidly  urbanizing  countries  in  sub-­‐Saharan  Africa  –  with  30%  of  its  citizens  living  in  Dar   es  Salaam  and  the  population  of  Dar  doubling  every  decade  –  it  is  clear  that  this  type  of  informal   settlement  on  the  fringes  of  the  city  will  not  be  sustainable.  Furthermore,  recent  studies  of  Tanzania’s   rapidly  evolving  land-­‐use  norms  suggest  that  structural  readjustment  policies  and  a  period  of  relative   economic  stability  have  increased  commodification  of  land  in  peri-­‐urban  zones  since  the  1990s,  leading   to  a  transition  “more  into  a  zone  of  investment  and  economic  opportunity,  rather  than  a  zone  of   survival,”15  the  result  being  the  increasing  exclusion  and  divestment  of  the  poorer  classes.16  Lastly,  these   informal  settlements  often  lack  resources  such  as  water  and  sanitation  until  it  is  clear  that  they  are   permanent,  at  which  point  gentrification  usually  sets  in.  Thus,  for  the  vast  majority  of  Tanzania’s   population,  this  type  of  urban  slum  is  far  from  a  permanent  solution.     The  need  for  Urban-­‐Rural  Interface   With  the  globalization  of  Tanzania’s  economy,  farming  has  transitioned  from  a  subsistence   activity  to  a  market  activity,  meaning  that  farmers  need  access  to  financial  capital,  information  on   market  prices  and  fluctuations,  and,  increasingly,  resources  like  water  and  fertilizer  necessary  to   produce  cash  crops.  Access  to  these  types  of  resources  and  data  are  highly  dependent  on  the  interplay   of  rural  and  urban  systems.  Post-­‐villagization,  many  of  Tanzania’s  residents,  even  those  who  have   relocated  to  the  urban  fringe,  are  peasants  or  pastoralists,  and  farming  is  still  the  primary  activity.17    Yet   there  is  a  marked  trend  toward  the  diversification  of  economic  activity,  especially  where  urban  and  rural   meet.  No  longer  can  rural  agriculture  subsist  in  isolation,  nor  (as  was  proven  with  the  failures  of   villigization)  can  it  take  place  in  small,  isolated  socialist  collectives  administered  by  a  rationalist  and   removed  government.    A  new  land-­‐use  paradigm  is  in  the  making.   The  traditional  system  of  land  tenure  has  been  interrupted,  yet  there  remains  the  desire  for   positive  growth  and  rising  measures  of  quality-­‐of-­‐life.  As  planners,  can  we  design  systems  that  support  a   population  still  deeply  rooted  in  a  transient  pastoral  framework18,  while  still  providing  the  needed   services?  We  must  find  a  way  to  create  the  desired  infrastructural  improvements,  while  at  the  same   time  allowing  for  the  micro-­‐scale  social,  political  and  spatial  determinations  which  we  have  come  to   accept  as  important  —  the  type  of  articulation  that  is  lost  in  the  “thin”  structuring  of  pre-­‐fab   communities.          Since  the  gradual  decline  of  the  ujamaa  system,  economic  crisis  and  reform  have  affected  both   rural  and  urban  African  populations.  The  vast  majority  of  Tanzanians  remain  tied  to  the  land,  both   economically  and  culturally,  though  for  small  farmers,  the  costs  of  agricultural  inputs  and  consumer   goods  have  risen  faster  than  the  prices  of  agricultural  produce.  This  cost–price  squeeze  has  created  a                                                                                                                             14

 Nguluma  p.  18    Briggs,  1999,  p.269   16  Demissie,  ed.,  2007,  p.  44-­‐50   17  Bah,  2003,  p.  15   18  Jimwaga,  2002   15


high-­‐risk  environment  that  makes  it  difficult  for  small  farmers  to  compete  on  domestic  and  international   markets,  encouraging  a  return  to  pastoralism.  Falling  urban  incomes  affect  both  formal  sector  workers   and  the  informal  sector  activities.  Increases  in  food  prices  and  service  charges,  cuts  in  public   expenditures  –  especially  health  and  education  –  and  in  infrastructure  expenditures  have  been  felt,   particularly  by  the  low-­‐income  peasants  who  have  been  emancipated  from  the  land.  This  has  resulted  in   changes  in  livelihood  strategies  with  very  strong  spatial  implications:  a  widespread  increase  in  mobility   accompanied  by  strong  social  and  economic  links  with  home  areas,  which  provide  financial  safety  nets   and  social  identity;  and  high  levels  of  “multi-­‐activity”19—the  intermixing  of  rural  and  urban  modes  of   existence,  with  most  households  combining  farming  with  non-­‐farm  activities,  especially  in  peri-­‐urban   areas.20     Thus,  it  appears  essential  that  any  effective  land-­‐use  policy  address  this  need  for  connection   between  the  rural  and  the  urban.  Physical  infrastructure  is  a  crucial  element  of  today’s  rapidly  changing   Tanzanian  economy  —  poor  infrastructure  drastically  effects  capital  input  and  profit  margins,  and  thus,   overall  patterns  of  activity.21    While  larger  or  wealthier  farmers  can  afford  to  adjust  and  create   alternatives,  poor  farmers  are  especially  disadvantaged  by  lack  of  infrastructure,  and  may  be  forced  to   turn  to  wage  labor  (increasing  the  numbers  seeking  employment  in  already  overcrowded  cities,  and   further  sharpening  the  divide  between  rural  and  urban  settlement)  in  the  absence  of  sufficient   infrastructure  to  support  their  farming  activities.  Cashew  nuts,  for  example,  can  be  sold  at  farmer’s   cooperatives,  but  when  farmers  can’t  reach  these  centralized  locations,  they  must  sell  directly  to   traders,  for  lower  returns.  Information  services  are  likewise  important,  with  farmers  who  have  good   urban  connections  gaining  a  significant  advantage.  For  farmers  growing  tomatoes  in  the  plains  towns  of   Himo  in  Northern  Tanzania,  market  costs  can  vary  by  a  factor  of  ten  between  the  rainy  and  dry  season.   Delicately  calibrated  analyses  of  world  market  supply  and  demand  are  crucial  for  farmers  trying  to   balance  their  fields  and  labor,  22  and  this  requires  access  to  the  city.  Lastly,  because  traders,  even   wholesalers,  generally  operate  on  a  small  scale,  and  are  rooted  socially  in  a  community,  “financial   exchanges  are  embedded  in  wider  social  relations  which  provide  the  basic  rules  of  trust  needed  for   commercial  transactions.”  23  Lack  of  formal  credit  means  that  traders  rely  on  social  capital  and  social   capital  is  often  rooted  in  physical  place.  Thus,  a  successful  community  is  necessary  to  provide  a  strong   sense  of  social  space  in  which  members  may  meet,  interact,  and  exchange.   Farmers,  families,  and  wage  laborers  are  increasingly  caught  between  an  old  world  and  a  new   one  —  but  rather  than  push  inexorably  forward  into  ideals  high  modernism  (as  did  the  ujamaa  policy)   why  not  allow  the  transition  itself  to  yield  a  fecund  social  and  economic  environment?  Urban  models  of   town-­‐and-­‐country  have  at  times  celebrated  the  connection  between  the  urban  and  the  rural.  At  the   dawning  of  the  industrial  era,  Ebenezer  Howard’s  Garden  City  concept  promoted  a  large,  vibrant  city   center  surrounded  by  smaller  urban  nodes,  each  of  these  set  like  a  plum  into  the  pudding  of  a  lush   agricultural  countryside.  Though  the  vision  was  impractical  in  western  cities  that  had  largely  abandoned   agriculture  in  favor  of  industrial  growth,  this  sort  of  urban  triage  is  exactly  the  type  of  decentralization                                                                                                                             19

 Ellis,  1998      Bah,  2003   21  Bah,  2003,  p.  16   22  Bah,  2003,  p.  18   23  Ibid.   20


which  may  help  in  over-­‐expanding  cities  like  Dar,  which  still  rely  heavily  on  intermixed  agricultural  and   urban  activities.  A  century  later,  urbanist  Leon  Kier  looked  at  the  endless  sprawl  of  modern  Western   cities  and  called  for  the  injection  of  village  centers.  These  locally-­‐based,  locally  developed  community   and  economy  hubs  differs  from  the  “localism”  in  a  policy  like  ujamaa  because  (In  theory,  at  least)  he   concept  fought  top-­‐down  design  and  zoning  practices  that  only  made  sense  in  diagrammatic,  not  lived,   space.  He  did  not  seek  to  prescribe  a  local  character  for  the  community,  but  allowed  the  community  to   develop  itself.    

Krier’s  actual  solutions  were  far  too  prescriptive,  but  in  favoring  the  intermixed  district  over   traditional  zoning,  in  rejecting  modernist  ideology,  and  in  recognizing  the  vital  link  between  ecology  and   urbanism,  Krier’s  intuition  was  sound.  He  would  have  utterly  rejected  Nyere’s  use  of  an  economic  goal   as  the  foundation  of  a  spatial  policy,  affirming  that  cities  must  not  be  the  mere  product  of  industrial   force,  which,  “left  to  its  own  logic  occupies  land  in  almost  military  fashion,  causing  much  collateral   damage.”  But,  bearing  this  in  mind,  how  can  we  plan  effectively,  given  that  many  of  the  needs  of   developing  countries  are  so  expressly  economic?    Economic  circumstances  in  Tanzania  are  already  influencing  spatial  and  community  behaviors,   just  as  they  did  in  traditional  Tanzanian  subsistence  societies.  Trade  routes,  outposts,  and  community   interrelationships  fostered  prosperity  long  before  colonialism,  and  will  continue  to  do  so  in  the  era  of   development.  The  difference  between  this  and  Krier’s  tyranny  of  industry,  or  a  policy  like  ujamaa,  is  that   it  evolves  organically,  and  adapts  spontaneously.  The  current  economic  circumstances  of  Tanzania   mandate  urban-­‐rural  linkages,  but  needn’t  define  how  space  around  these  infrastructural  opportunities   is  used.  Might  we  thus  create  a  rural-­‐urban  interface  which  provides  basic  human  resources  to   populations  without  holding  them  captive  to  a  structured  framework  that  inhibits  their  economic  and  


cultural  activities?  Might  such  infrastructural  solutions  be  designed  so  they  grow  with  communities,   allowing  for  future  spontaneous  development?  Old  medieval  cities  in  Europe  functioned  as  seats  for   cultural  and  economic  development,  while  supporting  a  wider  agricultural  hinterland.  Can  Tanzania   make  use  of  such  a  model  during  an  interim  period,  as  economic  opportunity  and  spatial  organization   catch  up  with  population  needs,  without  denying  the  need  for  urbanization  and  modern  city  planning?   Can  we  consider  spaces  where  the  population  would  not  settle,  so  much  as  “dock?”       In  the  2008/2009  pamphlet  State  of  the  World’s  Cities,  UN-­‐Habitat  declares,  “Cities  can  no   longer  be  treated  as  distinct  spaces  unconnected  to  the  regions  surrounding  them.  Linkages  between   rural  and  urban  areas  and  between  cities  have  created  new  opportunities  that  rely  on  connectivity  to   enable  the  flow  of  people  and  resources  from  one  area  to  another.  Investments  in  urban,  inter-­‐urban   and  rural-­‐urban  transport  and  communications  infrastructure  are,  therefore,  critical  for  balanced   regional  development”24  Certainly,  there  are  widespread  campaigns  to  improve  urban  conditions  for   Tanzanians,  perhaps  chief  among  them  being  the  Sustainable  Cities  Programme  and  UDEM-­‐  the  National   Framework  for  Urban  Development  and  Environmental  Management.  These  organizations  seek  to   address  impoverished  and  declining  social  and  economic  conditions  in  cities  by  addressing  real  physical   problems  such  as  solid  waste  management,  sanitation  and  sewers,  electricity,  pollution,  and  urban   farming.  But  they  are  treating  the  symptoms  of  urban  slums  that  have  been  created,  at  least  in  part,  by   an  urban-­‐rural  split  and  an  exodus  to  the  city.     Tanzania  continues  to  urbanize  at  an  astounding  rate.  According  to  UN  projections,  “whereas   the  worldwide  2007  urban  population  is  projected  to  double  only  by  2050,  i.e.  a  period  of  42  years,  the   East  Africa  region  is  likely  to  double  its  2007  urban  population  around  2025  –  in  merely  17  years.”25   There  is  a  need,  then,  to  create  urban  regions  which  can  receive  population,  as  it  is  currently  split  up   disproportionally  in  Tanzania,  like  most  east  African  countries,  with  approximately  a  third  of  the   population  living  in  Dar  Es  Salaam.     Careful  urban  planning  has  the  ability  to  counteract,  and  even  preempt  slum  formation  resulting   from  rapid  urban  expansion—indeed,  this  sparked  the  inception  of  modern  urban  planning  in  Europe.   Now,  as  Africa  undergoes  its  own  industrial  revolution,  it  is  critical  to  once  again  use  urban  planning  to   counteract  the  social  and  political  effects  of  the  rapidly  changing  economy.  UN-­‐habitat  is  confident  that,   for  a  population  desperately  seeking  alternatives  to  their  urban  situation,  this  can  and  must  happen.   Studies  they  conducted  in  Tanzania  and  Uganda  have  shown  that  “in  situations  where  people  are  unable   to  deploy  the  steps  in  planning,  surveying  or  registration  in  formal  urban  land  acquisition,  informal   approaches  more  responsive  to  the  local  context  were  developed  as  an  alternative.  Drawing  on   combinations  of  formal  rules  and  customary  practice,  local  councils,  local  leaders  and  community   representatives  play  a  crucial  role  in  providing  community-­‐accepted  legitimacy.”  Already,  the  report   notes,  “Some  of  the  region’s  smaller  settlements  are  becoming  more  important  as  nodes  of  rural  and   regional  development;  as  cores  of  administrative,  service  and  trading  functions;  and  as  employment-­‐   and  income-­‐generators.”  26     These  small  urban  centers  may  best  be  treated  as  “checkpoints”  surrounded  by  a  rural   hinterland,  that  provide  necessary  urban  infrastructure  and  may  someday  grow  into  larger  urban                                                                                                                             24

 UN-­‐Habitat  “State  of  the  World’s  Cities:  Harmonious  Cities.”  2008.  p.  xii    UN-­‐Habitat  “African  Cities”  2008,  p.  103   26  Cathy  Mcllwaine,  p.  406   25


centers,  but,  as  of  yet,  don’t  cut  inhabitants  off  from  their  rural  lifestyle,  rather  blending  the  urban  and   rural.  By  making  their  infrastructural  amenities  accessible  to  the  rural  population,  small  urban  centers   are  assured  their  appeal,  vitality  and  ongoing  access  to  agricultural  products.  By  “docking”  at  urban   stations,  rural  farmers  have  an  outlet  for  trade.  Thus,  infrastructure  becomes  the  necessary  and   sufficient  condition  for  development,  with  housing,  farming  plots,  machinery  (all  the  things  that   villagization  attempted  to  provide)  coming  second.  A  UN  study  in  Eldoret  and  Kisii  in  Kenya  confirmed,   “small  and  intermediate-­‐size  urban  centres  can  be  viable  development  cores  if  they  are  endowed  with   efficient  physical,  social  and  organizational  infrastructures.”27      

                                                                                                                          27

 UN-­‐Habitat  “African  Cities”  2008,  p.  112  


Looking  at  Specifics   Comparing  urban  growth  in  Kinyanambo  Village,  and  on  the  outskirts  of  Dar  es  Salaam   Kinyanambo   Kinyanambo  Village,  in  Mufindi  District,  central  Tanzania,  provides  a  good  case  study  for  urban-­‐ rural  struggle  post-­‐villagization.  The  Mufindi  District  is  one  of  the  areas  where  villagization  failed  to   create  any  sort  of  town  structure,  but  instead  played  rather  convincingly  into  the  story  of  state   production  by  organizing  a  single  long,  thin  strip  of  housing  and  industry  stretching  for  miles  along  a   government  road.  (See  map  next  page.)  In  Kinyanambo,  a  tiny  segment  along  this  endless  road,  the   preexisting  system  of  tenure—sporadic  settlements  controlled  by  local  wenyeji  who  held  traditional   authority  over  land  by  virtue  of  first  right  –  was  explicitly  dismantled  by  forced  compliance  with  the   reorganizing  strategy  of  villagization  in  1974,  when  the  District  Land  Office  officially  took  control  of  land   allocation  within  the  town  boundaries.  As  state  sponsored  industry  and  plantations  became  established,   the  effects  of  urbanization,  continuing  local  development  and  in-­‐migration  combined  to  further   disassemble  the  traditional  village  structure.28   According  to  Elizabeth  Daley,  who  conducted  a  several  year-­‐long  studis  in  the  village   accompanied  by  first-­‐hand  interviews,  “Some  older  wenyeji  mourned  the  time  when  their  first  right  to   land  meant  a  lot  more.  Now,  as  development  and  urbanization  accelerate  the  commoditization  of  land,   the  privileges  of  first  residence  and  first  right  that  their  antecedents  enjoyed  no  longer  exist.”29  The   disruption  to  the  traditional  system  of  land  allocation  way  exacerbated  by  the  fact  that,  while   villagization  initially  assigned  plots  to  farmers,  as  population  increased  in  the  area,  the  state  effectively   lost  control  over  distribution.  With  traditional  land  distribution  systems  dismantled,  a  gradually  more   widespread  and  socially  legitimate  land  market  in  emerged,  and  the  formerly  socialist  village  saw   increasing  privatization  bypassing  state  policy.30  As  the  state  attempted  to  regain  control  of  the   privatizing  land  markets,  the  legitimacy  of  an  authoritarian  central  government  dictating  land  use   created  further  resentment,  as  the  arbitrary  exercise  of  power  by  local  elites  appeared  as  nothing  more   than  a  “  ‘state  facilitated’  evolution  of  indigenous  land  tenure  systems.”31   While  the  practice  of  first  right  played  a  central  role  in  the  formation  of  traditional  Tanzanian   communities,  giving  land  a  central  place  in  the  social  and  political  relations  of  old  Kinyanambo,  land   relations  in  the  modern,  urbanizing  town  are  becoming  increasingly  formalized,  much  to  the   disadvantage  of  those  who  have  traditionally  held  the  land.  As  farmers  become  increasingly   marginalized,  they  are  being  pushed  out,  or  leaving  voluntarily.  Rather  than  fulfilling  its  original  role  of   providing  for  subsistence,  land  is  becoming  commodified.  Traditional  communities  of  subsistence   farmers  have  become  increasingly  marginalized,  and  are  being  pushed  out  by  wealthy  urban  landlords,   or  are  leaving  voluntarily.  Increasingly,  this  newly  adrift  population  turns  to  the  existing  urban  fringe  to   settle  and  look  for  wage-­‐work,  to  replace  their  traditional  farming  practices.  Thus,  the  goals  for  moving   forward  in  an  area  like  Kinyanambo  must  be  two-­‐fold:  provide  for  a  growing  urban  population,  while  re-­‐                                                                                                                           28

 Daley,  “Land  Use  and  Social  Change.  .  .  1”,  2005    Daley,  “Land  Use  and  Social  Change.  .  .  2”,  2005,  p.  565   30  Daley  citing  Palmer  2000,  281;  Manji  2001,  334;  Alden  Wily  2003)   31  Ibid.  p.  566   29


empowering,  and  recreating  a  connection  to,  those  who  continue  to  live  and  produce  within  the   traditional  rural  framework.  

 

Google  Earth  Image  showing  the  Mufindi  Region  of  Tanzania.  Development  has  occurred  in  one  of  the  classic  patterns  of  the   Villagization  movement—as  one  long  thin  strip  of  houses  long  a  major  road,  stretching  miles.  Here,  citizens  are  rendered   completely  visible  to  the  state,  but  community  is  in  no  way  fostered,  and  residents  are  in  no  way  empowered.  Development   fails  to  centralize  resources,  making  them  inaccessible  to  those  who  live  along  the  road  and  in  the  undeveloped  hinterland.  The   large,  dark  green  regions  on  either  side  of  the  road  are  likely  to  be  irrigated  tea  plantations—the  road  serves  as  a  convenience   for  those  who  own  the  plantations,  but  not  for  those  who  live  in  the  region.  Inset:  View  along  road  in  Mufindi  District,  from   Makalala  Children’s  Home  

  Peri-­‐Urban  Dar     As  noted  earlier,  Dar  es  Salaam  is  the  largest  city  in  Tanzania,  and  is  expanding  rapidly,  most   notably  along  urban  fringe  areas.  Infrastructural  resources  such  as  water  and  sanitation  are  scarce.    

   

Manzese,  a  fringe  settlement  of  Dar  es  Salaam,  in  1967,  1975,  and  1987.  In  the  first  image,  scattered  houses  mostly   owned  by  indigenous  people  stand  amidst  predominately  agricultural  and  bush  land.  In  the  second  image,  land  is  being   cleared  by  landlords  not  in  residence,  for  the  use  of  non-­‐subsistence  farming,  eventually  giving  way  to  densification  and   the  switch  to  residential  occupation,  by  slightly  wealthier  inner  city  residents.  The  last  image  shows  marked  development   and  densification,  with  the  rural  poor  displaced  by  urban  poor  and  middle  class.  Images:  Nguluma,  2003.    


Informal  urban  communities  and  peri-­‐urban  spaces   have  been  noted  for  their  particular  adaptability  and   flexibility.  Indeed,  amidst  a  very  frequently   desperate  lack  of  alternatives,  communities  evolve   surprisingly  effective  urban  formations,   arrangements  for  shared  public  space,  and   provisions  for  radically  unstable  circumstances.    In   Dar  there  is  a  trend  toward  the  development  of   housing  blocks  as  series  of  extensions—step-­‐wise   infill  of  accessible  courtyards  which  involves   planning  for  later  additions  as  a  premise  in  the  initial   layout  of  the  primary  spaces.32  On  a  small  scale,  this   Part  of  Hanna  Nassif  informal  settlement.  According  to   concept  helps  alleviate  some  infrastructural   Nguluma,  “Hanna  Nassif  is  one  of  the  oldest  informal   concerns,  as  it  tends  to  tame  disorganization  on  the   settlements  in  Dar  es  Salaam.  The  streets  are  organic  in   pattern  which  is  the  characteristic  of  many  informal   level  of  the  street.  Certainly,  it  more  effectively   settlements  in  Dar  es  Salaam.”  Photo:  Nguluma,  2003   provides  for  the  housing  needs  of  a  rapidly   bourgeoning  semi-­‐urban  population  that  would   completely  unplanned  expansion.                     Left  and  center:  phases  1  and  2  of  a  plannedmulti-­‐family   housing  unit  is  the  settlement  of  Hanna  Nassif.  Rooms  are     buildt  out  of  mud,  poles,  concrete  and  corrugated  iron,  and     expand  into  internal  courtyards.  Right:  sketch  of  a  segment  of     Hanna  Nasif.  Note  open  community  spaces.  Nguluma,  2003     This  solution  does  not,  however,  solve  the  problems  of  a  sprawling  megalopolis,  or  the  increasingly  wide   gulf  between  co-­‐dependent  urban  and  rural  systems.  Taken  on  a  larger  scale,  though,  the  idea  becomes   extraordinarily  powerful.  Not  only  does  looking  at  the  expansion  of  peri-­‐urban  spaces  in  Dar  reveal  the   need  to  relieve  pressure  on  pre-­‐existing  urban  centers  by  creating  interconnecting,  accessible,  livable   towns,  but  it  also  demonstrates  the  remarkable  process  by  which  urban  spaces  in  this  region   automatically  flesh  out,  with  spontaneous  solutions.  By  comparing  the  failures  of  ujamaa  planning  with   the  relatively  preferred  spontaneous  urban  growth,  it  becomes  clear,  then,  that  our  focus,  as  urban   designers,  should  be  on  providing  much-­‐needed  infrastructure,  rather  than  idealize  village  plans.  If  we   can  provide  the  bones  of  a  community  (roads,  schools,  clinics,  civic  space)  rather  than  seeing  these   social  amenities  as  afterthoughts,  as  in  the  case  of  villagization,  the  flesh  will  surely  follow.                                                                                                                               32

 Nguluma,  2003,  p.  88  


Fixing  towns  like  Kinyanambo,  Relieving  cities  like  Dar    An  Adaptable  Masterplan  for  Flexible  City  Growth  in  Post-­‐Villagization  Towns  in  Tanzania     Irreversible  changes  in  the  system  of  land  tenure  in  the  wake  of  villagization  meant  that  the   spatial  organization  of  settlements  in  rural  Tanzania  transitioned  from  complex,  fluid  and  organic  to   legible,  prescribed  and  rational.  With  these  more  calcified  systems  of  land  tenure,  based  increasingly  on   commodification  of  agriculture,  and  thus,  the  land  used  to  produce  it,  came  a  rigidity  and  order  that   fundamentally  failed  to  accommodate  the  ways  people  lived  and  worked.  While  the  settlements  focused   on  providing  opportunities  for  labor,  morale  was  low,  and  the  new  villages  dwindled,  ultimately  failing   to  produce  either  communities  or  commodities.  With  increasing  urbanization,  we  have  begun  to  see  the   opposite  problem  evolve—large  peripheral  city  areas  noted  for  their  fluid,  organic  community   development,  but  without  any  substantial  open  space,  infrastructure  or  outlets  for  labor.  The  obvious   solution  to  the  dual  problems  is  to  connect  these  segregated  urban  models  and  allow  them  to  neutralize   each  other.  Indeed,  there  is  a  quickly  emerging  pool  of  literature  stressing  the  importance  of  urban-­‐rural   linkages  in  developing  countries.  But  the  question  is,  how  might  new  urban  planning  foster  such  a   connection  without  repeating  the  coercive  (and  ultimately,  detrimental)  tactics  of  authoritarian   villagization?  While  ujamaa  villages  sought  to  round  up  the  population  and  hold  it  hostage,  a  newer   village  design  could  be  conceived  of  as  a  docking  station—a  node  rather  than  a  corral.  Newer  urban   design  must  incorporate  social  services,  provide  opportunities  for  commerce,  processing  and   distribution,  and  anticipate  urban  growth  and  settlement  without  mandating  it.  Lastly,  city  design  must   remain  flexible  enough  that  communities  and  residents  may  develop  their  villages  according  to  their   needs,  allowing  layout  and  building  uses  to  evolve  spontaneously.   Comparatively  little  is  published  on  long-­‐term  land-­‐use  planning  in  developing  countries,  where   discourse  and  policy  have  been  so  overwhelming  focused  on  providing  human  services  and  improving   living  conditions  in  the  short  term,  that  spatial  planning—a  key  element—has  been  left  out  of  the   equation.  Amarta  Sen  challenged  this  way  of  thinking  –what  has  traditionally  been  called  the  basic   needs  approach-­‐-­‐by  proffering  instead  his  ‘capabilities  approach’  which  focuses  on  positive  freedoms.  In   this  vein,  development  discourse  becomes  not  about  pumping  resources  into  a  community,  but  rather,   structuring  the  community  in  such  a  way  that  it  has  the  capacity  to  begin  providing  resources  for  itself.   With  that  in  mind,  this  Request  for  Proposals,  having  reviewed  dual  land-­‐use  phenomena  in  Tanzania   (villagization  and  informal  urbanization)  is  calling  for  innovative  examples  of  master-­‐plans  that  bring  the   two  into  conversation.  Rather  than  seeking  a  modernist,  utopian,  visually  complete  solution,  a   successful  proposal  will  consider  these  urbanizing  rural  villages  as  works  in  progress,  and  plan   accordingly.  


How  to  Create  a  City  That  Adapts   Urban  Planning  as  Infrastructure:  building  the  bones,  growing  the  body       Design  problem:   Rather  than  the  ujamaa  village  attempt  to  design  a  complete  entity,  master  planners  working  in   this  part  of  the  world  must  learn  to  expect  and  accommodate  informal  expansion.  Likewise,  they  must   understand  the  importance  of  the  connection  between  urban  centers  and  the  rural  hinterland,  where   most  of  the  population  still  exists.  These  two  elements  must  interact  to  create  viable  agriculture  and   industry,  and  access  between  the  two,  particularly  for  rural  farmers  marketing  in  urban  areas,  is  crucial.   Thus,  a  new  model  of  the  Tanzanian  semi-­‐rural  town  is  called  for:   Design  a  town  center  that  can  act  as  an  urban-­‐rural  interface,  creating  resources  and   opportunities  not  just  for  permanent  town  residents,  but  for  those  who  reside  in  the  wider  region   Allow  flexibility  for  future  growth,  settlement,  urbanization  and  migration  from  those  in  the  wider   region  to  the  city—  fostering  a  sense  of  agency  and  community  development,  while  allowing   infrastructure  to  keep  up  with  expanding  population.       Design  Components:   -­‐School   -­‐Health  Care  Facility   -­‐Water  System  that  serves  not  only  immediate  residents,  but  provides  access  to  those  migrating   from  hinterland.   -­‐Waste  Disposal  System  that  serves  not  only  immediate  residents,  but  hinterland  (with   potential  to  expand)   -­‐Local  Street  System  that  fosters  centralization  rather  than  linear  expansion,  access  to  broader   transit     routes,  potential  to  expand   -­‐Town  Hall   -­‐Community  Buildings     -­‐Communal  Market  Space     Conclusion:   The  literature  and  case  studies  discussed,  as  well  as  the  specific  policy  initiatives  which  follow  in   the  appendix  [already  underway  in  the  region]  encompass  abstract  concepts,  and  do  little  to  provide  a   definite  spatial  structure  for  new  growth,  that  fosters  both  economic  and  social  progress.  Proposals  in   response  to  this  RFP  may  thus  take  their  cues  from  these  initiatives,  but  must  nonetheless  provide  a   concrete  master-­‐plan  for  a  town  center  in  a  city  like  Kinyanmbo,  as  an  alternative  to  the  uncontrolled   spontaneous  growth  on  the  fringe  of  city  centers  like  Dar  es  Salaam.  As  the  last  vestiges  of  the  ujamaa   policy  fade  away,  a  disenfranchised  working  class  population,  alienated  from  their  rural  land,  are  once   again  victims  of  commodification,  this  time  of  land  near  urban  centers.  Only  through  initiating  new  town   centers  can  the  needs  of  this  population  be  met-­‐-­‐  by  providing  the  appropriate  infrastructure  and   resources  for  today,  and  the  possibility  of  growth  for  tomorrow.    


Appendix:     The  first  case  study  provides  an  example  of  the  type  of  social  resource  that  may  be  located  in  a  village   but  serve  as  a  piece  of  community  infrastructure  aimed  at  reaching  an  entire  region.     Rural  Resource  Center-­‐  Public  Library   These  Community  Resource  centers,  scattered  throughout  small  towns  and  villages  in  the   neighboring  East  African  country  of  Kenya,  provide  an  example  of  the  “docking  station”  metaphor— these  resource  centers  don’t  serve  a  captive  population,  but  are  available  for  the  use  of  a  wider  regional   network.  33    

  Community  resource  center  at  Lodwar,  Kenya.  (Photo:  Rosenberg,  1993)     The  following  two  case  studies  deal  further  with  policy  initiatives  which  create  infrastructure  and   opportunities  for  community  self  determination  and  empowerment.       Community  Infrastructure  and  Self  Determination   The  Sustainable  Cities  Project  (SCP)  in  Dar  es  Salaam  attempts  to  help  communities  in  creating   their  own  infrastructure  as  a  jumping-­‐off  point  for  city  planning,  rather  than  attempting  to  plan  entire   cities  in  one  move.  The  Community  Infrastructure  Project  (CIP)  was  born  out  of  the  SCP  in  Dar  es  Salaam   and  it  sought  to  improve  the  living  conditions  of  the  target  communities  in  Dar  es  Salaam  in  a                                                                                                                             33

 See  Rosenberg,  1993  


participatory  manner  involving  several  stakeholders.  According  to  the  executive  summary  for  this   project,  the  lessons  learnt  from  its  implementation  were:   • Dividing  communities  into  smaller  groups  increases  participation   • Communities  can  flexibly  negotiate  their  improvement  projects  if  they  are  given  the  initiative  to   do  so  and  if  they  are  capacitated  to  know  that  they  control  their  own  destiny   • Community  projects  implemented  through  participatory  approaches  require  more  time  as   compared  to  contractual  works   • Community  contributions  to  infrastructure  projects  enhance  ownership  and  further  increases   the  community’s  willingness  to  contribute  towards  the  operation  and  maintenance  of  the   infrastructure   • Capacity  Building  of  all  stakeholders  and  Institutional  Strengthening  at  the  City  Commission   were  the  main  success  factors  of  the  CIP   • Community  based  projects  demand  specific  skills  which  are  not  generically  found  in  all   professions  and  hence  it  was  necessary  to  enlist  the  services  of  Irish  Aid  to  focus  on  that  aspect.       The  Community  Infrastructure  Upgrading  Programme  (CIUP)  is  also  being  implemented  in  Dar  es   Salaam  building  on  the  lessons  from  the  CIP.  The  pertinent  emphasis  in  the  CIUP  is  to  implement   detailed  Community  Environmental  Profiling.  Further  findings  from  this  second  initiative  were:     • The  Communities  can  mobilize  resources  to  contribute  to  their  own  development  and  poverty   eradication  initiatives  provided  they  are  involved  throughout  the  project  cycle   • The  nature  of  projects  implemented  have  a  bias  on  primary  social  needs  such  as  schools,  water,   sanitation  and  transportation.    A  few  environmental  projects  were  also  implemented  such  as   afforestation,  markets  and  irrigation  projects.  In  all  these  aspects,  the  ‘brown’  environment  does   not  play  strongly  into  a  sense  of  what  the  communities  need,  themselves.34     Urban  Agriculture  and  Community  Planning   Urban  Agriculture  is  one  means  of  creating  an  urban-­‐rural  interface.  In  larger  and  small  cities,  it   helps  alleviate  the  sharp  distinction  between  the  supporting  hinterland  and  the  dependent  urban  core.   Thus,  even  in  smaller  cities  where  rural  land  is  accessible,  urban  agriculture  helps  create  job   diversification,  community  determination,  and  an  interest  in  local  legislation  and  land  planning.  The   following  case  study  discusses  urban  agriculture  in  the  Tanzanian  city  of  Dar  es  Salaam.   In  1993,  IDRC  and  UN-­‐HABITAT  joined  forces  to  support  the  Sustainable  Dar  es  Salaam  Project   (SDP).  The  project’s  goal  was  to  strengthen  the  local  capacity  to  plan  and  manage  the  growth  and   development  of  the  city  in  partnership  with  the  public,  private,  and  popular  sector.  It  was  to  lead  to  a   new  strategic  urban  development  plan  and  policies  for  integrating  urban  agriculture  into  improved   management  of  the  city’s  environment.     A  series  of  city-­‐wide  consultations  identified  nine  priority  environmental  issues,  ranging  from   solid  waste  management  to  the  urban  economy  and  petty  trading.  Each  issue  became  the  basis  for   smaller  working  groups  tasked  with  detailing  the  problems  and  proposing  action  plans.  At  the  insistence                                                                                                                             34

 MO-­‐RALF,  2007  


of  the  Minister  of  Urban  Development,  urban  agriculture  was  added  to  the  working  group  dealing  with   recreational  areas,  open  spaces,  hazardous  lands,  and  green  belts.     To  feed  the  policy-­‐making  process,  IDRC  supported  a  team  of  six  Tanzanian  researchers  led  by  Camillus   Sawio.  They  surveyed  nearly  2  000  urban  farmers  documenting  the  range  of  farming  systems  —   aquaculture  to  agroforestry  —  in  use  across  the  city.  They  catalogued  the  areas  under  production,  the   numbers  of  people  involved,  the  types  of  crops  grown,  and  livestock  raised.  They  examined  changes  and   trends  over  the  previous  five  years  looking  at  related  issues  such  as  transportation,  irrigation,  waste   management,  marketing,  and  infrastructure  connected  to  the  processing  and  sale  of  urban  agriculture   products.     The  researchers  also  looked  at  the  interactions,  both  good  and  bad  between,  urban  agriculture   and  the  urban  environment,  as  well  as  the  role  urban  agriculture  is  already  playing  in  recycling  the   municipality’s  solid  wastes.  Most  importantly,  the  researchers  studied  city  by-­‐laws  and  other  forms  of   regulation  that  have  an  impact  on  urban  agriculture.     They  found  that  inadequate  enforcement,  a  lack  of  knowledge  among  urban  dwellers  and   decision-­‐makers,  as  well  as  ambiguities  in  legislation  may  put  the  health  of  the  local  environment  and   communities  at  risk.  Present  bylaws,  for  example,  allow  residents  to  keep  up  to  four  animals  in  any  “city   area”  providing  they  do  not  graze  freely  —  a  practice  referred  to  as  zero-­‐grazing.  In  the  city  centre,   cattle  are  often  kept  in  inadequate  shelters  with  few  options  for  safe  waste  disposal  or  composting.  In   some  of  the  low-­‐density  areas  of  the  city,  residents  on  larger  lots  keep  more  than  the  stipulated  four   head  of  cattle.  To  try  and  resolve  these  sorts  of  problems,  researchers  gathered  recommendations  from   the  urban  farmers  themselves  on  which  activities  should  be  prohibited  or  strictly  regulated  and  why.   They  critiqued  the  adequacy  and  enforceability  of  by-­‐laws  and  offered  advice  and  assistance  in  revising   them  and  writing  new  ones.  By  the  time  the  SDP  was  completed  in  1997,  nine  other  Tanzanian   municipalities  were  preparing  to  replicate  the  process.35      

  Urban  Agriculture  supplies  food,  and  also  ties  people  into  community.  (Photo:  IDRC,  Peter  Bennett)                                                                                                                             35

 See  Conway  


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Fostering Successful Urban Rural Linkages in Tanzania